Mundos Anglófonos Completo 2

Mundos
Anglófonos
-
British
UNIT 1. BRITISH CONTEXT
Historical growth
Britain’s constitutional title is the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Norther Ireland (UK), The
nation comprises large and smaller islands off the north-western European mainland. The
biggest one is Great Britain, and is divided into England, Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland
shares the second-largest island with the Republic of Ireland, with which it has a land border.
In prehistory, these areas were visited by Old, Middle and New Stone Age nomads, some of
whom later settled permanently. From 600 BC -AD 1066, the islands experienced successive
settlement and invasion patterns from peoples who originated in mainland Europe, such as so-
called Celts, Belgic tribes, Romans, Germanic tribes (Anglo-Saxons), Scandinavians and
Normans. These immigrants over time created a multi-ethnic British population with mixed
identities and different origins.
The early settlers and invaders contributed haphazardly between the 9th and 12th centuries AD
to the building blocks on which were gradually established the separate nations of England,
Wales, Scotland and Ireland. Later developments within the islands were greatly influenced by
the expansionist, military aims of English monarchs and second by a series of political unions.
Ireland and Wales had been effectively under English control since the 12th and 13th centuries
respectively, while Scotland was joined dynastically to England in 1603. Movements towards a
British state was achieved by political unions between England, Wales and Scotland in 1707 and
between Great Britain and Ireland in 1801. In 1921, southern Ireland left the union to eventually
become the independent Republic of Ireland while Northern Ireland remained part of the United
Kingdom.
These historical developments involved political deals, manipulation and constitutional struggles
and encouraged the gradual creation of a centralized British state, the UK, which owed much to
English models and dominance.
Despite a confused and haphazard history full of unforeseen events, some historians have
argued that the modern British state developed in an evolutionary and pragmatic manner. This
process has been attributed to the supposed insular and conservative mentalities of islands
peoples, with their preference of a traditional habits and institutions, orderly progress and
distrust of sudden change. The absence of any successful external military invasion of the islands
since the Norman Conquest of AD 1066 has allowed the nations of England, Scotland, Wales
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and Ireland to develop internally in distinctive ways, despite frequent and violent struggles
among and within them.
The social organizations and constitutional principles of the British state have been forged by
disputes, conflict, self-interest, consensus, compromise and conquest.
The developed British Empire was an extension of earlier English monarchs’ internal military
expansionism within the islands and in mainland Europe. Following initial reversals in Europe,
they sought raw material, possessions, trade and power overseas. This colonialism was aided by
increasing military might into the 20th century.
The historical development of the British state and its empire was aided by increasing economic
and military strength, so that by the 19th century the country had become a dominant industrial
and political world power. Political union within Britain, despite continuing tensions, had also
gradually encouraged the idea of a British identity (Britishness) in which all the component
countries of the UK could share. This was tied to Britain’s imperial position in the world and an
identification with the powerful institutions of the state, such as the monarchy, law, Parliament,
the military and Protestant religion. But national identities in the four countries of the union
persisted and became stronger as competing forces arose in the 20th century. Pressure for
constitutional change eventually resulted first in the partition of Ireland in 1921 and second in
devolution (transfer of some political power from the London Parliament to elected bodies in
Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland) by 1998-9. These changes encouraged debates about
such issues as the nature of Britishness and the structure of the United Kingdom. Although
Scotland voted against independence in a 2014 referendum after a fierce Nationalism campaign,
the question of ultimate independence for Scotland is still debated.
The British state has seen other fundamental political reforms and changes over time, such as
extension to the vote in the 19th and 20th centuries the diminishing power of the House of Lords,
the decline of executive monarchy and a weakening of church authority and religious
observance. Britain underwent substantial collectivism social changes in the 20th century with
the growth of a labour movement, the formation of the Labour Party, economic policies of
nationalization and the creation of a welfare state, associated with the first large majority Labour
government led by the Prime Minister Clement Attlee (1945-51).
These emphases later changed in the 20th century as the new political parties and alliances
developed, and government economic policies shifted British society, collectively and
individually, along more free market lines. British’s first woman Prime Minister (Margaret
Thatcher) and her Conservative governments (1979-90) were central to such developments,
which attracted both strong support and fierce opposition. It was felt that the state should not
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interfere in business, and the power of trade unions was reduced by a series of laws. These
battler between broadly ‘centre-left’ (Labour) and ‘centre-right’ (Conservative) views continue
to characterize most of the country’s structure and influence people’s votes, despite attempts
by other parties, such as the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, the UKIP, etc… to break into the
two-party tradition. However, the centralized state based in London has fragmentated to a
degree as the government in the component countries gained greater devolved political powers
by 1998-9.
Britain also experienced significant change in the 20th century. Its social and economic strength
was seriously reduced by the effects of two WW in the first hall of the century and by the
dismantling of its imperial global power in the second half. Traditional notions of Britain’s place
in the world, the nature of its society and hopes for its future have been subjected to dissent,
re-evaluation and pressure on many levels, and by a pervasive sense of decline. These continued
as the country entered the twenty-first century.
Since the II WW (1939-45), Britain has had also adjust with difficulty to a withdrawal from empire,
which was inevitable in the face of rising nationalism and self-determination in the colonies, a
reduction in world political status; global economic recessions: a relative decline in economic
power; increased foreign competition; international social change; a geopolitical world order of
superpowers (US and URSS); new tensions after the break-up of the URSS in the 90’s, with the
US becoming the dominant force, the emergence of Far Eastern powers such as Japan, China
and India, growing South America economies, a changing Europe following the destruction
wrought by two WW; continuing unrest in Eastern Europe, the Middle and Far East and Africa;
and a grudging acknowledgment by the British people and their politicians that the world had
inevitably changed.
The nation has been forced into a reluctant search for a new identity and direction, both
internationally and nationally, which, arguably, it has not yet achieved. While maintaining many
of its traditional worldwide commercial, cultural and political links, such as the increasingly
criticized ‘special relationship’ with the US, it moved from empire and the successor
Commonwealth of Nations towards an economic and political commitment to Europe, mainly
through membership of what is now the EU. But this relationship, in its turn, is also now
changing.
In recent centuries, Britain had already seen itself as an integral part of mainland Europe. It has
instead sheltered behind the sea barrier of the English Channel and its outlook was westwards
and worldwide. The psychological and physical isolation from Europe had slowly begun to
change. The relationship between Britain and the other European countries continues to be
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problematic and new associations have been forced by events and circumstances, rather than
wholeheartedly sought. Proposals to leave the EU had increased in recent years and Prime
Minister David Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership if the Conservatives won
the 2015 General Election, which they did. Negotiations continued between Britain and the EU
following the 2016 Referendum in which Britain voted to leave the EU in 2019 and the 2017
triggering of the Lisbon Treaty’s Article 50 to formalize departure. This process, to what many
Britons’ regards as an unknown future, is complex and opposed, but supported by others.
Despite a current nationalism and populist trend among some Britons, critics argue that
isolationism is not a viable option in a globalized and unpredictable world. Britain is involved in
the global debates of the twenty-first century, from which it cannot isolate itself, as it did at
some periods in its earlier history.
It’s likely that an exit from the EU will oblige Britain to increase its global ‘free trade’ connections,
while preserving some kind of European relationship, in addition to defensive and diplomatic
alliances. Meanwhile, the British are still fundamentally divided over Europe and the country’s
future. The Leavers (Brexiters) see a future of economic and political opportunity for Britain to
‘take back control’ of its own destiny, economically and politically.
Structural change
It has been traditionally argued that British historical growth has been guided by pragmatism,
gradualism, flexibility, common sense and experience of what works in practice. The creation of
a way of life, government, social structures, economic relationships and law supposedly depends
upon evolutionary adaptation to changing, often unforeseen, circumstances.
This gradualist model of change is often contrasted to formally developed constitutionalism and
nation building, by which British historical growth has been implemented by laws passed
through state institutions. The resulting structures and institutions from both models have been
conditioned by struggles between social, economic, religious, etc... arguments.
The major formal institutions, such as Parliament, law and government, are concerned with state
or public business. They initiate policies in ‘top-down’ form so that decisions are often decided
by centralized and multi-level bodies (whether elected or appointed) and then applied on lower
levels. British people frequently complain that they should be consulted more about
constitutional changes in society and have a greater voice in local and national affairs. This
situation has led to a disenchantment with and withdrawal from political processes by many
people; a distrust of politicians; and demands that public officials should be more accountable.
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The ‘British way of life’ and British identities are determined by how people function within and
react, whether positively, negatively or apathetically, to the two local and national structures.
These are not remote abstractions, but affect individuals directly and immediately in their daily
lives. These structural features reflect a range of cultural practices on both high and popular
cultural levels in Britain. High cultural forms may often appeal to a minority and be connected
to wealth and social concerns, although the gradual blurring class barriers, expanded education
and a decline in deference have now opened these up to wider participation.
The number and variety of top-down and bottom-up structures mean that there are many
different and often conflicting ‘ways of life’ in contemporary Britain, which contribute to the
pluralistic nature of the society. Sime critics argue that the main defining features of British life
are a healthy diversity and change at all levels. Others maintain that their phenomena,
particularly from the 1960’s, have led to social fragmentation and anti-social behaviour, a
weakened sense of community and civic responsibility; a decline in nationally accepted values
and identities; confusion and uncertainty, etc…
But it is also argued that national and local behaviour in Britain has often reflected a strong
individualistic streak in the British mentality, which views ‘authority’ with suspicion and has often
led no nonconformity in many areas of society. The discussion also questions whether traditional
notions of community, engagement and commitment are failing in Britain and the country has
become a ‘broken-society’ without fixed or civic social guidelines. Such arguments occurred in
the run-up to recent general elections and were reflected in the fierce campaigning of the 2016
Referendum.
Traditionally, it has been assumed that established organizational and institutional structures
should address such problems and must adapt to new situations if they are to survive, and their
future roles may therefore be very different from they original functions.
Contemporary conditions
Debates about the state of contemporary British society and its institutions continue, such as
the proposed exit from the EU (Brexit). Britain today Is a complex society in which diversity and
change have created problems as well as advantages. While the country may give a surface
impression of homogeneous behaviour, there are divisions caused by the factors such as the
dominant influence of London on the rest of the country (as well as its separateness); the cultural
and ethnic distinctiveness of Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and England; demands for
greater autonomy, democracy and accountability in devolved and local government areas and
less centralized control from London; disparities between affluent and economically depressed
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regions throughout the country; cultural and economics gaps between north and south; political
variety; continuing debates on the positions of women, etc…
Critics argue that the traditional gradualist and evolutionary solutions to problems and concerns
do not appear to be working. But there are also seem to be no new, available answers. British
are now more nonconformist, multi-ethnic, secular and individualistic than in the past. Opinion
tolls suggest that they have become more aggressive, more rebellious, more selfish or
individualistic, less tolerant, less kind, less moral, less honest and less polite.
On some levels, such developments have led to an increase in anti-social behaviour,

yobbishness, public scruffiness, vandalism, serious alcohol and drug abuse…
Recent polls suggest many respondents believe British society is divided. Some critics, politicians
and respondents in surveys may say they want a return to civic responsibility, consensus or
inclusive politics and caring society in which individuals feel that they have a place.
Contemporary society is often measured against an assumed earlier, more positive history.
However, research demonstrates that the past in Britain was not as idyllic as is sometimes
nostalgically imagined and that there were periods when the levels of crime, aggression,
violence, poverty, deprivation and unemployment were far greater than they are now, both in
the cities and countryside. Yet the myth of a golden age and older patterns of assumed positive
behaviour still hold considerable romantic attraction for many British people.
Fundamental change does not come easily to old cultures such as Britain, and social structures
– or the human beings that operate them – are often resistant to major alteration. It is argued
that since the 1960s the country has been unwilling to face sensible and large-scale reassessment
of its social, political, economic and institutional structures, and is now being overwhelmed by
events beyond its control and capacity to alleviate.
Britain has changed in the past 70 post-war year, with most of its people now enjoying greater
prosperity and opportunities than in the past, although wage levels for some are low after
recession. Yet opinion polls have suggested that increased relative prosperity has not brought
greater happiness for many Britons.
Assumptions about the alleged traditional certainties of British life have been strongly
questioned in recent decades as political parties attempt to develop new policies. Conservative
governments under Margaret Thatcher (1979-90) tried to reform social structures and promote
new economic attitudes. They attempted to reduce the state’s role in public affairs and replace
it by ‘market forces’. People were encouraged to be more responsible for their own affairs
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without automatic reliance on the state support and to adopt more individual competitiveness
and efficiency.
The labour party in the 1990s did try to modernize its internal structures and policies, and moved
to the political centre in an attempt to change its public image and appeal to middle Britain.
Since gaining power in 1887, the Labour government followed a basically Conservative economic
approach, while initially pursuing cautions fiscal and monetary policies. Many lost their trust in
Labour policies after 2007 and its ability to steer the country through the recession, to pay off
the budget of deficit, to avoid tax increases, to maintain public services and to avoid greater
costs.
However, the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government also attracted criticism

because of its austerity programs to reduce the budget deficit from 2007 recession; its alleged
privatization of aspects of public services and the National Health Service, its inability to control
financial markets, banks and the City of London; its move to the right; its foreign policy weakness
and its stumbling policies on the EU. Meanwhile, the Labour Opposition was edging towards
more leftist policies in an attempt to win support from disaffected voters in the 2015 and 2017
general elections campaigns; but those moves were insufficient to defeat a weak Conservative
government in the 2017 general election. It seemed as though the main parties were adopting
old two-party ideologies.
Additional forces to change are opposition political parties with their alternative programmes;
interest or pressure groups exerting influence upon decision-makers; grassroots movements
protesting at some action or lack of action; rebellion by Members of Parliament against
proposed government legislation, etc… However, UK central governments initiatives are the
central factors in determining structural change at national and local levels as politicians
implement policies or respond to events even though they may not always perform adequately
or to many people’s liking.
The British have traditionally allowed their elected governments significant power in the running
of the country. But there is a limit to their tolerance and their disquiet may be shown in public
opinion polls. The British assume, rightly or wrongly, that they have and individual independence
and liberty within the framework of national institutions and are quick to voice disapproval if
their interest are threatened. Protest is a traditional reaction, as well as being a safety valve
against more serious social and political disruption. Yet dissension may be neutralized by the
promise of reform, or simply ignored by government, politicians and bureaucrats. The British
today are confronting different cultural and economic realities to those in the past when they
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had defined world role and a greater sense of national identity. The society has seen a decline
in traditional certainties and become more mobile, stressful and conflict-ridden.
Critics speculated that the years 2010-17 could be difficult for Britain. It was argued that the
country’s position was uncertain because of global competition and domestic political issues.
However, while the Eurozone stagnated, Britain emerged relatively strongly from its 2007-10
recession and was the world’s fastest-growing economy in 2013-14. But the effects of the global
credit-crisis and recession on people, business and politics continued into 2018. In September
2014, Scotland voted in a referendum against the independence from the UK. In 2015 there was
a general election in Britain, which was won by the Conservatives with a small overall majority.
In 2017 a referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU was held, and the Leave (Brexit) side
won with a small majority, as a result of which the Conservative leader (David Cameron) resigned
to be replaced by Theresa May. She went for a quick election, lost her overall majority and relied
on the support of the Northern Ireland Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) for political survival.
The terms of exit in 2019 from the EU are currently being debated between Britain and the UK.
If Britain does eventually leave the EU, it would lose its power to shape a bloc that takes 45 per
cent of its exports and could become an isolated, smaller, insular, inward-looking country with
less influence in the world. However, if might flourish as an independent, open, liberal, trading
nation on global markets, which would boost business, restore economic stability and reduce
the cost of the state. But there is much scepticism about Britain’s ability to operate as a single
global player, able to maintain its 2017 position as the world’s 5th largest economy.
British attitudes to Britain
British attitudes towards their leaders and institutions have often been strongly sceptical. British
Social Attitudes in 1988 suggested that:
This observation has become more relevant in recent years as opinions polls indicated increasing
popular dissatisfaction with politicians and authority figures. There has instead been a trend
towards online political comment, street protest and demonstrations, blogging sites, petitions,
media campaigns and membership of single-issue or special-interest groups. These attitudes
reflect and individualistic, independent and dissenting British tradition that has been cynical,
irreverent, critical and apathetic about state structures and powerful individuals.
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Institutions such as the monarchy, Parliament, law, the Church, banks and financial markets had
to earn the approval and support of the people, which can also be quickly taken back. Britain
has historically experienced many popular revolts and uprising against the power of the state.
Most have been short-lived, but the spirit of rebelliousness remains.
Some early twenty-first-century polls showed how Britons had responded to events in the first
decade of the twenty-first century in cultural, economic and cultural terms. This period saw
Britain move economically from bust to boom before again suffering in the global recession of
2007-10. The decade had left the British feeling less secure and less trustful of their leaders, but
also less outspoken because of the political correctness, peer pressure, and legislation on abuse,
hate crime and ‘freedom of expression’ in contemporary Britain.
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UNIT 2. THE PEOPLE
Early settlement to Ad 1066
There’s no accurate picture of what the early settlement of the present British Isles was actually
like and there were long periods when the islands were uninhabited.
The earliest human bones found in Britain are 500,000 years old. Yet butchered animal bones
and stone tools discovered in East Anglia indicate hominid activity from 700,000 years ago. The
first people were probably Palaeolithic nomads from mainland Europe, who use rudimentary
stone implements,
Mesolithic settler from about 8300 BC arrived in the transitional period between the Palaeolithic
and the Neolithic eras and between the end of the last glacial period and the beginnings of
agriculture in the Middle East. Neolithics arrivals from 4000 BC had more advanced skills in stone
carving. Some possibly came by sea from central Europe and settled in eastern Britain, while
others arrived from Iberian areas and populated Cornwall, Ireland, Wales, the Isle of Man and
western Scotland.
From about 600 BC there was a movement of so-called Celtic tribes into the island from western
Europe who have been credited with bringing Iron Age civilization with them. The Celts were
not a unified group, had at least two main languages and were divided into different scattered
tribes, who often fought with one another. Varied Celtics civilizations dominated the islands until
they were overcome by warring Belgic tribes (also of Celtic origin) around 200 BC.
These varied groups were subjected to a series of Roman expeditions from 55 BC. The eventual
Roman military occupation of the islands (except from Ireland and most of Scotland) lasted from
AD 43 until AD 409. The term ‘Britain’ probably derives from the Greek and Latin names given
to England and Wales by the Romans, although it may stem from Celtic originals. The Romans
didn’t mix well with the existing population, whom they called ‘Britons’, and that their lasting
social influence was slight; nevertheless, some Roman Christian practices spread throughout the
islands; political and legal institutions were introduced; new agricultural methods and produce
were imported.
After the Roman withdrawal in AD 409, Germanic tribes, such as the Angles (from which the
name ‘England’ is supposedly derived), the Saxons and the Jutes invaded the country. The
country was divided into seven separate and often warring Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in England,
with largely Celtic areas in Wales, Scotland and Ireland.
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There regions suffered from Scandinavian (Viking) military invasions in the 8th and 9th centuries
AD, until they were defeated in the 10th to 11th centuries. Early English history was completed
when the Anglo-Saxons were defeated by French-Norman invaders at the Battle of Hastings in
AD 1066 and England was subjected to their rule. The Norman conquest was a watershed in
English history and marked the last successful external military invasion of the country. The
Normans influenced the English people and their language (French) and initiated many social,
legal and institutional frameworks, such as a feudal system, which were to characterize future
British society.
Yet Celtic civilizations continued in what are now Wales, Scotland and Ireland, which were
divided into separate (and often warring) kingdoms, tribes and clans. Anglo-Norman rule of
Ireland and Wales was initially patchy and was not successfully imposed upon Scotland. The
latter was inhabited (except for Angles in the south) by the original Picts and later Scots (Scotti)
from Ireland who colonized western Scotland (AD 200-400), giving their name to present-day
Scotland. Different peoples had thus entered the British Isles from the SW, E and N sin 1066, but
settlement was often hindered by some obstacles. Despite some intermingling between the
various settlers, there were ethnic differences between the English and the people of Ireland,
Wales and Scotland; but it’s this mixture which has produced ethnics and national diversity in
Britain.
There are no realistic population figures for

the early British Isles. The nomadic lifestyle of
groups of up to twenty people seems
gradually to have ceased and to have been
replaced by more permanent farming
settlements of a few hundred inhabitants. It is
estimated, for example, that the English
population during the Roman occupation was one million. By the Norman period, the 11th
century Domesday Book showed an increase to two million. The Domesday Book was the first
systematic attempt to evaluate England's wealth and population, mainly for taxation purposes.
Growth and immigration up to the 20th century
England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland had developed more clearly defined identities and
geographical areas by the 12th century, although ‘tribal’ and royalist conflict (rather than national
unity) continued in the four nations. Political and military attempts were made by England over
successive centuries to unite Wales, Scotland and Ireland under the English crown. English
monarchs tried to conquer or ally themselves with these countries as protection against threats
from within the islands and from continental Europe, as well as for increased power and
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possessions. Internal colonization and political unification of the islands gradually created the
British state. This process was accompanied by fierce and bloody struggles between and within
the nations, often resulting in lasting tensions and bitterness.
Ireland was invaded by Henry II in 1169. Parts of the country were occupied by Anglo-Norman
nobles, but little royal authority was initially exercised from England. More extensive later
colonization of Ireland by the English and the Scots became a source of conflict between the
countries. Ireland became part of the United Kingdom in 1801 but, after periods of violence and
political unrest, was divided in 1921 into the Irish Free State (later Republic of Ireland) and
Northern Ireland (which remains part of the United Kingdom).
Wales, after Roman control, remained a Celtic country. Between 1282 and 1285 Edward I’s
military campaign brought Wales under English rule. Wales was integrated legally and
administratively with England by Acts of Union between 1536 and 1542.
The English also tried to conquer Scotland by military force, but were ultimately repulsed at the
Battle of Bannockburn in 1314. Scotland remained independent until the political union between
the two countries in 1707, when the creation of Great Britain took place.
England, Wales and Scotland had meanwhile become predominantly Protestant in religion as a
result of the European Reformation and Henry VIII’s break with Rome. Ireland remained Catholic
and tried to distance itself from England, thus adding religion to colonialism as a foundation for
future problems.
Contemporary Britain therefore is not a single, homogeneous country but rather a recent and
potentially unstable union of four old nations. Great Britain (1707) is only slightly older than USA
and the United Kingdom (1801) is younger.
Despite the tensions and bitterness between the four nations, there was an internal migration
between them. This mainly involved Irish, Welsh and Scottish people moving to England. Few
English emigrated to Wales and Scotland although there was English and Scottish settlement in
Ireland over the centuries.
Immigration from abroad into the British Isles also continued due to such factors as religion and
political persecutions, trade, business and employment. Immigrants have had a significant
impact on British society. They have contributed to financial institutions, commerce, industry and
agriculture. In addition to political integration, internal migration and immigration from
overseas, Britain’s growth and the mixing of its people were also conditioned first by a series of
agricultural changes and second by a number of later industrial revolutions. Agricultural
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developments started with Neolithic settlers and continued with the Saxons in England. Britain
expanded agriculturally and commercially from the 11th century, and also created manufacturing
industries.
Immigration was consequently associated with financial, agricultural and industrials skills; this
commercial expertise created greater wealth. Agricultural and commercial developments were
reflected in changing population concentrations. From Saxon times to 1800, Britain had and
agriculturally based economy with 80 percent of its people living in villages in the country side.
Settlement was concentrated in the south and East of England, where the rich agricultural
regions of East Anglia and Lincolnshire had the greatest population densities. During the 14th
century, however, the increase in population was halted by plagues and numbers did no start
to improve again for another hundred years.
As agricultural production moved into sheep farming and clothing manufactures, larger
numbers of people settled around wool ports, such as Bristol on the west coast and coastal
towns in East Anglia. The total British population at the end of the 17th century being estimated
at 5.5 million.
In the 16th and 17th centuries, the country attracted large number of refugees, such as Dutch
Protestants and French Huguenots, driven from Europe by warfare, political and religious
persecution and employment needs. However, from around 1700, immigration decreased
throughout the next two centuries. Britain exported more people than it received, mainly to
North America and the expanding colonies.
A second central development in British history was a number of industrial revolutions that took
place in the 18th and 19th centuries. These transformed Britain from an agricultural economy into
and industrial and manufacturing country. Processes based on coal-generated steam power
were discovered and exploited. Factories and factory towns were needed to mass-produce new
manufactured goods. People moved to textile mills in Lancashire and Yorkshire and to heavy
industries and pottery factories in the West Midlands.
The 1801 census gave figures of 8.3 million for England, 0.6 million for Wales, 1.6 million for
Scotland and an estimated 8 million for Ireland, but between 1801 and 1901 the population of
England and Wales expanded to 32.5 million. The numbers in Scotland increased less rapidly to
4.5 million, due to emigration, but in Ireland the population was reduced to 4 million because
of famine, mortality and emigration.
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The industrial revolution reached its height during the early 19th century. It did not require
foreign labour because there were enough skilled trades among British workers and a ready
supply of unskilled labourers from Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the English countryside.
Industrialization led to an expansion in commercial markets, which attracted new immigrants

who had the business and financial skills to exploit the industrial wealth. Immigration to Britain
might have been greater in the 19th century had it not been for the attraction of North America,
which received large numbers of newcomers from around the world.
By the end of the 19th century Britain was the world’s leading industrial nation and among the
richest. Although it lost its lead in manufacturing, most of which was in native British hands, as
foreign competition grew, its position in international finance, some of which was under
immigrant control, was retained.
Immigration from 1900
Although immigrants historically had relatively free access to Britain, they could be easily
expelled, having no legal rights to protect them; and entry restrictions were increasingly
imposed. But the 1871 census showed that only 157000 people in the UK out of a population of
37 million had been born outside the British Empire.
Demand for immigration control grew and an anti-foreigner feeling spread, fuelled by the
nationalism and spy mania caused by the First WW (1914-18). But laws (like the Aliens Act of
1905), which were designed to curtail foreign entry, proved ineffective. By 1911 the number of
people in Britain born outside the empire had reached 428000.
As a result of the 1930s world recession and the Second WW, refugees from Nazi-occupied
Europe and Soviet bloc countries entered Britain in spite of entry control. After the war, refugees
such as Poles, Latvians and Ukrainians among other nationalities chose to stay in Britain. Later
in the 20th century other political refugees arrived, such as Iranians, Vietnamese, East African,
Asians, etc. Italian, Spanish, Turkish, etc and Commonwealth economic immigrants increasingly
entered the country.
Public and political concern in the post-war period turned to issues of race and colour, which
dominated the immigration debate for the rest of the 20th century and focused on non-white
Commonwealth immigration. Before the II WW, most CW immigrants to Britain had come from
the largely white Old CW countries of Canada, Australia and New Zealand, and from South
Africa. Yet all CW citizens continued to have relative free access and were not treated as aliens.
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From the late 40s, increasing numbers of people from the non-white CW nations of India,
Pakistan and the West Indies came to Britain, often at the invitation of government agencies, to
fill the manual and lower-paid jobs of an expanding economy.
There was a dispersal of immigrants throughout Britain, although many tended to settle in the
central areas of industrial cities.
Non-white communities have increased and work in a broad range of occupations. Some,
particularly Indian Asians and the Chinese, have been successful in economic and professional
terms. Others (such as Bangladeshis and some West Indians and Pakistanis) have experienced
problems with low-paid jobs, unemployment, etc. It is argued that Britain possesses a deep-
rooted (or institutional) racism based on the legacy of empire and notions of racial superiority,
which has hindered the integration of the non-white population into the larger society.
So many new CW immigrants were coming to Britain that from 1962 governments treated most
CW newcomers as aliens and followed a two-strand policy on immigration. This consisted, first,
of Immigrations Acts to restrict the number of all immigrants entering the country and, second,
of Race Relations Act to protect the rights of those immigrants already settled in Britain.
There is still criticism of immigration laws and race-relations organizations. Some people argue
that one cannot legislate satisfactorily against discrimination and others would like stricter
controls on immigrant entry and refugees. The concerns of some white people are made worse
by racialist speeches; the growth of nationalist parties like the National Front, the British National
Party (BNP) and Combat 18; and racially motivated violence.
Immigration and race remain problematic. They are complex matters, are exploited for political
purposes by both the right and the left, and can be overdramatized.
The non-white population was initially composed largely of single males. This structure changed
as dependants joined settled immigrants, as British-born non-whites developed their own family
organizations, and as more people from different ethnic groups intermarried. The emphasis
switched to debates about what constitutes a ‘multi-ethnic society’. However, the term
‘immigrant’ has again become prominent as the number of immigrants and asylum seekers has
increased and become a focus for public concern and debate.
Apart from people who may have granted right of entry and permanent settlement in Britain,
such as the dependants of migrants already settled in the country, all others who wish to enter
Britain fall into specific categories. Short-term visitors, such as students, require visas and
sometimes work permits. People from EU states have the right to seek work and live in Britain
15
and arguably constitute the largest group of entrants. Non-EU unskilled applicants are no longer
accepted, but those with relevant qualifications needed by the employment market may apply
to enter under a points system.
According to the Office for National Statistics, 590000 people arrived to live in the UK in 2008
and 505000 of these were non-British citizens. Governments projections suggest that these
figures indicate that immigration will fuel an estimated 7.2 million growth in the population over
the next 25 years. The previous Labour government argued that the nation must compete in the
international marketplace and attract those immigrants and migrant workers that the company
needs to compensate for a declining labour force, and ageing populations and a shortage of
both skilled and unskilled workers. However, all the political parties in the 2010 general election
campaign admitted that immigration must be controlled. The Conservatives argued that net
immigration must be reduced to 50000 or lower each year and the Liberal Democrats want a
regional points system of control.
It is important that the flexible nature of emigration from Britain should be emphasized if the
immigration/race debate is to be kept in perspective. Historically, there has usually been a
balance of migration, with emigration cancelling out immigration in real terms, but there have
also been periods of high emigration. Groups left England and Scotland I the 16th and 17th
centuries to settle in Ireland and North America. Emigration meant that Britain had a net loss of
population during the 1970s and 1980s. This trend has been reversed since the late 1990s and
more immigrants have entered Britain than emigrants have left.
People from India, Pakistan and Africa have traditionally made up the largest proportions of
newcomers. In recent years, there has also been controversy about the increased numbers of
asylum seekers entering Britain and suspicions that many are economic migrants rather than
genuinely in humanitarian need.
The previous Labour government tried to tighten the rules for the admission of asylum seekers
and to increase the number of deportations of those who fail in their applications. However, it
is estimated that there may be at least 600000 illegal asylum seekers, migrant workers and
immigrants in Britain.
Opinion polls in the 1990s had suggested that race relations, immigration and asylum were of
less concern to Britons than they were from the 1940s to the 1980s. A 2001 poll reported that
70% of reads thought that race relations were not getting better. In 2010 a poll found that race
relations had climber to a second place in a list of the most important issues facing British
society. A poll in 2009 assessing US and European opinion on immigration showed that the
British were by far the most hostile to immigration.
16
However, the Labour government claimed in 2010 that progress had been made since 2000, so
that while racial discrimination still exists, disadvantage is now more linked to poverty, class and
identity. New conditions for naturalization and redefinitions of British citizenship were contained
in the Nationality Act of 1981. It was criticized as providing further restrictions on immigration,
particularly from the New Commonwealth. Acceptance for settlement does not mean automatic
British citizenship. Certain requirements for naturalization have to be fulfilled, together with a
period of residence. More specific requirements for the attainment of British citizenship through
naturalization were made in 2002. Applicants must now demonstrate knowledge about life in
Britain, reach an acceptable level of English proficiency, attend a citizenship ceremony and swear
a citizenship oath and pledge to the Queen and the country. This move has been seen as an
attempt to emphasize for immigrants the centrality of Britishness and British values.
Ethnic groups in the UK
The census of 2011 classified 87.2% of people as white and 14,9% as belonging to minority ethnic
groups. ‘Minority ethnic’ refers only to non-white and mixed groups and excludes people from
white minorities. The census shows that the minority ethnic category increased by 53% since the
1991 census.
The non-white minority ethnic groups, some 50% of whom were born in Britain, constitute a
relatively small proportion of the British population. Some 50% of them live in London, where
they make up to 29% of all residents.
There are many individually ethnic/national groups in Britain. For example, immigration from
the Republic of Ireland continues; the Irish have historically been a large immigrant group and
some 691000 people in Great Britain identify themselves as Irish. Movement from Old CW
countries has grown. Until recently, there was increased immigration from EU countries and new
accession member together with newcomers from USA and Middle East
Population movements from 1990
Industrial areas with heavy population densities developed in Britain in the 19th century, but in
the 20th century considerable internal shifts occurred which were mainly due to economic and
employment changes.
There was a drift of people from industrial Tyneside, Clyside and South Wales during the 1920s
and 1930s trade depression as coal production, steel manufacture and other heavy industries
were badly affected. This movement increased during the second half of the 20th century and
since the 1950s there has been relatively little population increase in industrial areas, which have
17
seen a decline in traditional industries and rising unemployment. Instead, people moved away
from these regions to the English Midlands with their diversified industries and to London and
south-east England where employment opportunities were greater.
Over the same period, there was large immigration into Britain, followed at the end of the 20th
century by increases in the number of asylum seekers. They tended to settler in urban and inner-
city areas throughout the country.
The reduction of the rural population and the expansion of urban centres continued into the
20th century. Yet, by the middle of the century there was a reverse movement of people away
from the centres of big cities such as London, Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham and Leeds;
this was due to bomb damage during the IIWW. New towns in rural areas outside the inner-
cities were specifically created to accommodate the displaced population. Road systems were
built with motorways and bypasses to avoid congested areas and rural locations around some
cities designated as Green Belts, in which no building was permitted.
Many people choose to live some distance from their workplaces, often in a city’s suburbs,
neighbouring towns (commuter towns) or rural areas. This has contributed to the further decline
of inner-city populations and one British person in five now lives in the countryside with the rest
in towns and cities. Densities are highest in Greater London and south-east England and lowest
in rural regions of northern Scotland, the Lake district, Wales and Northern Ireland. There has
been reverse population shift with some rural areas suffering economic decline and people
moving to urban centres where employment, leisure facilities and social opportunities may be
greater. But recently urban centres, such as London, have also lost population because of the
high house prices and some low-density areas outside London have seen gains.
The population of the UK had increased in mid-2017 to 660,040,200. England is more densely
populated than Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland and has higher densities in some areas of
the country, such as London. One third of population lives in England south-east, which is
predominantly urban and suburban, with about 8 million people in London.
The British population grew by 0,3% between 1971 and 1978, which gave it one of the lowest
increases in Western Europe, and continued to decline in the 1980s. But numbers started to
increase dramatically from the late 1990s partly due to a greater number of births than deaths,
rising fertility, better life expectancy and increasing immigration. The non-white ethnic minorities
are growing 15 times faster than the white population and are also younger, while white
population numbers have fallen. It is estimated that the counties of southern and central England
will have the highest population growth, and the heaviest population losses will occur on
Tyneside and Merseyside.
18
Attitudes to national, ethnic and local identities.
Immigration to Britain has often been seen as a threat to presumed British identities and values.
However, the peoples of the British Isles have been culturally and ethnically diverse from the
earliest population movements into the country. Differences remain between England, Wales,
Scotland and Northern Ireland and there are contrasting ways of life within each of these nations
at national and local levels. Minority ethnic groups within these countries have increased with
the arrival of more immigrants, and their descendants, who may specify their ethnic identity, for
example, as Asian British, Black British or Mixed.
Such groups may have British nationality, 50% of them were born in Britain, and may also regard
themselves as English, Scottish, etc., as well as having an ancestral origin. Despite government
attempts to introduce the concept of Britishness into school citizenship classes and
naturalization procedures for new citizens, the term still lacks a precise definition and can mean
many things to many people.
It is therefore often argued that a definition of Britishness requires the combination of a legal
‘civic’ identity and an ‘ethnic’ allegiance. Many people may have additional ethnic roots based
on other lines of descent. ‘Britishness’ since the 1707 union between England/Wales and
Scotland was mainly associated with centralized and civic state institutions, such as monarchy,
Parliament, the law and Protestantism. Notions of Britishness became more widely articulated in
the 19th century following the 1801 Act of Union. These elements weakened as Britain lost its
global power in the 20th century.
However, Britons still have a layered identity in which many of them may think of themselves as
simultaneously civic British and either ethnic Scottish, English, Welsh or Northern Irish, in
addition to other ancestries. But the use of terms such as ‘British’ and ‘Britain’ to describe this
situation can seem artificial to those people, who have retained more specific ethnic and cultural
identities.
Many Scots (they see themselves as Scottish), Welsh (they think of themselves as Welsh), English
(apparently increasingly see themselves as more English than British) and Northern Irish (their
identities are complex) regard their ethnic identities as essential and it as argued that many
‘British’ people today do not have a strong sense of a ‘British’ identity. Some critics argue that
there needs to be a rethinking of what it means to be British in a multinational, multicultural UK,
a changing Europe and a globalized world. The Brexit referendum result revealed further strong
local/regional identifications among Leave voters in particular.
19
Political unification gradually took place under the English Crown; UK state power became
concentrated in London. The British identification was largely derived from English norms
because of England’s historical role. English nationalism was arguably the most potent of the
four nationalism and the English mostly had no problem with a dual identity. The Scots and
Welsh tended to be more aware of the difference; see themselves as different from the English.
Northern Ireland is often characterized by the distinctiveness of the Unionist and Nationalist
communities, conflicting identities within both, and their respective relationship with the UK and
Ireland.
Political nationalism increased in the 1960s and 1970s in Scotland and to some extent in Wales,
and in Northern Ireland during the violence of the Troubles. Following the establishment of
devolved self-government in 1998-99, calls for a full independence in Scotland and Wales have
become stronger, particularly form the Scottish National Party (SNP) and the Welsh National
Party (Plaid Cymru). The election of an SNP government in 2011 in Scotland drove an
independence campaign; and the outcome was decided in September 2014 when the Scottish
people voted against independence in a referendum.
There are also differences at regional and local levels within the four nations. Since the English
are also historically an ethnically mixed people, their local customs, dialects and behaviour vary
considerably and can be strongly asserted. Regions such as the north-east have reacted against
London influences and supposedly want decentralized political autonomy. The northern English
regard themselves as superior to the southern English, and vice versa. English regional or local
differences were shown in the 2016 referendum when London and the south voted to remain in
the EU and the west Midlands, northern Midlands, Yorkshire and north-east England voted to
leave.
In Wales, there are cultural and political differences between the industrial south (tends to
support Labour party) and the rest of the mainly rural country. Welsh people are also conscious
of their difference from the English despite the fact that many of them are of mixed English-
Welsh ancestry.
Similarly, Scots generally unite in defence of their ethnic distinctiveness because of historical
reactions to the English, although many support the UK union. However, Scots themselves are
divided by three languages (Gaelic spoken by 1,5% of population, Scots and English), different
religions, etc.
In Northern Ireland, the social, cultural and political differences between the Roman Catholics
and Protestants or Nationalist and Unionists have long been evident. Groups in both
communities often feel frustration with the English and hostility towards the British government
20
in London. But many Unionist are loyal to the Crown, regard themselves as British and wish to
continue the union with Britain. Many, if not all, Nationalist feel themselves to be Irish and want
to be united with the Republic of Ireland.
A British Social Attitudes report in 2003 examined whether Britons saw a British national identity
as being based on ‘civic’ or ‘ethnic’ factors. Most respondents thought that both elements were
relevant. Critics feel that the concept of Britishness is complicated, unlike the ‘nationality’ in many
countries, is subject to generational differences and does not fit into either category exclusively.
It seemed that Scottish and Welsh ethnic identities have become stronger in the 21 st century,
and people in England were also increasingly likely to see themselves as more English, possibly
as a response to devolution and Brexit. There also seemed to be a decline in strength of people’s
pride in being British due partly to new competing collective experiences over time. These
finding suggest that the concept of Britishness is evolving in a multinational UK, but also reveal
a degree of understated British pride in England, Scotland and Wales. The attitudes of this
nations to Britishness are fluid and respond to a variety of conditioners.
21
UNIT 3. POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
Political history
Early political history in the British Isles is the story of four geographical areas – Wales, England,
Scotland and Ireland (Northern Ireland) – and their turbulent struggles for independent
nationhood. English political and military expansionism over the centuries influenced the
development of the other three nations.
Ireland was invaded by England in the 12th century; England and Wales were united
administratively by the 1536-42 Acts of Union; England/Wales and Scotland were joined as Great
Britain by the 1707 Acts of Union; the 1801 Act of Union incorporated Great Britain and Ireland
as the United Kingdom; and Southern Ireland become independent in 1921.
- Decline of the monarchy and the rise of Parliament.
Early monarchs had considerable power but did accept some advice and feudal
limitations on their authority. Yet later, English Kings, such as King John (1199-1216)
ignored these restraints and French-Norman barons opposed John’s dictatorial rule by
forcing him to seal Magna Carta in 1215. This document protected the aristocracy rather
than the ordinary citizen. It was later regarded as a cornerstone of British liberties,
restricted monarchs’ powers, increased the influence of the aristocracy and stipulated
that citizens should not be imprisoned without trial.
This encouraged parliamentary structures.

o An English Council was formed in 1258 by disaffected nobles under Simon de
Montford.
o This was followed in 1295 by the Model Parliament of Edward I, which was the first
fully representative English Parliament. Its two houses consisted of the
Lords/Bishops and the Commons.
o An Irish Parliament had been established in 1264.
o Independent Scottish Parliament was created in 1326.
Although Parliament gained limited powers against the monarch, there was a return to
royal dominance in Tudor England (1485-1603). Monarchs controlled Parliament and
summoned it only to raise money. Tudor Monarchs (of Welsh ancestry) united England
and Wales administratively, politically and legally in the 16th century.
22
Following the Tudors, James VI of Scotland became James I of England in 1603,

established a royal Stuart dynasty and considered himself to be king of Great Britain. The
English Parliament now showed more resistance to royal rule by using its weapon of
financial control. It refused royal request for money and later forced the Stuart Charles I
to sign the Petition of Rights in 1628, which prevented him from raising taxes without
Parliament’s consent. Charles ignored this and the monarch was in future banned from
the Commons.
Charles’s rejection of parliamentary ideals and belied in his divine right (absolutism) to
rule without opposition provoked anger against the Crown and a Civil War broke out in
1642 (the Parliamentarians under Oliver Cromwell won the military struggle against the
Royalists). Charles was beheaded in 1649; the monarchy was abolished; Britain was ruled
as a Protectorate by Cromwell and his son Richard; and Parliament comprised only the
House of Commons. Cromwell’s Protectorate became unpopular and most people
wanted the restoration of the monarchy. The two Houses of Parliament were re-
established ab dub 1660 they restored the Stuart Charles II to the throne. Initially he
cooperated with the Parliament, but his financial needs, belief in royal authority and
support of Catholicism lost him popular and parliamentary backing.
- The growth of political parties and constitutional structures
The growing of the English Parliament against the monarch in the 17th century saw the
development of more organized political parties. These derived partly from the religious
and ideological conflicts of the Civil War. Two groups (Whigs and Tories) became
dominant. This is a characteristic feature of British two-party politics. The Whigs were
mainly Cromwellian gentry, who did not accept the Catholic James II as successor to
Charles II and wanted religious freedom for all Protestants. The Tories generally
supported royalist beliefs, and helped Charles II to recure James’s right to succeed him.
But James’s attempts to rule without Parliament and his ignoring of its laws caused a
further reduction in royal influence. His manipulations forced the Tories to join the Whigs
in inviting the Dutch Protestants William and Mary of Orange to intervene. William arrived
in England in 1688. James fled to France and William and Mary succeeded to the throne.
Since little force was involved, this event is called the Bloodless or Glorious Revolution.
Royal powers were further restricted under the Declaration of Rights (1689), which
strengthened Parliament. Future monarchs could nor reign or act without Parliament’s
consent and the Act of Settlement (1701) specified that monarchs must be Protestants.
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The Glorious Revolution affected the constitution and politics. It effectively established a
division of powers between and executive branch (monarch and Privy council); a
parliamentary legislative branch (the House of Commons, Lords and the monarch); and
the judiciary (judges independent of both the monarch and the Parliament). Acts of Union
joining England/Wales and Scotland followed in 1707 to formally create Great Britain;
Scotland lost its Parliament; and power was centralized in the London Parliament.
Parliament influence grew in the early 18th century, because Hanoverian George I lacked
interest in British politics; he distrusted the Tories and appointed Whigs such as Robert
Walpole to his Privy Council, who increased the parliamentary role and has been called
Britain’s first Prime Minister.
- Political developments in Ireland and the Act of Union, 1801
Ireland was controlled by England from the 12th century and there were frequent
rebellions by the Irish against English rule. The situation got worse in the 16th century,
when Catholic Ireland refused to accept the Protestant Reformation. In 1641, Cromwell
crushed rebellions in Ireland and continued a ‘plantation policy’, by which English and
Scottish settlers were given land and control over Irish. Protestant became a powerful
political minority in Irelandas a whole and majority in Ulster.
Ireland’s Parliament achieved legislative independece in 1782. But it represented only the
privileged Anglo-Irish minority and the Roman Cacholic majority were excluded. In 1801
Ireland was united with Great Britain by the Act of Union to form the UK. The Irish
Parliament was abolished and its members sat in the London Parliament.
Ireland was a mainly agricultural country, dependent upon its farming produce. But crop
failures (such as potato crop failures) were frequent and famine in the mid-19th century
caused death, emigration and a reduced population.
- The expansion of voting rights.
Although parliamentary control grew in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, there was
still no widespread democracy in Britain. Political authority was in the hands of
landowners, merchants and aristocrats in Parliament, and most people did not possess
the vote. Bribery and corruption were common, with the buying of those votes.
The Tories were against electoral reform, as were the Whigs initially. But Britain was
increasing its population and developing industrially and economically. Pressures for
24
political reform became irresistible. The Whigs reformed the parliamentary system and
extended voting rights to some of the growing middle class in the First Reform Act of
1832. In the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884 gave the vote to men with property and a
certain income. Working-class men were gradually given vote in the late 19th century and
gained some representation in Parliament. All men aged over 2 and limited categories
of women over 30 the vote in 1918. Eventually in 1928 all men and women over 21
obtained the vote (with exceptions) and the age limit was reduced to 18 in 1969.
The traditional role of women of all classes had been confined to that of mother in the
home, although some found employment in home industries and factories as a domestic
servants, teachers and governesses. Women’s social and political position became
marginally better towards the end of the 19th century; a few institutions of higher
education began to admit women in restricted numbers. Some women’s organizations
had been founded in the mid-19th century to press for greater political, employment and
social rights. The most famous suffragette movement was that of the Pankhurst in 1903;
their Women’s social and Political Union campaigned for votes for women and an
increased female role in society. However, it is argued that a substantial change in
women’s status in the mid-20th century occurred because of a recognition of the essential
work that they performed during two WWs.
- The growth of government structures
The elements of modern British government developed haphazardly in the 18 th and 19th
centuries. Government ministers were generally members of the House of Commons and
gradually acknowledge the Commons rather than the monarch. The office of Prime
Minister developed from the monarch’s Chief Minister to ‘first among equals’ and finally
to the leadership of all ministers.
The central force of government became the parliamentary Cabinet of senior ministers,
which grew out the Privy Council. The government was usually formed from the majority
party in the House of Commons.
Historically, the elected House of Commons gained political and financial power from the
unelected monarch and House of Lords and became the main element in Parliament.
The House of Lords lost most of the latter members in 2000, and has only delaying and
amending power over parliamentary legislation and cannot interfere in financial bills.
25
The 19th century saw the growth of more organized political parties. The Tories became
known as the Conservatives in the early 1830s; they believed in established values and
the preservation of traditions; supported business and commerce; had strong links with
the Church of England, and were opposed to radical ideas.
The Whigs were becoming a progressive force and wanted social reform and economic
freedom without government restrictions. They developed into the Liberal Party, which
promoted some enlightened policies in the 19th and early 20th century but declined from
1918 with the emerge of the Labour Party; following an alliance with the Social Democrat
Party in the 80s, the two emerged and became the Liberal Democrats.
The Labour Party, created in its present form in 1906, became the main opposition party
to the Conservatives after the Liberals’ decline and continued the traditional two-party
system in British politics. The first one was formed in 1924 under Ramsey MacDonald; the
party only achieved majority power in 1945 under Clement Attlee.
- Politics in Northern Ireland and ‘The Troubles’
In 1921 Ireland was partitioned into two parts as a result of uprising, civil war, violence
and political compromise. This attempted solution to historical problems in Ireland was
a source of future conflict. 26 counties of Southern Ireland became the Irish Free State
and the Republic of Ireland in 1949.
6 counties in the north of the island were known as Northern Ireland and remained
constitutionally part of the UK. Between 1921 and 1972, it had a Unionist-dominated
Parliament which was responsible for governing the province and was the first UK
exercise in ‘devolution’. However, the Unionists (mainly Protestants), through their ruling
party (the Ulster Unionists) maintained an exclusive hold on areas of life in the province
and the minority Nationalists (mainly Catholics) suffered discrimination.
Conflict arose in Northern Ireland from 1968 to 1969 during ‘The Troubles’. Marchers
demonstrated for civil liberties and were initially non-sectarian. The situation
deteriorated, violence erupted between Unionists and Nationalists, and the British army
was sent in to restore order. Relations between the parties became polarized, violence
continued, and the British government introduced direct rule from London
by proroguing the Stormont Parliament in 1972.
On one side of the conflict was the provisional wing of the IRA (Irish Republican Army),
which was committed to the unification of Ireland, as was it legal political wing,
26
Provisional Sinn Féin. Both wanted to remove the British political and military presence
from NI.
On the other side, Unionist paramilitary groups and their parties, such as the Democratic
Unionist and the Ulster Unionists, were loyal to the British Crown and wanted to remain
part of the UK.
British governments tried to involve the Irish government in promoting resolution and
the Agreement of 1985 was a joint effort to solve difficulties in order to create a devolved
power-sharing government for NI; which was achieved in 1998. The Republic now sees
unification as a long-term aim and the British government insist that no change in NI will
take place unless a majority of the inhabitants there agree.
Local government and devolution
- Local government
The creation of local government structures involved a historical movement from

centralization of political power to local representative levels in response to political
needs.
Monarchs and later central authorities had to control what was happening in the country
and required local officials to enforce their policies; consequently, there have been local
government systems in England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland for centuries.
Local government developed, particularly in the 19th century to cope with the needs of a
rapidly growing population and the money needed at the local level now comes from
central grants and local Council Tax. These provide local services throughout the UK, such
as education, health, fire services, etc.
But although many people count on local government services, the system is languishing
because of government financial cuts to reduce the budget deficit. It is still dependent
upon centralized control and funding from the government; while no longer providing
the full range of traditional local services; and lacks adequate local power to fulfil its role
of serving communities.
- Devolution
Devolution was first broached in Ireland. Nationalist feelings and unrest in the 19th century
led to calls for Home Rule for Ireland with a Parliament in Dublin. Ireland was partitioned
27
in 1921 into the Irish Free State, with its own Parliament, and NI remained in the UK with
a devolved Parliament.
Political and cultural nationalism also grew in Wales and Scotland from the 60s. After
failed attempts to give them devolved political power, the Labour government created
in 1999 (after referendums) and elected Parliament in Scotland and Wales. NI achieved
and elected power-sharing Assembly and Executive in 1998 with the passing of the Good
Friday Agreement after talks between the Unionist and the Nationalists. Referendums
were held throughout Ireland on the Agreement.
Devolution is a tier of decentralized government. It allows these countries to decide their

own affairs, in devolved matter such as education, health, transport, etc.
The UK Parliament still has reserved powers over some UK matters such as defence,
foreign affairs, social security, immigration, etc.
The devolution experiment had a shaky start. The Welsh Assembly lacked extensive
powers: the UK Parliament provided its primary legislation and there were initial political
problems. The Welsh Assembly now has more legislative and tax-raising legislative
authority. The Scottish Parliament was initially criticized and seen as parochial and
ineffective. It is now stronger and more independent, has a Scottish National Party (SNP)
government and First Minister. After rejection of the independence referendum in 2014,
Scotland will receive more devolved powers over taxation and self-government
The NI Assembly had a difficult start. It was suspended in 200, 2001 and 2004 because of
the failure of the IRA to disarm until 2005, and the province was under direct rule from
London. The Assembly was restored in 2007 and the peace process is holding. The
Assembly ceased to function in 2017 and public services are now being organized by civil
servants and London politicians.
Although devolution marks a significant step in British history, it is still developing as a

political model and it is possible that Scotland will again push for independence.
England has no intermediate devolved tier. Between 1994 and 2011 it did have a network
of nine appointed Regional Development Agencies (RDAs), which implemented UK
government politico-economic programmes in the regions, but did not provide elected
devolved government. The RDAs and their successors were abolished in 2011. The
administrative area of Greater London has since July 2000 been run by a directly elected
devolved Greater London Authority with an elected mayor and Assembly. It was also
28
hoped that mayors would be elected in other British cities, in an attempt to increase
developed powers.
Devolution does not mean independence or separation from the UK for London,
Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland or a British federal system. It is argued that
devolutions strengthens the UK and that legal sovereignty still rests with the UK
Parliament at Westminster. There are concerns that devolution and Brexit will lead to
independence for Scotland (which voted to remain in the EU) and Northern Ireland (voted
to remain) might vote for reunification with the Republic of Ireland. Such potential moves
could lead to the break-up of the UK.
The contemporary British political framework
Britain has at present a ‘multi-level governance’

model, in which the different levels have specific
functions and influence each other to various
degrees. The UK has a central constitution; the
monarch is formally head of state; and practical
politics operate at national, devolved and local
government levels.
The UK Parliament in London with its government

departments plays a central role in how the UK is
governed, but the other local governments have
their own forms of self-governmental powers. The UK joined the EU in 1973, which became a
very important tier of UK government. Its European Parliament created legally binding
legislation, and the findings of the European Court of Justice were supreme over British law in
the event of conflict.
Constitution and monarchy
- The constitution
The constitutional system has experienced few serious upheavals since 1688, and existing
principles have been pragmatically adapted to new conditions. Some significant
constitutional changes have occurred in recent years, such as EU entry and devolution in
1998-9, which have had constitutional implications.
29
The power of the state in many countries are defined and laid down in a written
document (or constitution); are often classified as executive, legislative and judicial; relate
to distinctive institutions; and are separate. In Britain there is no absolute separation of
powers, for example between executive and legislature. Britain is somehow described as
a constitutional monarchy, where the monarch reigns as head of state without executive
powers under constitutional limitations. It is also referred to as a parliamentary system,
where the UK Parliament (Commons, Lords and the monarch) in London is the legislature
and has traditionally possessed the supreme power to make laws in UK matters (until EU
entry).
The executive UK government governs by passing its politics through Parliament as Acts
of Parliament and operate through ministries. A cabinet consisting of leading ministers
and headed by the Prime Minister, present draft legislation, which is presented to
Parliament as the legislating body. The judicial branch is independent of the legislative
and executive branches of government. The judges of the higher courts determine the
law and interpret Acts of Parliament.
These branches, although distinguishable from each other, are not entirely separate; they
are supposed to operate according to the British constitution. But Britain has no written
constitution contained in one document; instead, the constitution consists of distinctive
elements, most of which are in written form. These are statute law (Acts of Parliament),
common law, conventions, documents such as Magna Carta or Bill of Rights and EU law.
The constitutional elements are said to be flexible enough to respond quickly to new
conditions; UK law can be changed or created by the Westminster Parliament through
Acts of Parliament. In constitutional theory, the British People have political sovereignty
to choose the UK government by means of general elections, while Parliament has legal
supremacy to make laws and is the focus of UK sovereignty. The Westminster Parliament
was, following entry to the EU from 1973, no longer the sole legislative body in Britain;
that meant the EU law was superior to British law in many areas and British courts were
obliged to give it precedence in cases of conflict between the two systems. The EU’s
Council of Ministers was the principal policy-implementing and law-initiating body.
Since devolution, Parliament is still able to legislate for the UK as a whole on reserved
matters and for any parts of it separately.
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- Criticisms of the constitutional system
The British constitution was admired in the past for the way in which it combined stability
and adaptability with a balance of authority and toleration. However, it has often been
criticized. UK governments are able to pass their legitimate policies through Parliament
because of big majorities in the Commons. There is concern at the alleged absence of
constitutional safeguards for citizens against state power, since civil liberties or human
rights in Britain often lack adequate legal definition; these features are seen as potentially
dangerous, particularly when the UK governments and administrative bodies are
arguably too centralized and secretive.
There have been campaigns for more open government and effective protection of
individual liberties in the forms of a written constitution, greater scrutiny of parliamentary
legislation, a Freedom of Information Act (finally introduced in 2000, criticized for
ineffectiveness and controlled by authorities), the creation of a Supreme Court to
preserve the independence of the judiciary from Parliament, reform the House of Lords
(has not happened), incorporation the European Convention on HR into UK law (done in
1998).
Despite movements towards reform, critics consider that a written, defined constitution
is needed to control executive and administrative bodies; and claim that the UK political
system lacks democratic and representative consensus. Political and constitutional reform
has been central to debate in recent years.
- The monarchy
The constitutional title of the UK Parliament is the ‘Queen-in-Parliament’. This means that
state and government business is carried out in the name of the monarch by the
politicians and officials of the system. However, the Crown is only sovereign by the will
of Parliament and acceptance by the people. The monarchy is the older secular institution
in Britain and there is hereditary succession to the throne, but only for Protestants. The
older son of a monarch had priority over older daughters; however, this has changed by
the Succession to the Crown Act (2013), and Princess Charlotte (2015) became fourth in
line to the throne as the daughter of a direct heir to the throne, demoting her uncle and
others in line after him. The monarchy’s continuity has been interrupted only by
Cromwellian rule, although there have been different royal dynasties such as the Tudors,
Stuarts and Hanoverians.
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Royal executive power has disappeared, but the monarch still has formal constitutional
roles and is head of state of the executive, judiciary and legislature, ‘supreme governor’
of the Church of England and commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Government
ministers and officials are the monarch’s servants and many public office-holders swear
allegiance to the Crown.
The monarch is expected to be politically neutral; is supposed to reign but no rule; and
cannot make laws, impose taxes, spend public money or act unilaterally. The monarch
acts only on the advice of government ministers, which cannot be ignored, and Britain is
therefore governed by Her Majesty’s Government in the name of the Queen. She has a
similar role in the devolved governments.
Duties that the monarch performs:

o Opening and dissolving of the UK P.
o Giving Royal assent to bills (1st passed by both Houses).
o Appointing government ministers and public figures.
o Granting honours.
o Leading proceedings of the Privy Council.
o Fulfilling international duties as head of state.
A central power possessed by the monarch is the choice and appointment of the UK
Prime Minister. By convention, this person is the leader of the political party with a
majority in the Commons. However, if there is no clear majority or the political situation
is uncertain, the monarch could in theory have a free choice. In practice, advice is given
by royal advisers and leading politicians to find an acceptable candidate who commands
the confidence of the House of Commons.
The impact on royal advice on formal and informal levels may be significant and raises
questions about whether such influence should be held by an unelected figure who might
either support or undermine elected political leaders.
Much of the cost of royal family’s official duties is now met from the sovereign grant
(public funds). Following concern over expense, these funds were reduced to cover a few
member of the immediate royal family and amounted in 2018 £43M. Other cost incurred
by the monarch may come either from the finance received from the revenues of some
royal properties or from Crown’s own investments, which are considerable and on which
the monarch pays income tax.
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Critics of the monarch argue that it lacks adaptability, is out of date, undemocratic,
expensive, associated with aristocratic privilege and establishment thinking, and reflects
an English rather than a British identity. It is argued that the monarchy’s distance and
isolation from ordinary life sustains class divisions and hierarchy within society. It is also
argued that, if the monarchy’s functions today are merely ceremonial and lack power, it
would be more rational to abolish the office and replace it with a less expensive non-
executive presidency.
Critics who favour the continuation of the monarchy argue that it is popular, has adapted
to modern requirements, and is a symbol of national unity. It is seen as a defender of the
constitution and a personification of the state; shows stability and continuity; has more
prestige than politicians; its neutral; performs ambassadorial functions; and promotes the
interest of Britain abroad.
The monarchy in recent years has attracted criticism, although it appears to have kept its
appeal despite the difficulties, with the Queen being personally popular and respected.
- The Privy Council
The ancient Privy Council is constitutionally tied to the monarchy for some purposes.
Historically, it developed from a group of royal advisers into the executive branch of the
monarch’s government. However, its powerful position declined in the 18th and 19th
centuries as its functions were transferred to a parliamentary Cabinet and new ministries.
Today, its members advise the monarch on government business that does not need to
pass through Parliament and may serve on influential committees.
There are 400 Privy Councillors, but the body works through small groups. A full council
is only summoned on the death of a monarch and the accession of a new one or when
constitutional issues are at stake.
Apart from its practical duties and its role as a constitutional forum, the most important
tasks of the Privy Council today are performed by its Judicial Committee.
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UK Parliament: role, legislation and elections
- Role and composition
The UK’s Parliament is housed in London’s Palace of Westminster. It comprises the non-
elected House of Lords, the elected House of Commons and the monarch. The two
Houses contain member from England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland and
represent people with varied political traditions.
In traditional constitutional theory, Parliament has legal sovereignty in all matters and
creates, abolishes or amends laws and institutions for all or any part of Britain; this means
the implementation of the UK government’s policies in reserved matters while devolved
matters are dealt with by the devolved bodies of W, S and NI. All three parts of Parliament
must pass a bill before it can become an Act of Parliament and law.
Parliament is supposed to legislate according to the rule of law, precedent and tradition.
Politicians are generally, if not always, sensitive to these conventions and to public
opinion. Critics argue that Parliament no longer operates satisfactorily or
representatively. Satisfaction and confidence had dropped because of a parliamentary
expenses scandal in 2008-9.
Historically, except for emergencies, a Parliament had a maximum duration of five years
and dissolution of Parliament and the issue of writs for an election was ordered by the
monarch on the advice of the Prime Minister; who could choose the date of a general
election within the five years, but this power was given up and a fixed term of five years’
duration was substituted.
The House of Lords consists of Lords Temporal (92 peers and peeresses with hereditary
titles elected by their fellows, and about 600 life peers and peeresses, who have been
recommended by political parties or an independent Appointments Commission) and
Lords Spiritual (Archbishops of York and Canterbury, and 24 seniors bishops of the
Church of England). It is argued that this House has too many members and should be
reduced. Peers receive no salary for parliamentary work, but may claim attendance and
travelling expenses. There have been frequent demands that the unrepresentative,
unelected HOL should be replaced. Plans or proposals for reform have not been
implemented in full and the future of the HOL remains in doubt. It has an amending
function, which may be used to delay government legislation for up to one year or to
persuade governments to have a second look at bills. the Lords’ role today is to act as a
forum for revision, rather than as a rival to the elected Commons.
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The House of Commons has 650 members of Parliament (MPs) who are chosen from all
parts of the UK. They are elected by voters and represent citizens in Parliament. Women
and ethnic representatives face problems in being selected as parliamentary candidates
and winning seats in the Commons. MPs are paid expenses and a salary, which is
relatively low in comparison with similar jobs outside politics in the private sector.
- Legislation and procedure
Parliamentary procedure in both Houses of Parliament is based on custom, convention,

precedent and detailed rules (standing orders). The HOC meets every weekday. Many
MPs spend the weekend in their constituencies attending to local matters. They may also
follow professions on a part-time basis, but this custom may be
curtailed. The organization and procedures of the Commons have
been criticized; it is felt that the number of hours spent in the House
should be reduced and that pay and resources should be improved.
Women MPs feel that it should be a more woman-friendly place
rather than a male club.
The Speaker is the chief officer of the HOC; is chosen by MPs,

interprets the rules of the House, and is assisted by three deputy
speakers. Is an elected MP who ceases to be a political
representative and becomes a neutral official (as do the deputies).
The Speaker protects the House against any abuse of procedure by
controlling debates and votes; in a tied result, he has the casting
vote, but must exercise this choice so that it reflects established
conventions. The Speaker is important for the orderly running of
the House; MPs can be combative and unruly, and the Speaker can
sometimes dismiss or suspend a member from the House.
Formal debates in both Houses of Parliament usually begin with a

motion which may be debated; the matter is often then decided by
a simple majority vote at the end of the discussion. The proceedings
of both houses are open to the public and may be viewed from the
public and visitors’ galleries. Transactions are published daily in
Hansard, debates are televised, etc.
The prices of law-making is an expansion of the simple debate
structure. Before the creation of new UK law and changes to
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existing law, a government usually issues preliminary documents. A Green Paper is a

consultative document that allows interested parties to state their case before a bill is
introduced into Parliament. A White Paper is not normally consultative, but is a document
that details the prospective legislation.
A draft law takes the form of a bill (most are public). Bills must pass through both Houses
and receive the royal assent before they become law. The Commons is normally the first
step in this process. The Lords can vote against or delay a non-financial bill. It can
propose amendments, and if amended the bill goes back to the Commons for further
consideration. When the bill has eventually passed through Commons and Lords, it is
sent to the monarch for the royal assent (agreement), which has not been refused since
the 18th century. After this, the bill becomes an Act of Parliament and is placed on the
statue-book as representing the law of the land at that time.
- UK Parliament elections
The UK is divided for Westminster parliamentary elections to the HOC into 650
constituencies (geographical areas of the country containing about 66k voters). Each
returns one MP to the HOC at a general election. Constituency boundaries are adjusted
to ensure fair representation and to reflect population movements.
General elections are by secret ballot, although voting is no compulsory. British, CW and
Irish Republic citizens may vote it they are resident in Britain, are on a constituency
register of voters, over 18 and not disqualified. Each elector casts one vote at a polling
station set up on election day in a constituency by making a cross on a ballot paper
against the name of the candidate for whom the vote is cast. The candidate who wins
the most votes in a constituency is elected MP for that area. This is known as the simple
majority or ‘first past the post’ system. There is no voting by proportional representation
(PR), except for some devolved governments.
Some see the Westminster electoral system as undemocratic and unfair to smaller parties.
The Liberal Democrats campaign for PR (they also propose an alternative vote system);
the two big parties have favoured the existing system since it gives them a greater
chance.
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The UK party political system
British elections at parliamentary, devolved and local levels depend upon the party political
system, which has existed since the 17th century. For UK parliamentary general elections, the
parties present their policies in the form of manifestos to the electorate for consideration during
the few weeks of campaigning prior to election day. A party candidate in a constituency is
elected to the Westminster Parliament on a combination of party manifesto and the personality
of the candidate. Since 1945 there have been nine Labour, ten Conservative and one
Conservative/Laboral Democrat coalition governments in Britain. Some have had large
majorities in the HOC, others had to rely on the support of smaller parties to remain in power.
Most of the MPs in the HOC belong to either the Conservative or the Labour Party. This
continues the two-party system in British politics, in which political power has alternated
between two major parties (except some periods, such as 2010-15).
The Labour Party has historically been a left-of-centre party with its own right and lefts wings. It
emphasized social justice, equality of opportunity, economic planning and the state ownership
of industries and services. It was supported by trade unions, the working class and some of the
middle class. Its electoral strongholds are historically in Scotland, SW and the Midland and
Northern English industrial cities. In the 90s, they tried to appeal to middle-class voter in SE and
to take account of changing economic and social conditions. Tony Blair modernized the party
as New Labour by moving the centre ground, captured voters from the Conservatives and
distanced himself from the trade unions. As a result, the party had landslide victories in the 97
and 2001 general elections. The current leadership, Corbyn, has adopted more left-of-centre
positions while claiming that Labour is a national party that addresses the interest of all working
families.
The Conservative Party is a right-of-centre party, with right- and left-wing sections. It also
regards itself as a national party and appeals to people across class barriers. It emphasized
personal, social and economic freedom, the individual ownership of property and shares, and
law and order. They become more socially and economically radical in their 18 years of
government (79-97). The party’s support comes mainly from financial and business interests and
the middle and upper classes, but a sizeable number of skilled workers and women vote
Conservative. The party’s strongholds are in SE, with scattered support elsewhere in the country.
The party has struggled to win increased support and faced opposition for its European,
economic and immigration policies. But it won the General Election in 2015 with an overall
majority. David Cameron then resigned the leadership, largely as a result of the 2016
Referendum vote to leave the EU and was succeeded by Theresa May.
37
The Liberal Democrats were formed in 198 when the old Liberals and a new Social Democratic
Party merged into one party. They see themselves as an alternative political force to the Labour
and Conservative Parties, based on the centre-left of British politics. Their strengths are in local
governments, constitutional reform and civil liberties. They are relatively strong in SWE, Wales
and Scotland and increased their MPs at the 2001 and 2005 general elections to become the
biggest third party in Parliament since 1929. But they lack a clearly defined identity and policies
that are recognized by the electorate. An electoral reform to form a PR might increase their
number of MPs.
Smaller parties are also represented in the HOC, such as the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru
(Welsh National Party); the Ulster Unionists and the Democratic Unionist Party; the Social
Democratic and Labour Party; and Sinn Féin.
Social class and family tradition used to be important factors in British voting behaviour. But
these have now been largely replaced by property and share-owning, job status, wages,
immigration and other considerations. General elections are often won by a party that captures
‘marginal constituencies’ where a slight vote swing can change party representation and
‘floating voters’ who are not committed to a specific party can influence the result. The changing
character and reality of the electorate have forced political parties to adopt policies that are
more representative of people’s wishes and needs.
The party that wins an overall majority of seats in the HOC at a general election usually forms
the new government. A party normally has to gather more than 33% of the popular vote before
winning large number of seats, and around 40% to form a government with an overall majority
of the seats. Election success depends on whether support is concentrates in geographical areas,
as a party gains seats by local strength. Smaller parties with scattered support and that don’t
reach the % above do not gain many seats in the Commons. It is the system of representation
that PR supporters wish to change, in order to reflect the popular system, the popular vote and
appeal of minority parties.
The largest minority party (Labour in 2017) becomes the Official Opposition with its own leader
and ‘shadow government’. The Opposition plays an important role in the parliamentary system,
which is based on adversarial politics. Seating arrangements in the HOC reflect this system;
leaders of the government and opposition parties sit on facing ‘front benches’ with their MPs
(or backbenchers) sitting behind them. Some critics dislike this confrontational style and
advocate more consensus politics and less aggressive seating. Opposition parties may try to
overthrow the government by defeating it in a vote, though this is usually unsuccessful if the
government has an overall majority or can count on the support of its MPs, allies o coalition
colleagues. The opposition parties consequently attempt to influence the formation of national
38
policy by their criticism of pending legislation; proposing amendments to bills, etc. They take
advantage of any opportunity that might improve their chances at the next general election.
Inside Parliament, party discipline rests with the Whips, who are chosen from party MPs by the
party leaders and who are under the direction of a Chief Whip. They inform members of
forthcoming parliamentary business and maintain the party’s voting strength in the Commons
by seeing that their member attend all important debates. MPs receive notice from the Whips’
office of how important a particular vote is and the information will be underlined up to three
times. A ‘three-line whip’ signifies a crucial vote and failure to attend is regarded as a revolt
against the party’s policy. The Whips also convey backbench opinion (their own MPs) to the
party leadership.
Outside Parliament, control rest with the national and local party organizations, which can be
influential. They actively promote the party, especially at election time, when constituencies
select party candidates and are in charge of electioneering on behalf of their party.
The UK government
The UK government is the executive arm of the UK parliamentary system. It serves the whole of
Britain and normally comprises members of the successful majority after a UK-wide general
election. It is centred on Whitehall in London where its ministries and the prime minister’s official
residence, 10 Downing Street, are located. It consists of some 100 ministers who are chosen from
both Houses of Parliament and are appointed by the monarch on the advice of the PM.
The PM is appointed by the monarch and is usually the leader of the majority party in the
Commons. Their power stems from support in Parliament, the authority (or patronage) to
choose and dismiss ministers, the leadership of the party in the country, and control over
policymaking. The PM sits in the Commons, as do most ministers, where they are questioned
and held accountable for government actions. The PM was historically the link between the
monarch and the Parliament. This convention continues in the confidential weekly audience with
the monarch.
The PM has great power in the British system of government and it is suggested that the office
has come to resemble an all-powerful executive presidency, which bypasses Parliament and
government departments.
The cabinet is a small executive body in the government and usually comprises about 20 senior
ministers, who are chosen and presided over by the PM. The cabinet originated in meetings that
the monarch had with ministers in a royal Cabinet. As the monarch withdrew from active politics
39
with the growth of party politics and Parliament, this developed into a parliamentary body.
Constitutional theory has traditionally argued that government rule is Cabinet rule because the
Cabinet collectively initiates and decided government policy at its weekly meetings in 10
Downing Street. Although this notion has weakened, there are still occasions when policy is
thrashed out in Cabinet. The mass and complexity of government business and ministers’
concern with their own departments suggest that full debate in Cabinet on every issue is
impossible. The present system arguably concentrates too much power in the hands of the PM;
overload ministers with works, and reduces the notion of collective responsibility. A minister also
has an individual responsibility for the work of their government department.
Government departments (or ministries) are the chief instruments by which the government
implements its policy. A change of government does not necessarily alter the number or
functions of departments. Departments are staffed by the Civil Service, consisting of careers
administrator (civil servants). A change of minister or government does not require new civil
servants, since they are expected to be politically neutral. There are some 500k civil servants in
Britain. The heart of the Civil Service is the Cabinet Office, whose secretary is the head of the
Civil Service. There have been accusations about the efficiency and effectiveness of the Service,
and civil servants do not have a good public image.
UK parliamentary control of government
British governments have historically tended to govern pragmatically. Government were

conscious of how far they could go before displeasing their supporter and the electorate, to
whom they were accountable at general elections. The combination of adversarial politics,
Cabinet government and party discipline in the Commons seemed to provide a balance between
efficient government and public accountability.
Constitutional theory suggest that Parliament should control the executive. However, rebellion
by government MPs or significant public protest, a government with a reasonable overall
majority in the Commons should be able to carry its policies through Parliament, irrespective of
parliamentary attempts to retrain it. The HOL has only a delaying and amending power over
government legislation. Critics argue for stronger parliamentary control over the executive,
which has been described as an elective dictatorship.
Generally, opposition parties can only oppose in the Commons and hope to persuade the
electorate to dismiss the government at the next general election. Examinations of government
programmes can be employed at Question Time in the Commons, when the PM or other
minister is subjected to oral questions from the leader of the Opposition and MPs. But the
government can prevaricate in its answers and, while reputations can be made and lost at
40
Question Time, it is a rhetorical, political and often rowdy occasion rather than an in-depth
analysis of government policy. The opposition parties can also choose their own topics for
formal debate on a limited number of days each session, which can also be used to attack the
government.
Attitudes to politics
Polls regularly show that British politicians and political parties do not rate highly in British voters’
opinions. Respondents say that politicians are among the least admired groups of professionals
and that they seem incapable of answering specific questions put to them.
Politicians are criticized and satirized in the media and allegations of sleaze (bad behaviour),
corruption, cronyism (favouring political supporters) and unethical behaviour have led to
demands for stricter controls on parliamentarians by independent committees.
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UNIT 4. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Foreign and defence policy
Britain’s position in the world today is that of a medium-sized country which faces increasing
commercial competitions from emerging global powers and was ranked economically in 5 th
place behind the USA, China, Japan and Germany.
British governments have developed foreign policies that have shifted away from traditionally
aggressive unilateral action to persuasive partnerships; embarked on coalition or shared military
actions around the world.
British national self-interest is still evident in global cooperation and in the concerted fight
against terrorism because Britain is a key element in some military actions. Such commitments
are financially unsustainable and Britain’s foreign and self-image don’t reflect the reality of its
world position. It has engaged in recent wars and peacekeeping duties in Kosovo, Afghanistan,
Iraq, etc. The military action in Iraq (from 2003) was initially supported by a majority, but there
was an increasing opposition over its aftermath and scepticism that overseas military
involvement would protect Britain’s internal security.
Britain’s foreign and defence preoccupations reflect its traditional position as a major trading
nation and finance centre based on a worldwide colonial empire. Now it’s concerned to maintain
stable commercial, economic and political conditions through global connections.
- Foreign policy
Britain’s foreign policy and membership to international organizations is based on the

principle that overseas objectives in the contemporary world can be best attained by
persuasion and cooperation and by actively working with order nations on a regional or
global basis and according to the obligations.
The USA has often been seen as Britain’s closest ally. A ‘special relationship’ exists
between the two based on a common language, cultural traditions, history and military
partnerships. Yet this association has varied according to geopolitical circumstances,
personal relations between political leaders in both countries and divergent policies.
Some of the differences of opinion were about America entry into the IIWW, opposed
attitudes to participation in the Vietnam War, questions about Britain’s membership of
the EU. Nevertheless, British politicians are generally concerned to maintain American
42
military and security within Europe and NATO to preserve the global stability of the
Atlantic connection. A majority of British feel that the UK has little or no influence on
American policies, that the US doesn’t consider British interest and that the relationship
is unbalanced.
Britain has diplomatic relationship with 160 nations and is a member of some 120
international organizations, ranging from bodies for economic cooperation to the United
Nations. Support for the Un and the principles of its character has been part of British
foreign policy since 1945. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, Britain has
a vested interest in supporting the organization. It sees a strong UN as a necessary
framework for achieving many of its own foreign policy objectives. UN agencies also
provide forums for discussing issues in which Britain is involved. However, Britain like
other nations, may distance itself from the UN when it sees its own vital interest
challenged.
- Defence policy
Britain’s major defence alliance is with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO).
This currently comprises 28 members. The original justification for NATO’s creation was
that it provided its members with greater security than any could achieve individually and
was a deterrent against aggression by the now-defunct Warsaw Pact countries. The
principle of collective defence is still maintained and many former Warsaw Pact countries
have joined NATO.
All the major British political parties are in favour of retaining the NATO link and the
public wouldn’t support any party which tried to take Britain out of the alliance. Its
defence policy is based on NATO strategies and it assigns most of its armed forces and
defence budget to the organization. However, there are doubts about NATO’s capacity
to respond to global problems areas and it is felt that all its members should increase
their defence spending and viability to better support NATO objectives. The EU has slowly
developed its own ‘rapid reaction force’ plans from 2007, which consist of military units
known as battlegroups under an EU lead nation and other EU participants; these would
be under the direct control of the EU Council which operates the Common Security and
Defence Policy of the EU. Britain’s withdrawal from the EU suggest that it will not be such
an integral part of EU developments in the future, bur the current Conservative
government maintains that Britain will continue to share in Europe’s defence and security.
The British government’s defence spending was 2.3% of GPD in 2015. The primary
objectives of defence policy are to ensure the country’s security and the NATO
43
commitment and to allow British forces to engage in high-intensity war as well as in

peacekeeping roles. A budget reduction to 1.9 per cent of GDP by 2017 did not suggest
a Britain that would be able to cope with contemporary and future uncertainties. Further
defence cuts connected to an exit from the EU could endanger the armed forces’ new
leaner structures, put national security at risk and limit Britain’s capacity to send troops
abroad at short notice.
At the same time, although the British armed forces are in demand for global
commitments, they are arguably undermanned and military equipment is often out of
date and in short supply. The nuclear missile arsenal is being upgraded, but some critics
want cheaper alternatives, or the cancellation of the nuclear system. The major political
parties are still multilateralist (keeping nuclear weapons until they can be abolished on a
global basis), and they are aware that a number of countries now possess nuclear
weapons or the means to develop and use them.
Britain can operate militarily outside the NATO and European area, although this capacity
is increasingly expensive and questioned. Britain’s choices are to retreat from global
commitments, greatly scale back defence spending, create one combined military force
rather than separate components or cooperate more with NATO and EU countries across
a range of defence activity. Criticism of defence cuts and arguments that these will risk
British military forces being seriously undermanned at home and overseas arguably fail
to recognize the resources required to meet the security challenges of the future. Despite
such questioning, the defence budget is considerable.
Empire, Commonwealth and Ireland
The British Empire and later Commonwealth have changed considerably in membership status
and scope over the years. The Empire was gradually built up from the 16th century, although the
colonization had in fact begun from the 12th century. These were followed by trading activities
and the establishment of settlements in North and South America; parts of Africa, Asia and the
Caribbean were also exploited commercially. By the 19th century, British imperial rule embraced
a quarter of the world’s population; by the end of that century, some large colonies became
self-governing dominions and eventually achieved full independence. They regarded Britain as
the ‘mother country’, but this relationship has changed as separate national identities in these
countries have become firmly established.
In 1931, the British Empire the British Commonwealth of Nations by the Statue of Westminster
and self-rule was gradually granted to other colonies. India and Pakistan became independent
in 1947, followed by African territories in the 50s and 60s. They could choose if they want to
44
break all connections with the colonial past or remain within the CW as independent nations;
most of them decided to stay in the organization.
During the 19th and 20th centuries, relationships with the UK were also changing and reflected
nationalist, anti-colonialist and separatist movements in the rest of the Empire. In Ireland, there
had been centuries of continuous rebellions by the indigenous Irish against UK colonial and
political rule. Eventually in 1921 Ireland was partitioned into two parts as a result of uprisings,
violence and later political agreement. The 28 counties of southern Ireland became the Irish Free
State and a dominion in the CW. The six counties in the north became Northern Ireland, and
remained part of the UK. In 1998, the Republic claimed Northern Ireland, but this was rescinded
under the Belfast Agreement. The relationship between the Republic of Ireland and the UK has
improved significantly in recent years.
The present CW is a voluntary association of some 53 independent states (including Britain). The
CW has nearly a 1/3 of the world’s population. Although the CW is also often described as a
family of nations, there are occasional wars, tensions and quarrels between them. The British
monarch is its non-political head and has varying constitutional roles in the different countries.
The prime ministers, or heads of state, in CW countries normally meet every two years under
the auspices of the monarch for CW meetings. CW citizens travel to Britain as immigrants,
students and visitors, while British emigration to CW countries continues in reduced amounts.
British attempts to enter European economic structures from the 60s reduced the importance
to Britain of the organization. There is no longer the old sense of CW solidarity and purpose,
and Britain has little in common with some CW nations. The situation may change when Britain
leaves the EU and begins to seek more substantial trading arrangements with CW countries.
Nevertheless, British governments feel that the CW is a success and are committed to raising its
profile.
The European Union (EU)
Britain’s relationship with Europe has conditioned the country’s history for many centuries. The
relationship is central to the identifies of both Britain and Europe and has included ideological
conflict, nationalist perspectives and governmental inability to solve problems.
After the IIWW there was a desire to create a peaceful and prosperous Europe after the
destruction of two world wars and years of antagonism and distrust between European powers.
In 1957 six countries signed the Treaty of Rome and formed the EEC. Britain did not join, and
old suspicion of Europe also led many British people to shrink from membership of a
45
supranational European organization, which they thought might lead to a loss of their identity
and independence.
However, a European commitment grew among sections of British society in the 60s, which was
influenced by the country’s increasing social and economic problems; but Charles de Gaulle
vetoed attempts by Britain to join the EEC; he was critical of British’s relationship with the USA
and didn’t want Britain as a rival to the leadership of the EEC. De Gaulle resigned from the French
presidency in the 1969, and new British negotiations on membership began in the 1970 under
the PM Edward Heath. In 1972, Parliament voted in favour of entry, despite widespread doubts
and the strong opposition among the British people. Britain (and the Republic of Ireland)
formally joined the EEC on 1 January 1973.
The EEC was based on economic concerns and instituted harmonization and a more integrated
Europe. The Maastricht Treaty was a step in this process as a result of which the European
Community became the EU. The treaty provided for the introduction of a common European
currency (the euro), a European bank and a common defence, foreign and social policies. In
2018 there were 28 EU members.
The main institutions involved in the running of the EU

are the European Council (which consists of national
government leaders), the Council of Ministers
(composed of government ministers from the member
states and is the policy-implementing and law-
initiating body), the European Commission (is the
central administrative force of the EU, it comprises
commissioners chosen from member states), the
European Parliament (which is directly elected for a
five-year term from the EU-wide electorate, and it’s
responsible for most of the EU’s ordinary legislation)
and the European Court of Justice (comprises
appointed judges from the member states. It interprets
EU laws and treaties).
The turnout of British votes in the 2014 EU Parliament election was low, and main parties
performed badly, which resulted in the UK Independence Party (UKIP) coming first. This election
saw the rise of left and right radical parties, and this was a sign of disillusionment with the EU
after a period of economic crisis and a fragmentation of traditional Left-Right politics.
46
The major UK political parties have maintained until recently that they want to be in the EU, but
were divided in their opinions about what its ultimate form should be. The Liberal Democrats
support an EU federal ideal, to which there is Eurosceptic opposition in the Labour and
Conservative parties. The Conservative mainstream has wanted to remain in the EU, but supports
the allocation of more power to national parliaments, and insists on reform of EU treaties and
structures and the repatriation of major functions to the UK. The Brexiteer wing of the
Conservative Party wanted British exit from the EU and global trading activity. The Blair Labour
Party had wanted a strong Europe in which Britain can play a central role; was initially in principle
in favour of Britain entering the European common currency (the euro). The present Labour
Party, at leadership and member levels, has become more divided and some are Eurosceptic in
their attitudes to the EU while others are Europhile.
British support for the EU peaked in the 80s but has since declined, and Britain has been the
least enthusiastic of the EU countries. Only a small majority wanted to stay in the EU while a
majority wanted a referendum on Britain’s membership of the EU and believed that they don’t
have enough information about the pros and cons of being a member. Turnout of voters for
British EU Parliament elections is low and there is a general ignorance in Britain about the EU,
its benefits and its institutions.
There is still a feeling that the country has become so closely tied to Europe in economic and
institutional ways that withdrawal would be difficult in practical terms, and counter-productive
economically.
Nevertheless, the Conservative Prime Minister, David Cameron, responded to anti-EU feelings
and promised that if the Conservatives won the 2015 General Election, a renegotiation of Britain’s
relationship with the EU and the repatriation of treaty powers to the UK would be followed by a
referendum in 2016–17 on continued British membership, which actually happens when the
Conservative party won and the renegotiations with the EU didn’t succeed and the Conservative
government held a referendum on June 2016, in which UK voted to leave the EU.
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
Early British economic history
Since Neolithic times until the end of the 18th century, Britain was a rural country and its economy
was based on products generated by successive revolutions in agriculture. Over the centuries
there had also been some industrial and manufacturing developments, located in the larger
towns. Financial and commercial institutions were gradually founded in the City of London and
throughout the country.
The growth of a colonial empire from the 16th century contributed to national wealth as Britain
capitalizes on its worldwide trading connections. Colonies supplied cheap raw material, which
were converted into manufactured goods in Britain and exported. By the 19 th century, Britain
had become a dominant military and economic power. Its wealth was based on international
trade; it was believed that a country increased its wealth if exports exceeded imports.
This trading system assisted industrial revolution, which began in the late 18th century.
Manufacturers, who had gained by international trade and a demand for British goods, invested
in new industries and technology. Efficient manufacturing methods produced competitively
priced goods for foreign markets and Britain was transformed into an urban and industrialized
country.
However, industrialization was opposed by some and industrial and urban development had
negative effects, such as long working hours, bad conditions in mines and factories or the loss
of population in rural areas. The situation was worsened by the indifference to the human cost
of industrialization.
Nevertheless, the industrial changes did transform Britain into a rich and powerful country.
Manufacturing output became the chief generator of wealth. Yet British dominance of world
trade did not last; it declined relatively by the end of 19th century as countries as Germany and
the USA rapidly developed their industrial bases and became more competitive.
The modern economy: policies, structure and performance
If the decline of the British trade dominance started by the end of the 19th century, in the 20th
and 21st centuries, the decline was further. The country was greatly affected by the economic
problems created by two world wars, global competition, structural changes, etc.
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
- Economic policies
From 1940s, British government become more involved in economic planning and the
performance of the economy has been increasingly tied to their fiscal, monetary and
political policies.
Conservatives governments historically advocated minimum interference in the economy

and favoured the workings of the free market, yet they have often intervened out of
necessity or changing ideology. Labour governments initially argued that the economy
must be centrally planned and its essential sectors should be owned and managed by
the state. But they have also changed their policies. Labours governments from 1945
nationalized railways, transport, iron industries, and almost all services. These industries
and services were run by the state and they were responsible to Parliament and financed
by taxation for the benefit of all, rather than for private owners. But governments were
expected to rescue any which had economic problems.
This policy was gradually reversed by the Conservatives. They argued that public
industries and services were too expensive and inefficient. They denationalized state
industries and returned them to private ownership; from 1979 this denationalization was
called ‘privatization’. The ownership of industries and services was transferred from the
state to private owners. The aim was also to liberalize the economy. Conservatives believe
that privatization improves efficiency and reduces government spending. But there was
concern about privatization as private industries became monopolies and there was a
lack of competition in some private sectors. Some of the privatized services have failed
and been renationalized.
The Labour government effectively accepted more privatization in 1997. There are now
fewer state-owned public concerns and more privatized business. Both Labour and
Conservative governments since the 90s have also introduced mixed public/private
arrangements. This was intended to save public money, encourage cooperation on
resources and to expand the privatization programme. Economic models, such as
nationalization, privatization and public/private schemes, are criticized with claims that
they do not work adequately. Despite such views, the political parties have generally
accepted a closer relationship between the public and private sectors, deregulation and
a mobile workforce.
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
- Economic structure
The mixed economy comprises public and private sectors. The public sector includes the
remaining state-run industries and services which amount to under one-third of the
economy. The other two-thirds are in the private sector. The private sector belongs to
people who have a financial stake in a company. Most companies are private and small
or medium-sized. They are crucial to the economy and generate some 50% of new jobs.
The shareholders are the real owners of those companies in which they invest money,
but the daily organization of the business is left to a board of directors under a
chairperson or managing director.
National and foreign buyers may be involved in takeovers and merges of companies. A
takeover occurs when a larger company takes over (or buys) a smaller, often loss-making,
firm. Mergers are associations between companies of equal standing. Such battles of
control can be fought and have resulted in sections of the economy being dominated by
a relatively small number of major groups.
- Recent economic performance
Since the IIWW, Britain has suffered from economic problems caused by domestic and
global factors, which resulted in recession, unemployment, poor productivity, etc. There
have often coincided with structural changes in the economy, such as decline in industry
and manufacturing and growth in service industries.
The location of British industry has been a factor in the nation’s manufacturing and
industrial decline. Industries were situated in areas where there was access to natural
resources and transport systems and where there was often only one major industry.
They could be easily damaged in changing economic climate, unless they managed to
diversify their product base.
Many manufacturing industries failed to adapt to new markets and demands didn’t
produce goods efficiently and cheaply enough to compete. Britain’s share of global
exports of manufactured goods decreased in the 20th century, and it’s still a major
concern for Britain.
Decline badly affected northern England, the English Midlands, Scotland and Northern
Ireland and South Wales. Governments, helped by EU grants, revitalized depressed areas
with financial aid and the creation of new manufacturing and other business. New
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
production and research methods led to a growth in specialized high-technology sectors

and the service sector.
The discovery of North Sea oil and gas in the mid-70s contributed greatly to the British
economy in a difficult period and also made the country less dependent upon imported
energy. But gas and oil are finite and are now past their peak, and Britain has difficulty in
finding alternative sources. It is argued that energy income has been spent on social
welfare rather than being used for investment in new industry.
Conservative governments between 1979-97 tried to reduce inflation by high interest

rates and cuts in public spending. Such measures and recession resulted in the 1980
British economy falling to low levels with high interest rates, unemployment, inflation and
overheating from 1986. Domestic and international factors forced the country into a very
deep recession (1989-93). In 1993-94, Britain came slowly out of recession, with improved
manufacturing and financial performance. In 1997, the Labour government inherited and
economy that was one of the most successful in the world. However, Labour had to spend
considerably on social services, and public spending was a growing concern.
Britain in the early 2000s experienced mixed effects from a global economic downturn;
manufacturing was in recession and there was weakness in other sectors. But Britain
avoided the worst of an international recession and had above-average economic growth
through 2002. Between 2007 and 2010, the economy weakened again, and Britain
suffered from the worst global recession since the Great Depression of 1929. The ten
years following the Great Recession was a period of shifting economic extremes; but in
2019 Britain was one of the largest economy in the world and is still a significant industrial
and manufacturing country and exporter of goods and services.
Social class, the workforce and employment
- Social class
Class in Britain has been defined by factors such as wealth, ownership of land and
property, job, etc. Over time, a class system evolved which divided the population into
upper, middle and working classes. In earlier centuries, the working class was divided into
skilled and unskilled workers, while the middle class was split into lower, middle and
upper sections, depending on the job or wealth. The upper class was still largely defined
by birth, property and inherited money.
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
In the 20th century, the education and expansion of wealth allowed social mobility and
the old class system was breaking down as the number of people in the various social
and economic levels changed. By 2010, instead of the traditional divisions of working,
middle and upper class, it was introduced a new classification based on occupations:
1. Higher professional and managerial occupations.

2. Lower professional, administrative and managerial occupations.
3. Intermediate occupations.
4. Small employers and non-professional self-employed workers.
5. Lower supervisory and technical occupations.
6. Semi-routine occupations.
7. Routine occupations.
8. Never worked and long-term unemployed ‘underclass’.
Middle class is made up from 1-4 classes, and working class from 5-8. The population
largely consisted of a middle class (69%) and working class (40%). The working class had
shrunk historically and there was more upward mobility. The old gaps between the
classes have decreased; yet inequalities of wealth, difficulties of social mobility for the
poorest in society remain.
A survey in 2013 devised a new way of measuring class, not only by occupation or job,
but also by the ‘capital’ that people possess. These were economic capital, cultural capital
and social capital. The model comprised seven classes based on the relationship between
the capitals and reflects a more complex class system. The seven classes are elite,
established middle class, technical middle class, new affluent workers, traditional working
class, emergent service workers and the precariat.
- The workforce and employment
The unemployment rate rose in 2009 to 8% during the 2007-2010 financial crisis and
recession. In 2018 there was and employment rate of 75.5% and an unemployment rate
of 4.2%. The large majority of the workforce is employed in the services sector, a smaller
percentage in industry and manufacturing, and declining numbers in agriculture. The
majority of British workers are still employed by an organization; they are employees who
sell their labour in a marked dominates by businesses which own and control production
and services. The class-defining boundaries of employees and employers have remained
constant, although self-employment has increased. The contemporary and mobile
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
economy has created more and different work patterns than traditional models.
Manufacturing and industrial have declined and services have increased.
In 2018 there were a record number of 14.4 million working-age women in the British
workforce, compared with 18 million for men, above in major industrialized nations. The
numbers of women with jobs in agriculture, manufacturing and construction had
increased faster than the number of men in those sectors. However, these rises in female
employment have also coincided with an increase in the gender pay gap, as median
wages for woman fell while for men increased. Women are the principal breadwinner in
30% of households, and are still low-paid. Although women are a 52% majority of the
population and increasing their numbers in higher education and professions, they have
difficulty progressing to the senior ranks.
Since the 60s, women have campaigned for greater equality with men in job
opportunities and rates of pay. Legislation has attempted to redress the balance, not
always successfully. Laws such as the Equal Pay Act and the Sex Discrimination Act have
been established. There has been a recent need for more women to enter the workforce
at all level, and this requires improved financial, social welfare and child-care benefits.
Although British workforce is now more mobile and flexible, many jobs are low-paid,
part-time or unpaid internships. In an attempt to get more people into work at an
acceptable level of payment, Britain has a statutory minimum wage and a non-statutory
living wage. Other jobs are in technical and skilled areas, for which educational systems
have not adequately provided; Britain lacks adequate vocational education and training
schemes for the unemployed and young people in those technical areas which are
essential for a modern industrial state.
Industrial and commercial institutions
- The trade unions
Trade unions obtained legal recognitions in 1871 after long and bitter struggles. The fight
for the right of workers to organize themselves originated in the trade guilds of the 14 th
century and later in social clubs which were formed to give their members protection
against sickness, unemployment and political oppression.
The modern trade unions are associated with the Labour Party and campaign for better
pay, working and health conditions for their members. The trade-union movement is
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
highly organized and they are among the biggest organizations in the country. Today
there are some 167 individual trade unions and professional associations of workers,
which vary in size and influence. They represent not only skilled and unskilled workers,
but also white-collar workers. Other professional associations such as the Law Society,
the Police Federation and the British Medical Association carry out similar
representational roles for their members.
Members of trade unions pay annual subscriptions to their unions and frequently to the
Labour Party. The funding provides for union activities and services, such as legal,
monetary and professional help. Trade unions vary in the amount of funds they receive
from members and in their political orientation. Some unions admit as members inly
those people who work in a specific job, such as miners or teachers, while others include
workers employed in different areas of industry or commerce. The largest union in Britain
at present is Unite which includes the Transport and General Workers’ Union (T&G). Some
trade unions are affiliated to the Trade Union Congress (TUC); the influence of the TUC
and trade unions has declined due to unemployment, changing attitudes and more
factors. Some Conservatives Laws (made under Conservative legislation of Margaret
Thatcher) and the economic climate have forced trade unions to be more realistic in their
salary demands; however, pay claims are escalating again and there is increasing
militancy amongst some union leaders.
In the past, opinion polls revealed that a large majority believed that unions were
essential to protect workers, but another part believed that unions had too much power
in Britain. Strikes can damage the national economy and is used as an economic and
political weapon, but in some cases, strikes are seen as legitimate and find public support.
Britain historically seemed to be prone to industrial disputes, with a large number of
strikes in the 80s; however, over the past 40 years most business have been free of strikes.
Britain has a low-wage economy, compared with the major European countries and has
a complicated payment system to assist the low paid. The National Minimum Wage
(NMW) is the minimum pay per hour most worker under 25 are entitled to by law. The
government’s National Living Wage (NLW) is the minimum pay per hour most workers
aged 25 and over are entitled to receive. The relevant rates change every year and will
depend on a worker’s age and if they are apprentice.
54
UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
- Employers’ organizations
There are some 101 employers’ and managers’ associations in Britain of various sizes and
significant, which are mainly associated with companies in the private sector. They aim
to promote good industrial relations between businesses and their workforces, try to
settle disputes, and offer legal and professional advice.
Most are members of the Confederation of British Industry (CBI). This body represents its
members nationally, negotiates with government and the TUC and it often more
sympathetic to Conservative governments than to Labour ones.
- Industrial relations
Historically, the quality of industrial relations in Britain has tended to be confrontational

rather than cooperative and based on notions of ‘class-warfare’ and ‘us-and-them’
attitudes. Trade union leaders can be very militant and stubborn in pursuing their
members’ interests. But the performance of management and employers is also criticized.
Insensitive managers can be responsible for strikes arising in the first place, and relations
between management and workers still leave much to be desired. To improve industrial
relations, in 1974, an independent, government-financed organization was created; it’s
called Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Services (ACAS)
- The Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Services (ACAS)
It may provide, if requested, advice, conciliation and arbitration services for the parties
involved in a dispute. But ACAS doesn’t have binding power and the parties may
disregard its advice and solutions. It’s been argued that arbitration should be made
compulsory and that findings should be made binding on the parties concerned.
Nevertheless, ACAS as performed valuable work and has been responsible for settling
many disputes
Social services history
Historically, state social services were non-existent for most of the British population. Churches,
charities, etc. did give some protection against poverty, illness and unemployment. But this help
was limited in its application and effect. Most people were thrown upon their own, often
minimal, resources in order to survive.
55
UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
In Elizabeth I’s reign, a Poor Law was established in England, by which the state took over the
organization of charity provisions. They operated at the local parish level and were responsible
for their poor, sick and unemployed, by providing housing, help and work relied. This law was
the start of the state social help in Britain. It was considered that poverty and need were the
result of unwillingness to work, a criticism which is still directed at welfare recipients and the
unemployment in Britain today.
These attitudes persisted, although urban and rural poverty and need continued. Conditions
worsened in the 18th and 19th centuries as industrial revolutions expanded and the population
rapidly increased. Public health became a concern and the poor conditions resulted in infectious
epidemics in the 19th century. Some diseases remained endemic in the population in the 20 th
century because of bad housing, and the lack of adequate health and social facilities.
The old Poor Law was replaced by the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834; it was designed to
prevent the alleged abused of parish social relief and to reduce the taxes needed to service the
system. It created a system of workhouses but these were unpleasant and were dreaded by the
poor and accepted only as a last resort.
Successive governments until the 19th century refused to allow workers to organize themselves
into trade unions, through which they might agitate against their working and living conditions.
This forced groups of workers into establishing their own social and self-help clubs in order to
provide basic protection. The social misery of the 19 th century persuaded some towns to
establish local boards to control public health and initiate health schemes, though a public
health system wasn’t created until 1848 and an effective national system was not in place until
1875. The social welfare problems of the 19th century were considerable and the state’s failure to
provide adequate help against illness, unemployment and poverty made the situation worse.
Social reformers, who promoted legislation offering some relied from the negative effects of
industrialization, had to struggle against the apathy and hostility of vested interest in Parliament
and the country.
Small victories had been won and in the early 20th century it was admitted that the state had
social responsibility for the whole society. Progressive Liberal governments between 1905 and
1922 introduced reform programmes; these formed the basic structures of the future welfare
state, but they affected only a minority of people, and the state was unwilling or unable to
introduce further provisions. The economic situation resulting from the IWW and the economic
crises of the 20s and 30s halted social services.
The need for more state help continued as the population rapidly increased. The model for a
welfare state in the Beveridge Report of 1942 recommended that a comprehensive system of
56
UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
social security and health for all should be established to overcome suffering and need. It was
intended that the system would be largely financed by a national insurance (NI) scheme, to
which workers would contribute, and out of which they and their families would contribute.
Household and family structures
The provision of contemporary social services is conditioned by changes in family and household
structures, demographic factors, governmental responses to social needs, the cost of services
and individuals’ personal financial resources.
The traditional British household type (two parents and children living together) is fragmenting
into new units. These changes may involve substantial financial costs for the family groups and
British society. In 2017, the most common type was the one-family household consisting of a
couple, with or without children; the next most common household type was the one-person
household with one person living alone; the third most common type was the one-family
household of a lone parent with dependent children. People have also combined with two or
more unrelated adults to form a group-sharing household category; multi-family households
with two or more families were the fastest growing household type.
It is predicted that traditional opposite-sex married couples will decrease in a future, caused by
those people who choose not to marry. The proportion of unmarried men is expected to
increase and the rise of cohabiting couples may not compensate for the decrease in married
couples. These predictions are complicated because the definition of marriage as between male
and female changed in 2013 to allow people of the same sex/gender to be legally married.
More adults will be living alone in the future. There has been a significant increase over the past
20 years in one-person households with no children (single by choice, separated, divorced).
While marriage is the most common form of partnership for men and women, it’s becoming
less popular. More people delay marriage for career and other reasons with the average age is
increasing for both genders. The rate of divorce in England and Wales fluctuates and has
recently declined. A recent decline in divorce rates has coincided with an increase in
cohabitation; some of this relations are stable and long-term.
The population is still growing, it is projected that the population will reach over 70 million by
2050. Although the population is growing, child-bearing is being delayed, with women in Britain
having their first child on average at 28, seven years older than in 1971. Some women are
delaying child-bearing even longer for educational and career reasons, and there has been an
increase in the number of single women and married/unmarried couples who choose to remain
childless, or to limit their families.
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UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY
The proportion of working-age women in employment is now some 70%. More women are
returning to work more quickly after the birth of a child and women represent 45% of the
workforce. But although Britain has a high percentage of working mothers and wives, provisions
for maternity leave and child care are low in European terms.
The final conclusion from these statistics is that households are smaller now, more people live
alone, one-parent units are increasing, a declining divorce rate, more working mothers and
wives and more cohabiting couples.
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UNIT 6. RELIGION
UNIT 6: RELIGION
Religious history
Archaeological discoveries suggest varied forms of pagan belief associated with the movement
of people into Britain from continental Europe. Little is known about any religious structures for
the nomadic Palaeolithic people. It seems that Mesolithic hunters ritually worshipped the natural
world and animals and Neolithic settlers built megalithic stone burial monuments to celebrate
their ancestors. Celtic gods and goddesses influenced Iron Age society and sacrifices were made
by Druid priests in specific sacred places.
Some Christian influences had reached Britain during the Roman occupation between AD 43
and 410, but opinions differ on how widespread they were. Missionaries and monks in Ireland,
who represented a Celtic variant brought from Rome, converted some of the pagan Irish kings
to Christianity; this process continued and much of Ireland was converted by St Patrick and other
monks. Irish missionaries spread Celtic Christianity to Wales, Scotland and NI.
The Anglo-Saxons in southern England were introduced to the Roman Catholic faith by St
Augustine and other monks sent by Pope Gregory, who founded the ecclesiastical capital of
Canterbury in AD 597. The spread of Christianity was supported by Anglo-Saxon kings, who
thought that the Christian church would support their royal authority. Southern English
Christianity was based on the beliefs and practices of the Church of Rome. The faith of Ireland,
Wales, Scotland and NI was also based on the Roman doctrines, but with a Celtic identification.
The two branches of Christianity began to collide and divide, but it was resolved at the synod of
Whitby, where all the churches agreed to accept the Catholic form of worship and practice, thus
making Christianity a central force in society.
However, it was increasingly accused of worldliness, materialism and corrupt. The relationship
between England and Rome became difficult and by the 16 th century was at breaking point.
English monarchs were jealous of the wealth and power of the Catholic Church and resented
the influence of Rome in national affairs. Henry VIII decided that as a King of England he was
the supreme legal authority in the country and that the Church owed their allegiance to him. In
1534 Henry broke away from Rome and declared himself head of the Church in England; the
main reason for this breach was the Pope’s refusal to accept Henry’s divorce from Katherine of
Aragon, who had no produce a male heir to the throne.
The Church was still Roman Catholic in its faith and practices. Henry did not regard himself as a
Protestant; indeed, he had defended the papacy against Martin Luther in 1521. Nevertheless, the
influence of the European Reformation caused the English, Scottish and Welsh Churches to
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UNIT 6. RELIGION
move further away from Rome’s doctrines; this development increased under Edward VI, when
practices and beliefs became more Protestant. Conflicts between Catholics and Protestants
began, which involved violent persecution. Henry VIII’s daughter, the Catholic Mary Tudor, tried
to restore the Catholic faith during her reign, but did not succeed. Her half-sister, Elizabeth I,
established the Protestant status of the Church by the terms of her Church Settlement; the
church’s doctrine was stated in the 39 Articles of Faith and its forms of worship were contained
in the Book of Common Prayer. English replaced Latin in church documents- The English Church
were now between Catholicism and Protestant Churches of Europe.
Protestants in the 16th and 17th centuries felt that the Church had not distanced itself sufficient
from Rome and some left to form their own religious organization; they were initially called
Dissenters, later known as Nonconformists, and today are member of the Free Churches. The
Catholic Church had undergone persecution after the Reformation and the English Civil War,
and Jews and Nonconformist also experienced discrimination. The Church of England solidified
its dominant position in 1688, when the Dutch Protestant William III succeeded James II, the last
king to sympathize openly with the Catholic cause.
Further quarrels affected religious life in the 18th and 19th centuries when groups, such as
Methodist and Evangelicals, reacted to rationalist developments in the Church of England. Other
groups also reacted to the Church of England and founded a variety of Nonconformist sects. By
the end of the 10th century the various Christian and non-Christian churches, such as Judaism,
were scattered throughout Britain. In the 20th century, immigrants added further religious
diversity (Muslim, Sikh and Hindu).
There is religious freedom in contemporary Britain and religious discrimination is unlawful. There
is no religious bar to the holding of public office, except that the monarch must be a member
of the Church of England.
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UNIT 6. RELIGION
The Christian tradition
Christianity in Britain is represented mainly by the Church of England (Anglican) and the Roman
Catholic Church, the Church of Scotland and the Free Churches. The COE attracts only a small
number of religiously observant Britons but the Catholic does somewhat better; and these two
churches built too many buildings for too few people in the 19 th century; they have lost their
ability to attract young people.
- The Church of England
The Church of England (COE) is the established or national church in England. Its legal
position is confirmed by the Elizabeth Church Settlement and Parliament. The monarch
is the head of the Church; its archbishops, bishops and deans are appointed by the
monarch on the advice of the PM; and Parliament has advice in its organization and
rituals. But since it doesn’t receive public money for financial, it isn’t a state church.
The Church is based on an episcopal hierarchy, or rule by bishops. The two Archbishops
of Canterbury and York, together with 24 senior bishops, sit in the House of Lords, take
part in its proceedings and are the Church’s link to Parliament. The Archbishop of
Canterbury (called the Primate of All England) is the senior of the two Archbishops and
the professional head of Church. The Church is divided into two provinces (Canterbury
and York), each one is subdivided into 44 dioceses, each under the control of a bishop.
The dioceses are divided into some 13000 parishes; most of them have a priest in charge.
The financial resources of the church come from its substantial property and investment
holdings, and it is the third largest landowner in Britain. The money that the Church
obtains from those resources has to finance pensions for the clergy, maintenance of
churches and cathedral, etc.
The COE is considered to be a ‘broad church’ in which a variety of beliefs and practices
coexist; and priest have freedom as to how to conduct they church services, which can
vary from the elaborate ritual of the High Church (Anglo-Catholic wing) to the simple,
functional presentation of Low Church (Evangelical Wing) services. The two wings of the
Church do not always coexist happily and there is a considerable variety in styles of
worship.
The membership of the Church of England is difficult to determine; it is assumed when a

person is baptized into the church. It’s estimated that 27 million of the English population
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UNIT 6. RELIGION
have been baptized, and only a 5th of those baptized are confirmed at ‘confirmation’ and
about 1.2 million people are formal members. The numbers of total attendance at Sunday
services has decrease by year, and the number of priest also continues to decline.
Women in the past served as deacons (an office below that of priest) and in women’s
religious orders, but couldn’t be ordained as priest in the Church; and although in 1994
the General Synod approved the ordination of women, there’s still a large number of
male clergy in comparation with women clergy. The church is opposed to same-sex
marriage although it accepts same-sex partnerships. Another are of conflict is whether
priests should be openly gay or practising gay relationships.
The COE is sometimes referred to as the ‘Anglican Church’, in the sense that it’s part of
a worldwide communion of churches whose practices and beliefs are very similar, and
many of which descend from the COE. This Anglican communion comprises some 90
million people in the British Isles and abroad, such as the Protestant Episcopal Church in
the USA and others in Africa, South-east Asia, South America and Canada. It is the world’s
third largest Christian organization.
- The Church of Scotland
The Church of Scotland is commonly known as Kirk, and it the second established
Protestant church in Britain and the largest in Scotland. It’s separated from the COE its
own organizational structures and decides its own doctrines and practices.
It was created in 1560 by John Know, who was opposed to episcopal rule by bishops and
considered that the COE had not moved sufficiently far from the Roman Catholicism. The
Scottish Church followed the teachings of Calvin and developed a severe form of
Presbyterian Protestantism (government by ordained ministers and elected elders). The
church has a democratic structure. Individual churches are governed locally by a Kirk
Session, which consist of the minister and elders. Ministers (who include women) have
equality with each other. The General Assembly is the supreme organizational body of
the church and comprises elected ministers and elders.
- The Roman Catholic Church
The RCC in Britain experienced much persecution and discrimination for centuries after
the Reformation and had difficulties in surviving. Today Catholicism is widely practised
throughout Britain and enjoys religious freedom, except for the fact that no Catholic can
62
UNIT 6. RELIGION
become monarch. There are seven Roman Catholic provinces in Great Britain, each under
the supervision of an archbishop. The head of the church in England is the cardinal
archbishop of Westminster and the senior lay Catholic is the duke of Norfolk.
In 2011 there were 5.7 million nominal members of the Catholic faith in the UK. Although
the number of active people is about 1.9 million, the attendance to Sunday services is
over a million, which makes the Catholic Church the single largest Christian Church in
Britain. The Church emphasizes the important role of education for its children and
requires its members to try to raise their children in the Catholic faith.
- The Free Churches
The Free Churches are composed of those Nonconformist Protestant denomination

which are not established like the Churches of England and Scotland. Some broke away
after the Reformation and other departed later. They refused to accept episcopal rule or
hierarchical structures, and most have ordained women ministers. Their history has also
been one of separation among themselves, which has resulted in the formation of many
different sects.
Their egalitarian beliefs are reflected in the historical association between political and
religious dissent, which were very important in the formation of the Labour Party and the
radical wing of the old Liberal Party. They have developed their own convictions and
practices, which are often mirrored in their simple church services, worship and buildings.
The main Free Churches today are the Methodist, Baptists, the United Reformed Church,
Pentecostalist and the Salvation Army.
The Methodist Church is the largest of the Free Churches; today is based on the union of
the separate Methodist sects, but independent Methodist Churches still exist in Britain.
There were attempts to unify the Methodist and the COE, but the proposals failed.
The Baptist English founders wished to purify the COE and baptism by water was their
cleansing symbol. Today they are grouped in associations of churches. Most of these
now belong to the Baptist Union of Great Britain.
The United Reformed Church is a union between old churches. It have its roots in the old
Puritanism of the 16th century. It gradually merged with the Calvinist-influenced
Presbyterian Church in England, and the Churches of Christ.
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UNIT 6. RELIGION
The Salvation Army is an international Christian evangelical movement. It emphasized

saving souls through a practical Christianity and social concern and its message is based
on the Bible.
The non-Christian tradition
The non-Christian tradition is mainly associated with later immigrants entering the country over
the centuries, such as the Jews, Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus.
- The Jewish community
The 1st jews possibly came with the Norman Conquest and were involved in finance and
commerce, although some critics argue that they arrived with the Roman. It is estimated
to be the 2nd largest Jewish population in Europe. The community is composed of the
original Sephardim and the present majority Ashkenazim.
In religious terms, the community is divided into the majority Central Orthodox faith, of
which the main spokesman is the Chief Rabbi, and minority Reform, Liberal and Sephardic
groups. The focus of religious life is the 409 local synagogues. The Board of Deputies of
British Jews is the umbrella representative body and voice for all the country’s Jews.
The community has declined in the past 30 years; this is probably due to a
disenchantment with religion, and increase in civil and mixed marriages, emigration and
low birth rate, but it is estimated that the growth of the Ultra-Orthodox community may
eventually lead to it outnumbering other Jewish communities. Others factors influencing
Jewish life in Britain are the increasing anti-semitics incidents, speeches and physical
attacks on Jews and synagogues.
- Other non-Christian religions
Immigration to Britain as resulted in a substantial growth of other non-Christian religions,

such as Islam, Sikhism and Hinduism. The number of practitioners is growing because of
relatively high birth rated in these groups and because of significant conversion to such
faiths.
There were 2.8 million Muslims recorded in 2011 Census and most live in England. The
number is forecast to increase to 7.75 million in 2050. Religious observance is higher than
64
UNIT 6. RELIGION
in the general population and there is regular attendance at mosques, of which there are
some 1500 in the UK. Most Muslims have their origins in Pakistan and Bangladesh.
In 2011 there were also active Sikh and Hindy religious adherents in Britain. Most Hindus
live in England and most of them come from India. Various forms of Buddhism are also
represented in the population. All these faiths have their own representative bodies and
most members tend to live in England.
Cooperation among the faiths
The earlier mutual intolerance among Christian denominations in Britain has gradually mellowed
after centuries of hostility and repression. There is now considerable cooperation between the
churches, although this stops short of ecumenism (union de los cristianos). Discussions continue
between the RCC and other Christian Churches about closer ties and an Anglican Roman
Catholic Commission explores points of possible unity. The old enmity between Protestants and
Catholics has been reduced, though tensions continues in Scotland, NI and parts of England.
On other levels of cooperation, Churches Together in Britain and Ireland has representatives
from the main Christian churches and works towards common action and Christian unity. The
Anglican and the main Free Churches also participate in the World Council of Churches, which
attempts to promote world-wide cooperation and studies common problems. The Council of
Christians and Jews works for better understanding among its members.
The growth of inter-faith and multi-faith bodies since 2000 indicates a desire and a need for
cooperation to solve Britain’s current religious and social problems. Such attempts at possible
cooperation are seen by some as positive actions, which might break down barriers and hostility
and promote a more inclusive Britain.
Religious identification
Declining membership of some faiths and falls in regular attendance at religious services in
Britain have continued. Yet expansion has occurred in some Free Churches, new independent
religious movement and the non-Christian denominations.
The number of people who claim to be non-religious has increased significantly in recent years
and there have been vigorous debates about whether Britain remains a Christian (or even
religious) country. Historically, it has been difficult to obtain precise information about religious
membership and belief in Britain since denominations have their own methods of assessing
membership and attendance figures.
65
UNIT 6. RELIGION
Attitudes to religion and morality
As religion has become privatized and fragmented, polls suggest that people still have beliefs
which they mat relate to a God or a spiritual force, sin, a soul, heaven, angels and spirits, life
after death, reincarnation, the devil and hell, the power of prayer and miracles. Many of these
beliefs may be rooted partly within religious traditions, but may not involve formal membership
of a religion, and may be due to a sense of spirituality which cannot be explained through
science.
Poll results suggest that people in modern Britain are becoming more individualistic in their
views and less dependent upon church authorities or dogma. Yet despite the appearance of a
secular British state, religion in its traditional forms is still a factor in national life. It is reflected in
radio, TV and the press which concern themselves with religious and moral topics. Broadcasting
of religious services and debates can attract large audience figures and a demand for more,
despite attempts by some broadcasters to cut religious programming.
A religious sensibility may also be reflected in traditions, ceremonies, and public or national
morality. Religious denominations are relatively prominent in British life and are active in
education, voluntary social work and community care.
Lacking traditional faith in conventional religion, more people appear to put their trust in
materialism, physical appearance, fashion, trends, celebrity and individualism. These may
become the religions of the day. Nevertheless, there also seems to be a longing for spirituality,
other-worldly comfort and explanation, particularly among the 18–30 age group, which is not
being provided by the established or mainstream churches, or by institutional identities.
Such concerns seem also to influence matters of personal morality and civic responsibility.
Although there are differences of emphasis between younger and older generations and
between men and women, many Britons have strong views about right and wrong. While these
are not necessarily tied to the teaching of any particular denomination, many British people do
embrace an authoritarian posture in some questions of morals and social behaviour.
‘Moral traditionalism’, old values, a sense of ‘what is right’ and civic responsibility are still
supported by many people. There is often a greater adherence to concepts of personal and
social morality than those dictated by official, religious and legal restraints.
In terms of civic responsibility, polls suggest that attitudes to authority and the law remain
relatively conventional in some areas but not in others. The number of people who consider that
the law should be obeyed without exception has fallen, and more now believe that one should
follow one’s conscience, even if this means breaking the law. A certain critical independence
exists side by side with these views and people are very willing to voice their strong concerns
66
UNIT 6. RELIGION
about a range of matters. On many other matters, however, there seems to be a growing
liberalism.
The British seem to have become more tolerant, for example, of sex in films, homosexuality,
cohabitation outside marriage, alternative lifestyles, assisted dying and euthanasia (allowing a
doctor to end a patient’s life) if the person in question is suffering from a painful incurable illness,
and that it is worse to convict an innocent person (miscarriage of justice) than to let a guilty
individual go free.
These varied responses partly reflect the debate on whether Britain is a Christian country.
Denominational Christianity has decreased and a 2013 BSA survey found that 76 per cent of
respondents thought that being Christian is not an important element in being British.
It is asserted in other quarters that Britain is a Christian country because its laws and structures
are based on a framework of Christian values. This view is opposed by those who argue that
British law does not owe its existence to ‘Christian’ values, and that the conventions and
regulations that condition social life predate Christianity. Britain has been shaped by pre-
Christian, non-Christian and post-Christian forces, as well as universal values which are not
unique to Britain.
67

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UNIT 1. BRITISH CONTEXT

On some levels, such developments have led to an increase in anti-social behaviour,

However, the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government also attracted criticism

British attitudes to Britain

UNIT 2. THE PEOPLE

Early settlement to Ad 1066

There are no realistic population figures for

Growth and immigration up to the 20th century

Industrialization led to an expansion in commercial markets, which attracted new immigrants

Immigration from 1900

Ethnic groups in the UK

Population movements from 1990

Attitudes to national, ethnic and local identities.

UNIT 3. POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT

- Decline of the monarchy and the rise of Parliament.

This encouraged parliamentary structures.

Following the Tudors, James VI of Scotland became James I of England in 1603,

- The growth of political parties and constitutional structures

- Political developments in Ireland and the Act of Union, 1801

- The expansion of voting rights.

- The growth of government structures

- Politics in Northern Ireland and ‘The Troubles’

Local government and devolution

The creation of local government structures involved a historical movement from

Devolution is a tier of decentralized government. It allows these countries to decide their

Although devolution marks a significant step in British history, it is still developing as a

The contemporary British political framework

Britain has at present a ‘multi-level governance’

The UK Parliament in London with its government

Constitution and monarchy

- Criticisms of the constitutional system

Duties that the monarch performs:

- The Privy Council

UK Parliament: role, legislation and elections

- Role and composition

- Legislation and procedure

Parliamentary procedure in both Houses of Parliament is based on custom, convention,

The Speaker is the chief officer of the HOC; is chosen by MPs,

Formal debates in both Houses of Parliament usually begin with a

existing law, a government usually issues preliminary documents. A Green Paper is a

The UK party political system

UK parliamentary control of government

British governments have historically tended to govern pragmatically. Government were

UNIT 4. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Foreign and defence policy

Britain’s foreign policy and membership to international organizations is based on the

commitment and to allow British forces to engage in high-intensity war as well as in

Empire, Commonwealth and Ireland

The European Union (EU)

The main institutions involved in the running of the EU

UNIT 5. THE ECONOMY

Early British economic history

The modern economy: policies, structure and performance

Conservatives governments historically advocated minimum interference in the economy

- Recent economic performance

production and research methods led to a growth in specialized high-technology sectors

Conservative governments between 1979-97 tried to reduce inflation by high interest