(Expedition To Trengganu and Kelantan) (JMBRASS)

[Expedition to Trengganu and Kelantan]
Author(s): Khoo Kay Kim and Hugh Clifford

Source: Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society , May, 1961, Vol.
34, No. 1 (193), Expedition to Trengganu and Kelantan (May, 1961), pp. xi-xviii, 1-162
Published by: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
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Introduction
One can hardly over-emphasise the importance of any
historical data which have bearing on the eastern Malay states
for the simple reason that these states have been unfairly
neglected in the standard history works on Malaysia. Of the
writings which have, from time to time, appeared on these
states,1 few are now easily accessible to the average student of
Malaysian history. Moreover, the majority of the existing
works tend to concentrate on general history or administra-
tive and constitutional developments beginning from about
1900. In so far as the indigenous society itself is concerned,
no careful study has been undertaken.2 This is no doubt due
partly to the scarcity of source material. Bearing this in
mind, it will be possible to realise how extremely useful is
Clifford's report on his expedition to Trengganu and
lw Various types of writings have appeared on the more modern period
of Trengganu and Kelantan history,. Some of these have been by
contemporary visitors and therefore contain valuable information on
the conditions oř the time. The best known of these are Abdullah bin
Abdul Kadir, Kisah Pelayaran Abdallah (ed. by Kassim Ahmad, Kuala
Lumpur, 1960) and Gu W. Earl, The Eastern Seas , or Voyages
and Adventures in the Indian Archipelago, London, 1837,. The general
history of the two states has also been written by various people - see,
in particular, Haji Abdullah, "A Fragment of the History of Trengganu
and Kelantan" JSBRAS, no. 72, May 1916 (ed. by Sir H. Marriott);
A. Rent.se, "History of Kelantan" JMBRAS, vol. 12, pt,. 1, 1934; and
M. C. if. Sheppard, "A Short History of Trengganu" JMBRAS , vpl.
22, pi 3, 1949. Also an invaluable historical source is the work of
the Bugis historian, Raja Ali Haji, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Singapore, 1963.
Kelantan, in addition, has received some extra publicity through the
writings of A. Wright and T. H. Reid ( The Malay Peninsula , London,
1912) and its first Resident Commissioner and Adviser, W: A. Graham
- Kelantan: A Handbook of Information, Glasgow, 1909, "Kelantan"
The Encyčbpaedia Britanîca, 11th ed;, 1909-11, and "Report of W: A.
Graham, Siamese Resident Commissioner, 1903-4" Malay Mail , 4 March
1905: Through Graham, Trengganu has also appeared in the
Encylopaedia Británico (13th ed,.)) and both the states have been use-
fully treated by R. Emerson in Malaysia : A Study in Direct and
Indirect Rule, New York, 1937,. More recently, scholarly studies oř the
two states have also been published - Chan Su-ming, "Kelantan and
Trengganu, 1909-1939" JMBRAS , vol. 38, pt. 1, 1965; C. Skinner,
"The Civil War in Kelantan in 1839" Monograph II of MBRAS, 1965;
and J. de V. Allen, "The Ancien Regime in Trengganu, 1909-1919"
JMBRAS, vol. 41, pt. 1, 1968.
2. That is, in the same manner as J. Mu Gullick's Indigenous Political
Systems of Western Malaya, London, 1958.

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xii Khoo Kay Kim
Kelantan in 1895 for it is by far one of

and comprehensive documents availab
After submission in 1895 it was first re
the Federated Malay States Governmen
never been easily available to both stude
Malay society.3
Hugh Charles Clifford, born on 5 Mar

cated at Woburn Park, spent half of his
country. He joined the Perak Service o
1885, he was Collector of Land Revenu
It was in Jan. 1887 that he was first sen
special mission, and thereafter, for the
early service in this country, he served i
capacities - Acting Government Agent (1
tendent, Ulu Pahang (1889-90), Acting
Pahang (1890-96). It was as Acting Reside
a leading part in suppressing the anti-Br
by Dato' Bahman. In between he was a
to the Government of Selangor (1894) an
Commissioner to visit Cocos- Keeling Isl
promoted to the rank of British Resident
1896 and in Dec. 1899 held concurrently
Governor of North Borneo and Labuan. Clifford was next
transferred to the West Indies where he held w.e.f. 15 Sept.
1903 the appointment of Acting Colonial Secretary, Trinidad
and Tobago. He was confirmed in the appointment one year
later. Until he left for Ceylon, on two occasions he served
as Officer Administering the Government (1904 and 1906).
Clifford assumed duties as Colonial Secretary, Ceylon, on
3 May 1907 and until he left Ceylon in 1912 was Officer
Administering the Government on four occasions. He
became Governor of the Gold Coast on 11 Dec. 1912. In
Aug. 1914, he concluded with M. Noufflard, the Lieutenant-
3. A summarised version of Clifford's observations of the two states has
appeared in the journal of the Royal Geographical Sbciety, London
(V. "A Journey through the Malay States of Trengganu and Kelantan"
The Geographical Journal, vol. IX, 1897). It may be added that in
later years the journal (vol. 33, 1909) also carried an anonymous article
entitled "The New British- Protected Malay States: Kelantan,
Trengganu, and Keda".

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Introduction xiii
Governor of Dahomey, an agreem

tition between the British and French Governments and for
the provisional administration of Togoland. At the same
time, he administered the British sphere of occupation
(Togoland) concurrently with the Gold Coast. On 23 July
1919, he was made Governor of Nigeria. He returned to
Ceylon on 10 Nov. 1925 as its Governor and on 9 June 1927
he was transferred back to this country as the Governor of
the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner for the Malay
States and British Agent for Sarawak and British North
Borneo. He finally retired from Colonial Service on 21 Oct.
1929.4
Although the value of Clifford's report, as a historical

source, is undeniable, it is nonetheless necessary for readers
to separate the grain from the chaff. The report is primarily
a political document and only secondarily a record of social
and economic conditions in late 19th century Trengganu and
Kelantan. The military nature of Clifford's expedition
unavoidably determined the main substance of his report and
the numerous enclosures. This has to some extent minimis-
ed the importance of the document. Not that the political
data cannot prove of some value to present-day historians for
even interest in the Pahang disturbances of the late 1890s is
very much alive. But history as primarily a story of wars and
political upheavals no longer occupies the pre-eminent posi-
tion it once enjoyed. Even if many historians have continu-
ed to preserve their interests in political history, the approach
to the writing of such history has undergone significant
changes. It is generally agreed that political upheavals can-
not justifiably be seen as merely spectacular events; they can
be understood only if seen against the background of
the society in which they have erupted. And therefore simply
to recount what happened can hardly prove meaningful. As
such, the minute details given of the expedition's attempt to
pursue and apprehend the so-called rebels will probably
prove interesting to only those who have no more than an
esoteric interest in great events of history.
4. The Malayan Cvúl List , 1929 , pp. 70-71.

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xiv Khoo Kay Kim
On the other hand, within a space of a

Clifford has dealt quite meticulously with a
in the two eastern states. The data on Kelantan are, of
course, regretably brief but that regarding Trengganu could
serve as excellent material for those who are equipped with
the proper analytical tools to make a careful case study of
the indigenous Malay society.
Perhaps the most valuable of Clifford's observations are
those which concern the traditional socio-political system be-
cause so little yet has been written on the subject. The
western Malay states, in particular Negri Sembilan, have been
comparatively fortunate but the east coast states have suffered
serious neglect. Clifford's observations, however, render it
at least possible to make some tentative conclusions about
the traditional polity in 19th century Trengganu and
Kelantan.
Clifford claims that, prior to the mid-nineteenth century,

in Trengganu, the aristocrats, as a class, enjoyed substantial
political power by virtue of the fact that they "held in fief
from the Sultan" a number of districts in the state. This,
to some extent, is borne out by the observation of an earlier
visitor to Trengganu:
The government must be pronounced aristocratical,
for although the Sultan is nominally the chief au-
thority, the whole power is vested in the pangerans,
or lords.®
Clifford, however, refers to them merely as Dato'. These

were, in fact, the highest authority at the district level for
there was a distinct hierarchy of aristocrats though they were
not divided into multiples of four® as in the case of Kedah,
Pahang and Perak. Immediately below the Dato' stood the
Dato' Muda and1 further down the rank, that is, at the village
level, were the various headmen called Ketua-an.
During the reign of Baginda Omar (1839-76), a number
of the offices were allowed to lapse. The political organisa-
tion was gradually re-organised so that a highly centralised
3. Earl, op. cit., p. 184.
6. See J. de V,. Allen, op cit, p. 99 (citing Conlay's report on Trengganu).

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Introduction XV
form of administration was bro

aristocrats was replaced by a sim
which was under the charge of
directly responsible to the sup
mained much the same during t
Baginda Omar's successor. But
III, only 18 years old, succeeded
was made by members of the ro
political power by having the v
to them so that they could ap
these members of the royal fam
administrators who had agent
sibilities.
It is interesting to note that within less than a century,

three variations were found in the Trengganu political
system. However, only the village-commune type can lay
any claim to uniqueness in the Malay Peninsula. The system
of allowing political power to accumulate in the hands of
the aristocrats or the members of the royal family represent
two variant forms of political arrangements which had pre-
cedence in some of the other Malay states, for example,
Perak and Selangor respectively.
Clifford's observations of the Kelantan political system,

if accurate, are extremely interesting if only because the
system presents a distinct contrast to that which obtained in
Trengganu. Here was to be found another example of a
highly centralised Malay political system but unlike the
system which prevailed during Baginda Omar's reign in
Trengganu, in Kelantan, there existed simultaneously a
powerful class of aristocrats "who support him [the Sultan],
and keep him in enjoyment of the position he holds."7 An
equally interesting feature of the political system here was
the concentration of the orang besar in the capital (Kota
7. Chan Su-ming, referring to Graham's report of 1903-4, writes: "The
impotence of the Raja's position was apparent from the privileges
wrested from him by the more powerful of the aristocrats. Together
with financial benefits and arbitrary judicial powers, they were also given
the right to veto orders of the Raja on matters of state. (op. cit.,
p. 160).

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xvi Khoo Kay Kim
Bahru). It tends rather to remind one of th

which existed at the time of the Malacca Sultanate. Malacca,
then a political state based essentially on the port, had all
the important political paraphernalia located in the capital.
In Kelantan, where the population was also inclined to be
multi-racial because of mining activities, though far less so
than in the case of Malacca, there was at least one Kapitan
China known to have been appointed (in the district of
Galas) who was also directly responsible to the Raja. And
if one is looking for an obvious sign of Siamese influence,
it is to be found in the institution of Kweng (headmen who
ruled over various village communes along Sungai Kelantan,
each directly responsible to the Raja). However, as men-
tioned earlier, Clifford's account of Kelantan is unhappily
brief so that much of the information on its socio-political
system will have to be obtained from elsewhere and fortu-
nately enough for the historian there have been more in-
digenous writings on Kelantan than on Trengganu.8
Clifford's account of the topography and geography of

the two states is no less important to historians. Quite apart
from the fact that his detailed descriptions help to produce
an extremely clear visual picture of the states, it is important
to bear in mind that the structure of the Malay polity was
in large measure influenced by geographical factors. For
example, the wide dispersal of political power was largely
due to the wide geographical dispersal of component parts of
the state. Hence, the further away from the capital, the
greater would be the political power enjoyed by the local
authority. This might be a very broad principle which has
only general application, nevertheless it would have to be
taken into consideration in any specific study of the tradi-
tional Malay polity. Moreover, in view of the fact that it
has never been easy to define the Malay state, any graphic
description of these states would undoubtedly be a welcomed
contribution to the subject. One might venture to add that
from the descriptions provided by Clifford there are now suf-
ficient data to strengthen an observation made as early as the
mid-nineteenth century that the Malay state was basically an
8. See Journal Persatuan Sejarah Kelantan , no. 1, 1964/65.

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Introduction xvii
agglomeration of river settlements

case of Negri Sembilan, there wa
the river served as a boundary b
The very minute description o

tan economy in this document a
Information on the subject for the
tury is easily enough available in
coast states.10 For the 20th centu
on the official reports the major
served in various libraries and ar
covering the last twenty years of
difficult to come by. Even the
lost.11
Clifford's report bears testimo

economy in both the eastern stat
cline during the latter half of t
lation here compared favourably
the western Peninsula although
tion was, on the whole, insign
greater proportion of the people
others were engaged in variou
Trading relations with the ou
Singapore) continued much as it
Indigenous currency had not yet
one and native handicraft and in
fore the major difference betwee
the western Peninsula then was that in the latter case, the
rate of economic growth was much faster, and hence also,
social change.
Lastly, here as elsewhere Clifford has a great deal to say
9. See, J. R. Logan, "Notes on Pinang, Kidah & c." Journal of the Indian
Archipelago and Eastern Asia, vol. 5, 1851, pp. 63-4;.
10. Apart from the writings of contemporary visitors already mentioned,
see also, Wong Lin Ken, "The Trade of Singapore, 1819-69" JMBRAS,
vol, 33>, pt. 4, 1960.
11. I refer to the Colonial Secretariat Records (Singapore). Straits) Settle-
ments Records up to 1867, however, are still available although they
are incomplete.

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xviii Khoo Kay Kim
about the Malays.12 Most of his remarks are,

jective and reflect the bias of the times. As a
he believed in the superiority of British cult
or at least he purported to believe in it so t
persuade others of the righteousness of British
less to say a great deal of his remarks are un
therefore will prove of little value to more se
of social anthropology. But here and there
and phrases could be stripped of their moral
the reader may yet find descriptive informati
value. For after all, it is as a source of inform
geography, polity and ethnography of Treng
lantan that Clifford's report will be valued f
to come.
Khoo Kay Kim
Dept. of History
University of Malaya
Kuala Lumpur.
12. Some of his better known writings are: Studies in Brown Humanity,
being Scrawls and Smudges in Sepia White, and Yellow, London, 1898;
Malayan Monochromes, London, 191 $; In Court and Kampong, London,
1927; In a Corner of Asia, London, 1928; Bushwhacking and Other Asiatic
Tales and Memories, London, 1929L A collection of some of his stories
has recently been re-published, see, Stories by Sir Hugh Clifford
(selected and introduced by W. R. Roff), Oxford University Press,
Kuala Lumpur, 1966.

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Resident 1023
0 Resident
REPORT OF MR. CLIFFORD, ACTING BRITISH

RESIDENT OF PAHANG, ON THE EXPEDITION
RECENTLY LED INTO TRËNGGANU AND
KËLANTAN ON THE EAST COAST OF THE MALAY
PENINSULA.
British Residency, P'ahang, 7th August , 1895.
To the Hon. the Colonial Secretary, S.S.

Sir, - I have the honour to forward, for the information
of His Excellency the Governor, the following Report on the
Expedition, which I recently led into the Malay States of
Trènggânu and Kělantan, on the East Coast of the Malay
Peninsula. Although, from time to time during my absence
from Pahang, I have forwarded to you short reports dealing
with the purely political portion of my work, I have hither-
to been unable to furnish you with a full and detailed account
of the journey accomplished by the Expeditionary Force
under my command. The press of writing, consequent upon
the arrears which had accumulated during my prolonged
absence from this State, has caused my time, since my return
to Pahang on the 18th June last, to be very fully occupied.
1 have further delayed forwarding this Report, until the
Map, which has been prepared from time and compass
surveys made by three European members of the Expedition,
had been plotted. This has now been done in the Survey
Office of the Sèlângor Government, and I attach a copy of it
to this Report. (Enclosure 1.)
2. I have divided this Report into two portions; the
first dealing with the actual active work of the Expedition,
and the second part containing all the information - political
social, economic, and physical - which I have been able to
collect during my three months' sojourn in Trènggânu and
Kělantan.

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2 Hugh Clifford
PART I.
3. In order to explain the reasons which led to th

Expedition it will be necessary for me to briefly recapitu
the events which occurred during the year 1894.
4. The Pahang Rebel Chiefs, who were driven from

this State in the autumn of 1892, having collected a larg
following of Kělantan and Trënggânu Malays, in June, 18
made a raid into the Těmběling District of Pahang. Owin
to the prompt action taken by the Chiefs of the Ulu Pah
District, this raid was quickly repelled, and the rebels w
pursued by Lt.-Col. Walker, c.m.g., and myself into Kělan
territory in July, 1894. Here they were enabled to el
pursuit by the assistance afforded to them by Ungku S
Râja and Dâto' Pânglîma Dâlam, two Kělantan Chiefs w
had been sent up river by the Râja of Kělantan ostensibly
the purpose of aiding us and co-öperating with us.
unfortunately had no authority to punish these Chiefs
their treachery, I withdrew to Pahang. In August I h
long interview in Singapore with the Siamese Commissio
from Puket, and proposed a scheme for finally dealing w
the rebels who, for the past two years, had been shelte
in Trënggânu and Kělantan. In the first instance, I state
it as my firm conviction that no reliance was to be placed
the assistance of the Chiefs and people of these States; an
therefore regarded it as an axiom that the Râjas of Kělan
and Trënggânu should not be permitted to take any p
whatsoever in any operations which might in future be und
taken against the rebels. My proposal, therefore, was th
if Siamese co-öperation was to be afforded to us, it sho
be confined to the presence of Siamese troops at the foo
the Kělěmang Falls in Trënggânu, in the Stîu and B
Rivers at points to be hereafter decided upon, and at Ku
Rek at the foot of the rapids in the Lěbir River in Kělan
All the natives living above these points were to be mov
down stream below the Siamese outposts, while I, wit
body of Malays and Dyaks, operated against the rebels in
country above the rapids. The natives of this portion of
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I,

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Expedition: Trengganu and Kelantan 3
country having been removed, the dakaits would no longer

be in a position to get either supplies or information.
5. These proposals were duly referred to the Govern-

ment of Siam, but without any practical result ensuing. In
the meantime, the Pahang rebels had been living for some
weeks in Ungku Sětia Raja's compound at Kěmuning in
Kělantan, where, by arrangement, they were relieved from
the embarrassing presence of their women and children, and
male non-combatants. While their party still comprised
some 60 souls, only a small proportion of whom were effective
fighting men, their movements were much hampered, large
quantities of supplies were necessary before a long march
could be undertaken, and the number of their women and
children otherwise proved a constant source of danger to
them when attempting to evade pursuit.
6. When the presence of the rebels at Kěmuning had

become so notorious that no one could any longer pretend to
be ignorant of the fact, an attempt to arrest them was made by
a Malay who is in the Siamese Service, and who bears the
title of Luang Pati Pak Pachakom. The rebels then removed
into Běsut, and took up their quarters in the Këmbîau, a
right tributary of the Běsut River, where they remained until
last May.
7. As no result followed my application to be allowed

to pursue the rebels into the Unprotected Malay States, I
wrote to the НопЪе the Colonial Secretary on 4th October
(Confidential ) renewing my application, and making
recommendations as to the Force which I proposed to take
with me, in the event of permission being granted to me to
cross the frontier.
8. The actual number of Rebel Chiefs still at large

had been reduced at this time to about a dozen; but the
gravity of the danger which threatened Pahang, so long as
these men continued to live within easy striking distance of
our border, must not be judged by the actual numerical
strength of the dakaits themselves. The real cause for appre-
1961] Royal Asiatic Society .

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4 Hugh Clifford
hension lay in the fact that the rebels, ba

of the notorious Ungku Saiyid of Ku
already once succeeded in raising a follo
in Trënggânu and Kělantan to take par
Holy War against the Infidel. What the
might do again, and there was at that
believe that a similar following of fanat
for a like purpose, should the Rebel
though the raid made in June, 1894, h
real damage to life and property of
trading in Pahang, still a similar ra
disastrous consequences, and in any c
taken to punish the offenders, the sense o
during the last few years has done so
progress of this State, would not soon b
9. In a like manner had I merely be

force necessary to operate against the
have been necessary to cross the borde
dozen men. I was bound to take into consideration, how-
ever, the possibility, which I regarded as by no means remote,
of the Chiefs beyond the frontier actively assisting the dakaits
by force of arms. I did not, therefore, consider it wise to
cross the border with less than 100 rifles. As a perusal of
this Report will shew, my anticipations were based on a fairly
accurate estimate of the attitude which the Malays of
Trënggânu and Běsut were likely to assume towards those
engaged in the pursuit of the rebels.
10. In November, 1894, I was informed that, after pro-

longed discussion with the authorities in Bangkok, the pro-
posals made by me in August, and repeated in October, had
been referred to the Secretary of State for his consideration,
and, on 7th January, I received a telegram from His Excel-
lency the Governor, forwarded from Kuâla Lipis, informing
me that Her Majesty's Government had approved the pro-
posals contained in my letter of 4th October, always provided
that a Siamese Commissioner accompanied the Expedition.
I was further informed that I should be communicated with
later with regard to the probable date of the arrival of this

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Siamese Official. On 21st January, I received a telegram

from His Excellency the Governor informing me that the
Commissioner had sailed from Bangkok in a Siamese gun-
boat on 18th January. I accordingly remained at Pěkan
daily expecting his arrival.
11. On 24th February I left Pěkan by boat in order

to pay a visit to Ulu Pahang, as rumours of a fresh raid from
Běsut were again rife throughout this State. On my way-
up-river I met Saiyid Hûsin and Saiyid Sěman, two young
Pahang men of the family of the Prophet Muhammad, who
are devoted to my interests, and who were returning from a
visit which, at my desire, they had paid to the States across
the border. They brought me word that the rebels were still
camped in the Kěmbíau River in the Běsut District, and that
they were again endeavouring to raise a following for the
purpose of raiding Pahang.
12. At 2 a.m. on 3rd March I reached Kuâla Lipis and

learned that Luang Visudh Parihar, and his colleague Luang
Sevasti Borirom, (commonly called Luang Swat), had arrived
via the Gâlas and Jělai Rivers, two days previously.
From Luang Visudh, who called upon me that after-
noon, I learned that an attempt had been made to reach
Pahang by sea, but that the Siamese gunboat had failed to
find the place it was seeking, and had then put back to Kuâla
Kělantan. Seeing that one or two ships were plying between
Singapore and Pahang during the whole of the close season,
it seems curious that if any real attempt was made to reach
Pahang by sea, it should not have been successful. The
Siamese Commissioners then proceeded up the Kělantan
River to Kuâla Lěbir, and up the latter stream to Kuâla Rek,
where Dato' Lêla Di-Raja was encamped at that time. My
men, Saiyid Hûsin and Saiyid Sěman, were at Kuâla Rek
while the Commissioners were there, and they informed me
that the Siamese were at some pains to spread abroad the
news that an expedition in pursuit of the rebels was about
to be undertaken under British and Siamese auspices, and
that the Lěbir River was the route decided upon. I ima-
gined, at that time, that this action was taken through ignor-
1961] Royal Asiatic Society.

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6 Hugh Clifford
ance on the part of the Commissioners of

which attaches in matters of this kind
absolute secrecy as to one's plans, etc., if i
should have a successful result. Since then I have had occa-
sion to doubt whether this view was not one which charity,
rather than reason, would incline one to adopt. From Kuâla
Rek the Commissioners descended the Lěbir and proceeded
to Pahang by the far longer route up the Gâlas River, and
eventually reached Kuâla Lipis as I have already had occasion
to mention.
13. The selection of the Gâlas route by the Commis-

sioners was further the cause of some little delay as the Dyak
portion of my Force, which for some weeks had been held in
readiness at Pěkan, was still at that station, and it was of
course impossible to make a start until they had arrived. I
at once sent instructions to the Officer-in-Charge at Head-
quarters to despatch the Dyaks upstream, and I also wrote to
the Pûlau Tâwar and Těmběling Chiefs asking them to hold
themselves in readiness to accompany me on an expedition
into the Lěbir District of Kělantan.
14. On 9th March, I received a telegram from His

Excellency the Governor, enquiring as to the purport of the
Commissioner's instructions, and in reply I informed His
Excellency that though the instructions in question were
written in Siamese, I was informed by the Commissioner that
he was ordered to accompany the Expedition for the purpose
of affording "every assistance" to the officer commanding it. I
told the Commissioner that it would very probably be found
necessary to bring pressure to bear upon the natives of
Trenggânu and Kělantan in order to ensure proper informa-
tion being supplied to us, and he said that he fully realised
that this would very likely be the case, and that he thought he
had sufficient authority to aid in doing all that was necessary.
15. In your confidential letter of 26th January, 1895,

the following passage occurs:- "From your letter under
"reply - (Confidential of the 21st January, 1895) -
"His Excellency infers that you consider the present condi-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
"tions as being less likely to conduce to a successful issue

"of the expedition than they were when you made the
"application, and His Excellency agrees with you that this
"is probably the case, and would therefore leave it entirely to
"your discretion whether, in the event of the Commissioner
"bringing with him no definite information as to the where-
abouts of the rebels, the Expedition should not be aban-
doned. If, however, you decide that the prospects of a
"successful issue are still good, and that the effect of the
"Expedition, even if unsuccessful, would not be harmful to
"the interests of Pahang as regards Kělantan and Trěnggánu,
"then His Excellency approves of your proceeding by the
"course indicated and with the Force you name."
From this it will be seen that the responsibility of the

final decision whether or no this Expedition should be under-
taken, rested wholly with me; and before proceeding further
in my narrative, I must briefly explain the reasons which
caused me to decide that the interests of Pahang were best
served by embarking on this undertaking.
16. The information supplied to me by Saiyid Hûsin

and Saiyid Sěman, which I have since had an opportunity of
checking and have found to be entirely accurate, went to
shew that the rebels were not only living quite openly in
Běsut, but were also endeavouring to obtain supplies of arms
and ammunition, and were making other preparations for
another raid into Pahang. If it once came to be believed
by the people beyond our border that the Government of
Pahang was content to refrain from making any reprisals, so
long as dakaits who had raided Pahang villages were not
actually living in Pahang territory, I considered it certain
that the rebels would speedily find means to collect a large
following and to undertake another raid. Seeing that such
a raid was even then in contemplation, I had to ask myself
whether the interests of Pahang would be best served by act-
ing on the offensive, or the defensive. With the Police Force
at my command it is impossible to securely guard the 120
miles or so of difficult and densely-wooded country which
forms the boundary between Pahang and the neighbouring

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
8 Hugh Clifford
States on the East Coast. Moreover,

reason to fear that in the event of a raid
and without warning at any one of the
along the border, it would prove at leas
that upon the Station at Kuâla Těmb
Pahang, therefore, was not, I concluded
efficiently on the defensive, and anythi
trouble within the State was calculated
her reputation in the Peninsula as a saf
to invest capital, or in which to seek a
fore decided to act on the offensive, f
ability to impress the natives of the wi
interior with the inadvisability of offe
which could send its emissaries into any
which a Malay could traverse, and whic
render life supremely uncomfortable fo
it. Never for a moment did I fail to ap
difficulty which I should experience in
since not only were they living in a count
friendly towards them, but, moreov
relieved of the presence of their women
would be able to traverse the country
rate of speed, and would be able to e
places for long periods upon comparativ
food.
Nevertheless, I considered that an Ex

Trěnggánu and Kělantan territory wou
effect upon the natives of those States,
in its main object of arresting the re
ensure the future tranquillity of Pah
derations was added the fact, of which I felt confident,
namely, that the whole extra expense which Pahang would
incur on account of this Expedition would not amount to
more than $4,000 or $5,000, whereas the cost of repelling a
raid would entail the expenditure of a far larger sum, if any
conclusions can be drawn from the experience of past years.
I accordingly had no hesitation in arriving at the conclusion
that the Expedition should be undertaken forthwith; and I

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am still fully prepared to accept all the responsibility of that

decision.
17. On 13th March I left Kuâla Lipis for Kuâla

Těmběling, when I arrived the same afternoon. That even-
ing I was joined by Mr. R. W. Duff, Acting Superintendent
of Police, Mr. A. B. Jesser-Coope, Residency Surgeon, and a
portion of the Dyak Force. The remainder of the Dyaks,
and a number of the Malay Chiefs and their followers who
were to accompany the Expedition, arrived during the night
and during the following day. Imam Prang Inděra Stia
Raja, and the Pûlau Tâwar Chiefs, came in on the 15th
March, and that evening the Siamese Commissioners arrived
from Kuâla Lipls.
18. All this time I had allowed it to be universally

supposed that I intended to proceed straight to Kělantan via
the Sat River and I still allowed this impression to be
believed, even by the Siamese Commissioners, who had been
the first to make my supposed route and destination a matter
of public notoriety. Nevertheless, I had quite made up my
mind to avoid following a route by which my coming was
anticipated, and where I might be sure that no information,
other than such as was specially intended for me and mine,
would be obtainable. I was further impelled to proceed to
Trěngganu in the first instance by the receipt of a report,
which at this time was brought over to me from the Lěbir
district, to the effect that the rebels, having learned of our
intended Expedition into Kělantan, had moved from the
Běsut further into Trěnggánu territory with a view to elud-
ing pursuit. I judged from the knowledge which I possessed
of the country across our frontier that the rebels, if they
decided to finally quit Běsut, would most probably move into
the Trěngan and take up their quarters in the Bêwah, a left
tributary of the former river, which had been visited and
selected by them in 1894 as a suitable hiding place in case of
emergency. I therefore decided to follow the Spìa route
into Trěngganu, traversing the difficult country lying be-
tween the Těmběling and Trěngan Rivers, over which I had
passed in July of the preceding year.

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10 Hugh Clifford
19. On the 16th I wrote a full report, f

to the НопЪ1е the Colonial Secretary, exp
and on 17th March I left Kuâla Těmbělin
ascent of that river. I camped that nigh
and the following afternoon I reached Trě
the Těmběling rapids. On 19th March I
Kěndiam, having passed up the rapids wit
on mid-day on the 20th March Kuâla Sa
21st March I despatched Saiyid Sěman t
letters to the Dâto' Lêla Di-Raja, from the
sioner, informing him that we were about to
With the exception of the Commissioner t
in camp who knew, at this time, that I ha
the Spìa route, and the bearer of the le
Di-Raja believed that we should shortly fo
Sat and into Kělantan territory.
20. The whole of 21st March was spe

our supplies into cooly-loads, making the â
basket-work knapsacks, in which jungle-b
their packs, collecting more bearers, and co
parations for departure. On the 22nd Mar
was made, the Expedition moving up the
intense surprise of all its native members
Lûbok Ipu in the Spìa River at about 5
21. On 23rd March a start was made at 5.45 a.m. and
Kampong Rěmih, the last village on the Spìa, was passed
before 7 a.m. From this place, until Kampong Malâka on
the Trěngan is reached, no inhabited country is passed
through. At about 10 a.m. we got into the rapids and conti-
nued to labour up them all day, camping at Pâsir Bulan at
the head of the first flight of rapids in the afternoon. The
Siamese Commissioner did not arrive until 8.30 p.m. having
met with an accident, one of his boats being smashed and
having to be abandoned in the rapids. Several other boats
had lagged somewhat during the day, and as I waited until
they had all arrived, we did not get off on the morning
of the 24th March until 7.30 a.m. Kuâla Reh, the point
whence the track leads across into Trënggânu territory, was

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reached by me just before 6 p.m. the second flight of rapids

having been negotiated without accident; but the Siamese
boats, and those belonging to some the Pûlau Tâwar Chiefs,
whose men were less expert in ascending the rapids than are
the natives of the Těmběling, did not arrive until 1 p.m.
on 25th March.
22. When assembled at Kuala Reh, my party num-

bered, all told, 252 men; and was composed as follows: -
Europeans 3, Malays 190, Dyaks 39, Sikhs 8, Sâkai (aboriginal
natives of the Peninsula) 2, and Siamese 10. The effective
fighting men were 3 Europeans, 55 Malays, 39 Dyaks, and 8
Sikhs, making a total of 105 rifles. The remaining 147
Malays were bearers and personal attendants of the Euro-
pean Officers.
23. The main difficulty which attends the movement

of an Expedition of this kind through uninhabited jungles
is of course that of transporting with it a sufficient quantity
of supplies. When I left Kuala Sat I had with me 606
gantang of rice or 2,424 full rations. The daily rations of
the camp amounted to 60 gantang and 2 chûpak of rice, and I
had, therefore, barely ten days' full rations for all my people.
By 26th March, on the morning of which day the boats were
left and the march across country was begun, the actual
quantity of rice in camp amounted to 364 gantang, equiv-
alent to 2,366 lbs., or between 70 and 75 cooly-loads. Each
European's baggage was confined to three cooly-loads, of
which his sleeping mat and clothes formed two loads, and his
despatch box a third. The medical stores required two
coolies to carry them, and ten bearers were needed to carry
the ghi and tinned milk which was considered necessary in
order to enable the Sikhs to live on a rice diet. Tobacco
for the men made up another two loads, and eight men were
employed carrying ammunition. Twenty-five coolies were
told off to carry the baggage of the Siamese Commissioners,
than which a more heterogeneous collection of unnecessary
rubbish with which to encumber oneself on a jungle journey
was never devised by the wit of man. Of the remaining 16
coolies, four men were left behind incapacitated by sickness,

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12 Hugh Clifford
and the rest were employed carrying the

Native Chiefs.
24. All the members of the Expedition were required

to live on a rice diet. This is the natural staple of the
Malays and Dyaks who formed the immense majority of the
men of whom the party was composed, and it would have
added vastly to the expense of the Expedition had other forms
of rations been supplied. In speaking of the expense I do
not refer to the cost of such rations, but rather to the cost of
transport, every cooly-load which does not consist of rice
entailing the employment of a rice-bearing cooly in order to
transport the ten days' rations for the man so engaged. On
long jungle marches 5 gantang of rice is a heavy load for a
bearer, and in ten days he will himself consume half that
amount of rice leaving only 2 gantang , or ten days' rations
for one man, which can be devoted to the common use. It
is this consideration which renders it imperatively necessary
to cut down personal baggage to the lowest point, and to
avoid, as far as possible, employing any coolies to carry packs
other than loads of rice. An exception, as I have noted, was
made in favour of the Sikhs for whom ghi and milk were
considered necessary, but should I ever again have to organise
a similar Expedition, no Sikhs should be detailed to accom-
pany it. The men I had with me behaved remarkably well,
and lived with little difficulty on their rice ration, but they
are altogether unsuited for the work of travelling in Malay
jungles, and up and down Malay rivers, and the extra trouble
which their presence involves is not compensated for by any
corresponding advantage.
25. On 26th March the morning meal was cooked be-

fore dawn, and all the coolies were loaded up and a start
made at 6.50 a.m. Our route lay up the Reh and then up
the Kěněring River, a left tributary of the former stream.
The path followed the bed of the river, the water of which
is very shallow, but as the bed is rocky and strewn with sharp
stones it is very tiring and uncomfortable walking. At
11.20 a.m. we reached Sangka Dûa, a spot in the jungle, at
the foot of the mountains, where the Kěněring divides into

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two streams of equal size. At 1 p.m., all our party having

assembled and rested, we began the ascent of Gunong Ulu
Kěněring, a mountain which is about 2,000 feet above the
level of the sea. The summit was reached at 2.25 p.m., and
here a much-needed halt was called to enable the party to
collect. At 3 p.m. we began the descent into Trěnggánu ter-
ritory, and at 4.10 p.m. we camped on the spot selected by
me for a similar purpose on 21st July, 1894.
26. On 27th March an early start was made and the

Pring was struck at 8 a.m. Following the Pring we reached
the point where that stream falls into the Trěngan on its left
bank at 2.20 p.m. and camped there. Our march had been
a very slow one as we had frequently halted to await the
Siamese, who, however, failed to put in an appearance that
night. Luang Swat, we learned afterwards, had strained him-
self during the climb of the preceding day, and was unable
to travel except very slowly.
27. On 28th March the men were set to work making

rafts, and when this was completed 95 of the coolies were
given a half ration of rice each and sent back to Pahang. A
sufficient quantity of stores to take them back to their homes
was awaiting them at Kuala Reh. At 3 p.m. all the rafts, 55
in number, being ready, a start was made, and at 5 p.m. we
camped on the right bank of the Trěngan just above Jěram
Kuâli.
28. On 29th March an early start was made and the

head of the Pâling Falls was reached at 11.30 a.m. I decided
to camp here for the night and to send Panglima Kâkap Hûsin
and a small party at Dyaks and Malays down to the foot of the
falls whence they could scout the Bêwah River.
29. On 30th March, leaving our rafts at the head of

the Pâling Falls, which are quite impassable, we marched
down the right bank of the Trěngan and reached Galas, a
point below the falls, at 11.30 a.m. Here all hands set to
work to make fresh rafts, a work which was not completed
until mid-day on 31st March, 48 rafts being required. At

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14 Hugh Clifford
4.15 p.m of that day messengers reached me

Kâkap Hûsin, who was camped at Kuâla Bê
that he had examined that river carefully an
traces of the dakaits for whom we were seekin
30. On 1st April I moved the whole Force

and camped at Malâka, where no news of
preceded us. The Siamese Commissioners
behind when I reached Malâka; and it accord
to question the Pènghûlu, a man named T
whom I was already acquainted, with regard
of the rebels or any of their people in his d
reluctance he shewed to make oath in confirmation of his
statements that he had no information concerning any of the
people for whom I was seeking, I felt certain that he was
withholding something from me, and on the arrival of the
Commissioner I pointed out that the only way in which he
could be made to speak would be by bringing pressure to
bear upon him. The Commissioner then said, to my intense
surprise, that he had no power to exert any such authority in
Trěnggánu, and that he could not be a party to any such
action. He further expressed himself of the opinion that
"coaxing" would have the desired effect. I told him that
after many years spent among Malays, I was in a position to
assure him that any such course would be ludicrously in-
effectual, and that unless he was in a position to aid me in
case of this sort his presence with the Expedition, which had
already done much to delay me, was altogether objectless.
He expressed himself as very much grieved at not being
armed with the necessary authority to give me the assistance
I needed, but said that he was bound to obey his instructions,
which I fully admitted, though I could not but recall to his
memory the statements which he had made to me at Kuâla
Lipis concerning the purport of those instructions.
31. On 2nd April, I started down the Trěngan with all

my people, intending to go to Jënâgar, the market below the
Kělěmang Falls, on the Trěnggánu River, where I should be
able to obtain fresh supplies. Owing to heavy rain a start
was not made until 11 a.m. Ot 1.15 p.m. Kuâla Trěngan

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was reached, at which point the Kěrbat and Trěngan Rivers

meet and from one stream which bears the name of the
former river. Below this point the Kěrbat is studded with

enormous granite boulders, and a quarter of a mile lowe
down Jěram Kěntir, the first of the 24 rapids which lie be
tween Kuala Trěngan and Kuêla Trënggânu Ulu, is reached.
At this time the water in the river was very high, and th
rapids were extremely formidable. I camped for the night
on a large sand bank at the foot of Jěram Panjang, the nint
rapid from the head of the falls, and the next day reached
Jěram Bûching, at the foot of the falls, at 2 p.m. Our pro
gress was somewhat slow as we had nearly 50 rafts with us,
many of which had to be unloaded before the rapids could
be shot.
32. At 2.40 p.m. on 3rd April we reached Kuâla

Trënggênu Ulu, where the Kěrbat and Trënggânu Ulu
Rivers meet and form the Trënggânu River. A stockade
had been built by orders of the Sultan to command this point,
ostensibly as a defensive measure against the rebels, but really
to repel any invasion from Pahang. It was exceedingly ill-
constructed, and would have proved equally ineffective for
either purpose. Another similar stockade had been con-
structed at Kampong Mělor, a village between Kuâla Lansir
and the head of the Kělěmang Falls, which I reached at
3.30 p.m.
33. Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin had preceded me, and from

him I learned that on his arrival there he had been mistaken
by the Pënghûlu To' Bakti, for one of the rebels. Under
this delusiçn, which Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin was by no means
anxious to dispel, To* Bakti informed him that the rebels
were living in the Běsut River, and the Râja Sëmâil or Râja
Weng, as he is variously called, had been recently sent across
by the Sultan to warn them that an Expedition was contem-
plated with the object of pursuing them. He also stated that
during the last flood (November, 1894), Bahman and Mat
Kîlau had gone down the Trënggânu River and had paid a
visit to Ungku Saiyid at Pâloh, and by his agency had been
permitted to reside peacefully in the Bësut, the people of

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16 Hugh Clifford
that district being instructed to aid them

B'akti further mentioned that Râsu's son
Nuh, was at that time living in the Měn
falls into the Trěngan, a short distance ab
right bank. To* Bakti's face was a study w
his village, and he realised, for the first tim
imparting all this information to those w
in pursuing the rebels, and not one of th
34. Just before sundown the Commis

their rafts having once more met with an
way down river, and with them came To
whom they had brought down river at m
sent for Luang Visudh and asked him wh
had obtained by means of the process of "
he pinned his faith; and I was in no degree
that he had no information of any kind
told him what I had learned, and insisted
at once sent on board my raft. I then s
full confession from him, without anyth
of corporal punishment becoming nece
having at last found his tongue, confirme
had said; and reluctantly admitted that
even then living within a mile or two of h
35. On 4th April I sent Mr. Duff and a

Dyaks and Malays up the Kěrbat and Trěn
arrest of Haji Mat Nuh; and I, with the r
moved on down river to the head of th
marched round them, and camped at P
just below Jěram Lentang. On 5th Apr
Jěnágar where I set to work collecting f
into camp pending the return of Mr. D
here I was visited by all the Râjas, Chiefs
the district, and had an opportunity, duri
of conversation which I had with them, of
derable amount of varied information ab
country. Luang Swat accompanied me
Luang Visudh went up river with Mr.
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. X

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
copy of the instructions which I gave to Mr. Duff on this

occasion. (. Enclosure 2 •)
36. On the evening of the 6th April Mr. Duff and his
party returned, having effected the arrest of Haji Mat Nuh.
He brought with him the 12 women and children who were
with Haji Mat Nuh at the time of his arrest. I enclose a
copy of Mr. Duff's report made to me on his arrival at Jěnagar.
(Enclosure 3.)
37. The policy which it was the object of the Siamese

Commissioners to adopt was now daily becoming more and
more plain. The influence of the Siamese in Trěngganu is
purely nominal, as I shall hereafter have occasion to shew,
and their object clearly was to endeavour to strengthen that
influence at our expense. To this end they lost no oppor-
tunity of covertly assuring the people of Trěngganu that the
latter had nothing to fear from me and my Force, since we
were accompanied by Siamese Officiais whose sole object was
to befriend and protect the natives of the country from our
wrath, no matter what ill-deeds of theirs might have aroused
it. Matters came to a point when the Commissioner Luang
Visudh took the action, described by Mr. Duff in his report,
with regard to Imam Hûsin and the people of Ilor, and when
I became aware of what had occurred, I at once decided to
abandon all idea of persevering with the Expedition until a
sounder basis, upon which to work, had been arrived at. I
accordingly marched my men down river on 8th April and
camped in the village of Bûlor near Kuala Bram, with the
intention of leaving my Force there, and thence proceeding
to Kuala Trěngganu, in order to communicate with
Singapore.
38. It is worthy of note that while in the Ulu the

Commissioner was exceedingly anxious to excuse To' Málek
and the other Trěnggánu natives who had withheld informa-
tion, and who had aided in concealing and feeding the rebels,
on the grounds that they were certainly acting under orders
from their Sultan, and so could not be blamed for playing
us false. This theory, which is undoubtedly a correct one,

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
18 Hugh Clifford
was entirely abandoned by the Commissione

at Kuâla Trënggânu, he then being anxious o
sion to express his opinion that the Sultan w
could to aid us, and was only unable to do s
because his authority in his country was so l
39. On 9th April the Pënghûlu Baiai,

younger brother to To' Mâta-Mâta, and Wan
from Kuâla Trënggânu with boats, presents
and civil messages from the Sultan welco
country. On 10th April, leaving the Force u
mand of Mr. Duff, and taking ten Malays w
ceeded to Kuâla Trënggânu, where I arrived
6 p.m. I was here received by a guard of ho
men, by Tungku Běsar, Tungku Mûsa, Tu
all the principal Râjas and Chiefs, who con
house which had been prepared for my
Sultan was awaiting my arrival at the Balai
myself for that day, as some repairs were n
wardrobe. During the evening I was visited
cipal Chiefs, to whom I related what had occu
journey through the interior of Trënggân
at once sent up river to bring in To' Mále
both these men having been allowed to retur
above the Kělěmang Falls by the Commissio
knowledge, and most decidedly without my
add that the action of the Trënggânu autho
spontaneous, and was not due to any deman
being, at this time, quite ready to sacrifice a
headmen if, by so doing, they were enabled
appearance of hearty cooperation with us.
his Chiefs were exceedingly civil and did al
ensure my comfort, the Sultan insisting on sup
my men with food cooked in the palace dur
of our stay at the Kuâla. Indeed, never was
guest treated with greater hospitality, nor w
rate professions of friendship and goodwill.
40. It is worthy of remark that though L

represented the Government of Siam, he
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXX

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land as best he could, and met with very scant courtesy from
the people of Trěngganu.
41. On 11th April I had a long interview with the

Sultan in the Bâlai, to which I was conducted by a guard of
spearsmen, and I again described all that had occurred, and
all the information I had gained while in the interior of
Trěnggánu.
42. On 12th April I had an official interview with

Ungku Saiyid, who is a man of a remarkable personality, and
who wields an extraordinary influence over the superstitious
and somewhat fanatical Muhammadans of Trěngganu. I
had a second and more private interview with the Saiyid
during my stay at Kuâla Trěnggánu, and on both of these
occasions he lied to me concerning his connection with the
rebels with a directness and a stolidity of countenance which
accorded ill with his saintly reputation. At this time I did
not wish to shew my hand, and I accordingly received all his
false statements, many of which I was in a position to entirely
disprove, with every appearance of belief; and contented my-
self with making notes of all he said for use at later date.
43. On 16th April the Siamese gunboat Mukut Rajaku -

mar arrived with Mr. Beckett, Acting British Consul, and
Phya Dhip Kosa, the Governor of Puket, on board. On that
day and the next Mr. Beckett and myself had interviews with
the Sultan, at which His Highness made all manner of pro-
fessions of helplessness to aid us, in spite of his anxiety to do
so. Nothing, of course, was gained by these interviews, but we
were able to arrange for the issue of a chap - a letter of
authority from the Sultan - empowering me and the Siamese
Commissioners to summarily punish any persons whom we
had good reason to believe were aiding, concealing, or feed-
ing the rebels, or who refused to supply us with information
concerning them, which we knew them to possess. I enclose
a copy and translation of this chap. ( Enclosures 4 and 5.)
44. On 26th April I received final instructions from
Singapore, and on 27th April I dined with the Sultan and

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
20 Hugh Clifford
left Kuâla Trënggânu the following mor

29th I reached Kuâla Bram at noon and spen
day in making preparations for my depar
viously despatched the prisoner Haji Mat
with a police escort, the Siamese Commissio
agreed to his removal.
45. There had been a good deal of sickn

men encamped at Kuâla Bram during m
found it necessary to order Imâm Prang Ind
about a dozen other men to return by sea t
46. Meanwhile, Mr. Duff with 1 1 Dyaks

Saiyid Sěman, Khatib Pandak, two other Ma
4 Sikhs, 20 rifles in all, had left Kuâla Tělěm
and Běsut districts on 25th April, my orde
to go across to the Stîu, and thence to the B
to driving the rebels out of that country in
trict; I, with a small body of men, undertak
to the Lěbir via Ulu Kěrbat so as, if possi
rebels between two fires.
47. On 30th April I broke camp at Kuâla Bram and

halted that night at the foot of the Kělěmang Falls, reaching
Kampong Mělor at 2 p.m. on 1st May. Here I camped for
the night in the Trënggânu authorities' stockade, which had
been greatly strengthened since we passed down river - a
rather significant fact. I turned out all the men who were
holding this stockade to make room for my own people.
48. The Siamese Commissioner sent to me after my

arrival att Kampong Mělor and asked to be allowed to make
the necessary arrangements as regarded boats, etc., to which
I consented. The result was, however, that on the morning
of 2nd May half the boats had disappeared, having been
hidden by their owners, and when I required the number
that had been promised to me, and which had been collected
by my own people the night before, Luang Visudh was unable
to produce them. Seeing that the people entirely ignored
his orders, I was forced to take the matter into my own hands,

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and was speedily supplied with all the boats I required, and
also with the guides who were needed to accompany Mr.
Jesser-Coope's party overland to Stîu and Běsut, where I had
ordered them to proceed to support Mr. Duff.
49. At 7 a.m. Mr. Jesser-Coope and his party started

to march across to Tâpah in Ulu Pûeh. His Force consisted
of 5 Sikhs, 8 Dyaks, and 24 Malays, 10 of whom were bearers.
Luang Swat accompanied him. They carried ten day's sup-
plies with them. At 7.20 a.m. I got off with 45 Malays, 22
of whom had guns, and 14 Dyaks, making with me 37 guns,
and a total of 60 men. Luang Visudh, being left to his own
resources - as I did not feel called upon to insist on the
Trěngganu natives supplying him with boatmen, being of
opinion that I had no right to interfere between him and
them in such a matter - was unable to obtain sufficient men
to pole his boats, and, as I learned from him afterwards, was
put to some straits in order to follow me up stream.
50. I camped at the head of the Kěrbat Rapids on the

night of the 2nd, and on the night of the 3rd I camped at
Pûlau Lâbit close to Alu, the last village in the upper Kěrbat.
Here I left a note for the Siamese Commissioner saying that
I could not afford to wait for him, as every day meant the
consumption of a certain quantity of rice, but that I trusted
that he would come after me as quickly as possible.
51. On 4th May I began the march across to Kělantan

and camped at 2.30 p.m. at Kuâla Děkoh, still in Trěnggánu
territory. Very heavy rain, which fell continuously drench-
ing us to the skin, and sending the rivers up 6 ft. in three
hours, prevented me from making a longer march on this day.
52. On 5th May I continued my march, and crossing

the border into Kělantan at 7 a.m., reached Kuâla Alor on
the P'ërtang at 9 a.m. Having scouted the rebel's former
camps up the Pěrtang, and having found no traces of them,
I set all my people to work making rafts, and at 4 p.m. I
started down the Pěrtang and reached the point at which that
river falls into the Lěbir at dusk. Luang Visudh had arrived

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22 Hugh Clifford
without his baggage during the day, but h

Kuâla Fěrtang at 6 a.m. on 6th May, at wh
down the Lěbir.
53. About a mile below Kuâla Pěrtang we found traces

of a camp which had been occupied two days before by about
a dozen men, who, as the gun-rests shewed, had been armed
with firearms. The tracks indicated that this party had been
travelling by boat and had been going up stream. I there-
fore concluded that this camp had been occupied by the
rebels who had fled from the Besut on the approach of Mr.
Duff's party; and, as they were certainly not in the Pěrtang,
I concluded that they had returned to their old haunts at
Kuâla Ampul. I accordingly went back to Kuâla Pěrtang,
camped there till 3.20 p.m. when I began to pole up the
Lěbir River on our rafts, and reached a point just below
Kuâla Ampul at 8 p.m. Here I waited, being devoured by
sand-flies the while, until 1 1 p.m., when I went on to Ampul
and surrounded the village, fully expecting to find the rebels
encamped there. Great was my disgust when I found that
I had been following a body of local men who had been seek-
ing buffaloes down stream, and who happened to have been
armed with half-a-dozen match-locks. Having assured myself
by due enquiries that this was really the case, I camped my
men in the village for the night, and started down the Lěbir
again on the morning of the 7th May. That afternoon I
camped early at Kělěbing - a village which, in common with
all those between Kuâla Ampul and Lanchar, had been
deserted since August, 1894 - and the men worked until
midnight enlarging the rafts.
54. On 8th May a start was made at 6.30 a.m., and at

1.10 p.m. Lanchar, the first inhabited village which we had
passed since we left Kuâla Ampul, was reached. Here I
learned that the Commissioner's baggage, which had been
left behind, as already mentioned, in Ulu Trënggânu had
been brought across by his people, acting under his orders,
by the Lěbir Kěchil route, and that this party had gone
straight on down river ahead of us, spreading everywhere the
report that I and my people were coming. Had I not been

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delayed by making that visit to Kuala Ampul, I should still

have been far ahead of the Commissioner's baggage, and my
approach would not have been expected. As it was, how-
ever, every soul in the Lěbir knew that I was about to arrive,
and had anyone wished to send a word of warning to the
rebels, it could have been done before I was on the spot to
prevent it. I spoke to the Commissioner on this subject, and
pointed out to him that unless he followed implicitly the
routes I gave him, he would be apt to interfere seriously with
my plans and arrangements. He expressed himself as being
very much distressed at what had occurred, and I believe
that the mistake was the result of ignorance and not of
design. As it happened, it did no harm, though the conse-
quences might have been very serious.
55. At 3.30 p.m. I reached Kuâla Aring, where a watch-

house, which is called a Pèntìat in this part of the country
had been erected by the Dâto' Lêla Di-Raja's orders with a
view to guarding against the return of the rebels to the Lěbir
district. Here I saw Haji Méntri, the man who ferried the
rebels across the Lěbir River at Těni on 8th August, 1894,
who was loud in his professions of repentance, and of good
intentions for the future, to neither of which I attached very
much importance. That night I camped at Kuâla Mîak,
where the river of that name falls into the Lěbir on its right
bank. Here another watch-house had been erected in order
to guard this route from Běsut.
56. On the morning of 9th May I left the main body

of my people encamped at Kuala Mîak, in order to keep watch
over the routes leading from Běsut; by which tracks I thought
that it was probable that the rebels would attempt to escape
if they were driven from the Kěmbíau by Mr. Duff's party.
Taking ten men with me, and accompanied by Luang
Visudh, I pushed on to Kuâla Rek, below the Lěbir Rapids,
where I arrived at sun-down, and was most courteously
received by Dâto Lêla Di-Raja, the Chief in charge of the
Lěbir district, who conducted me to a house which had been
specially built for my accommodation.

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24 Hugh Clifford
57. Half an hour after midnight, on

Duff arrived from Běsut by the Rek rout
that had occurred since he left Kuâla T
April. I enclose a copy of his Report. {E
after daybreak I sent for Luang Visudh, a
recited all that had occurred during hi
Běsut. I then asked Luang Visudh: I. Whet
of my party proceeding to Běsut, he had suf
on behalf of this Government, to ensure r
being supplied to me. without it becoming
use of the powers vested in me by the Su
Whether he had sufficient influence to ensure no hostile
action being taken against us, by the Chiefs and people of
Běsut, if I found it necessary to make use of the powers of
punishment granted to me by that chap. Luang Visudh
replied that he, as the representative of the Siamese Govern-
ment, had not sufficient influence in Trënggânu territory to
enable him to give a guarantee on either point.
58. It appeared to me to be evident, from the informa-

tion brought in to me by Mr. Duff, that if I entered Běsut
I must be fully prepared to fight the whole of that district,
and though I believed that the Force at my command was
quite sufficient to act as a punitive Expedition against this
portion of Trënggânu, I was not armed with sufficient
authority from His Excellency the Governor to take any such
action, until I had first communicated with Singapore.
Judging from the information which Mr. Duff had obtained,
it seemed highly improbable that the rebels would leave
Běsut until a Force had been led into that district which
should render their position there untenable. So loyally
were they befriended by Tungku Chik and his people, that
they could hardly hope to find safer quarters than those they
were at present occupying in any other part of the Peninsula.
I discussed the matter fully with Mr. Duff, who, having been
on the spot, was better able than I to form an opinion, and
I eventually decided to adopt the following course: to collect
all my people at Kuâla Rek, where supplies could be obtained
more easily and more cheaply than in any other part of the

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Lěbir River; to report fully on the situation to His Excellency

the Governor, and myself to proceed to Kóta Bharu there to
await instructions as soon as Mr. Jesser-Coope and his party
should have reached Kuala Rek.
59. In pursuance of this plan, I called all the men I

had left at Kuâla Mîak down to Kuâla Rek, and despatched
my report to Kóta Bharu for transmission to Singapore. I
also sent scouts - Kělantan natives - across to the Běsut to
see what was going on beyond the frontier; to learn what
they could with regard to the whereabouts of the rebels; and
to ascertain where Mr. Jesser-Coope was.
60. At 6 p.m. on 18th May these scouts returned and

reported that they had only gone down the Běsut River as
far as Běrangan, and that they had fled thence, being warned
by their relations living in the place that they were suspected
of being spies, and that orders had been given for their arrest
by the Běsut authorities. Tungku Chik, they said, had made
his sudden departure from Tâsek on 8th May, as reported by
Mr. Duff, because he declared that he could not have res-
trained himself from attacking Mr. Duff had he remained in
the same camp with him for another 24 hours. The scouts
had been unable to learn the present whereabouts of the
rebels, but they said that the name of the Kěmbíau River,
which they had known from infancy, had been changed to
Sûngai Châbang Dua, or Sangka Dua, by the orders of
Tungku Chik. The scouts reported that Mr. Jesser-Coope
and his party might be expected to reach Kuala Rek that
night.
61. I accordingly set about my preparations for the

journey down river to Kóta Bharu, and Dato' Lěla Di-Raja
started down stream that evening in a small boat in order
that proper preparations might be made for my reception
at the capital.
62. At 8 p.m. Mr. Jesser-Coope arrived. I enclose a

copy of his Report. (. Enclosure 7.)
63. At 6.30 a.m. on 19th May I started down river

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26 Hugh Clifford
taking Mr. Duff with me; he having been

stood, I considered, greatly in need of a ch
Coope remained in charge of the men at
Kělantan authorities were represented
relation of the Râja of Kělantan, who, in c
Lěla Di-Raja, had been watching the Lěb
months. At 1 p.m. I reached Kuâla Lěbir, w
falls into the Kělantan River on its right b
I was approaching Tânah Měrah, when I
Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin, who had come dow
Kuâla Rek, with the news that Râsu, M
Nong, Teh Ibrahim, with two women and
seen on 17th May in the Mîak River. I
Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin's statement ( Enclosu
it will be seen that Râja Mîdin withheld th
several hours after he had received it, and that when it was
first brought in Luang Visudh at any rate, and possibly I also,
was still in camp.
64. On 20th May I poled up river from 4 a.m. to

5 p.m., at which hour Kuâla Lěbir was reached. At 8 p.m.
we reached Kuâla Pěhi, and by dint of keeping the men at
it all night, I succeeded in reaching Kuâla Rek at 5.30 a.m.
on 21st May. On my way up stream news reached me from
above the rapids that the rebels had spent the night of 19th
May at Kuâla Rělai, and that they went on to Kuâla Aring
on the morning of 20th May. They had had no rice for
five days, were very sick and weak, and Mat Kîlau's wife had
been confined in the jungle about a week earlier.
65. I spent three quarters of an hour at Kuâla Rek
arranging for the men who were to accompany me, and the
food which it was necessary to take with us, and at 6.15 a.m.
I got off again and reached Kuâla Mîak at 6 p.m. On my
way up stream it was necessary, on two occasions, to force
men to give me the information, which I knew they possessed,
by inflicting slight corporal punishment upon them; and by
this means I learned that the rebels had headed straight up
the Lěbir, and had not turned off up the Rělai or Aring
Rivers on the one hand, nor up the Lěbir Kěchil or Kělínsar

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Rivers on the other hand. I camped the men, in order to

let them cook, at Pâsir Pâlas, just above Kuala Mîak, and at
8 p.m. we were again under way. At 11 p.m. Kuâla Aring
was reached, and Mr. Duff went on up to Lanchar where I
was anxious that he should camp in order to prevent the
news of our coming being taken up river to the rebels. I
meanwhile went up the Lěbir Kěchil to Jûbai, at which
village Mat Kîlau's wife, Esah, had been left by her people.
I arrived there at 1.15 a.m. on 22nd, and examined Esah for
two hours, obtaining a considerable amount of information
from her. I enclose a copy of her statement. {Enclosure 9.)
Her child, which was still alive, was a miserable object.
Though ten days old, it measured only eleven inches in
length; its arms at the thickest point were not quite 3 inches
in circumference; it was voiceless; and its mother had to
express the milk into its mouth to enable it to obtain nourish-
ment, since it was too weak to be suckled in the ordinary
manner. At 3.15 a.m., having set the women of the house
to cook the morning meal for myself and my men, I lay down
to take the first sleep which I had had since 4 a.m. on
20th May.
66. At 5.15 a.m., 22nd May, we left Jûbai in the dark,

and reached Kuâla Lěbir Kěchil at 5.30 a.m. At 7 a.m. I
reached Lanchar, where Mr. Duff was encamped, and I her
learned that the rebels had gone up stream on 20th May
in two boats, supplied to them by Wan Sârih of Lanchar, an
poled up there by Wan Sârih's men. Wan Sârih supplie
this information, but not until he had received six strokes
with a rattan. At 11.30 a.m., we met Ibrahim, and Wan
Sârih's two other men, coming down stream in one of the
boats, and learned from them that they had left the rebels
and the remaining boat at Kuâla Alor in the Pertang that
morning. At 2 p.m. Pâsir Kâlul was reached, and I left Mr.
Duff and the bulk of the men here, with orders to push on
to Kuâla Pěrtang as soon as it was dark. I meanwhile paid
a flying visit to Kuâla Ampul, thinking it possible that the
rebels might merely have gone up the Pěrtang in order to dig
up some of the property buried there by them, when I pur-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
28 Hugh Clifford
sued them in July, 1894. They would pro

this even if their final destination had bee
found, however, that they were not at that
not passed up the Lěbir, and I accordingly
stream and rejoined Mr. Duff at Kuâla Pěrta
At midnight I started up the Pěrtang River
and ten Dyaks. Mr. Duff and Mr. Jesser-Co
panied me. It was an intensely dark nigh
this narrow stream was both slow and diffi
daybreak on 23rd May I landed the men
below Kuâla Alor and surrounded the camp
occupied by the rebels during the preced
find that it had been deserted. I then sent
up the Alor and Pěrtang to look for trac
scouting party speedily returned and reported
no tracks leading up the Alor. At 7 a.m.
formed the Pěrtang scouting party return
word that they had come upon the rebels wh
some 300 yards further up the Pěrtang and
not been observed, and had, therefore, not f
This was due to a misunderstanding of the
them by Mr. Duff, who had instructed the
by the rebels, not to open fire, unless they
doing some execution. These orders were gi
rebels were not at that time aware that we
and it was desirable to keep them in ignora
until we were able to surprise them. Unfort
had set to work cooking their morning me
made by breaking up of firewood, etc., war
our approach. By the time we reached thei
taken to the jungle, and had been so carefu
tracks that all search for them proved fruitles
67. Seeing that it was impossible to pick

I instructed Mr. Duff to return to Kuâla Pě
to proceed to Kuâla Ampul in order to gath
stored in and near that village, so as to ens
reaching the rebels. I also instructed him t
action taken in the Lěbir Kěchil, Aring,
Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XX

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Rivers, and to allow no rice to remain in the Lěbir above
Kuâla Aring on the one hand, and below Kuâla Ampul on
the other. Panglîma Kakap Hûsin, with a small party of
Malays and Dyaks, I instructed to remain in the Pěrtang to
scour the jungle for tracks. I, meanwhile, with eight Malays
and three Dyaks, set off up the Alor for Ulu Trengganu, in
order to cut off the rebels should they attempt to break away
into that district, and to secure all the supplies in the Kěrbat
and Kětíar. I crossed the frontier at 11.30 a.m. and camped
below Lâ ta Këmûming at 3.40 p.m. As I had had only six
hours' sleep during the preceding 85 hours, I camped early,
and I and my men were all taking our much-needed rest very
shortly after 8 p.m.
68. On 24th May I did not break camp till 7.20 a.m.,
the day being rainy, and at 9,30 I reached Alu, where I break-
fasted. Leaving Wan Chik and two guns to see the Alu
villagers removed to Kuâla Kětíar with their rice, etc., which
only amounted in all to about 40 gantang , I started down
the Kěrbat at midday, and entered the Kětíar River at 2.40
p.m. At Kampong Kětíar, which is situated about a mile up
that stream, my coming being wholly unsuspected, I was
enabled to effect the arrest of Měsah Jûal, one of the rebels
who escaped from the gaol at Kuâla Lipis in October last. I
then pushed on to Lîmau Pûrut where I spent the night.
69. On 25th May I walked through Blimbing and Bûkit

Lâlang to Dâjing, where I assembled the people and
explained to them that all rice in the district must be gathered
together at Chěrok Pâya, a place between Blimbing and Bûkit
Lâlang, in order to prevent any of it falling into the hands
of the rebels. I told them that I should leave Wan Dollah
and Wan Talib, two Těmběling Râjas who were with me,
to see the rice collected at Kuâla Kětíar and at Chěrok Pâya,
respectively; that I was returning to the Lěbir, but that unless
my representatives were implicitly obeyed I should come back
and punish the offenders. I then left Dâjing for the Lěbir
and reached a point on the Plandok River, where I camped
for the night at 4 p.m. I had with me as guides two Sâkai,
who originally inhabited the Krau River in Pahang, and two

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
30 Hugh Clifford
Dâjing natives. I was accompanied by W

Těmběling, a Dyak who was in charge of t
Jûal, a boy to carry my rifle, and one be
Kuâla Alor on 23rd May, it being necessar
quickly and lightly, I had not encumbered
ing mat or despatch box, and all my clothe
were contained in a bundle about eight in
70. On 26th May I crossed the boundar

at 8 a.m., having spent three nights in Trě
and at 1 p.m. I struck a point on the L
where it was possible to make rafts. At 3.
down stream with two rafts, our guid
Trěnggánu, and at 7 p.m. I reached Kuâla
Duff had already posted ten of our people
Kěchil. Pushing on down stream I reach
8.30 p.m. where I found Râja Mîdin and H
a lively fear of the consequences of past
peculiarly anxious to faithfully obey m
supplies as far as Lanchar had been gat
men occupied posts in the Aring, Rěla
Kěchil Rivers.
71. On 27th May I left Kuâla Aring at 6.15 a.m. and

reached Kuâla Pěrtang that afternoon. Here I found
Pânglîma Râkab Hûsin encamped, and learned from him that
the rebels had made one attempt to obtain rice at Kuâla
Ampul, but had fled into the jungle leaving their rice bag
behind them. All efforts to follow their tracks had proved
unsuccessful, it being a very different thing to track parties
of 50 and 60 people, as was our task when the rebels had not
been relieved of their women and children, to attempting to
follow seven individuals.
72. On 28th May I reached Kuâla Ampul, where I

found Mr. Duff and the Siamese Commissioners. The
former informed me that Luang Visudh had been giving a
good deal of trouble since his arrival on the preceding day;
and I accordingly asked him to come to see me. I then told
him that Mr. Duff had informed me that he had raised

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strong objections to the action which had been taken by my

orders in the Lěbir district, with regard to collecting the
people of the villages into one or two places, and especially
with regard to the collection of supplies, etc. I said that
I understood that he based his objections on some supposed
complaints which he alleged had been made to him by the
people of the district, who were said to have suffered loss by
leaving their standing crops, etc. I asked for the names of
the supposed complainants, which he was unable to give me,
and I then pointed out that since the crops had all been
reaped in February, it was ridiculous to talk about the
destruction of standing crops in May. The Commissioner
then said that he fancied he must have misunderstood this
point, but that great inconvenience was caused to the natives
of the Lěbir by having to comply with my orders and to
assemble with their goods and chattels at points in the dis-
trict which I had selected for the purpose. To this I replied
that I was exceedingly pleased to hear that they did not like
it; and that I had absolutely no feeling of compassion for any
discomfort which might be caused to the people of the Lěbir,
since representatives from nearly every village, including some
of the leading men, from Kuala Pěhi to Kuâla Ampul had
formed part of the raiding party into Pahang in June, 1894;
that the Kuâla Aring people, though occupying a guard-house
at that point for the sole purpose of arresting the rebels
should they appear in the district, actually allowed Mat Kîlau
to enter that guard-house unmolested on 20th May, though
he was alone and they numbered more than 30 men. Fur-
thermore, I pointed out that the rebels had been supplied
with food throughout the Lěbir when they arrived in that
district entirely without supplies, and that the people of
Lanchar had further furnished them with boats and boat-
men. All this, I said, did not entitle the Lěbir people to any
particular consideration; and if, as I understood, the Com-
missioner desired to discuss the question from the point of
view of the money damage done to the people of the Lěbir,
I was perfectly ready to meet him, one of my greatest desires
during the last few years having been to obtain a statement
of accounts between Pähang and the Rulers of Trënggânu

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32 Hugh Clifford
and Kělantan. Our Government, I said, had

expense purely through the action of the
States, who had allowed their countries to be used as a base
of operations against us. The Commissioner then said that
he did not wish to press the matter; and I informed him that
I reserved to myself the right of doing so at any future time.
73. I next asked Luang Visudh why he had ordered

Dato' Lêla Di-Raja, the only Chief in the Lěbir who could
be of any use to us, to return down stream, when he was
aware that the Dâto' had received a letter from Mr. Duff,(
written by my instructions, calling him up to Kuala Ampul.
The Dâto', fortunately, took no notice of the Commissioner's
orders and obeyed those of Mr. Duff. The Commissioner
said that there had been a misunderstanding, and that he must
do something to shew that he was vested with some authority.
I replied that he could do anything he pleased that did not
interfere with my arrangements, but that unless he carefully
abstained in future from taking any action, or giving any
order without first consulting me, I should recognise that he
was failing to assist me, as he was bound to do by his instruc-
tions, and should at once report him. He gave me his "word
of honour" that in future he would take no such action, and
would give no orders without first obtaining my approval; and
he then left me and at once sent for Dâto Lêla Di-Raja whom
he ordered to be careful in future never to supply any infor-
mation to me unless it had previously been reported to the
Commissioner. I was at once informed of this, and I again
sent for Luang Visudh, and asked him why this order had
been issued by him in direct contravention of his pledge to
me. He said that he had been misunderstood, and I then
insisted on Dâto1 Lêla Di-Raja and his people being informed
by him that he had failed to make his meaning clear to them
through his ignorance of the niceties of Malay, and that he
had not intended to convey any such order. All this was
eminently unsatisfactory, and I have related the matter here
in some detail and at some length as it is important as indicat-
ing the measure of "aid and assistance" which was furnished

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to me on this Expedition by the Siamese Officials with whose

presence I was burdened.
74. At 8 p.m. on 28th May a message reached me from

Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin, who was still camped at Kuala
Pěrtang, to the effect that the tracks of the rebels had been
found crossing the Pěrtang River from left to right at Lata
Lûrau, a short distance below Kuala Alor. I judged from
this that they were probably making an attempt to break
down into the lower portion of the Lěbir district, and there-
fore on 29th May, leaving Mr. Jesser-Coope with the sick,
and four or five rifles at Kuala Ampul, I moved down to
Kuala Pěrtang. I thence despatched Mr. Duff down stream
to keep a look out on the Hâwar, Kělinsar, and Lěbir Kěchil
Rivers, the bulk of the men accompanying him, and I at
the same time sent Tûan Saiyid Sěman, with six rifles, up the
Pěrtang to Kuala Alor with instructions to cross to Trěng-
gânu, by the Alor-Lěpar route, in order to reinforce Wan
Dollah and Wan Talib in the Kěrbat district. I meanwhile
remained at Kuala Pěrtang, the most central point, to await
developments.
75. At 8 p.m. on May 29th messengers reached me from

Saiyid Sěman reporting that he had come upon the fresh
tracks of the whole rebel party a couple of miles up the Alor,
and that they were heading for Trěngganu, after making a
long détour in order to throw us off their tracks. I sent word
to Mr. Duff, and at dawn on 30th May I left Kuala Pěrtang
for Kuala Alor by boat, and thence walked across to Alu in
the Kěrbat, where I arrived that afternoon. I saw nothing
of Saiyid Sëman's party nor yet of the rebels, but Luang
Visudh, who was a few miles behind me, came upon Râsu
and a small boy, but did not fire as he feared that if he did
so he would lose his baggage which was being carried by
some Kělantan bearers.
76. At dawn on the 31st Saiyid Sěman came in and

reported that at 8 a.m. on the previous day he had had a
brush with the rebels on the Lěpar River, where they were
at that time encamped. The attack would appear to have

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34 Hugh Clifford
been very badly managed, for though our

of the position of the camp, and the prese
while the latter did not yet know that m
their tracks, it was the rebels, and not th
who fired the first shot. The rebels fired five shots and then
took to the jungle. One of the bullets slightly wounded two
of our men, who, when their wounds had been bound up,
were taken to Wan Talib's camp at Kuâla Kětíar. A search
party of eight men left Alu at 7 a.m. to try to pick up the
tracks of the rebels, but they returned unsuccessful on the
afternoon of 1st June, having found it impossible to trace
the spoor of the rebels after they ceased to run, and had
begun to go carefully with the object of hiding their tracks
from their pursuers. Indeed, from first to last, although the
Dyaks are sufficiently expert woodsmen, it proved impossible
to track so small a band of rebels through the dense forests
which clothe this portion of the Malay Peninsula.
77. On 1st June Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin with five rifles

had arrived from the Lěbir viâ the Kělinsar-Chěnas route;
and on 2nd June, I left the deserted village of Alu and moved
down the Kěrbat to Kuâla Kětíar. Thence I despatched
Panglîma Kâkap Hûsin overland viâ the Brûeh route to
Malâka in order to gather together all the people and food
in the Trěngan at that point. He had ten rifles with him.
I also sent a search party under Khatib Pandak overland from
Alu to Chërok Pâya, in order to see if the rebels had
attempted to approach the Blimbing villages by that route.
From Kuâla Kětíar I went up that river to Chërok Pâya
where I arrived at 4.50 p.m.. Wan Dollah and Wan Talib,
whom I had left in charge in Ulu Trënggânu a week earlier,
had been most energetic during my absence. All the people
from Lîmau Pûrut to Krau had been collected together at
Chërok Pâya, together with all the stores to be found in those
villages; and all the people in the Kěrbat from Kuala Kětíar
to Kuâla Trěngan, and the people of Kampong Kětíar had
been collected at the Kuâla Kětíar camp. The population of
these villages amounted to 336 souls, who had implicitly
obeyed all the orders given to them by my nine men. Pâng-

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lîma Kâkap Hûsin collected all the people in the Trěngan

together at Malâka. They numbered only 102 people and
their rice amounted to 1,200 gantang of pâdi.
78. June 3rd was the Râya Haji, the second great feast
day of the Muhammadans, and I therefore gave my people
a rest on that day. On 4th June I walked across to Chěrgul
taking nine guns with me, and leaving Khatib Pandak and
five guns behind me in camp. This river was the only part
of Ulu Trěngganu which had not yet been visited by our
people, and I wished to see whether the orders sent across
relative to the collection of supplies into one place, etc., had
been obeyed. My left foot was very sore from leech bites
which made it impossible for me to wear a boot, and for
some days I had therefore had to do all my walking bare-
footed. I reached Kuâla Lânga in Ulu Chěrgul at 3.30 p.m.
and spent the night there. The local headman, Pěnghulu
Ali, had gone down river to Kuâla Trěnggánu to report that
my people were in possession of the Kěrbat and Trěngan dis-
tricts, he having previously brought a verbal order up river
from the Sultan that no information or assistance of any kind
was to be given to us, by the people of the Ulu, which should
aid us in our pursuit of the rebels. I learned this by sending
one of my men on to Kuâla Lânga who pretended that he was
one of the rebels, but as Che* Ton, the man left in charge
of the Chěrgul, said, the Sultan was a very long way off and
I was unpleasantly close, so they had no alternative but to
obey me. Moreover, before the Sultan's order had arrived
every soul in the district had been made to take a very solemn
oath, with the Kurân upon his head, to obey me implicitly,
and to immediately supply us with any information concern-
ing the rebels of which they might become possessed.
1
79. On 5th June I sent Wan Dollah and six rifles back
to Chěrok Pâya by land, and myself proceeded down the
Chěrgul with three guns. At 2.15 p.m. I reached the point
where the Chěrgul falls into the Kěrbat, and camped at Pâsir
Kôngking to cook some fresh fish which we had obtained on
the way down stream. We accordingly did not reach Kuâla
Kětíar until 6 p.m. On my arrival there it was reported to

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36 Hugh Clifford
me that the rebels had come out of th

Kuâla Chěrgul at about 1 1 a.m. and had t
ing to Tûan Wo' of Ilor, and had also imp
men to aid in working the boat. The reb
of Râsu, Mat Kîlau, Awang Nong, Teh Ib
wife. The two boys were no longer with
that they must have perished of hunger
rebels were very sick and weak, and so hu
ravenously the few raw yams which hap
boat. Tûan Wo' pushed on to Kuala Kě
his overladen boat permitted, and reported
to Wan Talib.
80. I wrote a note to Mr. Duff giving him the news

and instructing him to come across to Trënggânu, sent word
to my people at Chërok Pâya telling them to follow, and sent
messengers across to Malâka telling Panglîma Kâkap to start
down the Trěngan at once, and to follow me down the lower
Kěrbat if he did not meet the rebels in the former river. At
7.30 p.m., my men having eaten their evening meal, I set off
down stream with seven rifles, including my own, and reached
Ilor at 9.45 p.m. Here we found that, although the rebels had
halted to cook some maize, they had continued their journey
down river. Kuâla Trěngan was reached at 10.45 p.m. and
the head of Jěram Kěntir, the first of the Kěrbat Rapids, was
reached at 11.30 p.m. Here I landed the men and scouted
the sand-banks at the foot of the rapids, thinking it possible
that the rebels might have camped there for the night. Find-
ing that they had not done so, I started down the rapids, al-
though I am informed by the natives of the country that they
have never before been shot by night, since even by day they
are not over safe for boats. At 2 a.m., the first nine rapids
having been passed in safety, I camped to give my men a rest,
it being evident that there was no chance of overtaking the
rebels that night. At 4 a.m. I started down river again,
having, in the meantime, been joined by Panglîma Kâkap.
Just before daybreak we reached and surrounded Kampong
Pěntang, which is situated on the left bank at the foot of the
long rapid of that name. Here we learned that the rebels

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had passed down stream the previous afternoon. A man

named Daud, who was at Jěram Ampai in June, 1894, was
found in this village, and was taken down by me to help
work the boats.
81. At the foot of Jěram Bûnting, where I arrived just

before 6 a.m., I found Che' Kor encamped. Che' Kor is one
of the men who represents the Kuala Trënggânu authorities
in the Ulu, and he was accompanied by a party of about 30
men. Though he owned to having met the rebels at Jěram
Sâroh on the previous afternoon, and to having had speech
with them, he had made no effort to arrest or delay them.
He was the bearer of a very civil letter from the Sultan of
Trënggânu to me. He was very nervous, and he admitted
that the rebels had told him that they intended going down
the lower Trënggânu River, though he pretended that he
did not know their destination. With him was a Pahang
man called Pënghûlu Kôkut, whom I took on board my boat,
and from him I learned, as we continued our journey, that
the rebels had told Che' Kor that they found that they could
not live in the jungles as we had made it impossible for them
to get food, and that they were going to Kuâla Trënggânu in
order to place themselves under the protection of Ungku
Saiyid, the local Saint.
82. In the middle of Jëram Sâroh we met the boat

which had been stolen from Tuan Wo', and which was being
taken up river by the three boys whom the rebels had forced
to accompany them. From them we learned that they had
reached the head of the Kělěmang Falls on the previous night,
hed stooped to cook, and had then begun the march round
the rapids. They had said to the boatmen that if ašked by
me they were to say that the rebels were bound for Dungun
via the Bram River; but when Râsu told them this, one of his
sons had said, "It does not matter what they tell him, as we
are going where he cannot catch us."
83. Pushing on down river I reached Kuâla Trënggânu

Ulu at 6.45 a.m., and Kampong Mělor at 7.15 a.m. The
rebels had, of course, been suffered to pass both the stockades

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38 Hugh Clifford
erected at these places unmolested. Tak

the latter place, I pushed on to the hea
Falls, where I arrived at 8 a.m., and march
to Pâsir Bâtu Hampar I halted to cook at
Here I was joined by the rest of Pangl
men, and the Dyaks from Blimbing, so that
30 men, with 21 rifles. At 11 a.m. we ag
very overladen boats, Panglîma Kâkap Hû
ahead to Jënâgar to obtain news. Here
people in the mosque, we learned that th
down the stream that morning, and the
was obtained at Kuâla Pûeh at Kuâla Bram, the two rivers
by which the dakaits might have diverged from the main
stream. Some delay occurred before our information was
obtained at Kuâla Bram, and we did not start down river
from that place until 3.30 p.m. From this point we received
constant news of the rebels from boats coming up stream, and
at Kuâla Tělěmong, where I camped at 6.15 p.m. in order
to cook rice for the men, we learned that the rebels had
halted to cook at Pâsir Pëmûpat at about 4 p.m. The man
who gave us this information, Che' Ibrahim bin Sâmat of
Këdai Pâyang, had halted to cook on the same sandbank, and
had started up river as the rebels started down.
84. At 8.50 p.m. I again started down river and at

midnight reached Kuâla Něrus, the last point at which the
rebels could possibly have turned off from the Trënggânu.
Here Panglîma Kâkap, who entered the rivers to make
enquiries, learned from some men who were rafting down
from Tâpah that no boat had passed up river since Asar
Rendah - about 4 p.m.; and Panglîma Kâkap then went
across to Pâloh where he found a boat which was at once
identified by the natives, whom we had brought down from
Jënâgar for the purpose, as being the one which had been
stolen by the rebels from Pâsir Kûran that morning. This
boat was tied up at the landing place of Ungku Saiyid, and
the tracks leading up from it to his gate were still wet. My
people were anxious that I should at once attack Ungku
Saiyiďs house, but I considered that if I did so the Sultan

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of Trěnggánu would have good grounds for complaint, in

that, having traced the rebels to his capital, I had taken the
law into my own hands without first seeking his assistance.
I accordingly went on down stream to the Kampong Râja,
where, having pulled the boats up out of reach of the tide,
I camped at 1.30 a.m. in the Wakap, or native rest house,
which I cleared of its occupants for that purpose. My men
had worked for me with wonderful energy and zeal. They
had had two hours' rest since 5 a.m. on 5th June, and it
was now 2 a.m. on 7th June, and yet no word of complaint
of any kind had reached me, and each strove to out-do the
others in any work which had to be done.
85. At 5 a.m. I roused the men up, wrote a short

pencilled report to the Honourable the Colonial Secretary,
giving as concise an account as possible of all that had
occurred, and sent it on board the Gympie for transmission
to Singapore. At daybreak, my presence having become
known, Tungku Sěman and his son Tungku Jusuf came to
conduct me to the house which I had occupied during my
previous stay at Kuâla Trěnggánu. Here I was visited by
Tungku Besar and all the other principal Chiefs. After
prayers in the mosque, I had an interview with the Sultan
in the Bâlai and related to him all that had occurred since
my departure from Kuâla Trěnggánu on 28th April. I
wound up by asking that the rebels should be at once handed
over to me. The Sultan professed his anxiety to do as I
desired and wrote a letter to Ungku Saiyid stating his full
belief that the rebels were with him and asking him to give
them up. Luang Visudh and the rest of my people from
Blimbing arrived at 6.30 p.m.
86. At dawn on 8th June Tungku Dâlam brought me
Ungku Saiyiďs reply in which he stated that he knew nothing
of the rebels, and that if they were with him the Sultan had
better point out the place in which they were living. I at
once told Tungku Dâlam that I must utterly decline to accept
Ungku Saiyid's statement, since the Saint had lied to me on
matters connected with the rebels during my interviews with
him in April. I added that even then I held proofs which

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40 Hugh Clifford
were ample to convict him of making fals

but that at that time I did not consider it worth while to
expose him. The knowledge that he had lied already, how-
ever, did not prepare me to attach much importance to his
present statements, more especially when I held convincing
proofs that these statements were false.
87. During the morning a message reached me from

Tungku Běsar, saying that he had been ordered to take a
large search party up to Pâloh, and asking that some of my
people might go as witnesses. I accordingly sent four of the
Chiefs, but bade them tell Tungku Běsar that, in my opinion,
the only course for the Sultan to adopt was to bring such
pressure to bear upon Ungku Saiyid that he should be forced
to surrender the rebels. I also begged the Trěngganu autho-
rities not to cherish the hope that I should be convinced that
the rebels were not or had not been at Pâloh by the fact a
search ^>arty of 400 men had failed to find them.
88. At about 5.30 p.m. my men returned, very much

disgusted, since they conceived that the Trënggânu autho-
rities had been mocking them, which they resented all the
more because I would not allow them to retaliate. They
reported that the 400 men had been marched through Pâloh
and the neighbouring villages, and that the people sitting
in the doorway of the houses had been asked whether the
rebels were within. A bare negative was taken as final, and
the 400 men then moved on to the next house. In this man-
ner several miles of country had been traversed and the search
party returned very tired and dusty. The leaders of the
party had all had private interviews with Ungku Saiyid, from
which my people were excluded, before the search was begun.
Only one incident of any interest occurred during the
"search," an old man casually mentioning, not being aware
that my people were within hearing, that Mat Kîlau and
Bahman had been at Pâloh, on a visit to the Saint, during
the preceding Fast month - March-April, 1895. This con-
firms the statement made to Saiyid Hûsin by Pěnghulu Umat
of Kampong Běsut in Stiu, which is contained in Mr. Duff's
Report.

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89. On the return of the search party I was visited by

Dato' Mâta-Mâta, Wan Nek, and some of the other Chiefs,
and informed that the efforts made by the Sultan to find the
rebels had proved fruitless, and that it was now evident that
the rebels were not, and never had been, at Pâloh. I
repeated that I was not prepared to accept this statement,
that the whole search party had been a farce, and that the
Sultan could produce the rebels if he brought sufficient pres-
sure to bear upon Ungku Saiyid. I added that the Sea Belle
was up the Coast, and that on her arrival, if in the interval
the rebels had not been handed over to me, I should at once
proceed to Singapore and place the matter in the hands of
His Excellency the Governor.
90. On this evening a very vexatious incident occurred

which was calculated to cause further complications between
the authorities of Pahang and Trënggânu. A little explana-
tion will be necessary in order that its full significance may
be appreciated.
91. Tungku Long, the eldest daughter of the Sultan

of Pahang, was married to the Sultan of Trënggânu in 1886,
and she was escorted by him to Trënggânu in 1893. Since
that time she has been living in the royal precincts at Kuâla
Trënggânu, but during the last eighteen months the Sultan
has entirely neglected her, and has permitted his other wives,
and more especially Tungku Pětri of Daik, who is his
favourite, to insult Tungku Long in every conceivable way.
He has also encouraged his Chiefs and people to put all
manner of insults upon her. So gross has been the ill-treat-
ment to which Tungku Long has been subjected, that the
Sultan of Pahang has stated officially to His Excellency the
Governor that, were he not under the protection of the British
Government, and therefore bound to defer to their wishes
and advice, Pahang would long ere this have invaded
Trënggânu, war being the only means of covering the shame
which the Sultan of Trënggânu has put upon the ruling
family of this State. Knowing the Sultan and the people
of Pahang intimately, as I do, I have no sort of doubt but
that this action would have been taken if Sultan Ahmad had

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42 Hugh Clifford
been free to act as his desires dictated; and from what I

know of the people of Trënggânu I think it is highly impro-
bable that the Sultan of that State would have dared to act
as he has done towards Tungku Long had he not believed
that the hands of the Sultan of Pahang had been tied by the
British Government. From the point of view of those who
are responsible for the administration of Pahang, this is
eminently unsatisfactory, since the Sultan has always been
assured by British Officials that in protecting his country the
Government has strengthened, and not weakened, his posi-
tion and his importance. When he finds the Ruler of a neigh-
bouring State putting him and his to open shame, he natu-
rally turns to the British Government for protection, and as
he has expressed himself as anxious to deal with Trënggânu
without any aid from the Government, he not unnaturally
finds it hard to understand why the English will neither aid
him in his trouble, nor yet permit him to aid himself.
92. The result of this has been that the relations of
the people of Pahang and Trënggânu have been growing
daily more strained; and this is especially marked among the
Pahang youths who form Tungku Long's Court. On my
arrival at Kuala Trënggânu, Ungku Majid, the chief of these
youths, came to me and told me that a Trënggânu woman,
the wife of Bakar, one of Tungku Long's people, had left
her husband and had gone to live with another man, send-
ing word to Bakar that there had been a flaw in the marriage
ceremony, and that she was not his legal wife. I recom-
mended Bakar to take the matter into the Kathi's Court, and
he said that he would do so; but on the night of 8th June
he stabbed a man named Tungku Yen, a distant cousin of
the Sultan, believing him to be Jusuf, the man with whom
Bakar's wife was then said to be living. When I left Kuâla
Trënggânu Tungku Yen was still alive, and Bakar was
living in Tungku Long's house, having not yet been given
up to justice, his surrender not having been asked for.
93. On 9th June little occurred during the day; but

Tungku Bësar paid me a long visit in the evening, and I
once more recapitulated for his benefit all the information

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and all the proofs which I had obtained with regard to the
action taken by the Trènggânu authorities in the matter of
the rebels. As the Sultan professed to need my advice, I
told Tungku Besar once more that the only course to be
pursued was to bring real pressure to bear upon Ungku Saiyid
in order to force him to yield up the rebels. I pointed out
that if sufficient pressure was brought to bear the rebels
would be forthcoming, but that until this was done no
satisfactory results could be hoped for. Tungku Běsar said
that he agreed, but that he greatly feared that the Sultan
would not be willing to follow the course suggested since
the Saiyid was at once his teacher and his uncle, and the
Sultan stood in great awe of him. I said that that was for
the Sultan to decide, but that unless the rebels were handed
over by the time that the Sea Belle arrived, I should at once
proceed to Singapore and lay the matter before His Excel-
lency the Governor, after which it would cease to be in my
hands.
94. At midnight Mr. Lemon arrived from the Sea Belle ,

which was anchored off the mouth of the river: and at 11
a.m. on 10th June Mr. Duff arrived with 19 guns. I wrote
instructions to Mr. Duff for his guidance during my absence,
as it was now plain that I should have to leave for Singa-
pore in the Sea Belle.
95. At 3.30 p.m. some of the Chiefs came to conduct

me to the Baiai where the Sultan and all the Rajas and
Chiefs were assembled. At this interview I again made a
detailed statement of all that had occurred since we left
Pahang; of all the information bearing upon the conduct of
the Sultan, Ungku Saiyid, and the Chiefs and people of
Trènggânu which had come into our possession; and of all
the overwhelming proofs which I had obtained as to the
presence of the rebels in Ungku Saiyiďs compound on the
night of 6th June. The statement occupied rather more
than three hours, and embodied all the information gained
from Pěnghůlu Umat in the Stîu, and from the statements
made by Esah, Mat Kîlau's wife, and Marêpin, the brother-
in-law of the late Mâmat Kèlûbi, both of which are attached

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44 Hugh Clifford
to this Report. ( Enclosures 9 and 10.)

cluded my statement, I asked the Sultan
cause the rebels to be handed over to m
that he would look for them. I said that the time for search
had passed, and that the present was the time for surrender-
ing them or withholding them from us. He again said he
would seek for them. I said I would wait three days if he
would undertake that they should be handed over to me at
the end of that period. He replied that he could not give
any guarantee that they should be handed over in any specifi-
ed number of days or months. I then said that I had no
alternative but to at once proceed to Singapore there to place
the matter in the hands of the Governor. I then left the
Baiai with Mr. Lemon and Mr. Duff, and after giving some
final instructions to the men of my Force, I went on board
the Sea Belle and sailed for Singapore at 10 p.m. Calling at
Kuala Pahang and paying a flying visit to Pěkan, where I had
two long interviews with the Sultan, I reached Singapore at
9 a.m. on the 13th June. Luang Visudh accompanied me.
Mr. Jesser-Coope remained with the sick at Kuâla Aring in
Ulu Kělantan there to await my instructions.
96. On 17th June I received instructions from His

Excellency the Governor to recall my Force from beyond the
frontier; and Mr. Duff with the bulk of my people reached
Pahang in the Sea Belle on 20th June. Mr. Jesser-Coope,
who had been recalled by a telegram, forwarded to Kělantan
from Kuala Lipis, reached Kuâla Pahang in the s.s. Sultan on
28th June.
97. To sum up the case against the Trënggânu

authorities, the following facts can now be proved:
I. - That the rebels lived for a considerable time at
Kuâla Trënggânu in May, 1894, at the village called Sěbrang
Ungku Ngah, which is situated immediately opposite to the
Sultan's enclosure, but on the other side of the river.
II. - That while they were there a discussion was held

by the Sultan and his advisers as to what action, if any, he

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should take concerning them. That, acting on the advice
of Che' Abdul Rahim (Che' Dêrâhin) Tûan Itam, Tungku
Mûsa, and Tungku Usman (Tungku Sěman), he decided to
befriend his co-religionists, it being openly said by his
advisers that even if the rebels were dwelling in the capital
the Sultan could always deny it, and it would be impossible
for us to prove that what he said was untrue.
III. - That while living at Sěbrang Ungku Ngah the

rebels had frequent interviews with Ungku Saiyid at Pâloh,
who preached a Holy War to them, and gave them several
charms, etc., among other things a sword apiece on the blades
of which the Saiyid had traced a text from the Kurân with
his own hand. His writing can be identified; and one of
these weapons, which was captured at Jéram Ampai can, if
necessary, be produced.
IV. - That on leaving Sěbrang Ungku Ngah the rebels

proceeded up the Trênggânu River, openly declaring their
intention of waging a Holy War in Pahang, and being feasted
by the people of Trênggânu.
V. - That after the rebels had found Kêmûning an

unsafe place in which to live, they removed into Běsut, in
Trênggânu territory, where, with the full knowledge and
approval of the Chiefs in charge of that district, and with
the sanction of the Sultan, they took up their quarters in the
Këmbîau River. That they lived here for many months,
being fed by the people of the district.
VI. - That on receipt of a letter from the Siamese

Government, informing him that an expedition, in pursuit
of the rebels, was in contemplation, the Sultan of Trênggânu
sent Râja Ismäil (Râja Weng) to the Běsut to warn the rebels.
VII. - That on learning from Râja Weng that pursuit

was contemplated, Bahman and Mat Kilau visited Pâloh in
March-April last, and had only been gone a few days when I
reached Kuâla Trênggânu on 10th April. That while at
Pâloh they received the assurances of the Saiyid that he and all
the people of Trěnggánu would aid in protecting them, and

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46 Hugh Clifford
that renewed pledges were made to them

be quite safe from us in Trënggânu terri
Saint would suffer himself to be injured
allow any injury to be inflicted by us upo
VIII. - That a chap - or document se

Sultan's seal - was sent to Stîu and Bësut i
the people there that under no circumsta
give us any information concerning the r
by any chance the dakaits fell into our ha
the country were to rescue them from us
and forthwith join in a Sabil Allah or Ho
infidels. It must be remembered, in this connection, that
the chap which forms Enclosure 4 attached to this Report
was also issued in April. There is good evidence to prove
that it was publicly notified to the people of Trënggânu that
this latter chap was to be regarded as a dead letter.
IX. - That the stockades at Kuala Trënggânu Ulu,

Kampong Mèlor, Tâpah in Ulu Něrus, and elsewhere, were
constructed as defensive measures against us; and that a con-
siderable quantity of modern rifles and ammunition has
recently been imported by the Trënggânu authorities for use
in the Holy War.
X. - That the rebels were still in the Këmbîau when Mr.
Duff was camped at Tâsek in May last. That Tungku Chik
and his people were all fully aware of this and were con-
stantly in communication with the rebels and that all infor-
mation was withheld from Mr. Duff by the orders of Tungku
Chik, who even went so far as to order the people to deny
the existence of a river called Këmbîau, rechristening the
stream Sûngei Sangka Dûa.
XI. - That the rebels only left Bësut because Tungku

Chik advised them to do so, he fearing lest the secret of
their presence in close vicinity to Mr. Duff's camp should
become known.
XII. That the rebels, when they discovered that we

had made life in the jungle impossible for them, by cutting

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off all their supplies, and scouring the forests in search of

them, went straight down river to Ungku Saiyid, secure in
the knowledge that he would protect them at all costs. That
I traced them actually to the gate of Ungku Saiyid's com-
pound at midnight on 6th June.
XIII. - That the Saiyid, in the face of overwhelming

evidence, denied that they had come to him, as he had pre-
viously denied that he was acquainted with them.
XIV. - And, finally, that the Sultan refused to give them

up, after first endeavouring to throw dust in my eyes by
sending large search parties to walk about the village near
Pâloh.
98. The Expedition under my command has failed in

its main object. It has not succeeded in capturing the rebels,
but it has succeeded in driving them from their hiding places,
and chasing them, as the Malay phrase has it, "from the
trickling waters to the breaking waves." The rebels could
neither resist us nor evade us in the jungle for any length of
time, and their only safety lay in throwing themselves upon
the protection of the Trengganu authorities. Unfortunately,
I had no power to act against the authorities of Trěngganu,
nor could I have done so with any certainty of success with
the small force at my command; but I have proved beyond
all possibility of doubt that if sufficient pressure is brought
to bear upon the Sultan and upon Ungku Saiyid, the rebels
will be forthcoming. To those who are not personally
acquainted with the people of the East Coast, and who have
had no opportunity of gauging the depths of their ignorance
and superstition, it may seem incredible that those who are
in authority in Trěngganu should risk serious trouble for
the sake of half a dozen dakaits. The explanation is, how-
ever, that they one and all place such implicit faith in the
magic properties attaching to Ungku Saiyid, and that they
firmly believe that Trěngganu is safe from harm so long as
they obey his behests. The Saiyid, who though surfeited
with adulation for which he has an appalling appetite, does
not in all probability place quite the same reliance in his

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
48 Hugh Clifford
powers as do the other natives of Trënggânu

can be traced to purely sordid motives. Ha
stand by the rebels in an unguarded momen
seemed far removed from him, and his oath
a matter of public notoriety, he dares not n
with them, for were he to do so his saintly r
be considerably tarnished in the eyes of the
a result the offerings now daily made to him
decrease. Firm in the belief that the Sultan
will never betray or surrender him, he risks
the evils arising from which will be borne b
He is sufficiently a philosopher to regard su
with unruffled calm.
For the rest, the Expendition has traversed a large tract

of country never before visited by a European: and which
forms the greater part of that belt of country on the East
Coast of the Malay Peninsula, which, as Mr. Henry Norman
recently wrote, is "still as unfamiliar as the remotest parts
of Africa to the foreign explorer." Of this country a careful
and detailed map has been made: and I have, moreover,
collected a considerable amount of information concerning
Trënggânu and Kělantan, the more important portion of
which will be found in the latter part of this Report.
99. Before concluding the section of this Report which

deals with the active work of this Expendition, I must record
my thanks to the officers and men who formed my Force.
No man need wish to be better or more zealously served than
I was from first to last by every member of the Expedition.
The good service performed by Mr. R. W. Duff, more espe-
cially during his stay in Běsut, speaks for itself. His posi-
tion at Tâsek was both difficult and irritating, and all praise
is due to him for the patience and coolness which he shewed
under specially trying circumstances. Both Mr. Duff and
Mr. Jesser-Coope suffered considerably from the rice diet,
which is undoubtedly trying to a European who is unaccus-
tomed to it, but the insufficiency of their food, and the dis-
comfort entailed by the small stock of clothes, etc., with

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which they were provided for a three months' journey in the
jungle, never caused a diminution of their zeal or energy.
The Dyaks and Sikhs behaved very well and worked

with untiring spirit. The latter lived contentedly on a rice
diet, which they must have found unsatisfying and often
unpalatable.
The Malays, in my opinion, are deserving of more credit

than any other members of the Expedition. They were not
in receipt of pay, and merely accompanied me at my request,
leaving their wives and children, their homes, and all the
things which a Malay values, in order to do so, and yet not
only did I never hear a grumble or a protest, but both the
Chiefs and people were ever ready to perform even more
than was asked of them. Wet or dry, hungry, hot or cold,
weary for want of sleep, and tired by prolonged exertion,
they were still ever ready to answer to my call urging them
to fresh exertions. To those who regard the Malay as an
essentially indolent and lazy people, the manner in which
they worked on this Expedition would come as a revelation.
Even knowing what they are capable of, as I do, I was often
astonished at the amount of work which they could accom-
plish, and I cannot adequately express my sense of obligation
to them for the manner in which they served me. It is
certainly a matter for congratulation that the natives of
Pahang, who in 1892 would move neither hand nor foot to
aid the Government, should now in 1895 toil so untiringly
in the service of the State.
100. The health of the men, during this three months

spent in jungle travelling, was fairly good, and was far better
than that of any other Force would have been which was
engaged on similar work, and which was subjected to the
same hardships. The men shewed wonderful endurance,
patients suffering from intermittent fever working cheerfully
when temporarily free from ague, and only succumbing when
it was impossible for them to continue their labour. I
enclose a summary ( Enclosure 11) shewing the number of
the sick treated by the Residency Surgeon in March, April,

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
50 Hugh Clifford
May, and June. It will be noticed that sic

more during April, when, the men were in
three weeks, than it did at any other time;
last three weeks of the Expedition the numb
rapidly to increase, the prolonged strain
physique of the men on many long marches
to have its effect.
In spite of the cases of fever and diarrhoea being so

numerous, the Residency Surgeon reports that only five
serious cases came under his notice during the whole period.
Three of these were cases of fever, and two cases of dysentery
PART II
101. The State of Trěnggánu, which is situated on

East Coast of the Malay Peninsula, is bounded by Kěla
on the north and north-west, by Pahang on the south
south-west, and by the China Sea on the east.
102. As is the case in all the Malay States, through

the Peninsula, in which the ancient and well-recog
native custom has not undergone modification, the in
boundaries of this State follow the watersheds of the various
rivers which flow through Trěnggánu territory. Thus, the
inland boundary with Kělantan is formed by the watersheds
of the Běsut, Ulu Trěnggánu, and Kěbat Rivers, and that
between Trěnggánu and Pahang by the watersheds of the
Këmâman, Dûngun, Trěngan, and Kěrbat Rivers.
103. The boundary on the coast between Trěnggánu

and Kělantan is marked by a post driven into the sand, which
is situated about a mile and a half on the Kělantan side of
the point at which the Běsut River debouches into the
China Sea.
104. The boundary on the coast between Pahang and

Trěnggánu has long been a matter of dispute, and has formed
the subject of correspondence, during the last two years,
between myself and the Sultan of the latter State. It is
contended by His Highness the Sultan of Pahang, and by all

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such natives of this State as are qualified by their age and

local knowledge to give an opinion on the question, that the
boundary is, and always has been, at Tanjong Gëlûgor; while
the Sultan of Trënggânu maintains that his territory extends
along the coast as far as Tanjong Těngah. Both these points
are marked on the map attached to this Report, and it will
there be seen that if the claim of the Sultan of Trënggânu
is admitted, the river of Chěndar, from which a considerable
quantity of valuable timber is annually exported to China
and the Straits, will fall within the boundaries of that State.
In May, 1894, 1 addressed a full report to the Honourable the
Colonial Secretary on this subject, recommending that a
Commission should be appointed to enquire into this dis-
pute, and to finally delimit the boundary; but, so far as I am
aware, no decision has yet been arrived at with regard to
this recommendation. At the present time, when the rela-
tions between this State and Trënggânu have become so
strained, and while questions of far greater importance are
pending, it would be inadvisable, in my opinion, to reopen
negotiations on this subject; but in the event of the Sultan
of Trënggânu being compelled to comply with our demand
for the surrender of the rebels, this question of the disputed
boundary should not be lost sight of, as it might be appro-
priately settled at the same time, to the no small advantage
of Pahang.
105. The State of Trënggânu comprises within its

borders the basins of no less than twelve distinct rivers, all
of which fall into the China Sea. Reckoning from the river
which debouches nearest to the Pahang-Trënggânu boundary,
and following the coast line from that point until the Trěng-
gânu-Këlantan boundary is reached, the following rivers are
met with: Këmâman, Kîjal, Këmâsek, Krêtir, Pâka, Dûngun,
Mërchang, Mârang, Ibai, Trënggânu, Stîu, and Běsut. The
largest of these rivers is the Trënggânu, from which the State
takes its name, but the Këmâman, Dûngun, Stîu, and Bësut
Rivers are all streams of a respectable size, which compare
favourably with the Kuantan and Rômpin Rivers in Pahang.
106. The Trënggânu River above the Këlëmang Falls

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
52 Hugh Clifford
is mainly formed by the confluence of two

and Trěnggánu Ulu, which unite at Kua
Below this point the river is called the Trě
to the Trěnggánu Ulu or Ulu Ibu, as it is
It is curious that though the Kěrbat is not
main river the point of junction between
gánu Ulu is called Kuâla Trěnggánu, or
Ulu, and not Kuâla Kěrbat.This should be borne in mind, as
otherwise this place is apt to be confused with Kuâla Trěng-
gánu, at which point the Trěnggánu River falls into the sea.
107. The Kěrbat River is divided into two portions -

the Upper Kěrbat which lies above Kuâla Trěngan, and the
Lower Kěrbat which is formed by the confluence of the
Kêrbat and Trëngân Rivers. Of these two streams, the latter,
which falls into the Kěrbat on its right bank, is both the
deeper and the longer, though they are, approximately, of
the same width, being each about 40 yards across at Kuâla
Trěngan. The Trěngan has its source in the hills from
which the Dûngun River also rises, and in its upper reaches
it skirts the mountains which divide the Těmběling Valley
in Pahang from Trěnggánu territory.
108. The country through which the Trěngan runs is

hilly until the Pâling Falls are reached, when it becomes
somewhat flatter. This valley is for the most part of a gra-
nite formation, though here and there curious isolated lime-
stone hills, notably Gûnong Bêwah below the Pâling Falls,
and Gûnong Tîba Lâyar on the bank of the Chinchín, rise
in the centre of the stretches of country, and are visible for
a considerable distance. The bed of the river is obstructed
by numerous rapids, none of which, however, are very formid-
able until the Pâling Falls are reached. Here, for a distance
of nearly five miles, the river is rendered unnavigable even
for rafts; the bed, over which the stream flows, being studded
with enormous boulders and being enclosed in many places
by sheer walls of granite which rise some 20 or 30 feet above
the level of the water. In some parts the river is forced
into a channel not more than five or six feet wide, down
which a large volume of water plunges with such velocity

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
that no raft could hold together, even if it was not smashed

to atoms upon the surrounding rocks. That portion of the
Trěngan Valley which lies above these falls is wholly uninha-
bited, save by a band of Sâkai who number about 30 souls.
109. The bed of the Upper Kěrbat also passes through

a granite country, but below Lâta Běsar, at which point the
river is completely blocked for traffic by a wall of granite,
which stretches from bank to bank, no rapids of a formidable
nature are encountered. The bed of the river below this
point is more generally composed of shingle than of rock.
It is exceedingly shallow, it being possible to wade across the
stream in almost every part of it. The Kěrbat is not inha-
bited above Lata Běsar, though searchers for jungle produce
occasionally penetrate the forests which line the banks of the
river above that point, making use of a few tracks which
have from time immemorial been used for that purpose.
110. The main tributaries of the Upper Kěrbat on the

left bank are the Kětíar and Chěrgul Rivers, both of which
are more thickly inhabited than are any other localities above
the Kělěmang falls. The Brûeh is the only right tributary
of importance in the Upper Kěrbat. The tributaries of the
Trěngan are numerous but unimportant the Përâpit on the
left bank and the Chinchín on the right bank being the
largest tributaries above the Pâling Falls, and the Bêwah and
Chënâna on the left bank and the Menton on the right being
the largest below the falls. Of these only the Měnton is
inhabited, and that by a very small number of people. The
existence of the Kěrbat and Trěngan Rivers was quite un-
known, except to a few natives of the East Coast, until I
explored this portion of the country in July, 1894, and the
rest of Trěngganu proper had never been visited by a Euro-
pean until it was traversed by the present Expedition.
111. The Lower Kěrbat, which is formed, as I have

already said, by the combined waters of the Trěngan and
Upper Kěrbat, is a long succession of rapids, no less than 24
being encountered before Kuâla Trěngganu Ulu is reached.
Of these rapids about a dozen are formidable, the others

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
54 Hugh Clifford
presenting few difficulties. The bed of

Kuâla Trěngan to the foot of Jěram Pěn
appearance quite unlike that of any river i
sula, except the Těkai in the Těmběling V
I am acquainted. The banks are lined b
of granite and sandstone, many of which a
height. The river is both broad and dee
the rapids this large volume of water is f
narrow passages which are studded with
that churn the waters into waves and foa
Lômpat-an - the river is completely barr
of granite 20 feet high through which th
their way by means of two narrow open
which is not more than 20 feet. At the f
jang another wall of granite projects into
forms a lagoon above Jěram Gûgok, in th
a long low ridge of granite rocks rises
angles to the stream. Below Jěram Pěn
assume an appearance common to the uppe
Malay rivers, the thick virgin forest with
undergrowth extending down to the wate
From Kuala Trěngan to Jěram Pěnta

Kěrbat is totally uninhabited. Kampong P
at the foot of the rapid which bears that na
point to Kuâla Trënggânu Ulu the jungle
save by a few scattered, temporary clearin
112. The Trënggânu Ulu River, whic

yards wide at its point of junction with
takes its rise in the hills which divide th
Kělantan from Trënggânu territory. I ha
ascended it, but it is totally uninhabit
seekers for jungle produce ever penetrate
clothe its banks from its source to its mouth. The reason
alleged, to account for this, is that the bed of the Trënggânu
Ulu is little else but a succession of very formidable falls;
and these must indeed be difficult if they can daunt the
dwellers in the interior districts of Trënggânu - a country
which, if it may be aptly described as "a land of streams,"

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
is more than any part of the Peninsula, a land of rapids and

waterfalls. Indeed, so impassable are these obstructions that
searchers for jungle produce usually prefer to ascend the
Kěrbat to Kuâla Chěrgul, and the Chěrgul to Kuala Lânga,
whence they make their way through the forests and strike
the Trěnggánu Ulu again at Lâta Těrat.
113. The Trěngganu River, from Kuâla Trěngganu

Ulu to the Kělěmang Falls, passes through country, studded
with low hills, which is still of a granite formation. On the
right bank, some four miles distant from the river, rise the
mountains of Gunong Běrnang, which attain to a height of
about 2,000 feet above the level of the plain, and, like most
mountains in the Peninsula, are thickly clothed with jungle
from the foot to the summit. The only tributaries of any
importance which fall into the Trěnggánu River above the
falls, are the Lausir and the Běrnang. Both are right tribu-
taries, the one rising in the hills which form the watershed
between the Dûngun and the Trěngganu, and the other
having its source in the mountain of Gunong Běrnang.
There are a few villages between Kuâla Trěnggánu Ulu and
Kělěmang Falls, the largest and most important being Kam-
pong Mělor on the left bank of the river.
114. At Lâta Kělěmang, the first of the eight rapids or

falls which constitute a formidable barrier to all river traffic
between the lower portion of Trěnggánu and the interior of
the State, the river is completely blocked by huge granite
boulders, which are scattered in the wildest confusion from
bank to bank. Under, between, and over these boulders the
waters of the river force their way, but no boat or raft could
live in the boiling torrent, even if the distance dividing one
boulder from another was sufficient to admit of the passage
of the smallest dugout. The falls themselves consist of a
flight of eight rapids or cataracts, the distance from Lâta
Kělěmang, at the head, to Lâta Lentang, at the foot, being
little more than three miles, though the rocky nature of the
boulder-studded river bed continues unaltered as far as
Jënâgar, a point some three miles lower down. The fall
from the head of Lâta Lentang to that place is probably

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
56 Hugh Clifford
about 80 to 100 feet. The existence of these cataracts has
had a most deterrent effect upon the development of Trëng-
gânu, and has moreover had considerable influence on the
character of the people, a point on which I shall have occa-
sion to dwell in a later paragraph of this Report.
115. Below Jënâgar the Trënggânu flows through a

fertile and thickly populated valley to the sea. Its main tri-
butaries on the right bank are the Bram, Těrsat, and Pěnek,
all of which join one another, and fall into the Trënggânu
River at Kuâla Bram. Its principal left tributaries are the
Pûh, Tělěmong, and Nerus. All of these are inhabited, the
Tělěmong and Něrus being especially thickly populated.
116. The country between the falls and the mouth is

singularly open, containing more grass and plough land than
I remember to have seen in any part of the Peninsula, the
Lipis Vallçy in Pahang and the lower reaches of the Kělantan
River not excepted. It is for the most part flat, though the
hills which enclose the plain can be seen in the distance on
either hand. At its broadest point the Trënggânu Valley is
probably about 40 miles wide. On nearing the mouth of
the river the prevailing flatness of the coast country is broken
by a number of low conical hills of a rocky nature. Of these
Bûkit Pétri, Bûkit Pa' Epir, and Bûkit Běsar are all in the
close vicinity of the capital the town being grouped very
picturesquely about their feet.
117. The other coast rivers from Këmâman to Ibai are

all inhabited, and tin is found in payable quantities in several
of them. A European Company is now engaged in working
a lode at Bandi in Këmâman, but little else of an effective
nature has been done towards developing the mineral
resources of this State. The country of Ulu Trënggânu, as
has already been mentioned, is for the most part of a granite
formation, and tin is known to exist in many places; but
here, again, no steps have been taken to develop the stanni-
ferous deposits.

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1 18. The Stîu River, which has its source in the Gûnong
Châping mountains, which also give rise to the Běsut, runs
thence to Kuala Përmaisûri through forest country which is
not very thickly populated. At this point it suddenly widens
out, and for the rest of its course is strewn with islands, and
extends to right and left in numerous creeks and culs de sac.
For a considerable distance, before the mouth is reached, the
river runs parallel to the sea, and within sight of it, being
only separated from it by a sandspit. This river is very deep,
and is infested with crocodiles - a very unusual thing on the
East Coast of the Peninsula. It is said that these reptiles
annually devour many people; and that they are much
dreaded is evident from the precautions taken against them,
the bathing houses being enclosed by strong fences, and in
the case of boats the decking being laid along the bottom,
and not flush with the sides, as is the usual Malay custom.
It is said that even then it is no uncommon thing for a boat
to be attacked and capsized by crocodiles on this river.
119. The Běsut River, which is thickly populated from

Kuala Kěmbíau to the mouth, is chiefly remarkable from the
fact that the havoc wrought by the typhoon which devasted
this District and the neighbouring country in Kělantan in
1881 is still plainly visible. I am informed by Mr. Duff and
Mr. Jesser-Coope that for a distance of several miles from the
coast the country is bare of the thick forest which forms
the principal unvarying feature of all uncultivated land in
the Peninsula. On some of the hills near the coast not a
single tree was left standing, and the immense quantity of
drying timber thus left lying under a tropical sun was not
long in generating fire, which quickly spread in every direc-
tion, and in its turn did almost as much damage as had been
done by the typhoon. To this day the people of Kělantan,
Běsut, and many other parts of the East Coast, date every-
thing from the year of the "Great Wind/'
Until Mr. Duff and Mr. Jesser-Coope led their parties

into the Stîu and Běsut Rivers in May of this year, neither
of these Districts had ever been visited or explored by a
European.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
58 Hugh Clifford
120. The only mention of Trënggânu w

vernacular records of the history of the
found in the Hikâyat Hang Tûah, which
of Malacca during the years immediately
quest of that State by the Portuguese in
it is said that Trënggânu was ruled by a f
class which, though it is one of the highe
moner can belong, is not regarded by t
present day as being in any sense royal
of this ancient family are still found in T
tradition that they were once the dominan
in that State. The surviving members of
longer treated as Râjas but that they for
rank in Malaya is rendered probable by th
Hang Tûah , that Mëgat Panji Alam, the so
Trënggânu, at the end of the fifteenth ce
to Tan Tîji, the daughter of the Râja of
ancient name of Pahang - who was himse
This Princess was carried off by Hang Tûa
and was wedded to Sultan Muhammad of Malacca; and
Mëgat Panji Alam thereupon started on an expedition with
the intention of invading that State, but was assassinated by
Hang Jěbat, in the Balai of the Bëtâra of Manjapâhit in Java,
before he had succeeded in carrying his design into execution.
121. From that date until early in the eighteenth cen-

tury no record of any kind exists which bears upon the history
of Trënggânu; but there is a tradition among the natives of
at East Coast that that State was one conquered by Pahang.
This is said to have occurred in the reign of one of the imme-
diate descendants of Sultan Muhammad of Malacca, who
took refuge in Pahang in 1511, and from whom the present
reigning famliy of Pahang claims to be descended. Some
reference to this tradition, and to the fact that the territory
of Pahang once extended along the East Coast from Johor
to Këlantan, is to be found in the Sèjàrah Mëlâyu.
122. However this may be, Râja Zênal-a-Bîdin, a son

of the then Sultan of Daik, fled from that country in about
the year 1700, and took refuge in Pëtâni. Thence, having

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
Expedition: Trengganu and Relantan 59
married a Princess of that State, he removed to Trěnggánu,

where he would appear to have assumed the reins of Govern-
ment, at the desire of the people of the land, taking the title
of Sultan Zênal-a-Bîdin I. From this Prince the present
Sultan of Trěnggánu, Sultan Zênal-a-Bîdin III., is tenth in
descent.
123. Zênal-a-Bîdin I. died in 1717 and was succeeded

by his son Mansur I., who was installed as Sultan in 1720,
when he was only seven years of age. It was during his long
reign that the bûnga amas, or golden flower, was first sent to
Siam by the Sultan of Trěnggánu. Mansur I. ruled for 70
years, dying in 1790, and being succeeded by his son Zênal-a-
Bîdin II., otherwise known as Yam Tûan Mâta Mêrah - the
red-eyed King - who ruled for 15 years. In 1805 Ahmad I.
succeeded his father Zênal-a-Bîdin II., and, after a reign of
19 years, was succeeded in 1824 by his son Abdul Rahman.
124. Sultan Abdul Rahman died in 1828, having only

ruled for four years, and his son Daud, who succeeded him,
only survived his father by 29 days.
125. Dauďs younger brother, Mansur II., came to the

throne in 1828 and ruled the State for six years. During the
year preceding his death, his younger brother, Umar, was
expelled from Trěnggánu. In 1834 Mansur II. was suc-
ceeded by his son, a Ptince whose proper name I have been
unable to ascertain, but who is well known in Trěnggánu
as the Yam Tûan Têlok. The soubriquet signifies that this
Prince was afflicted with an impediment in his speech, which
prevented him from pronouncing his words with accuracy.
Umar, Yam Tûan Têlok's uncle, had meanwhile fled to
Daik, where he was hospitably received by his relations, the
ruling family of that country. Shortly after the death of
his brother in 1834, Umar consulted Habib Sheikh, a man
who enjoyed a great reputation for sanctity in Rîau and Daik,
as to his prospects of success in the event of an attempt being
made by him to wrest the throne of Trěnggánu from its then
occupant. The Saint prophesied that the Yam Tûan Têlok
would be unable to withstand his coming.

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60 Hugh Clifford
Accordingly Umar landed at Kuala Trěngg

with about 50 followers, more than half of whom were
women, and, his approach being wholly unsuspected, he was
enabled to seize the palace before the Yam Tuan had time
to resist him. For three days he remained in undisturbed
possession of the royal precincts, where he was visited by the
principal Chiefs. On the fourth day a half-hearted attempt
was made to dislodge him, but the peaceful artizans of Kuâla
Trěnggánu and the fishermen of the coast villages had little
inclination for fighting, and evinced far more anxiety for the
safety of their possessions and for the welfare of their trade
than zeal for the preservation of the existing régime . In
Baginda Umar they recognised a man of a far stronger nature
than his nephew, the weak, ignorant boy who had ruled over
them since the death of Sultan Mansur three years before;
and consequently the Yam Tûan Têlok was slain, and the
country won by Baginda Umar without any protracted strug-
gle taking place.
126. Baginda Umar - as he was always called from his

accession to the throne in 1837, Baginda signifying Con-
queror - would appear to have been a man of remarkable
strength and energy of character. During the first few years
of his reign he lived in the fort erected by him on the summit
of Bûkit Pětri, but he soon removed to a palace which he
built on the site of that formerly occupied by his predecessors.
This palace, which is said to have been a very fine building,
was destroyed in the great fire in 1882. The handsome stone
mosque, the stone causeways in the town, and other public
work still existing, bear witness, however, to his efforts to
improve the appearance of his capital - efforts which it is
by no means common for a Malay Râja to put himself to
the expense and trouble of making. Following a custom
which the Malay Râjas of modern times but rarely adopt,
Baginda Umar himself sat daily in the Baiai to dispense
justice to his people, all of whom had free access to him.
He, however, took good care that none should abuse this
privilege, by making his justice "straight as running noose
and swift as plunging knife." Old men in Trěnggánu still

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tell you with bated breath, how Baginda Umar sat in the
Baiai with smiling face, making the grim jests for which he
was famous, while he dealt out mutilation or death, or the
imprisonment in gaol-cages which is worse than death, in
accordance with the strictest spirit of the Никит Shar'ú,
which, administer it how you will, is no gentle code.
172. With the exception of a rebellion in Běsut, which

was speedily and ruthlessly suppressed, no internal trouble
impeded the progress of Trengganu during this reign; and
though the British Government bombarded Kuâla Trěng-
gânu in 1863 no serious damage was done, and this incident
represented all the external trouble which interfered with the
prosperity of Trěnggánu while that State was under the rule
of the Baginda.
128. The Sultan took an immense interest in learning

and trade, and by encouraging students from other countries
to settle in Trěnggánu, and by introducing foreign skilled
artizans to teach his people, he left an indelible mark on the
intellect and industries of the State. I shall have occasion
to dwell more at length on this subject when dealing with
the manufactures of Trěnggánu.
129. In 1874, being then far advanced in years, the

Baginda appointed his nephew Ahmad to rule in his stead
with the title of Yam Tûan Muda. In 1876 the Baginda
died, having ruled the country with a hand of iron, but with
not a little wisdom and intelligence, for 39 years. He was
succeeded by Sultan Ahmad II., a man who was already of
advanced middle age, and who only survived his uncle by
five years, dying in 1881. He in turn was succeeded by his
son the present Sultan Zênal-a-Bîdin III., who at the time
of his accession was a youth of 18 years of age.
130. As is customary among Malays, many of the

deceased Sultans are known by titles bestowed upon them
after death. The term Sultan is dropped and the Arabic
word Marhum, which signifies "late, deceased," etc., is sub-
stituted for it. Thus Zênal-a-Bïdin II. is known as Marhum

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62 Hugh Clifford
Musjid, Ahmad I. as Marhum Pârit, Abdu

Marhum Aur or Marhum Sûrau, and Daud as Marhum
Kampong Daik.
131. Before dealing with the history of Trěngganu

during the present reign, there is one other point connected
with the records of this State which has been much misunder-
stood, and which therefore calls for special mention. I refer
to the relations which have subsisted between Trěnggánu
and Siam since 1776. In this year the bûnga amas, or golden
flower, was sent to Siam by Sultan Mansur for the first time,
not in compliance with any demand made by the Govern-
ment of Bangkok, but because the Sultan of Trěngganu
desired to be upon friendly terms with the only Power in
his vicinity which could disturb the peace of his country.
The bûnga amas has never been regarded by the Malays as an
admission of suzerainty; and, indeed, this view of the question
has been always entirely repudiated by the Sultan and Chiefs
of Trěngganu. When Sir Frederick Weld visited Trěngganu
in 1886, and again in 1887, the Sultan on both occasions
was careful to explain that the bûnga amas was sent to Siam
not as opti or tribute, but merely as a token of friendship,
and that the return presents sent by the King of Siam were
given and received in a like spirit. The same view has been
repeatedly expressed to me by the Râjas and Chiefs in Trěng-
gánu from whom I sought information on this subject, the
bûnga amas being invariably described by them as a tanda
s'pakat dan běr-sěhábat - a token of alliance and friendship.
132. Thus much for the opinion of the natives of

Trěnggánu on this point, an opinion which is further con-
firmed by the views expressed by those who have had know-
ledge of the subject from the time of Sir Stamford Raffles.
In his Paper on the Malayan Nations, written in 1809, which
was subsequently submitted to Lord Minto, Sir Stamford
writes as follows of the States on the East Coast:-
"Of the Malay Peninsula, the principal States entitled

"to notice * * * * on the Eastern side are those of
"Tringano, Patani, and Pahang. The States on the Eastern

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"side of the Peninsula, with the exception of Patani, which

"has been considerably influenced by the Siamese, seem
"generally to have admitted the superiority of the Malay
"Government first established at Singapore, and afterwards
"at Johore."
Up to within the last 13 years this statement remained

as true as on the day when it was written; Pahang and
Trěnggánu both recognising the superiority of the Sultanate
of Daik. They did so, however, with the important difference
that while Pahang was officially regarded as a dependency of
Daik, the Běndahara of Pahang issuing his mandates to his
people with a clause making them subject to the approval
of the Sultan of that State, the Ruler of Trěnggánu, though
junior to the Sultan of Daik, was as independent of him as
of the King of Siam, and issued his chaps to his people with-
out making any reservation whatsoever subjecting them to
the approval or sanction of any other potentate. Just as the
bûnga amas was sent to Siam once in three years, so in the
same manner were presents periodically despatched by the
Sultan of Trěnggánu to the Sultan of Daik; and these presents
had the same significance, neither more nor less, than was
attached to the customary triennial gifts to the King in Bang-
kok. In 1882 the Běndahara of Pahang threw off his
allegiance to the Sultan of Daik, and assumed the title of
Sultan of Pahang. The position of Trěnggánu, however,
both as regards Siam and Daik has remained absolutely un-
changed.
133. That Trěnggánu occupies the position of an Inde-

pendent Native State - independent alike of Great Britain
and Siam - has been fully recognised by the Governments of
both those countries; and this is proved by the provisions of
Captain Burney's Treaty with Siam dated 20th June, 1826.
By Article XII. Siam binds herself not "to go and obstruct
or interrupt commerce in the States of Tringano and Calan-
tan". A reference to Article XIV. of the same Treaty will
shew that the State of Pêrak had also been accustomed to
send the bûnga amas to Siam, and that by her, as by Trěng-
gánu, this offering was evidently regarded as purely voluntary.

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64 Hugh Clifford
Siam apparently acquiesced in this view of

cannot be maintained, with any show of re
was at that time a dependency of Siam, yet
Pêrak in 1826 and that now occupied by
absolutely identical.
134. In 1869 Baginda Umar sent envoys to

Government bearing presents to Her Majesty
His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales; and
replies to the Sultan's letters and return pre
warded from London to Sir Harry Ord, the
of the Straits Settlements, for transmission
Sir Harry Ord, it would seem, was not aw
visions of Article XII. of Captain Burney
quoted, and in writing to the Secretary o
subject of these return presents he stated th
heard it disputed that Trěnggánu occupied a
to that of Kědah and Pètâni with regard
on his recommendation the return presents
to the Baginda's letters were forwarded to B
of action which naturally gave great umbra
and people of Trěnggánu. With this sole
ception, however, the independence of T
always been fully and consistently recognis
representatives of the British Governmen
Settlements. The Governors of the Colon
communicated direct with the Sultan of Trěn
frequently visited him in his capital. Fro
the Governor for the time being paid an ann
Sultan of Trěnggánu, and a similar visit wa
Governor Sir Cecil Clementi Smith in 1893,
the matter of the Pahang rebels was fully di
Sultan. It is only during the last two years
that Trěnggánu forms an integral part of t
Siam has been hinted at by the Governm
but, so far as I am aware, this theory has never
propounded, nor has it ever been directly
admitted by the British Government; while
the Siamese to suzerainty are entirely repudi
Joumal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXX

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tan of Trěnggánu. The burden of proof lies with Siam

and, to the best of my belief, she will be unable to produce
one tittle of evidence in support of her pretensions.
135. In 1890 the King qf Siam paid a visit to the

Malay Peninsula, and since that date strenuous efforts have
been made by the Siamese to extend and strengthen their
influence in Trěnggánu and Kělantan - an influence which
they are well aware is purely nominal, at any rate in so far
as Trěnggánu is concerned. I may mention, as an instance
of this, that in 1892 they endeavoured to induce the Sultan
of Trěnggánu to allow them to open a post office at his
capital, in which the stamps bearing the effigy of the King
of Siam should be used. The Sultan, however, declined to
permit them to do so, saying that if he decided to introduce
a postal system into his kingdom, for which he saw no parti-
cular need, he should have stamps struck bearing his own
likeness. It is significant that the Siamese did not press the
matter, and that the idea has now been abandoned.
136. During my recent stay at the Kuâla, and while

journeying through Trěnggánu territory, I had many
opportunities of gauging the comparative extent of British
and Siamese influence in that State; and I have no hesitation
in asserting that the former is by far the stronger. The
Siamese are hated by the Malays, not merely because they are
regarded by them as infidels who worship idols, and because
they constantly offend the religious susceptibilities of the
natives, but also because a Malay objects to people attempting
to assume the airs of a dominant race whose "eyes and hair,"
as the native saying has it, "are black like our own". In
the European the Malay readily recognises a man of a totally
different and vastly superior race, whose knowledge of men
and things is infinitely wider than his own; but in the
Siamese the Malay finds a race which he regards as inferior
to that to which he himself belongs - inferior, in his opinion,
even to the Chinese whom he despises - and whose repre-
sentatives impress him neither with their sense of justice,
their honesty, nor the imposing nature of their presence. At
the present time, the Sultan of Trěnggánu is inclined to

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66 Hugh Clifford
play off British and Siamese influence one a

and he is encouraged to do so by the manne
1893, the British have permitted the Siame
between them and Trěngganu in the matte
rebels. Secure in the belief that Siam will
active steps to punish him for his bad fait
Government, and cherishing the hope,
inspired by our action in recent years, that
tent to allow Siam to act for us, the Sultan
now calmly defies both the British and Siames
He is shrewd enough to have observed th
while pretending to aid the Government in
the rebels, have from first to last, merely end
the negotiations as a means of strengthe
position and extending their influence in h
has never regarded them as being really in
requests that the rebels should be surrender
full well that, but for the alliance which exist
self and the Siamese his defiance of the British Government
would long ere this have been visited with summary punish-
ment. What has occurred before may, he thinks, occur
again; and the actions of the Siamese Commissioners, attached
to my Expendition, have not been calculated to disabuse
his mind of the belief that Siam will stand between him and
the wrath of the British Government, no matter how just
that wrath may be. This should be steadily borne in mind,
as it serves to explain many things which are otherwise
inexplicable.
137. When the present Sultan succeeded in 1881, being

at the time a mere boy, his numerous relations recognised
that ад opportunity, which they had long desired, had at
length arrived. Under the iron rule of the Baginda, and
while his nephew Ahmad, who had been trained in his
traditions, was still alive, the revenue of the State went to
fill the royal coffers only, and the Râjas and Chiefs of the
country were mainly dependent on the Sultan's bounty for
their supplies. In Zênal-a-Bîdin III., however, they found
a weak, studious boy, afflicted with a slight impediment in

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his speech which made him shy and nervous in their presence,
and whose devotion to his religious studies and practices
caused him to be easily influenced by his pastors and gover-
nors. The strong rule to which Trënggânu had become
accustomed during the reigns of Umar and Ahmad had now
given place to a weak form of Government of which a boy,
who possessed no personal authority in the State, was the
nominal head. Clearly they could exact from him what
terms they pleased, and he would be powerless to resist them,
and would hardly know that what they advised or demanded
called for opposition on his part. Accordingly, in 1882 and
the following years, a partition of the revenue of the State
was arranged, by which the Sultan was left with only a
slender income derived from a small portion of his State,
the rest being divided among his relations.
138. The district of Këmâman was granted by chap to

the Ungku Mûda, an uncle of the Sultan, and the River of
Kijal was included in the grant. Këmâsek was given to the
Dâto' Mâta-Mâta one of the principal Chiefs, and Krêtir was
bestowed on Tungku Ambong, who was the husband of one
of the Sultan's nieces. Dûngun went to Tungku Bûkit, the
Sultan's great-aunt, her nephew, Tungku Muda, acting as her
representative in the negotiation. Měrchang was given to
Tungku Pëtëra, a Singapore Râja, on behalf of his wife who is
a daughter of Tungku Long and Tungku Spîah. The latter is
the Princess of Daik who was formerly married to the late
King of Siam, by whom, however, she had no issue. She
also is a great-aunt of the Sultan. The Mârang River and
district was granted to the Sultan's brother-in-law Tungku
Běsar on behalf of his wife. The Stiu went to Tungku
Mahmud, a son of Tungku Dâlam, who is an uncle of the
Sultan, and Běsut was given to Tungku Chik Têpok, a great-
uncle of the Sultan.
139. There thus remained only the Trënggânu River

itself, and the Páka and Ibai Rivers to be disposed of. The
whole of the country above the Kělěmang Falls was granted
to Tungku Chik Pengeran, the Sultan's elder sister, who is

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68 Hugh Clifford
married to Tungku Chik Malâka or Tun

as he is variously called, a brother of the
of Singapore. The River and district
thrown in as a make-weight. The coun
Kělěmang Falls to Kuâla Tělěmong, with a
of that part of the Trěnggánu River, was
Abdul Rahim (or Che' Děrahin, as he is us
is the Sultan's principal confidential advi
River went to Tungku Mûsa, a great-un
who exerts immense influence over him; and
was granted to Ungku Saiyid of Pâloh, w
uncle and also his Gûru , or religious teac
received their share, therefore, Sultan Zên
left only the Trěnggánu River from Kuâ
mouth, and the small adjacent river of Ib
derive his revenue. Even then many were
discontent because a share of the spoils ha
to them.
140. The foregoing paragraph must not be misunder-

stood to mean that the Sultan in any way relinquished his
authority and jurisdiction over the districts mentioned. The
partition, to which I have referred, related solely to the
revenue of the State; though practically, the collection of
revenue, under Malay rule, being the principal function of
Government, a great deal of power inevitably finds its way
into the hands of the person who has the right to levy the
taxes.
141. In the reigns preceding that of B'aginda Umar a

feudal system, as complete in its way as any recorded in the
history of the Middle Ages, was in force in Trěnggánu. This
system, which presents a curious parallel to that of mediaeva
Europe, is to be traced in the form of Government of every
Malay kingdom in the Peninsula with which I am acquain-
ted, and it was to be found in full force in Pahang when
that State was protected by the British Government in 1888.
In Trěnggánu it has undergone considerable modification,
and now been replaced by a wholly different form of Govern-
ment. Under the Malay feudal system the country is divided

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into a number of districts, each of which is held in fief from
the Sultan by a Dâto' or District Chief. These districts are
sub-divided into minor baronies, each of which is held by a
Dâto' Mûda, or Chief of secondary importance, on a similar
tenure from the District Chief. .The villages of which these
sub-districts are composed are held in a like manner by the
Katûa-an or Headmen from the Dâto' Mûda. In event of war
the Sultan calls upon the District Chiefs to render the
military service which they are bound to afford, and each
Chief summons the Dâto' Mûda, who call the village Head-
men, who bring with them the able-bodied raäyat who dwell
in their villages. In the same way the Sultan often levies
money from a district through the agency of the local Chief,
who, in common with the Headmen under him, takes care
that the whole burden shall be borne by the raäyat. The
latter may be said to have practically no rights, whether of
person or property, under this system. Not only does he
pay all the taxes and exactions which the Râja, the District
Chief, or his more immediate Headmen may exact; not only
is he called upon to labour continuously that others may
profit by his toil; not only is he required to perform any
work that may be demanded of him by his superiors without
recompense or reward, but the fruits of his labours, all the
property of which he stands possessed, and the very persons
of his women-folk only remain his so long as he is strong
enough to resist the person by whom they are coveted.
142. Baginda Umar and his successor Ahmad would

appear to have resolved to allow the feudal system to die out
in Trënggânu, and in pursuance of this policy they declined
to appoint successors to most of the Chiefs and District Head-
men who died during their reigns. With the exception of
the Orang Kâya Dûyong and the Orang Kâya Stîu, there are
no commoners in Trënggânu who still possess territorial
rights within the State, and even these two men do not
occupy a positions such as formerly belonged to the great
feudal Chiefs.
Instead of the great Chiefs the country has been divided

up into a number of village communes, the Pëng-hûlu or

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70 Hugh Clifford
headman of which is directly responsible

present system of Government in force
therefore be described as one of centralization.
143. In Ulu Trěngganu, where the population is very

sparse, these Pěng-hulu have a greater extent of country under
their charge than is customary in other parts of the State.
Pěng-hůlu Málek is responsible for the whole of the Trěngan
Valley; Pěng-hulu Saïd of Brûeh is in charge of the whole
of the Upper Kěrbat, including the Kětíar River, but ex-
cluding the Chěrgul, which is under the charge of Pěng-hulu
Ali; and the whole of the lower part of Ulu Trěnggánu, above
the Kělěmang Falls, is managed by Pěng-hůlu Bakti. For-
merly all this country was under the Orang Kâya Blimbing,
whose sons and grandsons still survive in the Kětíar villages,
but on his death the post was left vacant in pursuance of the
policy above mentioned.
144. In Trěngganu proper, and in most other thickly

populated portions of the State, each village is managed by
its own Pěng-hůlu , villages situated in close proximity one to
the other being wholly disconnected in so far as their admi-
nistration is concerned.
145. The relations of the Raja, to whom one or more

districts in the State have been granted as a source of income,
are for the most part absentees, the work of collecting the
revenue from their people being entrusted to agents. These
men, who are usually natives of Kuâla Trěnggánu, being
practically unchecked, tyrannize over the local headmen and
the people of the out-districts, secure in the knowledge that
none dare raise voice in complain, and that no ill thing is
likely to befall them provided that the district continues to
be a steady source of income to the Râja to whom it has
been granted. The Bûdak Ràja , or youth who form the
immediate entourage of the royal family, from whom these
men are recruited, are as a class famous in all Malay States
for their arrogance and overbearing conduct to the people.
A somewhat coarse vernacular proverb, current among the
Malays, lays emphasis upon the fact that the pupils will outdo

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their master if he sets them bad example of no matter how

trifling a nature, and the truth of the saying is exemplified
by the Bûdak Raja, who do more than is ever done by their
principals towards oppressing and grinding the faces of the
people. Such, then are the men who in Trengganu have
replaced the District Chiefs of former year, and the change
is certainly for the worse. The hereditary Chief of a District
in Malay countries is usually related more or less closely by
ties of blood with the people over whom he rules. He has
been born and bred among them, has their women-folk,
lived their lives, shared in their troubles and their good
fortune, more especially the latter, and even at his worst
knows and is known most intimately by them, and cannot
but be largely in sympathy with them. The Bûdak Raja,
however, looks upon the capital as his home, and sojourn in
an out-district as banishment. He is not of the blood of the
people over whom he rules, he does not know their affairs,
despises their ways, is too arrogant to make himself acquain-
ted with their feeling or their thoughts, is utterly out of
sympathy with them, and merely regards them as a potential
source of revenue, missing no opportunity of enriching him-
self at their expense.
146. It is difficult to exaggerate the evils attending this

system of absenteeism, and the consequent appointment of
agents. With the exception of Dungun and Běsut, and to a
lesser extent Kěmaman and Stîu, none of the district granted
by the Sultan to his relations are the places of residence of
the Rajas or Chiefs to whom they have been bequeathed.
Even in places where a Raja is in charge, either on behalf
of himself or as the agent of the real grantee, the result is
still unsatisfactory. Taken as a class, the Malay Râja is not
a person who is much enamoured of abstract justice, and in
the cases above cited the resident Prince is almost as much
an alien, in the eyes of the people of the district, as any other
native of Kuala Trěngganu would be whom he might
appoint to act as his agent. He also looks upon the people
of the district, over whom he rules, simply and solely as a
source of revenue, and the love of money effectually allays

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72 Hugh Clifford
any feeling of compassion which might ot

in him by a knowledge of their necessiti
who bears a better reputation for kindlin
other Râja in Trënggânu - somewhat cy
point of view from which he regards the
trict, and the conception he has formed of h
towards them, by the fact that Mârang is fa
Chinaman.
147. Another evil, arising from the division of the

country into separate districts, from each of which some rela-
tive of the Sultan has to provide himself with an income, is
that, as might be anticipated, the people throughout the State
are taxed until the limit of the possible has been reached.
The principal exactions are as follows:
Banchi or Poll-tax. - Once in three years a tax of $1

per head is imposed on every circumcised male throughout
the State by order of the Sultan. This tax is levied in order
to defray the expenses consequent on sending the bûnga
âmas to Siam. The Râjas in charge of the various districts
also impose a poll-tax of one àmas or 50 cents, sometimes
annually, sometimes triennially, but this is usually regarded
as a laborious manner of collecting a revenue which can be
more easily obtained by other means, since custom precludes
a larger poll-tax than one âmas being levied by anyone but
the Sultan.
Sěrah. - This is a very well-known manner of obtaining

revenue, and is as much valued by the taxing classes as it is
abominated by those upon whom devolves the duty of pay-
ing taxes. It is managed in one of two ways. Either a
consignment of goods is sent to a village, or to an individual,
and a price considerably in excess of that current in the
markets demanded in return for them, or else a small sum
of money is sent and a message conveyed to the recipients
informing them that a given quantity of gétah, or other
jungle produce, is expected in exchange. I need hardly say
that the sum of money so sent is altogether disproportionate
to the quantity of gétah or jungle produce which is demanded

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in return. On the receipt of a sěrah a village headman calls

his people together, and enforces a public subscription to
meet the sum required by the Râja. The goods are then
divided among the subscribers, but as the quantity of goods is
altogether out of keeping with the high price paid for them,
and as the village elders usually insist on receiving the full
value of their subscription, the weaker members of the com-
munity get little or nothing in return for their money.
Money sěrah , in return for which jungle produce is to be
supplied, is generally made to an individual, who has forth-
with to betake himself to the jungle there to seek for the
required commodity until a sufficient quantity has been
obtained. Meanwhile the cultivation of his land, and all
the labour on which he and his family depend for their live-
lihood, has to be neglected until the Râja's demands have
been satisfied. Nor are his ills then at an end, for if he has
successfully performed one behest, he is very liable to at
once become the victim of a second sěrah.
Krah - This is not a tax in the strict sense of the word,

being the system of Corvée which is in force in every Un-
protected State in the Peninsula. As it is employed in
Trěnggánu, however, it is an engine by which revenue is
raised, and must find a place in any account of the system
of taxation to which the people of this State are subjected.
The people of Dûngun and other parts of the country from
which good timber is exported are called upon annually to
fell a certain number of trees, to square the logs, and to float
them to the mouth of the river ready for transmission to
China or the Straits. For this they receive no remuneration
of any kind, the timber all being regarded as the property
of the District Râja, who even goes so far as to enforce pay-
ment from the people for the tools supplied in order to enable
them to perform this work. Owing to the impassable nature
of the Kělěmang Falls, the people living above the rapids in
Ulu Trěnggánu are not required to work timber for the
District Râja, but they have to supply large quantities of
jungle produce on terms which are very similar to those on
which timber is worked by natives of other parts of the
country.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
74 Hugh Clifford
All jungle produce such as gětah, camp

rattans, etc., are recognised throughout the
property of the various District Rajas; an
have to be brought to headquarters, and
his agents, at the price determined by th
which is the most valuable product yielded
tities by Malay jungles, has to be sold by
per pikul if of inferior quality, and at $50 p
best kind. The prices now ruling in the i
are $50 per pikul and $150 per pikul, respect
and superior gětah . Camphor is valued at
a kâti according to quality, as against $
Pahang. Gambir is sold by the basket of
price paid being 10 kûpang in Trěnggan
$2.50. In Pahang $5 is the lowest price pai
Damar is also exported in considerable
Trěnggánu, and this also has to be sold to
at a uniformly low price. Kěmuning wo
and ivory are similarly perquisites.
The monopoly laws with regard to jung

just and oppressive though they are, indi
State, since they act as a protective measu
being tempted to the whole sale destruction
ing trees, when they are aware that their sh
accruing from their labours will be bu
regarding gambir however is wholly oppos
rests of the country, since owners of plantat
to persevere with their cultivation whilst
by them from their produce are so small.
years many gambir gardens have been aba
been found necessary to punish the owners w
to induce them to resume possession of th
In Ulu Trěngganu and in other parts of

of buffaloes are not permitted to sell thei
except to the District Râja, who purchase
to $12 per head, and annually exports a co
to places where the ruling price is double or
sums. Any infringement of the Raja's r

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
with a heavy fine, and in such awe do the people stand of

their Chiefs, and so law-abiding and docile are the agricul-
tural classes of Malays, that I am assured on all hands that
cases of infringement are very rare.
148. In the Coast Districts the principal source of

revenue is derived from an export duty of $1 per pîkul
imposed on fish, large quantities of which are exported
annually to Singapore. The right to collect this duty is
generally farmed to one of the local Chinaman (sic). The
average cost of fish per pîkul is $3.25. The duty, the freight to
Singapore, the cost of transport, etc., amount to $1.50 more,
making a total cost of $4.75 per pîkul , which, as the ruling
price in Singapore is $5 per pîkul, leaves a margin of profit
of 25 cents per pîkul to the shippers. The fishing industry,
including the curing and drying of the fish, is entirely in the
hands of the Malays, all the shipping being done by the
Chinese traders who live at the port along the coast, the
majority of whom have been born and bred in the State.
149. The revenue obtained from the duty imposed on

all opium imported into the country is very trifling, not
exceeding $5,000 per annum, and the gambling farms yield
an even more slender revenue, only Chinese being permitted
to gamble, though a considerable amount of surreptitious
gaming is carried on, from which the State derives no revenue,
and upon which no efficient check is imposed.
150. Tobacco is not a monopoly, as was formerly the

case in Pahang, but salt is only imported by the Rajas, who,
however, retail it to the people at fairly moderate prices. All
other imports are subject to a duty of 10% payable in kind
or in value at the option of the Râja in charge of the Coast
District into which the produce is imported.
151. The Sultan's own share in the revenue of the
country is derived mainly from the duty levied on fish
exported from Kuâla Trěngganu, from the duty on the
imports which enter that port, from harbour dues - $20.70
being exacted from each ship which enters the river, and

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
76 Hugh Clifford
smaller sums from junks and native crafts -

paid on account of the fines by means of which
usually punished, and lastly from the coining
152. Up to within the last two years the t
of Trènggânu consisted of only two coins; on
State, and the other by the Kapitan China - o
of the Chinese community. The first o
variously kêping or pîtis, is a small round co
a letter-wafer in size and thickness; the other, w
jôkoh, is somewhat larger than a Straits Sett
cent, is made of tin, and has a hole in the cen
pattern of the Chinese "cash". The latter is s
for use in the Chinese gaming houses, though it
in the capital, and in the villages of the vici
a new coin, sometimes called a kêping bharu,
of which is equal to that of ten of the old p
struck by the State. The right to coin jôkoh
lately given to the Jûru Bhâsa and to the Jû
Chinese Interpreter and the Chinese scribe o
this right being granted in lieu of other rem
their services. These new jôkoh have the sam
as those issued by the Kapitan, but they diffe
them, and from one another, both in weigh
inscriptions. The tin coins now current in
the present time, are therefore five in numb
tive value will be seen from the following tab
Trengganu Currency
I
10 Pîtis or kêping =1 Kêping bharu

3 Kêping bharu . . = 1 Kěněri*
4 Kěněri . . = 1 Kûpang
4 Kûpang = 1 Amas (50 cents)
2 Amas = 1 Ringgit ($1)
Thus 960 pîtis or Kêping go to the dollar, and t
bharu is therefore worth rather more than a cent,
former being equivalent to 100 of the latter.
* In the written language the form kèndêri U5" is more co

here give the colloquial form in which the d is invariably drop
/'

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
Ii
24 Pîtis or kêping =1 Jôkoh

5 Jôkoh = 1 Kûpang
4 Kûpang (20 jôkoh) =1 Amas (50 cents)
2 Amas (40 jôkoh) =1 Ringgit ($1)
Thus here, as elsewhere in the Peninsula, a jôkoh is equiva-
lent in value to 2у% cents.
153. The actual value of the tin of which a pîtis

or kêping is composed is .066 cent, and as the token value
of the coin is nearly -L of a cent (9.6 Kêping - 1 cent), the
Sultan of Trênggânu realises a profit of about 1,636% on
each cent's worth minted. Now, however, it is no longer
being issued, the profit being considered too trifling, owing
to its small token value, which has also become inconvenient
since the prices of produce have no more than doubled
during the last 15 years, owing to the increased facilities for
steam communication between Trênggânu and Singapore.
The intrinsic value of the new 10 kêping piece is 0.3 cent,
and, as its token value is 4% more than that of one cent, the
profit realised upon it is slightly over 245%. The right to
mint 96,000 of this coin monthly has been granted to Tûngku
Pětri, the Princess of Daik recently wedded to the Sultan;
and a similar right has also been bequeathed to Inche'
Kêlèsom, the chief concubine of the Sultan, who is also the
mother of his only son. Each of these ladies thus realises a
monthly income of about $700 from this source, and it is not
therefore necessary for the Sultan to make any other provi-
sion for them.
154. The Kapîtan, Jûru Bhâsa and Jûru Tûlis each have
the right to coin and issue jôkoh annually to the number of
40,000 the token value of which is $1,000. As I have said,
the jôkoh issued by these Chinamen differ from one another
in weight, those minted by the Jûru Tûlis being the heaviest,
and those of the Jûru Bhâsa being the lightest. The actual
tin value of these coins is .597 cent, .390 cent, and .382 cent,
respectively; and, as their token value in each case is 2.5 cents,

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
78 Hugh Clifford
a profit of about 315% is realised by the

about 550% by the Kapîtan and 540% by t
155. It is estimated that there are at lea
of the old pîtis still in circulation. Of t
pieces more than $30,000 worth had been
beginning of the current year, and $2,00
monthly. The jôkoh in circulation pro
about $5,000, and $3,000 worth of this coi
annually. It is probable, therefore, that t
the tin coin now in circulation in Trěngga
of $60,000 at the present moment; and if
in the policy he is now adopting with reg
of his country, as it may be confidently pre
do, this sum in five years' time will have
$200,000. This is sufficiently alarming w
bered that the actual tin value of the Trěn
ages not more than 20% of the token value
in and smelted down only about $40,000 w
upon $200,000 worth of coin.
156. In the above calculation I have on

consideration the coin actually minted
Sultan, and by those to whom the Sulta
right to coin tin tokens. In a State like
ever, which may fittingly be called the B
Peninsula, there are numerous artisans ca
exact imitations of the coin, and who find
sufficient to repay them for their labour.
assured, a considerable quantity of tin
every respect to those issued by the Sultan
and introduced into the market by privat
danger was fully appreciated by the Râja's
issue of the new coins was first contempla
declined to go to the initial expense of pu
dies for his mint, and, as a result, the false coins are abso-
lutely identical with those they imitate. It being thus quite
impossible to distinguish the genuine coins from the false
ones, the latter will have to be redeemed with the former
should the time ever come for calling in the tin coinage of

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
Expedition: Trěngganu and Kelantañ 79
Trěngganu. This will then be found to present a question
of no little difficulty.
157. In Trěngganu both the yen and the Mexican

dollar are current, and the pillar dollar, which alone is of
standard value in Kělantan and the Northern States on the
East Coast, is never seen. The large quantity of tin coin
poured into the market cannot but ultimately have the result
of depleting Trěngganu of its silver; but at the present time
a fair quantity of dollars are current, and the dislocation of
trade, which will ensue if the present minting policy is per-
severed with, is only beginning to be perceptible. This dan-
ger is alone appreciated by Pěnghulu Bâlai Umat - a man
of considerable intelligence and mathematical acquire-
ments - who, however, has but little weight in the councils
of the Sultan.
158. Notes are not legal tender in Trěnggánu, and

small silver coins are only accepted in order that they may
be converted into ornaments. Beyond the immediate vici-
nity of the capital, and the other Chinese trading centres,
jôkoh are not accepted.
159. As no gold mines exist in Trěnggánu, and as the

amount of gold required for the moulding of the bûnga amas
has to be purchased from Kělantan or Pahang, no gold
currency is in use in this State, such as was until lately in
circulation in Ulu Pahang, and is still employed in the
mining districts of Kělantan. The existence of a former
gold currency is rendered probable, however, by the use of
the word amas by the natives of Trěngganu, who, as has been
seen, employ the term to indicate a sum equivalent to four
kupang, or 50 cents of a Mexican dollar. This word is a
corruption of amas, the Malay word for gold, and, so far as
I am aware, it is not in use in any other part of the Peninsula
in which a gold currency does not exist. The amas in Pahang
was theoretically worth $1.33.3 of a dollar, but it was usually
reckoned as being equivalent in value of $2; the amas in
Kělantan is worth 50 cents of a pillar dollar, or about 56 cents
of a yen or Mexican, and was thus originally of the same

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
8Ó Hugh Clifford
value as the Trënggânu amas, the distinct
Kělantan between the values of different kinds of dollars
being of a comparatively modern origin.
160. I attach to this Report two specimens of each of

the tin coins current in Trënggânu.
161. In paragraph 151 of this Report I have referred

to the fines inflicted by the Courts as being one source from
which the Sultan's revenue is derived. The Râja, unlike his
great-uncle the Baginda, does not personally administer the
law to his people, and the rude justice which was dispensed
in former reigns has now been replaced by a system under
which the length of the litigant's purse forms his best claim
to a hearing. The Court which sits in the Bâlai - or State
Hall - is presided over by Tunku Mûsa, Tûan Itam, and
Che' Abdul Rahim, who are occasionally assisted by Tungku
Usmán, or by any of the other minor Rajas who can be relied
upon by these men to follow their lead. The Sultan is
entirely in the hands of the Chiefs whom I have mentioned.
Tungku Musa is the one among all his relations who exerts
most influence over him. Tûan Itam, a Saiyid, who is also
related to the Sultan, acts as his Treasurer, and takes care, it
is said, that the Râja's money shall not pass through his hands
without leaving substantial traces of its passage. The Sultan
is known to cherish a great affection for him, and he is not
slow to turn this to profitable account. Che' Abdul Rahim -
or Che' Dërâhim as he is usually called - is the most confi-
dential of all the Sultan's advisers, and to him is entrusted
the management of His Highness' most private and intimate
affairs. He probably exerts more influence in the country
than any other man, and he makes the freest use of the
Sultan's name and authority to gain his own ends, secure in
the knowledge that his master will support him in anything
which he may do.
162. From the Malay point of view, the administration

of justice is always regarded by the rulers of the State as a
leading and legitimate source of revenue. The pěm-basoh
bâlai or fees of Court - literally the money paid for clean-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
Expedition: Trěnggánu and Kelantañ 81
sing the State Hall after the hearing of a case has soiled it
- yield one portion of this revenue, and the other and larger
portion is derived from the fines which are inflicted as
punishment for almost every offence. The Sultan himself
I believe to be a just man, and this view, I found, is shared
even by men who had obtained but scanty justice in the
Trěnggánu Courts. He remains for the most part unaware
of the things which are done in his name by the men to whom
he has delegated his power, since they take infinite care that
he should not be surrounded by any but their own creatures.
People who wish to make personal representations to him find
their ways hedged round with many difficulties; and even
if these have been surmounted, they invariably find them-
selves obliged to formulate their complaints in the presence
of the powerful Chiefs by whom the wrong has been done,
and who have only to assure the Sultan that the petition is
frivolous to ensure the instant dismissal of the petitioner.
After this the man who has forced his way into the royal
presence, against the wish of those by whom the Sultan is
controlled and guided, soon discovers that, so long as he
continues to reside in Trěnggánu, his lines are not cast in
pleasant places, and others seeing this are not encouraged
to follow his example.
163. In all civil cases one half of the debt recovered
is claimed by the Court, and is, for the most part, divided
among the presiding judges, only a small percentage finding
its way into the Sultan coffers. This is now generally re-
cognised as the unauthorised but understood custom of the
land, and I am assured by the leading Chinese traders of
Kuâla Trěnggánu that, as a consequence, they have long
ceased to take their cases for settlement into the Sultan's
Courts. Accordingly no credit is given to the local Malays, and
to anyone who is acquainted with the system upon which
trade in a Native State is conducted by the Chinese, this
implies that from the outset it is very seriously hampered and
impeded.
164. Theoretically all criminal cases are tried accord-

ing to Никит Sharä - Muhammadan Law - but many of the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
82 Hugh Clifford
more severe penalties enacted by that Code
muted to fine, or, in default of payment, to im
Murder, as in other Muhammadan countries, is
the payment of dîat or blood-money, unless th
the deceased insist on a life for a life. This dîat is fixed at
$1,200, and as the Trënggânu Bench usually claims half or
more than half of this sum, thé Chiefs who administer the
law generally take steps to ensure the acceptance of blood-
money by the relations of the murdered man. Hurt or
grievous hurt is for the most part punished by the payment
of pampas - or fine for bodily injury - which is supposed to
be paid to the person hurt or wounded. Unless, however,
he is a man of sufficiently strong position to enforce the pay-
ment, the money usually remains in the hands of the Chiefs
by whose orders it has been paid. Theft, which by the
Никит Sharä is punishable with kudong , or mutilation of
the hand, in Trënggânu, is now generally punished by fine.
Almost all other offences are treated in a like manner, the
fines inflicted being more usually fixed by the reputed wealth
of the offender than proportioned to the magnitude of the
offence. Indeed, a reputation for affluence is in itself a
source of danger, since it not infrequently causes its possessor
to be mulcted in large sums for purely imaginary crimes,
which it is alleged that he, or one of his relations, has com-
mitted. Thus, though money can buy immunity from
punishment under all circumstances, its mere possession is
often sufficient to call down retribution on the heads of
perfectly innocent people.
165. Nothing in the nature of the sifting of evidence

is attempted. Men are frequently punished without having
had any opportunity of defending themselves, and without
any âdequate proof of their guilt, beyond a bare ex parte
statement, having been placed before the Court. The whole
system is hopelessly corrupt, the Courts merely existing as
an engine by means of which revenue can be squeezed from
the people, and the injustice daily done in the name of the
pious Sultan Zênal-a-Bîdin of Trënggânu is at least as crying

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
as that which was formerly perpetrated by the orders of the

frankly irreligious Sultan Ahmad of Pahang.
166. According to the theory by which Trěnggánu is

governed, all offences committed in the State are supposed to
be tried at the capital, but as a matter of fact a considerable
amount of power is usurped by the District Râjas and their
agents, who freely fine their people, and only send offenders
with whom they find themselves unable to deal to the Sultan's
Courts for punishment. The local authority of these Chiefs
and their agents is so great, and in such awe are they held
by the people whom they rule and oppress, that there is
practically no appeal from their decisions, no one being
found sufficiently daring to incur their displeasure by hazar-
ding a petition to the Sultan, which would, in all probability,
prove abortive or unsuccessful. Thus, from end to end of
the State, the people are given over to injustice on which
there is no check, and to which there is no limit, save such
as may be imposed upon their rulers by the compassion which
the condition of their subjects may be supposed to excite.
When both the governors and those they rule are orientals,
this is but a sorry reed on which to lean.
167. When fines or debts to the State cannot be paid,

the persons by whom they are due are placed in the pěn-jara,
or gaol, until such time as the required payment have been
made by their relations, or by others who desire to purchase
them as slaves. On 22nd April I paid a visit to the pěn-jára
at Kuala Trěnggánu, and I shall never forget the impression
made upon me by the shocking sight which it presented. It
consists of an enclosure, built in the very centre of the Kědai
Tanjong, - one of the most crowded portions of the town -
surrounding the cages in which the prisoners are confined.
The fence is built of heavy slabs of wood some 3 inches
thick, 2 feet broad, and 10 feet high, which are fitted toge-
ther so as to form a solid wall. Inside this fence, and at a
distance of 30 inches from it, are two rows of cages placed
back to back, which are made of heavy bars of wood with
intervals of a couple of inches or so in every eight for the
admission of light and air. These cages are raised about 6

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
84 Hugh Clifford
inches from the ground, and measure som

2 feet in width, and 5 feet in height. T
all, that is to say 10 in each row, and w
pèn-jâra it was fairly full, in one instanc
confined in the same cage. Prisoners on
incarnation are not again released unti
which they are detained has been paid
or until death sets them free. When I say
released, I mean that they are literally n
leave the cages in which they have been p
arrangements of any kind are provided;
out the cages; and the space between t
ground, and the interval which separates
surrounding fence, is therefore a seething
and maggots. Owing to the heavy bars wh
of the cages, the close proximity of th
another, and the solid wooden wall which shuts out all
ventilation, the atmosphere inside must be something appal-
ling, for even in the space between the cages and the fence
- a comparatively airy spot - it is calculated to turn the
strongest stomach. To add to their misery, no bathing
appliances of any kind are supplied to the prisoners, and the
filthy persons of the inmates of these cells beggar all
description.
The Pèr-tanda, or Executioner, who is in charge of the

pën-jâra, receives no grant from the Sultan from which to
defray the expenses of the prisoners, but he is entitled to
levy one gantang of rice from every boat laden with grain
which enters the river, and he is also allowed to collect a
daily due of fish from all the local fishermen. Both these
sources of revenue are only available during the open season,
since trading boats do not enter the river, and fishing smacks
do not put out to sea, while the north-east monsoon is raging.
This, however, does not affect the prisoners, for the Per-
tanda , being an oriental official, and the Râjas and Chiefs
who are responsible for the administration of the country
concerning themselves not at all for the welfare of the in-
mates of the prison, it is hardly necessary to say that all the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
collections made by executioner are appropriated to his own

use, and that the prisoners only obtain such supplies as their
relations may make shift to send them, and then only if a
sufficient fee has purchased the consent of the pěr-tanda. In
1894 no less than three men in the pèn-jâra, died of starvation.
This fact was casually mentioned to me by one or two natives
of Trěngganu, with whom I was discussing the local prison
system, and in them it appeared to excite neither surprise
nor any other particular emotion.
As though the punishment dealt out to the prisoners

was not already sufficiently severe, several of them, I noticed,
were heavily loaded with chains, one man especially so,
having an iron collar round his neck which was fastened by
heavy links to rings round his ankles, and to chains passed
about his waist. He was accused of having stolen a kris
(dagger), valued at $50, from one of the Rajas, but until he
had been three months in the pèn-jâra he steadfastly denied
the truth of the accusation. At length he admitted his guilt
and volunteered to shew the spot where he said that he had
buried the kris , but when he was taken there he was unable
to indicate the place. Accordingly he was brought back to
the cells, where he will probably remain until death relieves
his sufferings his relations being too poor to pay for his
release. So far I could learn, there was no particular reason
to believe that this man really committed the theft of which
he was accused, and the intense craving for one breath of
fresh air, which all who are condemned to confinement in
the pèn-jâra must experience so keenly, is sufficient to account
for his conduct in subsequently pretending that, if liberated
he could set his hand upon the missing weapon. I merely
quote this as a more or less typical case illustrative of the
manner in which the law is administered under the rule of
Sultan Zênal-a-Bidin of Trěnggánu.
Men, women and children were alike inmates of the
pěn-jára when I visited the place, and all presented the same
lamentable spectacle. The chalk white faces blinking or
staring at one through the heavy bars of the cages; hollow
cadaverous cheeks, the paleness of which was only intensified

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
86 Hugh Clifford
by the blackness of the long, matted, verm

of hair; eyes, receding deep into their soc
wild hunted expression of some caged
misery, degradation and disease; filth of per
dings which baffled all description, went to
a picture as one would desire not to witn
the overpowering stench, the lack of wate
poses, and the insufficient diet kills many af
confinement; and yet orientals can supp
dirt and physical misery which would
among Europeans in an incredibly short time. Some
prisoners, on the other hand, pass years in the cages, being
fed by their relatives, and though covered with scales and
disease of every kind, they become at length, I am informed,
absolutely callous and indifferent, expressing no longer any
desire to regain their liberty.
Lunatics as well as criminals are confined in the pěn -

jâra , and since the imprisonment in these cages often breeds
madness in sane persons, it is not to be wondered at that
lunatics so treated never regain their reason.
Similar prisons are in existence, I am told, at Kuâla

Këmâman, Kuâla Dûngun, Kuâla Stîu, and Kuâla Bësut, but
of these I cannot speak as an eye-witness; and I believe that
their existence, though connived at, is not officially recognised
by the central authorities in Trënggânu. Any person occupy-
ing a high position in the State, however, can cause his or
her personal followers to be confined in the pën-jâra by the
simple process of sending them to the Pěr-tanda with an order
for admission - a kind of lettre de cachet - and without the
tedious formality of a trial being considered necessary.
168. The police system at Kuâla Trënggânu is a

curious one, and is on a par with the rest of the administra-
tion. Tungku Jûsup, a young Râja, who is a distant cousin
of the Sultan, is the head of the Jûah Jûak , or Body Guard,
by which all police duty is done. The men who compose
this irregular force are the Budak Râja - or King's youths -
a class to which I have already referred in a previous para-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
graph of this Report. They receive no pay, but obtain what

money they can by blackmailing the inhabitants of the town
and neighbouring villages. At night-time they hunt in
couples, or in bands of three or four, and levy chantage from
people taken in fornication, or from other offenders against
the law whom they may succeed in detecting. If their demands
are refused they arrest the persons concerned, and some worse
thing befalls them on the morrow; therefore, the sums which
they ask as the price of their silence are usually paid. When
offences chance to be rare, or difficult to detect, they some-
times seize on wholly innocent people, and threaten to accuse
them of crimes unless money is paid to them. When the
offences detected are of a serious nature they usually exact
payment for their silence, in the first instance, and lay an
information at the Bâlai on the following morning; and
since this system of chantage is fully recognised and approved
by the rulers of the country, the victims of this treachery
have no means of obtaining redress, or of punishing those
who have deceived them. This system was explained to me
in detail, with many queer tales in illustration of it drawn
from his own experience, by one of the Bûdak Râja who was
among the most active members of the force; and on making
further enquiries from the people I learned that this strange
form of police supervision, and summary punishment by
fine, is a recognised custom which has the full approval of
the Sultan, and that the Jûak- Jiiak are entitled to keep any
money which they are thus able to obtain.
169. To sum up this sketch of the manner in which

the State of Trengganu is administered, I have no hesitation
in stating that the lot of the people of this country is no whit
better than was that of the natives of Pahang during the
years preceding the introduction of the Residential System.
It is true that Sultan Zênal-a-Bidin does not personally
oppress his people, and I am inclined to credit him with the
love of justice and the merciful disposition which are popu-
larly ascribed to him; but he has placed the government of
country in the hands of men who do, in his name,
nearly all the evil which, under the circumstances, it is

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
88 Hugh Clifford
possible for an unjust ruler to perpe

of Pahang are of a more manly, more r
turbulent disposition than are the natives
the cry they raised to Heaven for vengea
cry and made itself more distinctly heard;
people of the latter State before 1889 was
less deplorable than is that of the form
Pahang Malays were oppressed, they were
Sultan himself, and more rarely of their
Chiefs; while in Tènggânu the people are
number of underlings, to whom the Sulta
authority, and who, in the out-districts,
with the people they govern by ties of assoc
or relationship. The more one sees of
Malay States, and the more intimate one'
comes with the methods of Malay Rule
foundly is one convinced of the utter inab
govern one another with anything approa
tice, or honesty. '
170. It is pleasure to turn from this picture of

of Trènggânu to a consideration of the people
govern, the natives of this State being quite th
nious, and among the most industrious Malays
sula. The total population of the country does
short of 100,000 souls - 40% greater than tha
though the area of the latter State is at least
great as is the area of Trènggânu. The Mala
which comprises about 99% of the whole, may
divided into three classes: the fishermen who d
coast; the artisans who inhabit the capital, and th
towns and the villages in their immediate vic
agricultural population who occupy the village
scattered over the rest of the country. Of th
lation about 40,000 are circumcised males who c
the triennial poll-tax; and of these about 8,000 ar
5,000 artisans, 26,000 agriculturists, and the re
men are Chiefs, or hangers-on of the Chiefs, w
leisured classes.

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171. The population of the valley of the Trënggânu

River is about 45,000 souls, only 500 of whom inhabit the
country above the Kělěmang Falls, the remaining 44,5000
being crowded into the space between the falls and the sea.
Of these about 12,000 occupy the capital and the villages in
the immediate neighbourhood. The country between the
falls and the capital thus accommodates a population of about
32,500 souls, and is, therefore, one of the most thickly popu-
lated portions of the Peninsula. In most States, where the
population is still chiefly composed of Malays, the villages
are scattered, and are usually separated from one another by
long stretches of forest; and even in Trënggânu this is the
case so far as the nature of the country permits. The Malay
prefers to have plenty of room. He perceives that a liveli-
hood is earned by all with more ease and less labour and
difficulty if people are not too thick upon the ground, and in
pursuance of this conviction he plants his village, if he can
do so, at a safe distance from those of his neighbours. The
existence of the Kělěmang Falls, however, has restricted the
natives of Trënggânu in their choice of village sites, and as
the condition of those who dwell above the rapids has not
encouraged others to follow their example, the greater portion
of the population has elected to live below the falls; as a
consequence, they have had to submit to what, from a Malay
point of view, is rather unpleasant crowding. The result of
this has been that the natives of this Statue have had to work
harder in order to support life than is usual among Malays,
and in the course of successive generations this has led to the
development of an energy and an ingenuity quite uncommon
among the people of the race to which they belong.
172. The fishermen, who inhabit a string of villages

which stretches along the whole of the Trënggânu coast line,
work very hard during the months between March and
November, and in that time are enabled to win a sufficient
sum to keep them in comfort in the close season when the
north-east monsoon renders fishing impossible. During these
three or four months of enforced idleness the fishermen build
and repair their boats and houses, make and mend their nets,

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
90 Hugh Clifford
do a little planting, and generally pass the

ing odd jobs; but for them the year's work
and ends with the breaking and the retur
The methods employed for taking fish

those in use along the Pahang Coast, wh
formed the subject of a detailed report to
do not therefore call for any special descri
Owing to the strength with which the se
unprotectèd shores during the north-east
the fishermen of the East Coast are enabled to make but little
use of the fishing stakes which are such a familiar feature in
the scenery of the Straits of Malacca. Accordingly most of
the fish are taken in nets, of which a great variety are in use,
and in the management of which considerable skill and inge-
nuity are displayed. The fishing is usually done during the
day, the boats going out at dawn with the land breeze, and
returning in the afternoon with the wind, which at that hour
blows in shore. Some netting, however, is done by night,
and a number of large boats may be seen at sundown paddling
out to sea for this purpose.
The shares which are apportioned to the working hands

in each crew, and to the owners of the crafts and nets, are all
determined by immutable custom, which has been trans-
mitted from generation to generation, which is fully recog-
nised and understood by all concerned, and which no Malay
would be so impious as to contravene. This prevents the
occurrence of the constant disputes which would otherwise
inevitably arise, and as a consequence the fishing population
of Trènggânu is as peaceful as any other section of the com-
munity. The owners of boats and nets usually take an active
part in the fishing operations; and the capitalist who owns
many crafts and lives on the income derived from their hire
is almost unknown. The average monthly takings of a work-
ing fisherman during the open season is about $8, and those
of a working boat-owner, who steers his own craft, nearly
double that amount.
Several thousand pîkuls of fish are dried in the villages

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Expedition: Trengganu and Keîantan 01
along the Trënggânu coast, and seven-eighths of this is
exported to Singapore. An immense quantity of the Malay
caviare called blâchan is prepared in this State, and the crush-
ing of the prawns, and the other processes by which the condi-
ment is manufactured, are mostly undertaken by the women-
folk, to whom also is entrusted the curing of each day's take
of fish. At Kuâla Trënggânu, where the houses jostle one
another on every square yard of available space, and where
every other house is the home of a fisherman's family, the
penetrating odour of fish - fresh, dry, or in the process of
being dried - permeates everything and vies with the other
stenches of a very insanitary town to do violence to one's
sense of smell.
173. The existence of a comparatively large manufac-

turing class in Trënggânu is partly due to the fostering care
of the Běginda - of whose interest in manufacturing men-
tion has already been made - and is partly the result of
circumstances, the large population of the lower portion of
the country necessitating unusual exertion on the part of the
natives in order to render it possible for them to earn a liveli-
hood. The chief articles of manufacture are silks, cotton
fabrics, native weapons, and metal and wood work. The
weaving is done almost exclusively by the women, the men
confining themselves to aiding in procuring the ingredients
from which the numerous vegetable dyes are prepared, devis-
ing the patterns, making and setting up the looms, and dis-
posing of the silks and cottons when ready for sale. The
other articles of manufacture are all made by the men.
The kain běnang amas, silk clothes with gold thread

interwoven in the fabric; the kain lîmau and kain prang
rôsak , two kinds of watered or shot silk cloths; are the best
products of the Trënggânu looms, and fetch high prices in all
parts of the Peninsula. The kain sârong sutěra, or silk Malay
waist cloths, manufactured in Trënggânu, are admittedly in-
ferior to those made in Këlantan and Pahang, both in texture
and in the durability of the dyes employed. The proper price
of the best qualities never exceed $4, whereas $5 is the recog-
nised price of the silk sarong made in the other States on the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
02 Hugh Clifford
East Coast. Trènggânu, however, as I have alr

may be aptly described as the Birmingham o
and much ingenuity is displayed by Trènggâ
imitating the manufactures of Pahang. A lar
Trènggânu kain sarong are now sold as Pahan
is often not until the dyes begin to run a
week's wear, that the deception is detected. In
large consignments of the white cloths shot wit
such as are much used by the Arabs for turba
despatched to Mecca, where they are retailed
Malay pilgrims as real Arabic manufacture.
which these cloths fade and wear out is again th
in which the purchaser can discover the fra
has been a victim. Many of the cotton fabric
good of their kind; but here, again, ingeniou
made of other cloths which are better known an
valued by the natives of the Peninsula and A
large cotton sârong imported from Celebes, w
kain Bûgis by the Malays, are among those w
successfully copied, but the kain bènang hâlu
best imitation of these fabrics, is a very goo
usually worth the money paid for it.
174. The metal ware made at Kuâla Trèn

very good of its kind. The chief articles m
numerous brass vessels with which every Mal
standing in the Peninsula is furnished, and as
ware is at once graceful and excellently finish
quantities are exported to all parts of the
especially to the States on the East Coast.
facture of the ordinary brass vessels the nat
an art, which is said to have been taught to t
the artisans who were brought from Daik by
the secret of which is jealously preserved by
it, and which, to the best of my belief, is no
of the other Native States. I refer to the cas
with certain alloys and ingredients which pr
metal - tèmbâga pûteh, "white brass" as the
the colour of which is not unlike that of nic

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
manner of vessels for use in Malay households are made from
this metal, and, whether sold in Trěnggánu or exported to
the other States on the East Coast, they fetch a price nearly
four times that of ordinary brass utensils. Thus a set of five
chèmbul, or small receptacles used for holding the ingre-
dients for areca-nut chewing, is valued at from $6 to $8,
according to quality, if made of this metal, as against $2,
which is the price for a set if made of ordinary brass.
In addition to the brass ware, all manner of knives, dag-

gers, swords, spears, pruning-knives, and choppers are made
in Trěnggánu, many of which are of excellent workmanship,
the pârang or rough native knives used for jungle work being
especially cheap and good. In the making of weapons, how-
ever, the mimetic faculty of the Trěnggánu artisans again
makes itself seen, almost exact imitations of the best known
and most valuable kris - those imported from Celebes and
Java - being turned out weekly for sale and export, the silver
watering on the blades being ingeniously contrived to pre-
sent an appearance of age. Needless to say, this damascening
disappears from the blade after a little wear, much as the
dye fades from the silk of a reputed "Pahang" sârong of
Trěnggánu manufacture. The inlaid silver work on the
smooth blades of some swords, etc., is also imitated from
foreign designs, and this too is apt to prove to be of anything
but a permanent description. Nevertheless, the Trěnggánu
metal-smiths can turn out very excellent work when it is
worth their while to do so; and if an order for any article is
given to them they not infrequently enquire whether it is
required for use or for sale - in the former case it is made
as well as they know how to make it, in the latter its qualities
are designed more for show than for permanency. The un-
blushing manner in which a Trěnggánu artisan will praise
the antiquity of some article which he has made with his own
hands, and the absolute indifference and absence of mauvaise
honte which he displays when his deceit is exposed, has given
to the people of this State the reputation as unequalled liars
which is popularly ascribed to them by a vernacular proverb
current in the Peninsula.

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94 Hugh Clifford
175. The workers in wood also devote the
to making numerous articles for native use, the
of which are the sîrih boxes, or cases for holdi
dients for areca-nut chewing, the surfaces of whi
by thin layers of the beautiful këmûnîng wood (M
The grain of this wood is best, and the colo
handsome, in that portion of the root which e
the ground and joins the trunk at a height
inches from the base, and the bânir , as this pa
is called, is accordingly greatly prized and fetches
price. The kěmuning trees in Trënggânu, I a
have now been almost all destroyed, and the w
the natives of this State is chiefly imported from
other parts of the Archipelago. Though, utilis
said, for sîrih boxes, etc., the bânir of the
principally used for making the handles and h
sheaths of Malay weapons; and, seeing that a numb
etc., are annually exported from Trënggânu, th
are kept fully employed making the wooden fit
blades forged by the smiths. In addition to thi
good wood carving is also done by the nati
Trënggânu. It is chiefly devoted to house or
like all Malay art, it is of a very unoriginal an
stamp.
Boat-building is extensively carried on in Trënggânu;

but here, as elsewhere in the Peninsula, the boats are made
by the natives chiefly for their own use, very few being ex-
ported to other States. The native boats for both sea and
river use are good, but the latter are inferior to those made
in Pahang, which is probably due to the fact that the rivers
in the latter State are for the most part swifter than are those
rivers in Trënggânu which are navigable for large boats.
The sea-going crafts are much like those in use in all the
States on the East Coast, but the single-mast boats, called
jâlak , which are the favourite sailing-boats on the Pahang
coast, are not in use among the people of Trënggânu. Boats
are also built on a European pattern, the art having been
first taught by one of the Baginda's workmen, who was pre-

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sented with a Singapore-built gig for use as a model. The
wood used for this purpose is teak imported from Siam, and
the boats in model, in workmanship, and in finish are in-
finitely superior to anything which the dock-yards of the
Straits are accustomed to produce. As no machinery of any
kind is in use, these boats take a long time to construct, and
their cost is prohibitive, $300 being the price of an ordinary
four-oar.
176. From this slight sketch of the principal manu-

facturers of Trënggânu, it will be seen that the natives are far
more ingenious than are the Malays of any other part of the
Peninsula; but, like all their race, their genius is imitative
rather than creative. A people so conservative as the Malays,
who are so wedded to their ancient customs, whose chief
standard of excellence is antiquity, who act by precedent, and
argue by quoting old saws and ancient sayings, are hardly
to be expected now to produce anything which they have
not copied direct from a model, and the energy of any section
of such a race is to be gauged rather by the extent of its
imitative faculty, than by the amount of its originality.
Judged by this standard, and compared with their neigh-
bours in the Peninsula, the people of Trënggânu certainly
rank high; and it may safely be said that no other Malay
State could produce a man capable of making a steam launch
after paying a few visits to the engine room of one of the
local coasting boats. This vessel was made from a native
hulk into which engines, made chiefly of old kerosine cans,
had been fixed, and to this moment I never know whether
most admiration is due to the ingenuity of the constructor,
or to the hardihood of those who trusted themselves to a craft
so constructed.
177. The agricultural classes are chiefly employed in

the cultivation of rice, maize, tapioca, yams, gambir, coconuts,
sugar cane, and fruit trees. Rice is, of course, the most ex-
tensive and most important of all the crops, and the modes
of planting employed are precisely the same as those in use
in Pahang, and in the other States on the East Coast. Rice
is planted in three ways: in irrigated swamps, in plough

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
96 Hugh Clifford
land, and in dry clearings. The first method

where, gives the best results, but owing to the
and difficulty attending the irrigation of land,
monly adopted than are the two latter mode
Taking the land under rice in Trěngganu a
portion of land cultivated in each of these t
ways would probably be, approximately, irr
plough land 60, and hill plantations 30. The
of plough land over temporary clearings, wh
in independent Native States where the latter
vation is not discouraged, is to be accounted
that in Trěngganu, owing to the crowding of
into a comparatively small area, all the su
land below the Kělěmang Falls is owned, and
fore, be taken up by anyone who has a mind
the case in most parts of the Malay Penin
and instruments used by the agriculturists
here as elsewhere, and the alacrity to imitate
which is so conspicuous among the manufact
this State, does not appear to have extended
The annual consumption of rice in Trěnggánu
6,000,000 gantang, or 300,000 pikul. Of this
is imported from Siam and the Straits, and
agricultural population, which annually co
3,900,000 gantang, or 195,000 pîkul, of rice,
few thousand pîkul in excess of its own req
price of rice on the coast is from eight to nine
dollar, or from $2.50 to $2.22 per pikul.
Dûngun, Stîu, and Běsut the price of rice
high as $4 per pîkul, and above the falls in
price does not usually fall far short of $6.66
gantang for the dollar.
Maize, tapioca, and yams are generally plan

rice crop has been garnered, and before it be
to prepare the ground for the next year's
of these articles are the staple diet of the M
are often eaten by the people of the interio

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
when the crops have failed, and the prices are beyond their
means.
Coconuts are now cultivated not only for t

the natives themselves, but also for the copra, of
considerable quantity is annually exported to S
was sorry to note that great ravages have already
among the trees near Kuâla Trënggânu by the coco
The groves which were first attacked were at the
the Ibai River, and thence the beetles have spr
coast to Kuala Trënggânu, destroying almost ever
their passage, and passing behind the Sultan's
extended down to the bank at Ilir-an. I endeavoured to
impress upon the people the necessity for prompt action in
order to save the coconut plantations above Ilir-an, but
fear that the present indolent administrators are hardly likely
to take any steps to enforce regulations which, though
advantageous to the people, would not result in any imme-
diate increase of revenue to themselves.
Sugar cane is grown in parts of the State, and the

molasses, which are expressed by means of the clumsy native
sugar mills ( pěng-ílang ), and the coarse brown sugar manu-
factured, are consumed within the State, the demand more
than equalling the supply.
The fruit gardens are mostly ancient plantations which

have been inherited by the present owners, and, with the
exception of a few oranges, no fruit is exported from the
State.
The cultivation of bamboos is carried on by the Malays

who occupy the villages immediately below the Kělěmang
Falls, since, owing to that obstruction to the river traffic
bamboos cannot in this State be brought down stream from
the head waters, on the banks of which they grow in such
abundance. The uses to which this tree is put by the Malays
are innumerable, and though the price of bamboos at Kuâla
Trënggânu is $6 a hundred, all the fences, and many of the
walls of the houses are made of this material.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
98 Hugh Clifford
The decking of the boats are also usually f

this wood, and the flooring of the houses
also fashioned from bamboos. The spec
natives in Trěnggánu is different from th
with which I am acquainted, and which
jungles of the Peninsula. It is called buloh
nearly resembles the aur pring. The wood
and it has no great floatage power like the b
178. This sketch of Trěnggánu would n

without a few remarks upon the leading
the people of the country, the more so s
this State present a strong contrast to th
Pahang on the side, and Kělantan on the o
The native of Pahang, in his unregenera

chiefly of deeds of arms and the sports w
holds to be sinful. He is a cock-fighter
brawler; he has an overweening opinion
country, and his race; he is at once ignora
unintellectual; and his arrogance has pass
He has many good qualities also, as those w
can bear witness, but his faults are very mu
and he is proud rather than ashamed of th
they have caused him to bear.
The Kělantan Malay, on the other han

a sufficiently lawless individual, has none
self-assertion of the native of Pahang. He
able for his thieving propensities, which h
checked by the wholesale multilation of t
have been detected. He is a hard worker a
the Pahang Malay, but his intelligence
and, except among the ruling class at Kóta
of Kělantan are ignorant of most of thei
and are in no wise tainted with Muhammadan fanaticism.
The native of Trěnggánu proper is, first and foremost,

a man of peace. His sole interest in life is the trade or occu-
pation which he plies, and he has none of the pride of race

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
and country which is so marked in the Pahang Malay. All

he asks is to be allowed to make money or earn a livelihood
unmolested, and he has none of that "loyal passion" for his
intemperate Kings which is such a curious feature among the
people of Pahang. When the Baginda took Trënggânu the
people submitted without a struggle, and if a stronger than
he had tried to wrest the country from him the natives would
certainly have again acquiesced with equal readiness. In
speaking of the unwarlike character of the Trënggânu people,
I must not be understood to include the natives of the Běsut
and Stîu districts, since the population of both those rivers
is composed to some extent of blackguards and ruffians who
are alike the scourings of Kělantan and Trënggânu. In
addition to being peaceful traders and agriculturists, the
people of Trënggânu are the most zealous Muhammadans in
the Peninsula, and since religious teaching among the Malays
is the beginning of all learning, their standard of culture is
comparatively high. For this the Baginda is mainly respon-
sible, since having conquered the country at the bidding of
a "Saint" in Daik, he induced some of the latteťs offspring
to accompany him to Trënggânu, and since then the capital
has never been without an Ungku Saiyid, each of whom has
inherited from his predecessor a high reputation for sanctity,
and the magic powers which are ascribed by the more super-
stitious Muhammadans to men who lead a saintly life. At
the present time the existing Ungku Saiyid Kráma t preaches
thrice weekly to several hundreds of disciples, who come from
all parts of the country to sit at his feet. The Sultan, who
is himself one of the Saiyid's pupils and has been bred up in
his traditions, sets an example to his people by a strict obser-
vance of the letter of Muhammadan Law, and he does his
utmost to enforce a like observance upon his people. Thus
all gambling, cock-fighting, and kindred sinful sports are
prohibited to Muhammadans. The Sultan not only at-
tends the Mosque in person, and never misses any of
the five hours of prayer, but severely punishes recalcitrant
church-goers, and those who are detected in neglect of their
religious observances. In taking this line he follows the
example set by his predecessors, and the result upon the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
100 Hugh Clifford
people as a whole has been that the presen

Trěngganu understand the teachings of their
by the tenets which it inculcates - at any rate i
ward observances go - in a manner which is s
among Malays. Consequently the people o
both more religiously superstitious and more
are any other race of Peninsula Malays w
acquainted.
The first step in the religious training of
is to teach it to read the Kurân in the origi
meaning is not taught, and indeed the teach
but rarely possess any real knowledge of th
Scriptures, but since the Malay character is
Arabic, with only the addition of six slightly d
a child of average intelligence, who has mast
has but little difficulty in acquiring the art
writing his own language. In Pahang, I reg
boy whö has read his Kurân from end to end
merly, the exception to the rule; but in T
position is reversed, and it is rarely that any ci
is met with who has not completed this porti
tion. For this reason the knowledge of the M
is comparatively common in Trěngganu,
upper classes, at any rate, a keen interest
intellectual results. For instance, during my f
capital, continual enquiries were made of
interest shewn by many of the Rajas and Chi
to the Malay Dictionary which I am compilin
with Mr. Swettenham, and some of the pro
reached me during my stay formed the t
interesting discussions concerning the roots
of many Malay words. I was also favoured by
young Râja, who was engaged in writing a universal
dictionary after a plan of his own. He proposed by placing
all the letters of the alphabet in every possible conjunction
to express every sound of which the human tongue is capa-
ble, and hereafter, this initial step accomplished, to give the
meanings which are attached to each sound in all the
languages of the earth. I had not the heart to damp his

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
ardour by inviting him to make the sufficiently simple cal-

culation which would prove the utter impossibility of accom-
plishing this colossal and desperate design.
The Sultan himself takes a very keen interest in geogra-

phy, astronomy, and elementary mathematics. He has lately
purchased some scientific instruments, and pursues his studies
by means of Arabic texts. He possessed good atlases and
globes, and was much interested in the time and compass
survey which, in conjunction with Mr. Duff and Mr. Jesser-
Coope, I was making of his country. After many years spent
in Pahang it was not unrefreshing to find oneself among
Malays who took interest in something besides the points
of a fighting cock, the spinning of tops and other less innocent
amusements.
179. The morality of the people of Trěngganu, th

religious fanaticism notwithstanding, is in no degree supe
to that of the natives in other Malay States. Since the re
of the Contagious Diseases Act in Singapore, a considera
among of venereal disease has, I am informed, made
appearance in Trěngganu, and as the people are quit
ignorant of the treatment necessary for such disease, i
only too likely to spread, and to make great ravages am
the native population. In other respects, and in spite of
very insanitary condition of the towns and coast villag
where rivers are not available to carry off the sewage,
general health of the people appears to be good, and
years since Trěngganu has been visited by any serio
epidemic.
180. Turning from Trěngganu to Kělantan, I do not

propose to write of the latter State in anything like the same
detail as I have employed in writing of the former. Although
but little is generally known of Kělantan, it is by no means
such a terra incognita as was Trěnggánu until it was traversed
by my Expedition. Mr. Bozzolo went to Kôta B'ahru, viâ
the Něnggíri I believe, in 1888. Mr. Bailey went down viâ
the Gâlas route in 1890, and Mr. Henry Norman went
through Kělantan, coming down the Pěrgai from Lěgeh, in

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102 Hugh Clifford
the same year. The Lěbir River, which was t

end to end by the members of my Expeditio
is true, been visited by any living European,
explored some fourteen years ago by the late
a Russian naturalist, who however, made
country. None the less, there is much to be s
Kělantan which I cannot altogether omit fro
of our journey through the Unprotected Mal
181. The State of Kělantan, the area of which is not

quite so great as that of either Pahang or Pêrak, is bounded
on the north and north-east by the China Sea; on the north-
west by Lěgeh and Pêrak; on the west by Pêrak; on the south-
west and south by Pahang and Trěnggánu; and on the south-
east and east by Běsut. The coast line of Kělantan is a short
one when it is compared with that of Trěnggánu, the distance
between the boundary post on the sea shore on the Kělantan
side of the Běsut River, and the spot above the delta of the
Kělatan River which marks the boundary with Lěgeh, being
not more than 45 miles following the contour of the coast,
or about 35 miles as the crow flies. The Kělantan River,
however, is navigable for large Malay boats for nearly 200
miles of its course, and the inhabited portions of the interior
are thus far more extensive than is the hinterland of the
Trěnggánu Coast Districts.
182. The Kělantan is formed by the confluence of the

Gâlas and Něnggíri Rivers. The Galas coming from the
right and the Něnggíri from the left, form a junction at a
spot distant about 100 miles from the sea, which is known
to the natives as Kuâla Sûngei - or the mouth of the river.
The name of Kělantan is given to the combined waters of
these streams below this point. The principal tributaries of
the Kělantan proper are the Pěrgai on the left, and the Lěbir
on the right bank, of which the latter is by far the more
important, both as regards size, population, and possibilities.
183. The Gâlas River rises in the large range of moun-

tains from which the Plus and Kinta Rivers flow to Pêrak,
and the Tělom River flows to Pahang. It is the principal

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gold-mining district of Kělantan, and, though thickly popu-

lated by Malays, is also inhabited by a considerable number
of Chinamen, the majority of whom are natives of Kělantan
who have never visited China. The principal Chinese town
in this district is Pûlai, whence a path leads over a low range
of hills to Kuala Lěpar on the Châdu - a river which, in con-
junction with the Kâsai and Sěrambun, forms the Sěrau, the
principal tributary of the Tělom River in Pahang. The best
known of the gold mines are situated at Kûndor, on the left
bank of the Gâlas River, a short distance from Pûlai, which
is on the right bank. These mines have been worked by
both Chinese and Malays for many generations, and a large
quantity of gold has been exported. Owing, however, to the
primitive nature of the appliances at the disposal of the
miners, the reefs and lodes remain for the most part un-
touched, the operations being almost entirely confined to
sluicing and washing for alluvial gold. Some rude mills for
crushing quartz are also used, but only the softer surface rocks
can be treated by them, and then only in very small quanti-
ties. The Chinese community in this district is under the
control of a Kapîtan China, appointed by the Sultan, who is
directly responsible to him for the management of his people.
The Malays in the Gâlas district are engaged in planting,
etc., but a large portion of the population earns its livelihood
by washing for gold, or by poling the boats, and doing other
work for the Chinese miners.
184. The Něnggíri River is fairly thickly populated by

Malays near its mouth, but the upper reaches and the sur-
rounding district are inhabited almost entirely by aboriginal
tribes. These consist chiefly of Tèm-be' Sâkai, who speak a
dialect almost identical with that spoken by the Plus Sâkai
in Pěrak, with whom, indeed they are said to hold constant
intercourse. These tribes are said to number several thou-
sand souls, and as they bear a bad reputation among the
local Malays, the interior of the Něnggíri district is almost
entirely given over to them, very few Kělantan natives ever
penetrating far into this Sâkai country, in many parts of
which the Malay language is still unknown. I am informed

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
104 Hugh Clifford
that, unlike most of the wild aboriginal trib

have frequently committed depredations on
the district, and that more than once a stron
has been despatched up the Něnggíri, by th
Sultan, to keep the jungle people in check,
them for their misdeeds.
185. The Pěrgai River rises in the hills which separate

Lěgeh from Kělantan, and passes quite close to the Tômok
mines. These mines, which are situated in Lěgeh territory,
were recently secured by a concession to a London Syndicate,
whose Agents wrongly called the place "Temoh". All work,
however, has ceased here for more than two years. The
Pěrgai is inhabited by Malays, and by a few Chinamen, but it
is of small importance, save as a highway to Lěgeh. When
the Tômok mines were being worked, a stern-wheel steam
launch used to run up the Kělantan from Kôta B'haru, the
capital, to Kuâla Pěrgai, and up that river to Kuala Bâlai.
Thence stores, etc., were poled up stream to a point about
30 miles distant* whence they were carried to the Tômok
mines, which is only a mile or two away.
186. The Lěbir River rises in Gûnong Tâhan, the high

mountain whence the Kîchau and Tâhan Rivers flow into
Pahang. From its source to the point at which it falls into
the Kělantan River is a distance of about 80 miles, and it
runs through good agricultural and mineral country. No
Chinese are found in this district, but it is thickly inhabited
by Malays from Lanchar, above the rapids, to the mouth.
When I first visited the Lěbir in the summer of 1894, the
country between Lanchar and Těnggíling was also thickly
inhabited. Now, however, all the villages between Kuala
Ampul and Lanchar have been abandoned by the orders of
the Dâto' Lela Di-Raja, this being, in his opinion, the only
way in which the people could be effectually prevented from
aiding the Pahang rebels should they return to the Lěbir
district.
The principal tributaries of the Lěbir above the rapids

are the Aring and Rělai on the left bank, and the Pěrtang,

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Hâwar, Kělinsar, Lěbir, Kěchil, Mîak, and Děpak on the right

bank. Below the rapids the only tributaries of any import-
ance are the Rek and Pěhi, by each of which a route leads
to Běsut. The Běsut can also be reached by a route which
leads up the Mîak. The Kěrbat district of Trënggânu can
be reached via the Pěrtang, Kělinsar, and Lěbir Kěchil
Rivers, and routes lead into the Tëmbêling district of Pahang
from Kuala Dùrian in the extreme Ulu of the Lěbir, and up
the Aring to Ulu Kěndiam.
The Lěbir has from time immemorial been the refuge
of persons for whom trouble, war, oppression, or their own
misdeeds rendered Pahang an undesirable place of residence,
and accordingly the whole of the population above the rapids,
and the large majority of inhabitants of the lower portion of
the Lěbir, are Pahang Malays. From the time I left Ampul
until I arrived at Kuala Rek, I never heard a single native
speak Malay with a foreign accent, and in every village my
Pahang men found numbers of their relatives, many of whom
had been born and bred in the Lěbir, but who still boasted
that they were Pahang Malays and not to be confounded with
the Kělantan folk for whom, in common with the rest of
their countrymen, they expressed unbounded contempt.
From a rough estimate I should say that in the Lěbir there
must be nearly 3,000 souls, all of whom are of Pahang origin,
and the Dâto' Lêla Di-Raja, the local Chieftain, offered to
remove them en masse into Pahang, saying that they caused
him a good deal of trouble, and that I was very welcome to
them. Under the circumstances I was not prepared to accept
this offer, but since we came back to Pahang, numbers of these
people have returned and are returning to the Těmběling,
having been induced to do so by the accounts giving to them
by the Malays of my Expeditionary Force of the conditions
of life in Pahang under the new régime .
The Lěbir district produces a considerable amount of

jungle produce, and the rice grown in the villages is more
than sufficient for the wants of the people. The surplus is
usually sold to the miners in the Gâlas district. Several
rivers in the Lěbir run through auriferous country, but no

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
106 Hugh Clifford
gold is worked here openly, as the people kn

tral Government at Kôta Bharu would very
the winnings of the miners, and would, mo
force the people to work the mines withou
in the profits. I have no doubt, however, t
is capable of being enormously developed u
187. Unlike the Trënggânu, the Kělantan

little obstructed by rapids. Light draught
could certainly ply between the mouth and K
it is probable that they could ascend the Gâ
the rapids, and the Lěbir to Kuâla Rek. T
Lěbir, though numerous, are by no means
those in the Gâlas are even smaller. In neit
present any serious obstacle to river traffic.
188. The country through which I travelled in

Kělantan presented an appearance similar to that of most
parts of the Peninsula. The forests grow down to the water's
edge, and are as impenetrable as most Malay jungles, save
where they are threaded by the foot-paths which form the
only means of communication by land. On the banks of the
Kělantan River there is a good deal of land under cultivation,
but long stretches of virgin forest divide the villages from
one another.
189. It is curious that though Kělantan and Trënggânu

waters flow from the watersheds which also give rise to the
Pahang rivers, many species of fish which are found in the
latter State are unknown in the former. In Kělantan no
less than 16 species are missing, all of which are common in
Pahang - viz., (1) Ara, (2) Běgěhak , (3) Chěrmin , (4) Jèlâwat,
(5) Kâwan rèmbil , (6) Làli , (7) Pâtok Pûling , (8) Prul , (9)
Pûchok Písang, (10 ) Sèngârat, (11) Si-ângus, (12) Tèmèlian,
(13) Trûa , (14) Tônggang, (15) Ubi, (16) Umbut-umbut ,
while in Trënggânu 12 species of fish are missing - viz., (1)
Ara, (2) Bâtu Ulu, (3) Jèlâwat, (4) Jêngkûak, (5) Jûara (б)
Krai , (7) Lâwang (8) the numerous species of Patin , (9)
Sêngârat, (10) Těmělian, (11) Tèmènggâlan, (12) Umbut-
Umbut.

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The only species of fish found in Kělantan, which is not

known in Pahang, is a kind of large fresh-water sprat called
Slûang prah, but in Trěngganu there is no species of fish
which I met with that is unknown in Pahang. By all the
received theories with regard to the dissemination of fish
spawn, it is difficult to account for these facts, seeing that the
rivers are of precisely similar nature, that their sources are
practically the same, and also that several of the missing
species are to be found in the waters of the Pěrak River
Basin.
190. Of the history of Kelantan I am unable to give

any particulars. So far as is known, this State has always
been governed by its own Râjas. As in Pahang and else-
where, the Kělantan ruling class belongs to the family of
Wan, but a very wide difference is made by the ruling fami-
lies of the Peninsula between the Wan family of Kělantan,
and the Wan who are the rulers of Pahang.
Though I have visited Kôta Bharu more than once, I

have never spent any length of time there, and have had no
opportunity of examining such archives as may be preserved
by the Sultan and his family. I am not, therefore, at pre-
sent in a position to trace the history of the ruling family
back for more than a few generations.
191. In about 1830 Tûan Sênik became Sultan. He is

always known as Yam Tûan Mûlut Mêrah - the King with
the red mouth - and he was still reigning in 1886 when I
first visited Kôta Bharu. At this time he was far the oldest
Malay Raja in the Peninsula, and I have often heard the
present Sultan of Pahang speak with horror of the frequency
with which he awarded punishment by death and mutilation
to any of his people who were convicted or accused of com-
paratively small offences. This account of his manner of
governing Kělantan is fully corroborated by the older natives
of that State who remember him in his prime, and who have
often told me tales of his cruelty.
192. After Yam Tûan Mûlut Mêrah had ruled for some

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108 Hugh Clifford
fifty years and his age was heavy upon him, h

his eldest son, Tûan Ahmad, to succeed him in the rule of
the State, and placed the reins of Government unreservedly
in his hands. In 1888 he died, and Tûan Ahmad, who had
borne the title of Raja of Këlantan during the last few years
of his father's lifetime, became Sultan. The title of Tûan
Petera was given to Tûan Ahmad's only brother, who was
the youngest of the Yam Tûan Mûlut Mêrah's offspring, and
his only other son.
193. Sultan Ahmad only reigned for two years, and on

his death in 1890 he was succeeded by his son the Râja Běn-
dahâra. Sultan Ahmad had no less than ten sons: Ungku
Bëndahâra, who succeeded him; Ungku Mansur, the present
Râja; Ungku Leh, the present Tumënggong; Tûan Mâmat,
who lives in Pètâni; Tûan Mâmat, who is usually called
Ungku Besar, Tûan Yeh, whose title is Ungku Pětěra of
Sëmerak; Tûan Soh whose title is Ungku Besar; Tûan Lah,
Tûan Mang, and Tûan Heng. The first four of these Râjas
are sons of the same mother, Sultan Ahmaďs senior wife.
Tûan Soh and Tûan Leh are by the same mother, and the
remaining four are sons of four different mothers. Tûan
Heng is a lunatic.
194. When the Ungku Bëndâhara became Sultan he

seized upon most of his father's property, to the no small dis-
content of his three full-brothers who at once began conspir-
ing against him. His succession meanwhile was not popular
among the people of the country, who were, almost without
an exception, in favour of the accession of Sultan Ahmad's
younger brother, Tûan Pětěra or Tûngku Pětěra as he is
variously called. He was little more than a boy at the time,
and early in 1890 he went to Singapore and did not return
until late in the year.
On the day following the Râya , or first of the month

succeeding the Fast of Ramathân, in 1891, the Sultan of
Këlantan died. It was said that a surfeit after his long fast
was the cause, but it was popularly rumoured that his death
was the result of careful arrangements made to that end.

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Expedition: Trengganu and Keîantan 109
195. The question which next arose was whether the
succession should pass to Tungku Pět era or to Ungku
Mansur, the late Raja's younger brother. The former was
the popular candidate both with the Chiefs and people; but
in the Malay Peninsula a few strong men have far more
weight than a large number of less influential people, and
Ungku Mansur found two very strong men at hand to back
his candidature. These were the Dâto' Maha Mentri and
Nek* Soh (or Jûsup), the Dâto' Sri Padûka. Since the death
of Sultan Ahmad, these two Chiefs had been the practical
rulers of Kělantan. Neither of them were men of any parti-
cular birth, but they possessed an immense influence in the
country, where they had succeeded in making themselves
feared by all. Accordingly the popular candidate was set
aside, and Ungku Mansur became Raja of Kělantan. He did
not assume the title of Sultan, some say because he feared to
raise trouble in the country if he attempted to do so, and
others because he entertained a superstitious dread of doing
so, based upon the short time which his immediate prede-
cessors had lived after their installation. He is the ruler of
the State at the present day, but he is still contented to bear
the minor title of Râja of Kělantan.
196. It might, perhaps, have been thought that when
Râja Mansur succeeded, his brothers, who had conspired to
that end, would at any rate have been among those who were
well contented. Not very long after his accession, however,
in July, 1891, 1, being at that time Acting Resident of Pahang,
was addressed by Râja Mansur's brothers, who wrote begging
me to aid them against the Râja. They complained that the
property which their father and late brother had bequeathed
to them had all been appropriated by Râja Mansur, and that
their proper shares had not been allowed to them. They also
complained that their brother was £ot the proper ruler and
invited me to depose him, which they said would be an easy
matter, and urged me to place the country under British
# In Kělantan the word Nek which is a contraction of Nênek
Jfr.JLJ a great-grandfather, is used as the title of a chief in precisely

same manner as To' py is used for Dâto' % jj¡'b a grandfather or chief
other parts of the Malay Peninsula.

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110 Hugh Clifford
Protection. I informed Sir Cecil Clementi Sm

the then Governor of the Straits Settlements, that I had
received this communication, and sent word to Kělantan that
I could not interfere, but that, as regarded the division of the
property, they were at liberty to write to the Governor on
the subject, which I believe, they afterwards did. Since that
time Kělantan has been the scene of constant intrigues having
for their object the removal of the present Râja, Tûngku
Pětěra being put forward as the proper man to succeed him.
So long as Maha Méntri and Nek Sri Padûka were on the side
of Râja Mansur, however, the position of the latter was fairly
secure, and the death of Maha Mentri in 1894 is often said
to have been approved, if not actually ordered, by Tungku
Pětěra. However this may be, the men in question have
never been arrested or punished, although their identity is
an open secret in Kělantan.
197. The matter has been further complicated by

Siamese intrigue, for which the Siamese Agents rather than
the Government at Bangkok are, I imagine, primarily res-
ponsible. Kělantan has always occupied precisely the same
position with regard to Siam as that which I have described
in writing of Trënggânu, but owing to its proximity to the
States under Siamese Protection the influence of the Siamese
has been greater here than in the latter country. The British
Government, however, has always recognised the indepen-
dence of Kělantan, the Governor of the Straits Settlements
corresponding direct with the Râja; and in Captain Burney's
Treaty Kělantan is excluded from the States within the
Siamese Protectorate, which are enumerated in Article 10,
and is bracketed with Trënggânu as an Independent State
in Article 12.
198. While the Yam Tûan Mûlut Mêrah and his son,
Sultan Ahmad, were alive, the Siamese were not able to
encroach upon these territories, both of the above-mentioned
Râjas being firmly seated upon the throne, to which their
right was in no way disputed by other claimants. When
Sultan Ahmad died, however, the position of the Râja who
succeeded him was so weak that he found it necessary to seek

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for support from Siam in order to maintain his seat upon

the throne, and in exchange he was forced to make certain
concessions to the Government at Bangkok, who, at this time,
were seeking a means of extending their influence on the East
Coast of the Peninsula. Accordingly in 1890 the Râja of
Kelantan was induced to hoist the Siamese Flag at the mouth
of the river upon the occasion of all State visits. This was
the first time that any flag other than that of the Sultan of
Këlantan had been hoisted within the State. Râja Mansur
found himself, on his accession, no more firmly placed than
his immediate predecessor, and he was accordingly obliged
to pursue a similar policy with regard to Siam.
199. In October, 1892, the Pahang rebels fled from that

State, and many of them took up their quarters in Këlantan
territory. In June, 1894, the Těmběling raid was made,
Këlantan and Trënggânu being used by the dakaits as their
base. This gave the Siamese Government the opportunity
of further extending their influence, for which they had long
been waiting, and though nothing of any practical use was
done by them, they, in defiance of their Treaty engagements
with the British Government, despatched Luang Visudh
Parihar and Luang Pati Pak Pacha Kom to Kóta Bharu,
nominally to aid in the capture of the rebels, but really to
give the Siamese a better locus standi within the State.
200. As in Trënggânu, proposals for the opening of a

Post Office had been made to the Râja of Këlantan by the
Siamese Government, very shortly after the visit of the King
of Siam to the Malay States, but while Trënggânu met them
with a flat refusal, the Râja of Këlantan merely procrastinated.
The Siamese emissaries therefore took with them the neces-
sary appliances, and as soon as they arrived at Kóta Bharu
they opened a Post Office, which was in no way required and
was merely instituted in order that Siamese stamps might be
used. I may here mention that one official mail, which was
forwarded by steamer to Kóta Bharu and addressed to me,
was seized upon and opened by Luang Pati Pak Pacha Kom,
and that the official instructions they contained have not even
yet come to hand. If the British Government is not pre-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
112 Hugh Clifford
pared to protest against the use of Siamese stamps
tan, it would, perhaps, be worth while to open a Br
Office at Kóta Bharu. We have a precisely equal r
the Siamese with regard to this State, and should not,
allow our position in Kělantan to be prejudiced by
ting the Siamese officials to interfere with our offic
pondence, nor the Government of Bangkok to usu
sive privileges in matters concerning which we h
standi that is exactly similar to their own.
201. Luang Visudh and his colleague, howev

plunged deep into Kělantan intrigue, and have ma
the Pahang rebels' action as a pretext for removin
Kělantan several people who were guiltless of any m
in that matter, but who happened to be partisans
Pětěra, and as such were opposed to Siamese in
Kělantan. The principal man thus transported
Kob, a brother of the Dâto' Lela Di-Raja. The lat
has acted most loyally by us, and behaved exceedi
during the last expedition, aiding us faithfully
defiance of Luang Visudh, who did all in his powe
him to be inactive. Several efforts have been made to trans-
port the Dâto' Lêla Di-Raja to Siam, but hitherto they have
failed, and I would submit that we are bound in duty to see
that this Chief is not punished because he served me loyally
while I was in Kělantan, and also to do our utmost to obtain
the release of his brother, Che' Kob. It must be remembered,
in this connection, that though the Dâto' served us well he
did nothing which the Râja of Kělantan and the Siamese
Government had not repeatedly professed their readiness to
do, and that he did this in spite of the opposition of Luang
Visudh, which the latter was not sufficiently skilful to conceal.
I trust that it will be found possible to protect these men, and
I must point out that if we do not do so our position on the
East Coast will be much weakened, since none will serve a
Government which declines to save its friends from punish-
ment incurred purely on account of that friendship.
202. I cannot pretend to understand or explain the

position and action of Luang Visudh and his colleague. I am

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credibly informed that, while living at Kóta Bharu, these
Siamese Agents have been in communication with the Pahang
rebels, and that Teh Ibrahim, Rasu's son, and Mat Lêla, the
son of the ex-Orang Kâya, visited Kóta Bharu during the
winter of 1894-1895 for the purpose of having an interview
with the Siamese. The interview took place in the house of
Che' Kob, and the following Chiefs were present: Rija Mîdin,
Dâto Stia Râja, To' Imâm Haji Abdollah, Sěhak Měndári,
To' Kûeng Aur Gâding, and Mâmat alias Pa' Alu. The
rebels had a long talk with the Siamese Agents, who gave
them money and sent them back to the Běsut. I am told
that the Râja of Kelantan was aware of this interview, and
that, if asked about it by me, he would certainly own to his
knowledge concerning it. Unfortunately, I had no time to
visit him at Kóta Bharu. The information given to me is so
detailed and circumstantial that I have little doubts as to its
truth, but even now I cannot discover what the object of the
Siamese Agents can have been, and fancy that they were
endeavouring to serve their own ends rather than those of
the Government in Bangkok.
203. In Këlantan all the power is centred in the Râja

and the powerful Chiefs who support him, and keep him in
enjoyment of the position he holds. No partition of the
revenue of the country has taken place here and all the
collections find their way into the royal coffers, Nek Sri
Padûka and a few of the other Chiefs alone sharing the pro-
fits of the administration with the Râja. The other Princes
and Chiefs have to trust to trade and to the occasional bounty
of the Râja for their supplies.
204. The Gâlas district is nominally under the charge

of the Dâto' Bëntâra, but he lives at Kóta Bahru, as do all
the Chiefs, and he has no right to the revenue of the district,
save such sums as may be granted to him from time to time
by the Râja. The Lěbir district, in the same way, is under
the charge of the Dâto Lêla Di-Raja, but he also lives at
Kóta Bharu and is only an extra cog in the wheel by means
of which the Râja squeezes the revenue from his people.
The Kapîtan, who is the head of the Chinese community in

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
114 Hugh Clifford
the Gâlas district, is responsible to the Raja for

of the royalty on gold, but the system is wor
businesslike a manner that, though the people a
and ground down, a large portion of the legitim
remains uncollected, while the distribution of taxation is
wholly unequal and capricious.
205. The Kělantan River banks are divided up into a

number of village communes, over each of which a Kûeng,
or Headman, rules, who is directly responsible to the Râja.
Their chief duty is to aid in collecting revenue from their
people.
206. Serah , banchi, forced labour, and all the other

devices known to Malay rulers, are employed as means of
obtaining revenue, and hard as is the lot of the people of
Trënggânu, that of the people of Kělantan is in no degree
less unfortunate.
207. The law is administered on the same lines as those

which are followed in Trënggânu, but the barbarous punish-
ment of mutilation of the hand for theft, and many of the
other more cruel enactments of Никит Sharä are still en-
forced in Kělantan. The Gob or cage cells, in which crimi-
nals are confined, are exactly like those which I have described
in writing of Trënggânu, but the cages are more numerous
and the number of the inmates is greater. The raäyat here,
as elsewhere in Independent Malay States, has no rights of
person or property, and he is only regarded by his rulers as
a source of revenue. The people are miserably poor, and
the debt-slave system is here carried to a greater length than
in Trënggânu, Kělantan natives freely selling their children
for a few dollars a piece.
208. The currency in use in Kělantan differs from that

in Trënggânu, the Râja only deriving a small revenue from
coining tin tokens. These consist of small round tin coins,
of which two specimens are attached to this Report, the token
value of which is of a pillar dollar, or ,JL. of a yen.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
The Mexican dollar is not accepted in Kělantan, and notes

and small silver coins are also refused.
In the Galas district a gold currency is in use. The

following tables shew both the tin and the gold currency:
Kelantan Currency.
i.
15 Keping = 1 Kěněri
4 Kěněri =1 Kûpang
4 Kûpang = 1 Amas
7 Kûpang =1 Ringgit mûda л
8 Kûpang or 2 âmas =1 Ringgit tûa J
и.
5 Kêping = 1 Lâda kěchil

2 Lâda kěchil (10 kêping) = 1 Lâda besar
2 Lâda běsar = 1 Kěněri
2 Kěněri = 1 Jěmbir
2 Jěmbir = 1 Kûpang
4 Kûpang =1 Amas
2 Amas = 1 Ringgit tûa
When Raja Mansur succeeded, he called
coinage then in circulation, and exchanged
quantity of coin of his own minting. T
precisely the same as that now in use, the
charged. Any person failing to exchange h
the new ones was liable to a heavy fine. No
tokens are now being issued, the quantity in
sufficient for all requirements.
These coins are used in Běsut as well as t

money, althought that district is not in Kěl
The actual intrinsic value of the Kelan

approximately .238 cent, and, as the tok
.274 cent, the profit made by the Râja is very
* Ringgit muda = Young dollar = Yen. Ringgit tua =
dollar. The yen is therefore J less valuable than the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
116 Hugh Clifford
209. The principal exports from Kělan

fish, and silk and cotton fabrics. A little co
shipments of oranges are also made annually
210. The principal manufactures are silks

pottery. The former are probably the best
the natives of the Peninsula, while the latte
and cheap. The ingenuity of the Trěnggan
ever, has no imitators among the artisans of
211. The bulk of the population is engage

ture, but owing to the primitive modes of culti
the rice produced is altogether insufficient f
ments of the people, and a large quanti
imported.
212. I have already spoken of the character of the

people of this State in a former paragraph of this Report,
and need only add that they are more energetic workmen
than are the people of Pahang. About 15 years ago Kělantan
was the most thickly populated Malay State in the Peninsula,
but a series of misfortunes has done much to damage the
prospects of the country, and a great exodus, which the
authorities have vainly attempted to arrest, has taken place
during the past few years.
The first calamity which befell the country was the

"Great Wind". A typhoon which levelled miles of jungle
to the ground in about 1880, and did an enormous amount
of damage to property. Next came the buffalo disease, a
kind of staggers, which carried off nearly 60% of the cattle
and buffaloes in Kělantan, and cholera which broke out
shortly afterwards, completed the temporary ruin of the State.
Under the present Government, Kělantan can hardly hope to
regain its lost prosperity, but I am none the less convinced
that, if well administered, it is capable of becoming one of
the finest and richest States in the Peninsula.
213. The religious fanaticism of the late Maha Měntri

had a certain temporary effect upon the natives at Kota

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Bharu and the lower districts of Kělantan, and the present

Râja has done something to perpetuate the traditions of his
former minister. The bulk of the Kělantan natives, however,
are far too ignorant to be capable of any great enthusiasm
for the Faith they profess but do not understand, and the
action of the Maha Méntri, who endeavoured to suppress the
travelling theatres to which the people are so much attached,
and who was ever ready to-
"Prove his doctrine orthodox
By apostolic blows and knocks/'
has done little to make religion popular in this State. Those

entering Kělantan would never have to contend against
serious religious prejudice or fanaticism.
214. In closing this Report on the progress of my Ex-

pedition, and on the States through which we travelled, I
would again point out that our prestige in the Peninsula,
and more especially in Pahang, will be very seriously jeopar-
dised unless some action is taken to force the Sultan of
Trěnggánu to comply with our demands, and to punish

Ungku Saiyid for having openly harboured the Pahang
rebels. If we are to avoid heavy expense in the future, and
serious trouble from raids across our border from Kěmáman,
if not from Trěnggánu proper, the rulers of this territory
must be taught that they cannot trifle with the British
Government with impunity. Action taken by us through
the agency of the Siamese Government will, I am convinced,
be as ineffectual in the future as it has proved to be in the
past, and it should not be lost sight of for a moment that the
Siamese, while pretending to aid the British Government,
will, in reality, be neglecting no opportunity of strengthening
their influence at the expense of our reputation in States
where the British and Siamese occupy a similar position and
possess equal rights. It must also be remembered that the
Malays of the East Coast are sufficiently ignorant to believe
that our action is dictated by fear of the Siamese, and that

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
118 Hugh Clifford
the latter are not only willing, but able, to prot

the consequences of any offences which the
against the British Government.
I have the honour to be,

Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
HUGH CLIFFORD,
Acting British Resident , Pahang.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
EXPEDITION REPORT.
( Enclosure 1 )
[It has not been possible to reproduce here the
the area submitted with the Report, since it wa
from the published versions of 1895 and 1938 -
(. Enclosure 2)
INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. DUFF.
Kampong Melor, Ulu Trengganu, 4th April , 1

To R. W. Duff, Esq.,
Acting Superintendent of Police.
Sir, - Information having reached me that Haji Mat
Nuh, Râsu's son-in-law, who fired on my men in July last
is now hiding in the Měnton River, which falls into th
Trěngan above Malâka on the right bank, I have depute
you to return to the Měnton in order to effect the capture
of Haji Mat Nuh and his men.
2. For this purpose you will take with you 18 Dyaks,
the two Malays, Mat Sam and Slêhman, and the Sâkai Lâba,
who is well acquainted with the district in question.
3. Luang Visudh will accompany you, and you will
consult with him in all matters affecting the people of th
country.
4. You should endeavour, if possible, to arrest this
party of rebels without killing them. If, however, there is
difficulty in so doing, they should be killed rather than
suffered to escape.
5. You should take four days' food with you, and you
should endeavour to rejoin me at Jënâgar not later than the
8th instant.
6. If, after effecting the arrest of Haji Mat Nuh, you
learn from the prisoners that any other party of the rebels
is in the immediate neighbourhood , you should endeavour
to effect their arrest. If you do so you should communicate
with me at Jënâgar, and you should not undertake any such
expedition unless the party of rebels in question is within
one day's march of the Měnton.
I have, etc.,
HUGH CLIFFORD,
Acting Resident.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
120 Hugh Clifford
(Enclosure 3.)
MR. DUFFS REPORT ON CAPTURE OF
HAJ I MAT NUH.
Jenagar, 7th April, 1895.
To the Acting Resident, Pahang.
Sir, - I have the honour to report that, in accordance

with your instructions, I proceeded up stream from Kam-
pong Mělor with a force of Dyaks and Malays on the 4th
instant to endeavour to arrest Haji Mat Nuh and his party,
who were said to be lying concealed in Sûngei Měnton, a
right tributary of the Trěngan above Kampong Malâka.
2. My party consisted of 18 Dyaks, one Sikh, three

Malays, and one Sâkai, and was accompanied by Luang
Visudh. We left Kampong Mělor at 12.30 p.m. in nine small
boats, poled by the Dyaks; the men worked very hard until
dark, by which time we had managed to pass our former
camp at the foot of Jěram Panjang and had reached Jěram
Lômpat-an, some distance above it. The journey up the
rapids was exceedingly difficult, the boats having to be
carried overland on four occasions, once for a distance of
nearly 50 yards, over large boulders some of which must
have been over 15ft. high. We camped for the night at
Jěram Lômpat-an.
3. On the 5th instant the camp was roused at 4.30

a.m. and everyone having Cooked and fed by 6 o'clock, we
started off at 6.10. At 8.45 a.m. the last boat got to the head
of the rapids, and at a few minutes past nine we came up
with the advanced guard at Kuâla Trěngan, where they
had received instructions to halt. On my arrival about five
minutes after them, the Dyak Lance-Corporal reported that
as they reached Kuâla Trěngan he and the men with him
had seen a small boat coming towards them down the Kěrbat
River about 50 yards away. In this boat were two men,
who, on seeing the Dyaks, pushed into the right bank,
jumped overboard, and made for the jungle, in spite of

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
being summoned by the Dyaks to stop. One wore a black

jacket, Government khaki breeches and nothing on his head;
he carried a gun. The о her wore a black jacket and striped
trousers. The Dyaks picked up the tracks of the men and
seized the boat, which was identified as the property of To*
Imam Husin of I lor in the Kěrbat River; they then returned
for instructions. I immediately sent four Dyaks to follow the
tracks, left five to watch the junction of the Trěngan and
Kěrbat and proceeded up river to Ilor, which I reached 10
minutes later. On my way up I noticed a perfectly new
raf , not more than two days' old at most, the end of which
had stuck on a stone about 2 ft. above water. Had that
raft been there two days before it must have been carried
away, as the water had subsided fully 4i/2 ft. I found that
the four Dyaks had tracked the men to a point just opposite
Ilor, where one man had evidently crossed the river to Ilor,
and the other had gone on in the jungle on the right bank.
It was quite evident, however, that only one man had
crossed to Ilor as the bank there was sandy and the only
tracks were those of the one man. The tracks of the other
man were lost in the jungle on the right bank. I at once
got hold of To' Imâm Hûsin, who on my arrival was in a
piteous state of fear. I then sent out Dyaks to collect all
the people in the kampong. On being asked who had gone
down stream in his boat, he said that a boy, whom he pro-
duced, had gone down with a man named Intan who lived
just above. I will now put down in a concise form the
points which I extracted from the natives in the order in
which they came out. Asked what Intan and the boy had
gone down river for: To' Imâm Husin answered to buy
sir ih. Asked if Intan carried a gun: said he did not know,
but that he (Intan) had one in his house. Asked whose raft
was on the stone below: answered after some hesistation
that it was his own. Asked where he brought it from, and
when: answered that he had brought it down from Chěrgul
two days before (Kuâla Chěrgul is the village on the Kěrbat
where the path turns off to the Stîu where the rebels are
said to be). Asked what he went there for: answered to

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
122 Hugh Clifford
fetch down 50 gantang of pàdi. Asked wher

answered that it had been beaten out and di
four men. Ordered to produce it: said i
ea'en. Asked how four man could eat 25 g
in four days: said that he had made a mis
he had brought it down before Hâri Râya, s
before. On the return of the Dyaks with
examined Che* Intan before he could spea
Hûsin. Asked if he had gone down stream in
that he had not, but that his brother (produ
had gone down. Asked if he carried a gun:
if he or his brother possessed a gun: said no
house and found no gun. Asked if there was
at Ilor: said very little. Asked where they
they wanted it: answered from down stream
ever got it from Chěrgul or any village up s
that it was no use trying to do so as they n
than one or two gantang up stream. Asked i
come down stream lately: said no one. Ask
Hûsin had been up to Chěrgul lately: said
long time. Asked whose raft was below: answ
did not know. I next, examined Intan's broth
said he had been down river with the boy,
produced, to buy food for a wake, when he
(His sister-in-law had died the night, before)
ened at the sight of the Dyaks, he ran aw
no gun. Asked which way he took: said le
which side the boy took: said right bank.
on my arrival that the boy's trousers (all
quite dry, I now asked him how he got ac
said that he swam over and landed at Ilor. As I said
before, there were tracks of only one man on the sand.
Asked to account for the fact that his clothes were dry: said
that, they had dried on him. Simultaneously Bra answered
for him that he had worn other clothes and had changed
them. This the boy denied on being told to produce the
wet ones; but said, on being prompted by Bra, that he had
given his singlet to the latter. I next asked To' Mûkim

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Sîdik, a Pahang man who had remained at Malâka sick, on

our journey down stream, and who had gone up the Kěrbat
on the 2nd instant, whether the raft, had been on the stone
when he arrived. He said that there was no raft there then,
and further, that To' Imâm Hûsin had been at home on his
(To' Mûkim Sîdik's) arrival.
4. I had now obtained the following facts:

(a) That the Dyaks had seen a man, wearing Govern-
ment khaki breeches and carrying a rifle, coming down
stream in To' Imâm Hûsin's boat;
(b) That this man had refused to stop on being called
on, and had bolted into the jungle;
(c) That a new raft had been brought down the
Kěrbat within two days, and that the Kěrbat is the high
road from the rebels' place of concealment;
(d) That To' Imâm Hûsin, Che' Intan, and Bra had
reason to withhold information concerning the raft and the
man with the gun, and that they had made a number of
contradictory statements on these subjects;
( e ) The Dyaks are prepared to swear that the small
boy produced was not in the boat that they saw, but they
believe that Bra was perhaps one of the men that they saw;
(/) No clothes answering to the description of those
worn by the man who carried the gun could be produced,
nor could any gun be found in the village.
5. Luang Visudh was furnished by me with this

information, and was in fact present when it was obtained.
I am of opinion that only one inference can be drawn from
the evidence - namely, that one of the rebels was being
taken down stream, probably by Bra, and was seen by the
Dyaks. Had I been in a position to deal with the natives
myself I have no doubt that I should have obtained a
quantity of valuable information, but being accompanied
by a Siamese Commissioner any question of resorting to
severe measures had to be left to him. Instead of, however,
taking any such measures the Commissioner's manner and

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
124 Hugh Clifford
language were entirely conciliatory and reassur

as I am aware, he on no occasion so much as thr
of the natives with future punishment; but, on
hand, assured them that no harm was intended towards
them, and that they were not to be afraid. Having had
some experience in collecting evidence of this nature from
natives, it. was quite evident to me that I should be simply
wasting my time by remaining longer at Ilor under the
circumstances; more especially as by this time, the natives,
who had at first evinced considerable uneasiness and un-
certainty, in answering my questions, were now completely
at ease, and in some cases were becoming impertinently
familiar in their language. I therefore left Ilor at 12.30
p.m.
6. Pushing on as fast as possible I reached Kampong

Malâka at 3.20. It had been my original intention to land
below Malâka and to pass round the back of the village, so
as to prevent the possibility of anyone communicating with
the party in the Měnton. This plan I had to abandon as
Pénghûlu Málek of Malâka, who accompanied the Expedi-
tion as guide, assured me that it was practically impossible
to reach the Menton except by river, as there was no path
even from Malâka. I subsequently learned that there was
a well-known track. On my arrival at. Malâka, I sent the
Pénghûlu to fetch a guide, he having stated that he did not
know the way to Haji Mat Nuh's house. He tried hard to
dissuade me from going on until next day, saying that the
house was a long way off. As I mistrusted him, I sent a
Dyak up with him to fetch a guide and gave orders that
he was not to be allowed to talk to anyone on any other
subject. He returned shortly and stated that no one knew
the road. I therefore took his own son-in-law, Slêhman, as
guide, being quite sure that when it came to the point he
would find the way. We left Malâka at 3.55 p.m. and
reached Kuâla Mënton at 4.50. On the way up I took
everyone with me that I passed, so as to prevent information
being taken by short cut to Haji Mat Nuh. We left the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
boats 100 yards up the stream and proceeded on foot for
about a mile and a half, when the guide said the house was
about 100 yards ahead. I then went forward and found a
large clearing with houses in it, and could see people moving
about in them. I therefore went back and sent parties
through the jungle to surround the clearing with orders not
to fire if they could capture the people. I also told them
that when they saw me advance, they were to close in and
surround the houses. When they were in position I sent
Pěnghůlu Málek out to call the people and to warn them
that they were surrounded and could not escape. Following
him immediately, I found that Haji Mat Nuh had escaped
into the jungle four days before, having been warned of our
approach by the Malâka people. A Pahang man, who had
resided for many years in Trënggânu, named Awang Lâbu
Lěhet, a boy and some women and children of Haji Mat
Nuh's party were the only people in the houses. I then
sent Pěnghůlu Málek with the boy as guide. to call Haji Mat
Nuh out of the jungle, and sent two Malays and six Dyaks
a few yards behind them to make sure that he did not
swindle me. Haji Mat Nuh and his people were all brought
in. One loaded musket, one dagger, and one spear were
the only arms captured. I then burned the two houses
which had been occupied by the prisoners, and took them
back to the boats through the jungle. We reached Malâka
at 9 p.mi
7. On the 6th we started early down stream, and

working hard got down to the foot of the lower rapids by
5.30 p.m. and reached Jënâgar at 9 p.m. The party
captured consisted of 11 all told, Haji Mat Nuh, three boys,
four women, and three children.
8. Although the object of the Expedition was attained

in this particular instance, I am quite certain that had the
party consisted of men only, as in the case of Râsu and
Bahman's party, we should have utterly failed to effect their
arrest owing to the way the natives were dealt with by the
Siamese Commissioner. The prisoners state that they

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
126 Hugh Clifford
wished to surrender themselves on our first ar
were in a wretchedly famished condition. The
ever, ordered to conceal themselves by the Ma
who naturally feared the consequences of havin
in their district.
9. I would particularly draw your attention to the

extreme difficulty which I have experienced in getting any
information at all, and of the utter impossibility of acting
on such information as I succeeded in getting. I have every
reason for reporting that this state of things is entirely due
to the action of the Siamese Commissioner, whose instruc-
tions appear to enable him to look after the interests of
the Trënggânu people only; and further, I have had ample
opportunity for observing that these instructions are carried
out at the cost of a serious loss of prestige to the Govern-
ment which we are serving.
13. I attach the statement of Lance-Corporal Mem-

bang, who was in charge of the advanced party at Kûala
Trěngan.
I have, etc.,
R. W. DUFF,
Acting Superintendent of Police .

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
(Enclosure referred to in Mr. Duff's Report

on Capture of Haji Mat Nuh, dated Jenagar,
7th April, 1895).
statement of lance-corporal membang.
On 5th April I was in charge of the advan

when it reached Kuâla Trěngan. There were
with me containing seven Dyaks. In accordan
instructions I halted at Kuâla Trěngan. While
a boat, coming down the Kěrbat with two m
shouted to them to land, but they jumped into
and after pushing their boat to the right bank,
out and plunged into the jungle. They were
grown men. One carried a gun and wore a b
and Government khaki knicker-bockers. The other wore
a black jacket and striped silk breeches. I am quite certain
that the boy who was produced at Ilor was not in the boat.
I cannot be certain that Bra was not there. I ordered the
men with me to give chase at once, but as we had to cross
the river first, we did not catch them. We followed their
tracks but found they separated on the right bank just
opposite Ilor, one track crossing to Ilor and the other going
on the left bank in the jungle.
Before me,
L. C. Membang,
R. W. Duff, x
Acting Superintende
1961] Royal Asiatic Soc

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
128 Hugh Clifford
{Enclosure 4.)
COPY OF CHAP GRANTED BY SULTAN OF TRENGGANU.
ur-^ «-Vi 1312 л-i - . - î

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fL~VÍ ¿í'^b ¿LS s?** o^ <£~* £¿
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ofl ¿Ь*- ^-' ел*5-8 o'° cr~ àr
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202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
Expedition: Trenggatiu and Kelantan 129
( Enclosure 5.)
TRANSLATION OF CHAP GRANTED BY SULTAN
OF TRËNGGANU.
/ Chap '
/ °f '
I Sultan ]
VTrfngganu
of - /-
Written in the 1312th year of the Hajirah on the 3rd

day of the month of Shawal on Friday at 3 o'clock.
Now at. this time we, Sultan Zěnal-a-Bídin bin al
Marhum Sultan Ahmad, who govern the country of Trëng-
gânu write this letter, to which we affix our Seal, and give
it to Mr. Hugh Clifford, Acting British Resident of Pahang,
conjointly with Luang Visudh and Luang Swat, to let it be
known that, we approve of Mr. Hugh Clifford, conjointly
with Luang Visudh and Luang Swat, enquiring in any
place and from anyone within our territory to the source
of the Trënggânu River and in all districts or rivers under
our rule, wheresoever Mr. Hugh Clifford, conjointly with
Luang Visudh and Luang Swat, may think any of our sub-
jects in the above-mentioned districts are screening those
who are rebels to the Pahang Government, viz.: Rahman,
Řásu, and Mat Kilau, and those who are with them, or any-
one who conceals any knowledge of the whereabouts of these
people in order to screen them. Now Mr. Hugh Clifford,
Acting British Resident of Pahang, conjointly with Luang
Visudh and Luang Swat, can make enquiries in any proper
way they may see fit, and if they get any true evidence that
anyone is concealing the above-mentioned persons and will
not. give information as to their whereabouts, or if they
get true evidence that anyone helps the rebels by giving
them food or clothing or other assistance of any kind what-
ever, then Mr. Hugh Clifford, Acting British Resident of
Pahang, conjointly with Luang Visudh and Luang Swat, can

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
1 30 Hugh Clifford
punish them summarily in any way they may thi

But if the person who assists the rebels in any of
already mentioned be one in authority, such as
a Saiyid, they may not punish him, but must r
matter to us and consult with us in order that we
with our influence, so that. Mr. Hugh Cliffor
Visudh, and Luang Swat may incur no injury o
and we will investigate the matter in a proper m
' T. C. FLEMING,
True translation: Ag. Supt., Ulu Pahäng.
29th July, 1895.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
(Enclosure 6.)
MR. DUFFS REPORT ON EXPEDITION TO BESUT.
Kuala Rek, Kelantan, 12th May , 1895
Sir, - I have the honour to report that, in accordance

with your instructions, contained in your minute of the 23rd
ultimo, I left Kuâla Tělěmong en route for Ulu Běsut at 7.55
a.m., on 25th April. I took with me four Malay riflemen, 1 1
Dyaks, and four Sikhs, besides bearers, etc. I do not propose
in the course of this report to go into the details of the geo-
graphy of the country through which I have passed, as this
would entail my writing a very long report, but I have taken
sufficient notes to enable me to furnish you with a fairly
accurate map at some future date.
2. Before starting up the Tělěmong I informed thé

Headman, Haj i Ahmat, that I was searching for the rebels
with the Sultan's authority, and I warned him against send-
ing word on ahead of me. I proceeded up river as far as
Kampong Nibong, where we met a freshet coming down and
had to land. Proceeded on foot to Kampong Pâloh Nyior,
which we reached at 1.25 p.m. I had been feeling the heat
very much on the march, and while, talking to the Headman
in his house at Pâloh Nyîor, I became unconscious. For-
tunately I recovered shortly, as the four Sikhs with me,
thinking that I had met with foul play, had taken charge of
the house, and but for my recovery at once the local Malays
might have come in for some severe handling. I managed
to get on by boat to Mâtang that evening and spent the night
there.
3. On the 26th I left Mâtang overland at 6 a.m. sending

the stores on by boat. Reached Kampong Jěnděrek at 10.10
a.m., but could not get any further that day owing to the
non-arrival of the boat till the evening.
4. On the 27th I started at 5.20 a.m. moving up the

River Jěnděrek to Kampong Jěrkah, where I got hold of

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132 Hugh Clifford
two Dyaks, who assured me that nothing was

of the rebels, and I believe that this statement was more or
less correct. After a very long march were reached Tâpah
on the Něrus at 5.15. Here I found Râja Ismäil in charge,
having been sent up by the Sultan, he said, about
20 days before. Râja Ismäil is the man who, it is said, was
sent up the Trënggânu to Běsut to warn the rebels that an
Expedition was being sent after them. He had built a
large "redan" on the side of a hill guarding the river, and the
road along which we were approaching, and also the road to
Ulu Stîu. The work was garrisoned partly by the Râja's men,
who were armed with Martini-Henry rifles, and partly by
local Malays. The faces were fully 40 yards long, the parapet
being made of earth some 4 feet thick, and rivetted with split
bamboos. The position was badly chosen, the interior of the
work being open to view and fire on every side. Râja Ismäil's
manner was extremely unpleasant, and he declined to give
me any information, not on the grounds that he had none,
but that he was not in a position to impart any to me. He
refused to allow me, or any of my men, to sleep in his stock-
ade, although I expressed a strong desire to do so in order to
be quite certain that no one passed on to Stîu before me. We
passed the night in the village "Sûrau," about a quarter of a
mile further back.
5. On the 28th, after a very hot march, we reached

Kampong Bûloh on the River Stîu at 4.45 p.m. The Head-
man, Dato' Kâya Haji Mat, supplied us with quarters. I
impressed on him, as I did in fact on everyone I met on my
journey, that I was working with the Sultan's authority, and
that it was now the latter's wish that the rebels should be
either caught or killed, and further that any disobedience of
my orders, or any concealment of information on the part of
any headmen, would result in the severe punishment of the
latter. The To' Kâya assured me that he had no information
whatever as regards the rebels, and further that I should find
it very difficult to proceed overland to Běsut, as, although a
track across the hills existed, it had never been traversed by
Malays, but only by Sâkai from Ulu Běsut. He also told me

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that he had built a stockade in the jungle by the Sultan's

orders, close to the path over which we had come, which was
intended to prevent the rebels entering his district. He
stated, however, that it would be most unfortunate for him
if they came, as he did not know them, and that if he gave
them food he would probably get into trouble afterwards.
I incidentally learned from one of the men who joined in the
conversation that there was a Pahang man at Kampong Běsut
just above us. Having warned the TV Kâya not on any
account to let anyone out of his Kampong before I started
in the morning, and having obtained from him a promise
that no one should leave, I sent Saiyid Husin on to Kampong
Běsut to get what information he could, and to bring in the
Pahang man. He returned at midnight and made the follow-
ing statement to me, which can be corroborated by the Dyak
Lance-Corporal who accompanied him:-
"On my arrival at Kampong Běsut I met a man named

"Bômor Ali. I asked him where Bahman and Râsu were to
"be found, and he said that he did not know exactly, but that
"a man who went under the name of Awang Pen, and who
"was a nephew of Bahman, was living with To' Mékong Pa'
"Lîpah in the Kěmbíau. I asked Ali if he could take me to
"see Awang Pen, and he said that he could, but that we had
"better see Pěnghůlu Umat about it first. I said all right,
"but tell me first if the journey is a long one. He said that
"if we started in the early morning we could get to water on
"the other side of the hills by nightfall, and that we could
"breakfast at a kampong in the Kěmbíau by starting early on
"the second day. He asked me why I wanted to see the
"rebels, and I said I was a relation of theirs and that I had
"been so badly treated in Pahang that I wished to join them
"now. He said very well, then come and see Pěnghulu Umat.
"On reaching the latter's house he was lying down, but got
"up and asked who I was. Ali said that I was a Pahang man.
"Pěnghulu Umat then questioned me, and I told him that I
"was a relation of the rebels and had been hunted about the
"country for having joined their last raid; that I had been
"five months in the jungle; and that I now begged for assist-

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134 Hugh Clifford
"ance to get to Ulu Běsut, where I wished to

"Bahman. I asked him if he could help me
"and he said certainly, but that I had better sta
"the morning. I asked him if he was certain
"were in the Běsut; and he said quite certain;
"stayed with To' Mékong Pah Lipah; sometim
"two they lived in the jungle with Sakais. I
"got their food, and he said that To' Méko
"them. I asked him if he could send me across the hills to
"Běsut to see my relations, and he said that he would do so
"next day and promised to give me food. I refused to stay
"thé night. I asked the Pënghûlu if there was any danger
"of their being killed by the Trënggânu authorities who were
"watching for them, because if so I did not want to join them.
"Pënghûlu Umat answered, 'You need not worry yourself in
" 'the least about that. No one will do them the slight-
" 'est injury in this country. As to these stockades that you
" 'see, we have orders to say that they are meant to resist the
" 'rebels, but as a matter of fact they are meant to resist the
" 'white man.' He said further that the orders of the Sultan
"and of Ungku Saiyid to them were that if the Europeans
"made any trouble in Běsut or Trënggânu territory this was
"to be made a pretext for active hostilities to be declared, and
"for a Holy War against the infidels to be proclaimed. I
"asked him if this referred to this district only or to the whole
"country. He said to the whole country, and that if the
"rebels remained 15 years in Trënggânu they would be per-
fectly safe. He said that his reasons for being so certain of
"this was that five or six days before the Resident's arrival at
"Kuâla Trënggânu, Bahman had been to visit Tûan Saiyid
"Kramat at the Kuâla. On meeting Ungku Saiyid the latter
"had promised Bahman that when the white men came he
"(Ungku Saiyid) would protect the rebels, and that if they
"were killed he would be killed also. He said that he
"would fight the infidels to the last, and that the Sultan would
"cast in his lot with the Muhammadans. The rebels need
"not, therefore, be in the least anxious as to their position.
"I asked Pënghûlu Umat how he had got this information,
"and he said that he had got it from a chap brought up from

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"the Sultan by Tûan Sëman six days before. That the chap
"had been taken back by Tûan Sěman, but that the whole
"account of the arrangement come to between Bahman and
"Ungku Saiyid was in the chap."
Tûan Saiyid Hûsin further reported that, while return-

ing from Pěnghůlu Umaťs house, he questioned the guide
that had been supplied to him by To' Kaya Haji Mat. The
guide said that what Pěnghůlu Umat said was the talk of the
whole district and was certainly true.
6. On the 29th I sent Saiyid Hûsin on to Kampong

Běsut at 6 a.m., and followed half an hour later. I told To'
Kaya to follow me. This he did after collecting a number
of armed followers. Arrived at Kampong Běsut, I found To'
Kâya had sent a man on to warn Pěnghůlu Umat the previous
night in spite of the strictest injunctions from me. Pěnghůlu
Umat would give no further information, and at first declared
that no one knew the road to Běsut. I insisted on Bômor Ali
accompanying me, however, as well as Pěnghůlu Umat. Be-

fore leaving I found 8 gantang of rice and 10 fowls made up
in cooly loads, and these Pěnghůlu Umat admitted he had
got ready to forward with Tûan Saiyid Hûsin. I then pushed
on as fast as I could to Kampong Wan Ahmad, which I
reached at 10.10 a.m. Here I found that we were expected,
every man being armed and on the look out for us. Leaving
this at once I went on to Kampong Slâdang, where the track
across the hills is said to branch off. Here I found a stockade
had been built, and all the men in the kampong were armed
and watching, not the road from Běsut, but the road we were
approaching by. It was by this time quite evident to me
that it was useless to expect to get at the rebels by this route
before they were warned, and further that it was highly prob-
able that I should have to use force with the local people who
followed us, if there I came into contact with the rebels.
The number of armed men who followed us had by
this time reached about 100, and they shewed no signs of
leaving us, their attitude being anything but friendly. Not
wishing to become embroiled in a fight with the natives, un-
less there was at least some chance of getting at the rebels, and

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136 Hugh Clifford
feeling certain that there was not the remotest

ting near them, I decided to go down to Kuala
vour to communicate with you. Before start
ever, I sent for TV Kâya, Pěnghulu Umat, an
and informed them that their action had destro
of my getting near the rebels, and that I was th
back to try other means. I promised them,
their conduct would be most severely punis
future. In the meantime, I told them that I
to take back my baggage, and that if every as
given me I should use force, and further that if
in the least degree, I should take the punishm
trict into my own hands. This threat had th
persing the crowd, but I was obliged to impr
carry my luggage, the local Chiefs professin
to supply men. Before starting back I sen
down to Kuâla Stîu by boat to intercept you
proceeding to Běsut by sea. Returned to K
which I reached at dusk.
7. On the 30th I left Bûloh at 7.15 a.m. overland for an

hour, when we got dug-outs and proceeded down the Stîu
which is a small, deep, winding river full of crocodiles, which
are said to carry off numbers of people annually. At 12.15
we reached Bûkit Châlor, which is on the sea coast and yet
some 8 to 10 miles from Kuâla Stîu, the river running almost
parallel with the shore from Bûkit Châlor to the mouth. On
landing I was informed that you were still at Kuâla Trěng-
gânu, which was only some nine hours distant by sailing-boat.
Finding that my messenger of the previous day had gone on
instead of stopping at Kuâla Stîu, I thought it advisable to go
to Kuâla Trënggânu myself for instructions. The wind be-
ing unfavourable, however, at the time, we were towed along
the shore till 6 p.m., when we stopped to cook at Bûkit Bahri.
Here I learned that you had left Kuâla Trënggânu, en route
for Ulu Běsut, two days previously. As I had now no means
of communicating with you without great loss of time, I
decided to act on my own responsibility and proceed up the
Běsut collecting information as I went. The attitude of the

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natives had convinced me by this time that Pěnghůlu Umaťs

statement was true, but I knew that in case of trouble my
party could hold its own. Sending after my messengers to
return, I started back by sea for Kuala Stîu. At 10.30 p.m.,
however, we were obliged to land owing to a heavy squall
which lasted some hours.
8. At 5 a.m. on 1st May we started again, and reached

Bûkit Châlor at 7 a.m. As I thought it better that the Chiefs
of Kuala Stîu, some miles further on, should not know the
smallness of my force, until I had decided what to do, I left
the men at Bûkit Châlor to cook, with orders to follow me
later in the day. I proceeded along the coast with Saiyid
Hûsin and Saiyid Sěman to Kampong Stîu, which I reached
at 9.30. On my arrival I called at Tungku Mahmud's and
Tungku Chik Mámaťs. Knowing that you had come to an
apparently friendly and satisfactory arrangement with the
Sultan of Trënggânu for mutually assisting each other in cap-
turing the rebel Chiefs, I did not feel justified in openly
stating to the Rajas that I knew their Sultan to have broken
faith, without first informing you of the fact. After impart-
ing to them, therefore, the information I had got, I affected
to treat Pěnghulu Umaťs statement as being false as regards
the Sultan's chap ; but I pointed out that there could be no
doubt that the people in the Ulu Stîu were all favourably
inclined towards the rebels. I declined to believe that the
Sultan had been guilty of a breach of faith, on the ground
that such an action on his part might, he knew, result in the
severest punishment to himself and his country. I further
stated that I was searching for the rebels with the Sultan's
knowledge and consent, and that I was strong enough to deal
with any local treachery, although I should be loth to use
force against the Sultan's subjects unless I was obliged to do
so. I told the Chiefs that they would be best judges of how
To' Kaya Haji Mat and Pěnghulu Umat should be dealt with,
but that it appeared to me that such disobedience of the
Sultan's orders as they had apparently been guilty of war-
ranted their immediate arrest. I further asked them to re-
place the force in the Ulu by men they could trust to guard

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138 Hugh Clifford
the roads, while I went up the Běsut to track t

that side. If they declined to do this, I said
sibility lay with them, and that they would
selves to blame for any consequences whi
The Râjas expressed the greatest concern
promised to do everything in their power
suggestions, but they said that owing to th
system of the petty headmen being immed
Sultan, they had little or no power over th
pong Stîu by sailing-boat for Kuala Běsut a
quite convinced that the Râjas at the forme
intention of giving us any real assistance.
9. On 2nd May at 8 a.m. I reached Kua

proceeded up stream to Kampong Râja, one
Here I was met by Tungku Long and Che
both of whom had returned sick from up
nothing as to the rebels from these two Chie
me that Tungku Chik, the Sultan's repr
Tungku Guah, the Râja in charge of Běsut,
ngan, about one day up river; that they ha
with them, but that they had not yet begun a
against the rebels. Tungku Long is little m
and Che' Ungku Mûda appeared to be quite
lect or information, so I thought it advisab
stream as soon as possible. I asked the Chief
get food and boats so that I might start at
greatest difficulty, however, in getting any
one o'clock before our supplies were forthco
then no boats were ready. Under the circ
partly also as I was feeling very unwell, I de
until the next day. I therefore sent word to
asked Tungku Long to supply us with quar
delay, a miserable hovel in the main street
as the only building which could be supplie
accept this, and sent word to the effect tha
building ready, I should expect the Râja to
suitable quarters to be provided in a field w
out on the river bank. By nightfall quarte

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up. I sent Saiyid Hûsin out in the evening to try to get some
information, but on his return he reported that orders had
apparently been issued all round to prevent us being supplied
with any kind of information. The only detail that he got
was that Těngku Chik had, as we had heard in the morning,
some 700 men, and further that he had four brass guns. Two
men, with whom he got on a friendly footing, on being
pressed by him as to what the real orders as regards the
rebels were, and why such a force was used to catch 10 men,
answered, "Don't ask us; you must be able to guess yourself,
but we dare not tell you anything." Almost the same words
were repeated later at Kampong S'gading in Ulu Běsut.
10. On 3rd May I got off at 7.20 a.m., after the greatest
difficulty in getting men and boats. My object now was not
so much to hunt the rebel Chiefs, as to get information as to
their movements, and as to the doings of the Trënggânu and
Běsut authorities. That they had no intention of arresting
or killing the rebel Chiefs, or of assisting us to do so, I was
by this time quite convinced; but I was not certain how far
they dared go in order to prevent our doing so. It was
obviously impossible for me to surprise the rebels while the
natives were concealing them, and I therefore decided to
provide Těngku Chik, the leader of the Sultan's expedition,
with sufficient information to compel him either to surrender
the rebels or to openly shew that he had no intention of doing
so. The result of this action, as is shewn later in my report,
has been the withdrawal of the Sultan's force, the cessation
of even any pretence of any further assistance on the part of
the Trënggânu authorities, and the simultaneous withdrawal
of all persons from whom I could, by any possibility, obtain
information of the rebels' place of concealment.
I might here mention that at Kuâla Běsut I ascertained

that there is a boundary post between Běsut and Kělantan,
about one mile west of the Kuala on the coast, and that, from
that point, the boundary line runs inland a point or two west
of south, and is clearly defined by a range of hills. These hills
are almost entirely bare from the coast up to from 12 to 18
miles inland, large tracts of country having been laid bare

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
140 Hugh Clifford
some 15 years ago by a terrific hurricane or cyclo
night of the 3rd I slept at Chigar Bâtang, which I
7.15 p.m. The Headman's name is Che' Hassan, and
very reticent, I obtained the following information f
Shortly after we had returned from Kělantan last
immediately after Ungku Sělia Râja and Panglîma
been sent to Bangkok, the rebels, numbering som
and two women, came across from Lower Kělanta
through his (Che' Hassan's) kampong, and took
abode in the River Kěmbíau, which is in char
Mékong Kěmbíau (alias Pa' Lîpah or Diah). T
remained there undisturbed ever since, and have b
To' Mékong. Che' Hassan was quite certain that
in the Kěmbíau eight days earlier, but since then
heard of them, though he was certain that they w
the Běsut, as it was well known that the Lěbir was
perly guarded. I further elicited from him that t
men, named Pënghûlu Mat Saleh, Pënghûlu Tal
Mékong Hassan, had accompanied the rebels to
June last, and had taken part in the attack on K
běling. Tûan Saiyid Wo', also of Běsut, had follow
but hearing of the rebels' flight from Jěram Amp
got as far as the Lěbir, he returned to Běsut. T
Chiefs, with their followers, had, I found, acc
Tungku Chik's party to the Ulu. I also learned
Hassan that amongst the 20 men with Bahman
about half were bad characters that they had colle
a view to again raiding Pahang.
11. On 4th May I started soon after 6 a.m. A

I met a boat which had been sent down to meet me and assist
me by Tungku Chik, who, I was informed, was at Tâsek
above Kuâla Kěmbíau. On enquiry the man in charge of
the boat stated that Tungku Chik had got word three days
before that I was coming up the Běsut. This news must have
reached him from Ulu Stiu across the hills and shews how
useless it would have been for me to try to get at the rebels by
that route. I pushed on to Kampong S'gâding, which I
reached at 4.45 p.m. I decided to spend the night here rather

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Expedition: Trenggaiiu and Kelantan 141
than arrive at Tâsek just at nightfall, as I was not prepared
to trust Tungku Chik and his followers. I sent on Saiyid
Hûsin, however, to inform the Raja that I would join him in
the morning, and told the former to get what information
he could before returning to me. He returned at 10 p.m.
and reported that Tungku Chik's manner appeared to be
friendly and that he had prepared quarters for my party.
He had, however, no information to give to Saiyid Hûsin,
and he had taken no steps, so far, to get the rebels, though he
professed to have called in the people from the neighbouring
kampongs in order to prevent the rebels getting food. Sub-
sequently I discovered that the people had not been brought
in, a few only coming down after my arrival. Saiyid Hûsin
further reported that he should estimate the Râja's force at
about 700, and that Tungku Ghik stated, on being asked, that
he had four brass guns, and from 150 to 200 small arms.
From what I saw myself later, I should say that these figures
were not at all exaggerated.
12. On 5th May I started at 6.40 a.m. on foot, crossed

the Kěmbíau at 7.5 and reached Tâsek at 7.50. Here I was
met by Tungku Chik, Tungku Gûah, and their followers,
who shewed me into a house that they had built on the sand
just below theirs. The four brass guns were mounted on
tripods about 40 yards from our quarters and were trained
only a few points off them. My house was in a hollow and
was commanded on all sides by high ground which was occu-
pied by strong posts of Tûngku Chik's men. On my arrival
the latter told me that he had delayed operations against the
rebels until he could cooperate with me; that you had pro-
mised him at Kuala Trënggânu that you would meet him at
Tâsek, and that he was expecting you daily. As I have since
learned from you, this was a quite unfounded statement. In
the meantime, he said that he, as the Sultan's representative,
was most anxious to capture the rebels, and that he would
act on any suggestions that I had to offer. I asked him what
information he had; and he said none, except that which was
originally taken to Kuâla Trënggânu - namely, that the
rebels had been seen at Pâsir Jělai in the Běsut about 12 days

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
142 Hugh Clifford
before. I asked who had seen them, and Tčn

answered that the man's name was Awang, w
know, is the name borne by some 60 per cent, of
and Trënggânu natives. I asked what Awang th
and was told that he was an Ulu Běsut man. I th
surprise that he should have known the rebels
had been some time in the neighbourhood. T
accounted for this by stating that this Awang h
them from having seen them at Kuâla Trënggâ
I need scarcely remark on the gross improbabi
story, though it is interesting to learn from th
Sultan's representative that the rebels were at
gânu last year - a fact which, I understand, has
steadily denied by the Sultan and his officials.
the interview, as I did not want to make any p
Tungku Chik in the presence of a large crowd.
day I sent over to T ungku Chik and asked him
and see me alone. He came at once, and I told him that,
as he had that morning expressed his willingness to be guided
by me, and also his anxiety to catch the rebels, I now proposed
to supply him with such information as would enable him
without delay to ascertain the exact position of the party. I
then told him all I knew of To' Mekong Kěmbíau, To'
Mékong Hassan, Pënghûlu Mat Saleh, Pënghûlu Talib, and
Tûan Saiyid Wo'. I explained to him that I had sufficient
evidence to prove beyond a shadow of doubt that these men
had been, and still were, befriending the rebels; and I further
pointed out that I was aware that both the Stîu and Bësut
Districts were acting practically en masse on behalf of the
rebels. Had I been in a position, then and there, to inform
Tungku Chik that unless the rebels were handed over to me
within 12 hours, I should take the punishment of the district
into my own hands, I have very little doubt that they would
forthwith have been made prisoners, but my force was, per-
haps, hardly strong enough, and in any case my instructions
put any such course out of the question. Under the circum-
stances, therefore, after having supplied Tungku Chik with
the above information, I shewed him how utterly useless it
was for me to attempt to track the rebels, as the moment I

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
got on the trail they would most certainly be warned. I then
told him that, as the representative of the Sultan, he could,
I was quite certain, with the aid of the information I had
supplied him, extract, with little difficulty, all particulars we
required as regards the place of concealment of the rebels.
I told him that, if this were done, I would undertake to pro-
mise, in your absence, that, in the event of any Trënggânu
or Běsut Malay supplying me with information which would
lead to the capture of the rebel chiefs, the Government of
Pahang would not press any charge of having assisted the
rebels, and further that I would guarantee a reward of $500
to the informer. I told him that I should remain where I
was until he was prepared to supply me with a guide such as
I had described to him. That he would have no difficulty in
supplying such a guide, I said, I felt assured, and I hoped that
he would do so without delay. Tungku Chik was, I could
see, very much taken aback by the amount of information
with which I was supplied, and, after some consideration, he
expressed his deep regret at the behaviour of his people. He
assured me that he had been completely deceived by them,
but that he was now convinced that he could no longer trust
them. He promised me to arrest at once the men I had
named, and to bring pressure to bear on them to make them
speak. Before leaving, and apparently quite as an after-
thought, he told me that two men had come into camp that
day who had met Râsu in the jungle in Ulu Lěbir four days
before. He could give me no particulars, however, as he said
he had only roughly examined them. I asked him to send
the men over to me to be examined, and he promised to do
so. He then left. At 7.30 a.m. I had heard nothing further,
and I therefore sent Saiyid Husin over to see what was being
done. On returning he reported that Tungku Chik was
apparently very anxious as to his position, but that he had
changed his mind and that he intended to try gentle means
first to induce To' Mékong Kěmbíau and his friends to speak.
If these means failed he would, he said, arrest the men the
next day. On enquiries being made by Saiyid Hûsin as to
the two men from Lěbir, Tungku Chik said that there was
only one man, and on the former being told that I should

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144 Hugh Clifford
like to see the man at once, it was found that h

down stream. Saiyid Hûsin asked that men shou
after him. At 1 1 p.m. he was brought before m
was Talib, and from subsequent enquiries I learn
originally a Pahang man, though this he denied t
cross-examination his statement as to having me
completely broke down, and it required little pe
assure me that his story was entirely false, and
only been sent in order to endeavour to draw me
Běsut. I told Che' Dâmek, Tungku Chik's ma
brought him round, that such information as th
useless to me, and that I should not take any ac
also told him, however, to impress on Tungku C
that I was ready to start at any moment, day or
he supplied me with the guide I had asked for, who
obtain without difficulty from To' Mékong Kěm
friends.
13. On 6th May, the next morning, Tungku

round and reported that his effort of the previ
persuade To' Mékong Kěmbíau to speak had faile
he had now arrested the men I had reported, an
to resort to harsher means. I have since learned that none
of these men have at any time been under arrest. Tungku
Chik stated that, after he had arrested the men, he had sent
their sons to cheat the rebels Chiefs into coming in. To'
Mékong Kěmbíau told me himself, the day he was taken down
stream, that his son had never left his house, where he was
living with his mother and sister just below us. Further than
this, Tungku Chik stated that he had sent out a man named
Kěsůmba, whom he could thoroughly trust, with a party to
catch or kill the rebels. You have yourself, I believe, ascer-
tained that Kěsůmba actually forms one of the rebels' party.
To' Mêkong's son, Tungku Chik said, had asked for two days
to go to the rebels, but curiously enough, Tungku Chik ex-
pressed his belief that less time would be required, as the
rebels, he thought, were quite close to us. Tungku Chik
then left me, but returned a few minutes later, and said that
he was sending out a party with Talib, and asked me if I or

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Expedition: TrenggaňU and Kelantan 145
some of my men would accompany it. I refused on the same
grounds as on the previous night. At 1 1 p.m. T ungku Chik
sent round word that To' Mékong Kěmbíau had told him
that Talib had stated that the rebels were at Bûkit Bâtil, two
days' journey towards the Lěbir, and asked me if I would go
with some of his men to see if it was true. As Talib's in-
formation turned out to be hearsay, and further that he him-
self was said to be absent, though as a matter of fact he was
in camp, I again declined, and pointed out that the story
could be easily verified or contradicted by such people as To'
Mékong Kěmbíau, etc., who were then in camp.
14. On 7th May, at 8 a.m., Tungku Chik was reported

sick. No result ensued from all his promises of the last few
days, but he sent word that he was going to bring pressure
to bear at once on Talib to compel him to speak from which
I gather that the latter had not been sent out on the 6th as
stated. I sent to T ungku Chik several times during the day,
impressing on him the necessity for immediate action, and
urging him to delay no longer in taking the steps that he
had promised to take to get me the information from To'
Mékong Kěmbíau and the other Chiefs. His replies, how-
ever, became more and more unsatisfactory and nothing was
done.
15. On the 8th I found the same type of answers sent

to my enquiries, and therefore asked to see the four prisoners
myself. After considerable delay, some three hours, two of
them, To' Mékong Kěmbíau and Pěnghulu Talib, were found
in neighbouring kampongs and were produced. The others
were not forthcoming, although they had been reported to
me as being under arrest. It is needless to say that I got no
information from the two men brought before me; they even
went so far as to deny the existence of such a river as the
Kěmbíau, and no threats of future punishment or promises
of reward had the slightest effect on them. At 12.15 p.m. a
boat arrived from down stream bringing two letters to
Tungku Chik. Saiyid Husin, who was talking to some of
the natives, came in a few minutes later and told me that
Tungku Chik was just going off down stream. I sent round

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146 Hugh Clifford
at once saying that I wished to see him before h

he sent back word that he could not come. I then sent for
Tungku Gûah, who, after some difficulty, was induced to
come over. I asked him what was the meaning of this
sudden move, and he said that Tungku Chik was ill and
that he was taking him down stream. I protested against
both Chiefs leaving, but he said that it was impera-
tive. I asked him who was to be left in charge of the
Trënggânu men, and he said Che' Ungku Mûda was on
his way up stream. I told him that I understood that two
letters had been sent up stream by the Sultan and asked to
be informed of what was in them. He said that there was
nothing of importance, and nothing to communicate to me.
I told him that I should expect him to leave To' Mékong
Kěmbíau and the other prisoners in my charge; but this, he
said, was impossible as he had the Sultan's strictest in-
junctions to take down with him all persons guilty of mis-
conduct. I objected very strongly to such action, on the
grounds that by removing these men I was deprived of the
only possible means of getting information respecting the
rebels. But my efforts to induce the Chiefs to leave the pri-
soners with me were of no avail. I asked what steps were
now to be taken to effect the capture of the rebels, and what
was to be the result of all Tungku Chik's promises to me. He
said that he did not know and remained dumb to all other
questions put to him. On leaving me he went straight down
to his boat, and the whole force, except about a dozen men,
had left by 12.40 - less than half an hour after I had first
got word that they intended moving. They left me with no
one to assist me in any way, and carried off the boats which
I had myself brought up steam. Che' Ungku Muda arrived
an hour or two later with about 20 men. He came to see me
on my sending for him, although at first he said that he was
unwell and should remain in his boat. He said that he had
no instructions, except that he was to remain at Tâsek that
night and go down stream in the morning.
16. To sum up briefly the conduct of the Stîu and Běsut

people, I can only report it as being almost openly hostile,

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and it was calculated to entirely nullify any efforts of mine

to trace the rebels. That the action of the Chiefs and the
people under them was authorised by the Sultan, I cannot
for a moment doubt. Although convinced of the bad faith
of the Trěnggánu authorities, the nature of my instructions
prevented me from punishing or even resenting their con-
duct, with the result, as I have shewn, that my demands were
utterly disregarded, and that finally not even a pretence of
assisting me was maintained. It is further my firm belief
that had I met the rebels I should have had to fight the
Trěnggánu people, and that on the slightest pretext the latter
would have turned on me. Pěnghulu Umat stated that those
were the Sultan's orders, and the action of every man I have
met since bears out this statement. While at Tâsek I was
obliged to take every precaution as my force consisted of only
19 rifles. I had the camp surrounded by a rope beyond which
no one was allowed to approach without leave, and all the
sentries were doubled at night.
17. As there was now no prospect of my doing any
good by remaining where I was, and considering it probable
that you had gone by the Ulu route to the Lěbir, I left Tâsek
on the morning of the 9th and proceeded across the hills to
Kuâla Rek on the Lěbir, which I reached at midnight on the
10th. I was further induced to adopt this route as th)e in-
formation I had got on my journey had convinced me that
Dâto' Lêla Děrja, who was in charge of the Lěbir, was work-
ing honestly by us.
I have, etc.
R. W. DUFF,
Acting Superintendent of Police .
( Enclosure 7.)
MR. JESSER-COOPES REPORT ON JOURNEY FROM
MËLOR TO KUALA REK
Pekan, Pahang, 9th July , 1895.
Sir, - I have the honour to report to you as to the
journey I made from Mělor to Kuâla Rek in May of the

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148 Hugh Clifford
current year, in charge of a party of Malays, Si

and in company with Luang Svasti, Siamese C
2. This is written from notes taken at the time and

corrected afterwards by frequent discussion of dates and
events with members of the party.
3. I left Kampong Mělor at 7.45, 2nd May, with two

guides, supplied by the Siamese Commissioner Luang Visudh,
who were to take us to Kampong Tâpah in Ulu Pûek. My
party consisted of myself, 8 Sikhs, 10 Dyaks, and 12 Malays,
among whom were Che' Mat Dris, Che' Rendah, To' Muda
Lawi, Che' Uda, and Teh Majid.
4. The Siamese party were nine in number, including

Luang Svasti and Wan Smail, interpreter.
5. The guides furnished by the Commissioner led us

astray, pretending to lose the way, took us through the jungle
and over the top of To' Gunong, and down the side near
Jënâgar, calling all the streams we met that side branches of
the Pûek, whereas in reality they were branches of the Dura.
We camped in the jungle on the side of To' Gunong.
6. On 3rd May at 9 a.m. we reached Kuâla Pûek, where

we were delayed till midday by one of the Dyaks having lost
his rifle at Jënâgar while crossing the river to get a boat for
the Siamese Commissioner to proceed to Kuâla Pûek. The
rifle was not obtained, but after strenuous efforts being made
to find it, I decided I could waste no more time looking for
it, and proceeded to Rambai in Ulu Pûek, four miles beyond
Tâpah, where we camped for the night.
7. I had great difficulty on both these day's marches,

and in fact on every march, in keeping the men up to the
pace, as they were all inclined to dawdle, and to beg for
stoppages to rest.
8. On 4th May I had fever and had to halt several

times, until 1 p.m. I reached Kuâla Jěnděrek, on the Tělě-
mong, when I could go no further.

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9. On 5th May I marched to Plong in Ulu Plong, a

branch of the Nerus, arriving there at 1 p.m. completely ex-
hausted and hardly able to stand, having fallen down several
times during the last hour.
10. On the 6th, finding I was too weak to march, and

having decided not to send my men on alone away from my
control, I sent Che' Uda with a note to Mr. Duff explaining
the cause of my delay and asking for his instruction in case I
was not able to move for some days. At the same time, I
may say I had every intention to struggle on from day to day
as far as I could travel in order to meet Mr. Duff's answer as
soon as possible, but I found that I was utterly unable to
walk a quarter of a mile.
11. I remained at Plong until the 8th, when I obtained

a boat and proceeded down stream to Kuala Plong, and up
the Něrus to the stockade above Tâpah, having sent my men
overland to this place. At Tâpah I was detained by absolute
weakness until 1 1th May, when I marched to Kampong Bûloh
in Ulu Stîu.
12. The country between Kuala Puek and Ulu Stîu is

is open, flat, and fairly fertile. There are kampongs in great
number, never more than a few miles apart, and often less
than a mile. Between Tâpah, Ulu Něrus, and Kampong
Bûloh, Ulu Stîu, there are no kampongs; there are wide belts
of jungle separated by padangs , pâdi swamps, and fresh
clearings; the path is rough and bad, and often the whole
country is flooded so that the waters of Něrus and Stîu com-
bine.
13. On 12th May I started in boats from Kampong

Bûloh and went down stream to Kampong Râja, near the
mouth of the Stîu. The upper part of the Stîu is very much
overgrown and difficult to navigate, and full of islands and
narrow channels, opening out at Kampong Permaisuri to a
fine river with open padangs and villages on its banks all the
way to the Kuâla.
14. At Kampong Râja we were entertained by Tungku

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150 Hugh Clifford
Mahmud, who later in the evening gave us th

us to Kuâla Běsut, where we arrived at 7 a.m.
of the 13th May.
15. Tungku Chik at Kuâla Běsut did not b

to help us on our way, consequently we did
Běsut till 3.30 p.m., in spite of our urging hi
with boats, as we were anxious to go on at on
delay. Tungku Chik was not cordial, but c
16. We reached Kampong Gong Sarak a

there for the night. The Běsut is shallow
near the mouth is tremendously convoluted, and
volutions the village cluster thickly, and th
rapid and deeper. On the 14th we proceed
winding back and forward till about midday, wh
course became straighter, and we saw no mor
we reached Chigar Batang, where we stopped
17. On the 15th we proceeded up stream t

Châwang-an, where To' Muda Chik joined me
to Lak, where I halted for my men to come
was very low and the boats had been dragge
morning. I arrived at Lak at 1.30 p.m. and
assured me that boats could go no higher, w
was true. He then tried to persuade me to
which came out in the Lěbir at Kuâla Pehi
easier and shorter than the way by Kuâla Re
that Mr. Duff had been staying up river, and
had had to stop at Sri Gading. The people
clined to be insolent, and not at all ready
had great difficulty in obtaining guides and
meant to move on to Sri Gading that afternoon
the boats being delayed below I was detained
night. On 16th May I marched overland
Gading, Tâsek, and above Tâsek to the place w
had had his camp, which the people with
watch house there said was Sri Gading. H
swore he did not know the way, and we took
the watch house. This place was about fiv

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from Lak at least, and here I began to suspect we must be in

the neighbourhood of the rebels, as the guides and coolies
all seemed most unwilling to proceed and seemed very
frightened; accordingly I ordered the Dyaks to march behind
me, and the guide and the Sikhs behind them, all except one
Sikh who marched behind everyone to bring on stragglers.
I ordered each Native Chief with his men to take charge of
a certain proportion of our coolies and see that they came
on and did not dawdle. I then marched on past Ruai and
climbed Gunong Chaping, halting at 11.30 for my tail to
come up. The guide here suddenly informed me that if we
went fast we should reach Mr. Duff's halting place, and from
there could reach Kuâla Rek by the next day. I then called
up the Chiefs and informed them that I should try and do
this, and that I relied upon them to keep the coolies going,
saying I should not stop until five o'clock unless I reached
Mr. Duff's halting place, and impressing upon them the
necessity of keeping the coolies going properly.
18. After walking till 4 o'clock I found my Dyaks and

Sikhs were very done up, and hearing from the guide that he
was not sure how near Mr. Duff's camp was, I decided to halt,
as I feared the coolies might be a long way behind. I had not
halted for a quarter of an hour before in rushed the four
Native Chiefs, with their guns loaded and at half cock, in a
great state of excitement and absolutely alone, saying the
coolies were miles behinds and they had come on as they
were afraid I should be killed by the rebels; whereas I firmly
believe their own skins were all they were anxious about, the
uneasiness of our coolies having communicated itself to them.
I then sent back the guide to hasten on the stragglers, but he
did not get back until after 9 a.m. next day. All Pahang men
except three came in that night, and a few of the Commis-
sioner's coolies.
19. On the 17th we started at 11 a.m. in pouring rain

and the men very tired. At 3.30 we halted in Kělantan by a
small stream and here the guide informed me that there was
no more water for two hours, and we should have to cross
two mountains to get it. Knowing I could not reach Kuâla

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152 Hugh Clifford
Rek this night, and fearing a repetition of th

performance, I halted.
20. On 18th May we reached water in an

1.45 by my watch arrived at the lake in t
sent on for boats to Kuâla Rek and started in them at 5.20
p.m. by my watch, which was three quarters of an hour slow
when I arrived at Kuâla Rek.
21. The causes of delay were various: thus, seven days

due to my illness, one day due to bad guides from Mělor to
Tâpah, one day in Kuâla Běsut, half a day at Lak, one day in
the jungle between Ulu Běsut and Kuâla Rek, in all 10i/£
making our actual travelling time five days and a half.
I have, etc.,
A. B. JESSER-COOPE,
Residency Surgeon.
( Enclosure 8.)
STATEMENT OF PANG-LIMA KAKAP HUSIN, OF

KUALA TÉMBËLING, MADE TO THE ACTING
RESIDENT OF PAHANG WHILE ASCENDING THE
KELANTAN RIVER, ON 20тн MAY, 1895.
I was left behind at Kuâla Rek with Mr. Jesser-Coope

and the Force when the Resident started down river at 6.30
a.m. on the 19th instant. At 8 a.m. I saw Khatib Mat Sut
go past my hut and enter Râja Midin's house-raft. After
about an hour he came up from the raft and told me that he
had come down to see me, and asked me to come and have
a talk with him on the other side of river. At about 10.30 I
went across to see him. Slěhman went with me. I went
on board a raft where Khatib Mat Sut and Pa' Chu Weng
were sitting talking. I had made no hurry in crossing, as I
did not gather from what Mat Sut had said that he had any-
thing special to communicate, and I thought that he merely

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wished to have a chat with me as we are friends and distant
relations. We had just begun to talk together when Râja Mîdin
sent for both Weng and Mat Sut. They were absent some time,
and when they came out of the Raja's raft I called to them
to come across to me. This they did, but they were again
sent for by the Râja before they had begun to talk. Mat Sut
went but I kept Weng with me, as I began to feel uneasy.
When Mat Sut had gone, Weng said to me, "He wants to
speak to you," and went on to say that the rebels were re-
ported to be near Kuala Mîak. He said that they had been
seen at Kuala Ror, whence three roads branch off from the
Běsut track, one leading to Kuala Mîak, one to the Lěbir
Këchil, and one to Kuala Aring. The men who saw them
ran back with word of this to Kuala Mîak where they gave
the information to Wengs wife. This was late on Friday
afternoon (17th May). The men who brought the news were
Saïdin, Děrahman and Adam. Wengs wife sent up to Jëram
Kîjang to Khatib Mat Sut, and on Saturday morning he came
down to Kuâla Mîak, and thence he started down river on a
raft for Kuâla Rek. He only got as far as Sědidik that night,
but he reached Kuâla Rek early on the morning of Sunday,
19th May. While Weng was telling me all this, he was again
sent for by Râja Mîdin, and on his return I asked him what
the Râja had said to him. He made answer that Râja Mîdin
had stated that his orders were to arrest the rebels if they
came to him, but to help to hide them if they did not place
themselves too much en evidence . While Weng was telling
me that he was again sent for by Râja Mîdin. I then crossed
the river and reported what I had learned to Mr. Jesser-
Coope. I recommended that we should at once send word
to the Resident. The Siamese Dâto' (Luang Visudh) had
started down river after the Resident, but Râja Mîdin had not
told him what had happened. I also advised Mr. Coope to
place men to guard the river banks, so as to prevent anyone
returning up the rapids to Kuâla Mîak. Shortly afterward,
Khatib Mat returned from the Râja's raft, and I made
arrangements with him to start down river with me at once.
When I was getting on board the boat Râja Mîdin, and his
brother-in-law, Haj i Ahmad, came down to the river bank

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154 Hugh Clifford
and asked me where I was going. I said I w

river to buy a goat. The Râja said, "You had
Siamese about this report"; I said, "If you w
Siamese you had better do it yourself. I hav
with them"; Râja Mîdin said "I am not go
besides, the rumour may be false." I then
river, it being already 12.30, and it was not u
I overtook the Resident's boat near Tânah
Visudh was certainly still in camp when the new
Kuâla Mîak, and, from what Khatib Mat S
it probable that the Resident was also there
Taken before me this 20th day of May, 189

ascending the Kělantan River.
HUGH CLIFFORD,
Acting British Resident, Pahang .
(Enclosure 9.)
STATEMENT OF ESAH, WIFE OF MAT KILAU,
DESERTED BY HIM AT KUALA LËBIR, IN
KELANTAN, ON 20TH MAY, WHO FELL INTO OUR
HANDS ON 2 1st MAY.
I was living at Pûlau Tâwar in To' Gâjah's house when

he bolted in August, 1892. I owed money to Mat Kîlau.
My people were at Haji Mat Nuh's village on the Těmběling
at that time. I was not then married to Mat Kîlau. To'
Gâjah had been making preparations for his fight ever since
his return from the Sěmantan in June. Everyone in the
house knew of this. I do not know whether it was generally
known in Pûlau Tâwar. One night at about 9 p.m., when
it was very dark and rainy, about 100 of us went on board the
boats which had been got ready for us. There were two very
large boats into which we crowded. At daybreak we reached
Pûlau Dâri Dâri. The boats were tied up above this place
so as to hide our tracks. Thence we were guided overland

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up the Jěrantut to the Těmběling, coming out on that river

at Pâsir Atas. To' Mûda Bakar guided us. On about 20th
August we reached Pâsir Atas. While we were on our way,
Mat Kîlau, Pa' Alang Jûsup (the Bûdak Râja), Awang
Bûdu, and Mâmat Pah caught us up. They had learned at
Kědondong where we had gone and followed us. They told
of the fights at Bukit Kor (13th July), and Kuâla Chika (20th
July), and said many of the Government people, including
Mr. Clifford, had been killed. When we reached Pâsir Atas
Teh Ibrahim, Awang Nong and Teh Da went with their
father to get boats from Pënghûlu Râja. He had all To'
Gâjah's property in his stockade and would not give it up.
The boats were taken by force. To' Gâjah had to make a
bolt of it before he could take his property. When the fight
was going forward at Kuâla Atok we were at Rueh. When the
fighting party returned, we started up river that night and
reached the foot of the rapids. All the men, except To'
Mûda Bakar, Rahmat, and Pa' Alang Jûsup with a lot of the
women, went by land round the rapids and up the Sat. The
rest went up by boat. At Kuâla Sat we met a lot of people
who were camped there. We left the big boats and went
on up the Sat. I was up river when To' Gâjah fired a shot
through To' Mûkim Daud's trousers, at Ungku Haji Wan
Mûsa's request, so that the latter might make believe that he
had resisted To' Gâjah. The shot frightened all the party
who were walking, and many of them got hurt in the panic
which ensued. From Changgut we walked across to Těng-
gîlîng on the Lěbir. All To' Gâjah's people were very sick
about leaving Pahang, and his sons were always saying to him,
"This is what has come of following your advice and orders!"
We remained in camp at Těnggíling for about a month.

They then left a few men with Haji Mat Wahid in charge of
the women and children, and all the fighting men went to
the Gâlas by the river route with the intention of seeing To'
Râja. When they got to Pûlai they met Bahman, and he told
them that To' Râja had turned dog on them and was helping
the Europeans. Bahman brought them news that Mr.
Clifford was still alive, which also determined them not to

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156 Hugh Clifford
go back to Pahang for the time being. From

returned to Těnggíling, and two days later w
to Kuâla Aring. Thence we went into the Rě
maize. We also planted pâdi, but before it w
warned to move away by an official sent up
Kělantan. From the Rělai we went back to T
here a large number of our people, includi
Gâjah's wives, left us and went back to Pahan
selves up to the Government. To' Gâjah did
these people with him, but they gave him the s
him by stealth. When this had occurred we w
to Kuâla Ampul. We had to buy rice at thr
a dollar. All our people had a gantang apiece
to last them eight days* after which they drew
While we were here To' Gâjah and his sons w
Saiyiďs compound at Pâloh. They did this afte
To' Râja at Changgut, and had received from
chap from the Sultan, and the letter from
bidding them return to Pahang. They all sai
selves that this was only a scheme to bet
Gâjah used to cry like a child and refuse h
time because he longed to return to Pahang
to do so.
When they came back from Pâloh they had pě-lias

(charms against bullets) which had been give to them by
Ungku Saiyid, and they also had parang (long knives) which
had texts from the Kuràn inscribed on them by the Saint's
own hand. They said they were going to engage in a Holy
War against the Infidels, and would begin by sacking Kuâla
Těmběling and Kuâla Lipls. At this time Mâmat Këlûbi was
living in Běsut, but he was in constant communication with
the other rebels who were living at Kuâla Ampul. Pěnghulu
Sûlong, and the other Headmen in the Lěbir, joined them at
their invitation. To' Gâjah and Bahman said that they were
going to take Pahang, and that all the spoil taken should go
to their allies. They left us at Kuâla Ampul. They had
about 60 or 70 followers or more. Many of them, however,
were of very little good. Sudâgar Awang Ngah brought

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them ammunition from Singapore. It was nearly 20 days

before the news was brought to us by an old man, whom I
did not know, that the attack at Kuala Těmběling had been
successful. After that we got no news until the rebels them-
selves returned after the fall of the Jěram Ampai stockades.
They said that all the Pahang people had turned traitors and
were aiding the white men. They confessed that they had
been beaten, but that they had killed innumerable Sikhs and
Mr. Wise. When they had been back some days Haji Lâteh
and Leh, his son, came over and went into To* Gâjah's house.
I was there at the time and I heard them say, "To', you must
not stay here. Mr. Clifford has come back from Java and
he is going to follow you over the border." Next day we
went down river and went up the Pěrtang as far as Kuâla
Alor, and we remained encamped on the sand-bank just above
that place while the houses were being prepared. We had
been here a few days when Haji Lâteh sent word by Pa* Alang
Jûsup that the Europeans were at Kuala Ampul and were
going to pursue into the Pěrtang. No one had any inkling
that a force was coming over the boundary via Ulu Trěnggánu
under Mr. Clifford. It was the Ampul force that we heard
of and fled from. Next morning we went up the Pěrtang to
the foot of the waterfall, and here we hid all our baggage that
we could not carry with us. We spent two nights here before
we started inland up the Pěrtang and made huts in a gut at
the back of the hills. We were only there one night. Then
we got word again that they were after us, and we hid a lot
more of our things and had to start on again. We numbered
about 60 people, all told. We had to make our own road
and travelled very slowly. One day we lost our way many
times. To' Gâjah was weeping all the time and bemoaning
his fate. Next day the rear-guard engaged the enemy. When
we heard the shots we all threw down our loads and ran in
every direction. I ran away with Haji Mat Wahid. The
whole party broke up in utter confusion. We came out at
Kuâla Nûar having crossed the Lěbir near Pâyong. We had
no food except jungle fruits for some days. Teh Ibrahim was
with us and was very sick. We camped in the jungle above
Lanchar. The men went and stole some rice from the

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
158 Hugh Clifford
villages. We had no money to buy it with.

five days later the rebels came down rive
Ungku Sělia Râja and To' Dâlam. It was
Mat Kîlau's arrival there that I was married to him. His
other wife, lang Chik, was very sick from the hardships which
she had endured. He told me that almost all the Sikhs had
been killed in the Pěrtang fight.
We next went down to Tânah Mêrah in Kělantan, and

here we went ashore and proceeded to Kěmuning, Ungku
Sělia Râja's place. The Ungku said he would protect us as
long as we chose to live there. We lived here for about a
month, and then we ran away on hearing that the Siamese
were in pursuit of us. Almost all the women and children
had previously been taken down river to Kóta Bharu, as TV
Gâjah said that they were his chief source of danger, and
asked Pânglîma Dâlam to take them down stream. While
we were at Kèmûning we lived in Ungku Sëlia's compound.
At this time we were a party of 12 in all - viz., To' Gâjah,
Awang Nong, Teh Ibrahim, Mat Kîlau, Bahman (who had
joined To' Gâjah at Kuâla Ampul after the Pěrtang affair),
his son Mat Lěla, To' Gâjah's wife Tîjah, myself, and four
slave boys. We went across to Běsut, and on the way two of
the boys deserted. Ungku Sělia gave us permission to go,
and supplied us with guides. We made a forced march, but
we took four nights to get to Běsut. Awang Nong had fever
and could not travel very fast. We had about $100 and only
the clothes we had on. We came out on the Běsut at Kuâla
Pělěgap. Here we crossed the Běsut and followed the river
up until we reached Tuan Wo's house at Chigar Bâtang. He
gave us a meal and told us to go further up the river, which
we did. The next house of importance reached was that of
To* Mékong Hâsan of Châwang-an. He did not recognise
us at first, and he said that if the rebels came his way he would
arrest them. When he knew who we were, he said he had
taken us for Pahang spies, and he fed us and put us up for
the night after killing fowls, etc., in our honour. All night
To' Mékong sat up with Bahman and To* Gâjah arranging to
assist and protect them. Next day he gave us a boat and sent

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Expedition: Trengganu and Reiantan 159
us on to Kuâla Kěmbíau and we went up that stream to Lûbok

Gâdul, where To' Mékong Kèmbìau's house is. He knew
Bahman, and the latter introduced the rest of us. He gave
us a place to live in up the Kěmbíau above his compound.
The people there fed us most of the time, and in return
Awang Nong taught them how to fence. We remained there
for more than six months. The rebels said that we were
quite secure, that no one would follow them to their new
quarters. They were always talking about raising a force to
go back and harass Pahang, and were doing all they could
to induce people to join them for that purpose. One day
we received news from Pa' Chu Weng that Mr. Clifford was
coming to the Lěbir and across to Běsut in pursuit of us. The
rebels at first would not believe it, saying that the Europeans
could not cross the country. At length, when Mr. Duff reached
Běsut, they realised that the report was true. We had heard
that the enemy was at Kuâla Trënggânu but did not think that
they could follow us to Běsut. The Běsut people told us
that the white men were coming. When To' Gâjah got the
news he wept a great deal. Then he got ready to start, but
he was like a madman and cried or raved at us alternately.
We moved off to Ulu Ibu Běsut (the head waters of the main
Běsut River). We were there about a month altogether. We
then got guides and food enough to take us cross to the
Lěbir. I was expecting my confinement at the time. Bahman
and Mat Lêla deserted us and went off with the Krau Sâkai.
Bahman had married a Sâkai woman. I walked for three
days and then I got ill and one of the Sâkai, who were with
our Malay guides, carried me on his back. He did this for
two days, and then the Sâkai ran away and took all our rice
pots and all our food with them. They ran away because
they heard Mat Kilau and Awang Nong plotting to kill them
when the journey's end was nearly reached, in order to ensure
no news of our whereabouts reaching the Europeans. On the
good faith of the Běsut guides we could rely. We tried
to get on but could only go very slowly, as one of the
slave boys had to carry me and he also was weak. Two days
later I was taken ill and was confined at about 4 a.m. I re-

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
160 Hugh Clifford
mained there too ill to move for two days. Then

again. I had to be carried. To* Gâjah was alw
me in very foul language for the trouble I was
took all the few gold ornaments, etc., I had lef
gave them back to me. We went down the M
into the Lěbir by night and camped below Jè
Here they learned that Mr. Clifford's force wa
the Lěbir Rapids. Mat Kîlau was the only on
fairly well. The rest were rotten with fever. T
we got on to Sheikh Ahmaťs village of Jěram P
here we bought 10 gantang of rice. We camped f
on the sand-bank near the foot of the rapids. Râ
to go up by night lest he should be upset, and a
lest he should be pursued. He lay crying all
of us laughed at him, and his sons said to him
would die they would each kill a goat to shew the
being relieved of the burden of his presence. T
$30 and Mat Kîlau $8, which was all the mone
They said they had $50 planted out in the Pěrtang
hid when To' Gâjah and Awang Nong ran awa
Pěrtang affair last year.
On 20th May we went up to Kuâla Aring.

Kîlau and Awang Nong went ashore. No one mo
They asked where my mother was. Learning tha
the Lěbir Kěchil, they went up to the mouth of
where they left me and my baby on a sand-b
them to send me up to my people at Jûbai, but
not do so. They gave me $2 but no food. At a
my brother fortunately came down to fish and too
Jûbai. I was so thin that none of my people rec
On the following night Mr. Clifford and his Ma
Taken before me this 25th of July, 1895.
HUGH CLIFFORD,
Acting Resident .

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(. Enclosure 10.)
STATEMENT OF MARËPIN, BROTHER-IN-LAW OF

THE LATE MAMAT KËLUBI, WHO WAS KILLED
AT KUALA TËMBËLING BY THE PULAU TAWAR
CHIEFS IN JUNE, 1894.
When we all fled from Pahang in 1892, I and my

accompanied Mâmat Këlûbi, her husband, to Běsut. W
down the Lëbir to Kuâla Rek, and thence across to Běs
the Rek River. When first we got to Běsut we lodged
Kasinťs house at Rûai. Thence we went to Chigar B
where we stayed with a Saiyid named Tûan Wo'.
mained there about 12 months. Tûan Wo' fed us. We went
to Kuâla Běsut several times while we were living at Chigar
Bâtang and saw the Râjas there, but they did not molest us.
At the end of that time Bahman sent across to us from the
Lěbir, asking Mâmat Këlûbi to join him in a raid on Pahang.
At first Mâmat Këlûbi did not want to go, and he did not
finally consent until Bahman sent to him saying that if he
was still a man ( jikâlau lâgi ânak lâki-lâkï) he must join him
at once. Eventually we made a start to return to the Lěbir,
and we were accompanied by Tûan Wo', Pěnghůlu Saleh,
Pënghûlu Taib and Soh. We had about a dozen other Běsut
men with us. On our way to the Lëbir we camped at Kuâla
Këmbîau, and Mâmat Këlûbi went up to To' Mékong
Këmbîau's house at Lûbok Gâdul in order to see him. Next
day we went on and reached Kuâla Mîak on the Lěbir in a
few days. Thence we went up stream to Châling. At
Châling our party was reinforced by Pënghûlu Dêbok, Pëng-
hûlu Bakar, and his brother Pënghûlu Mêrah. All of these
men are Chiefs in the Lěbir, and had a number of their peo-
ple with them, who were called together for the purpose of
raiding Pahang. Pa' Chu Weng wanted to go too, but Khatib
Bûdin of Châling forbade him to do so.
I and my sister remained at Châling when the fighting

party started up river to join the rest of the raiding force at
Kuâla Ampul. The first news that reached us was from Haj i
Mat Wahid, who came down from Kuâla Ampul to buy pâdi.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC
162 Hugh Clifford
He said that Mâmat Këlûbi was reported to be m

that no one knew whether he was alive or dead. The next
news that reached us was when Teh Ibrahim, Haji Mat
Wahid, and the women came down through the jungle after
the fight in the Pěrtang. Shortly afterwards the rest of the
rebels came down river with Ungku Sélia Râja and Dâto'
Panglîma Dâlam. We learned then that Mâmat Këlûbi had
been killed with all his party by Panglîma Gârang Jûsup, and
that Pënghûlu Sûlong and about 40 other men had been killed
when the stockades at Jëram Ampai were taken.
Taken before me this 12th day of May in the year ot

our Lord 1895.
HUGH CLIFFORD,
Acting Resident .
Kuala Rek, Lebir District, Kelantan.
(Enclosure 11.)
SUMMARY OF SICK IN CAMP TREATED
BY RESIDENCY SURGEON
Particulars March. April May June

Total number of
sick 31 236 125 118
Daily average 2i/£ 7.86 4 4
Fever cases 9 126 106 66
Diarrhoea 9 39 - -
N.B. - Total number

307. Many of the ca
simply represent retu
ailments, and so also with other ailments. No death?
occurred.
A. B. JESSER-COOPE,
Residency Surgeon.

202.45.133.243 on Wed, 08 Jun 2022 05:14:12 UTC

(Expedition To Trengganu and Kelantan) (JMBRASS)

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[Expedition to Trengganu and Kelantan]

Author(s): Khoo Kay Kim and Hugh Clifford

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41505504

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Kelantan in 1895 for it is by far one of

Hugh Charles Clifford, born on 5 Mar

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Governor of Dahomey, an agreem

Although the value of Clifford's report, as a historical

4. The Malayan Cvúl List , 1929 , pp. 70-71.

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On the other hand, within a space of a

Clifford claims that, prior to the mid-nineteenth century,

Clifford, however, refers to them merely as Dato'. These

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form of administration was bro

It is interesting to note that within less than a century,

Clifford's observations of the Kelantan political system,

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Bahru). It tends rather to remind one of th

Clifford's account of the topography and geography of

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agglomeration of river settlements

The very minute description o

Clifford's report bears testimo

Lastly, here as elsewhere Clifford has a great deal to say

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about the Malays.12 Most of his remarks are,

Khoo Kay Kim

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REPORT OF MR. CLIFFORD, ACTING BRITISH

British Residency, P'ahang, 7th August , 1895.

To the Hon. the Colonial Secretary, S.S.

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3. In order to explain the reasons which led to th

4. The Pahang Rebel Chiefs, who were driven from

Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I,

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country having been removed, the dakaits would no longer

5. These proposals were duly referred to the Govern-

6. When the presence of the rebels at Kěmuning had

7. As no result followed my application to be allowed

8. The actual number of Rebel Chiefs still at large

1961] Royal Asiatic Society .

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hension lay in the fact that the rebels, ba

9. In a like manner had I merely be

10. In November, 1894, I was informed that, after pro-

Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I,

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Siamese Official. On 21st January, I received a telegram

11. On 24th February I left Pěkan by boat in order

12. At 2 a.m. on 3rd March I reached Kuâla Lipis and

1961] Royal Asiatic Society.

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ance on the part of the Commissioners of

13. The selection of the Gâlas route by the Commis-

14. On 9th March, I received a telegram from His

15. In your confidential letter of 26th January, 1895,

Journal Malayan Branch [Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I,

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"tions as being less likely to conduce to a successful issue