Frontiers of Architectural Research (2018) 7, 473–496

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Frontiers of Architectural Research

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RESEARCH ARTICLE

An account of critical regionalism in diverse

building types in postcolonial Indian
architecture
Sanyam Bahgan, Gaurav Raheja

Department of Architecture and Planning, Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee, Roorkee,

Uttarakhand 247667, India

Received 30 April 2018; received in revised form 10 September 2018; accepted 11 September 2018

KEYWORDS
Critical regionalism;
Postcolonial architec-
ture;
Indian architecture
Abstract
Critical regionalism is an architectural concept that seeks to balance local needs and
capabilities with the progressive lessons of modernisation. Critical regionalism has been an
influential architectural approach in postcolonial Indian architecture. Even before the term was
coined in the 1980s, architects in India had subconsciously begun pursuing the ideas of critical
regionalism in designing their buildings. The degree of influence of critical regionalism on
postcolonial Indian architecture has varied over the course of time as a result of economic,
political and social changes. This paper identifies key architectural projects realised in India
since 1947 that adhere to the ideas and principles of critical regionalism. The identified
regionalist projects have been categorised according to their building programmes and
significant examples in each building type are discussed chronologically while bringing forth
their qualities that make them regionalist in first place. By focussing on regionalist projects of
significance in each building type, the paper highlights that critical regionalism is capable of
producing potent architecture to cater to any building programme.
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n
Corresponding authors.
E-mail address: sbahga@ar.iitr.ac.in (S. Bahga).
Peer review under responsibility of Southeast University.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foar.2018.09.001
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474
1. Introduction
The architectural legacy left behind by the British in India
did not adequately address the local climatic conditions and
socio-cultural needs (Grover, 1995). Thus, it was not
surprising that the British architectural influence dwindled
soon after India gained independence in 1947. Independent
India chose modernism as its preferred architectural
approach with the belief that it could solve its problems
such as social inequality (Gupta and Kalamdani, 1998).
However, by the 1960s, architects in India began realising
the limitations of modernist architecture (Lang, 2002,
pp. 125). The limited interpretation of ‘function’ offered
by modernist architecture seemed inadequate to certain
architects who wished to fulfil the social and cultural
aspirations of their Indian clientele (Jadhav, 2007).
Indian architects like Charles Correa, Raj Rewal and
Balkrishna Doshi sought to overcome the dominance of
modernism that they had themselves inherited through
their Western education. They began incorporating the
ideas of critical regionalism in their works to counter the
homogenisation of architecture resulting from modernism.
Correa, Rewal and Doshi's works of 1980s acted as models
for critical regionalist architecture in India in the decades to
follow (Mehrotra, 1990, pp. 120). However, with transitions
in Indian economy, political landscape and social milieu, the
influence wielded by critical regionalism in the Indian
architectural scene has varied over the course of time.
After the liberalisation of Indian economy in the 1990s,
more and more architectural projects started adopting the
‘global’ architectural style having glass curtain walls and
plastic finishes (Jadhav, 2007). This trend has, however,
induced a greater inclination amongst certain Indian archi-
tects towards critical regionalism (Menon, 2000).
Being a developing country, India cannot afford to expend
valuable resources and energy to construct and operate
buildings that are blind imitations of buildings in the West
(Correa, 1983; Doshi, 1985). Therefore, new architectural
practices have emerged in India in the 21st century that
engage in architecture sensitised to the local conditions
(Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 128).
In order to have a better understanding of the progression
of critical regionalism in postcolonial India, it is important
to firstly identify key architectural projects realised in India
since 1947 that adhere to the ideas and principles of critical
regionalism. Scholarship on critical regionalism reveals key
assessment criteria that a building should respect in order
to be critically regionalist. Based on these criteria, critical
regionalist projects in India were identified and then
categorised according to their building programmes. Sig-
nificant examples in each building type have been discussed
chronologically in this paper while bringing forth their
qualities that make them regionalist in first place. More-
over, the paper attempts to highlight that critical regional-
ism is capable of producing potent architecture to cater to
any kind of building programme. The categorisation of
regionalist projects according to their building programmes
also highlights how the varying socio-politico-economic
conditions in postcolonial India have impacted the influence
of critical regionalism on each building type differently.
Lastly, the paper is able to ascertain in which building types
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
critical regionalism is getting overlooked and in which
building types it continues to hold relevance.
1.1. Defining critical regionalism
The term Critical Regionalism was coined by Alexander
Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre in the early 1980s, and was later
elaborated by architectural critic and historian Kenneth
Frampton in his essay ‘Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six
Points for an Architecture of Resistance’, published in 1983.
Critical regionalism can be defined is an architectural
approach that strives to counter the homogeneity inherent
in modernist architecture (Henrique, 2013; Slessor, 2000).
By using contextual forces, critical regionalism imparts a
sense of place and meaning to architecture. Critical region-
alist designs are sensitive to the local climate as well as the
technological constraints of the local building industry. The
practitioners of critical regionalism seek to integrate global
architectural and technological developments with regional
sensibilities derived from spatial, cultural and historical
contexts (Yeang, 1987, pp. 28).
Critical regionalism differs from regionalism in a way
that it does not resort to blind use of vernacular
(Henrique, 2013). By being critical of a region's building
traditions, a practitioner is able to extract only the
essence of these traditions rather than literal refer-
ences (Lefaivre and Tzonis, 2003, pp. 10). Furthermore,
critical regionalists despise post-modern architecture
for applying eclectic historical references to contem-
porary works without considerations of their appropri-
ateness (Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 122).
Contemporary architecture has predominately been
indulging in standardised solutions that aim to minimise
construction costs (Henrique, 2013). Homogeneous solutions
are being replicated around the world without paying much
attention to the specificities of different locations where
the buildings are situated. By employing normative plans,
the construction industry has reduced the role of architec-
ture to merely designing the external skins for packaging
their buildings (Frampton, 2007). Critical regionalism is
therefore vital in contemporary times as it resists the
overpowering onslaught of homogeneously internationalised
architecture by relating architecture to the realities of
the place.
2. Critical regionalism in India
In order to understand the development of critical region-
alism in India, it is important to firstly identify architectural
projects that adhere to the ideas of critical regionalism.
Based on review of scholarship on critical regionalism, the
study has identified the following assessment criteria to
identify regionalist architectural projects realised in post-
colonial India: -
(1) Context-specific Architecture: Does the design respect
the character of the surroundings in which it is situated?
(Yeang, 1987, pp. 12)
(2) Historical Knowledge: Does the architecture take into
account the building traditions of the region? The design
 An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 1 Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad (1962) by Charles Correa (Photo: author).
should however incorporate historical knowledge only in
its essence and should not resort to literal references
(Yeang, 1987, pp. 16; Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 122).
(3) Climate Responsiveness: Does the architecture of the build-
ing respond self-evidently to the climatic conditions at the
site where it is situated? The design should benefit from best
solar orientations and should minimise the dependence on
mechanical means such as air-conditioning and artificial
lighting for the functioning of the building (Correa, 1983;
Yeang, 1987, pp. 57; Henrique, 2013).
(4) Materiality: Does the project use locally available materials
predominantly for the construction? (Henrique, 2013)
(5) Ecology and Landscape: Does the project minimise the
impact of its construction on the ecology of the site and
the surroundings? (Yeang, 1987, pp. 29)
(6) Social and Cultural Appropriateness: Does the architec-
ture of the building respond to the social needs and
lifestyle choices of its intended users? (Lefaivre and
Tzonis, 2003, pp. 11; Jain, 2000)
(7) Technology: Does the design adapt modern technology in
a sustainable way to benefit the building programme?
(Lefaivre and Tzonis, 2003, pp. 37; Yeang, 1987, pp. 28)
Based on the above criteria, the study has identified
hundred-odd architectural projects of significance realised in
postcolonial India that integrate the ideas of critical region-
alism in their design (Appendix A). On examining the identified
projects, it was observed that critical regionalism as an
architectural concept has not been embraced uniformly across
different building types. Certain building types like cultural
institutions, educational institutions and resort hotels have
provided greater patronage to critical regionalism in compar-
ison with other building types. Despite the uneven patronage
to critical regionalism in different building types, critical
regionalist projects of high merit have been realised in each
building type. For the purpose of this study, the identified
critical regionalist projects have been classified into the
following building types: -
(1) Cultural Institutions
(2) Housing
(3) Higher Education and Research
475
(4) Primary and Secondary Education
(5) Hospitality Sector
(6) Religious Institutions
(7) Offices
(8) Government Buildings
(9) Healthcare
(10) Industrial
(11) Retail and Commerce
By focussing on critical regionalist projects of significance
in each building type, the study attempts to highlight that
critical regionalism is capable of producing potent archi-
tecture to cater to any kind of building programme. More-
over, the study is able to ascertain in which building types
critical regionalism is getting overlooked and in which
building types it continues to hold relevance. The above-
listed building types are discussed in chronological order
with the building types generating the earliest expressions
of critical regionalism discussed first.
2.1. Cultural institutions
The earliest expressions of critical regionalism in India were
found in the domain of cultural institutions. In the early
1960s, when the Indian architectural scene was dominated
by the brutalist modernism inherited from Le Corbusier
(Prakash, 2010), Charles Correa designed the Gandhi Smarak
Sangrahalaya (1962) at Ahmedabad using a palette of
locally-available basic materials: brick walls, stone floors,
wooden doors, louvered windows sans glass and handmade
terracotta roof tiles (Figure 1). It was the simplicity of
Mahatma Gandhi's life that prompted Correa to adopt an
unheroic scale for the museum (Lang et al., 1997). The
semi-openness of the museum and the asymmetric grouping
of 6 m  6 m modular units further allude to the random-
ness of the Indian village (Khan, 1987, pp. 20).
In New Delhi on the other hand, it was the American-born
Joseph Allen Stein who – influenced by the organic archi-
tecture of Frank Lloyd Wright – sought to marry his buildings
with their surrounding nature (Lang, 2002, pp. 46). At the
India International Centre (1962) in New Delhi, Stein left
476
Figure 2 India International Centre, New Delhi (1962) by Joseph Allen Stein (Photo: author).
Figure 3 Jawahar Kala Kendra, Jaipur (1986) by Charles Correa (Photo: author).
building materials such as local stone, reinforced concrete
and burnt-clay screens in their natural finishes allowing
them to grace elegantly in sync with the surrounding
landscape (Figure 2). Due to close proximity to the 15th
century tombs of Lodi Garden, the height of the building
was kept lower than the base of the tombs’ domes (White,
1993, pp. 147). Large perforated screens made of ceramic
tiles and steel pipes shade the southern façades, while
trellises, pergolas and vertical sliding louvres provide
further shading to the building from the harsh Delhi summer
sun. It is the simplicity of the building design that disguises
the use of modern construction techniques in fabrication of
shading elements and screens.
As critical regionalism professes drawing on historical
knowledge, it is the imperative of the architect to choose
which particular historical layer to draw his influences upon
(Yeang, 1987, pp. 30). In the case of Jawahar Kala Kendra
(1992) at Jaipur (Figure 3), Correa's design has been shaped by
the 18th century plan of the Jaipur walled-city which in turn
was based on the ancient Hindu diagram of vastu-purusha
mandala. So, the Kendra's plan has been divided into nine
squares, with each square corresponding to a different planet
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
and houses functions akin to the behaviour of the respective
planet as per Hindu mythology (Davey, 1992). Thus, Correa's
design is able to invoke two historical layers at once.
Regional manifestations continued to emerge in cultural
institutions in form of the British Council building (1992) at
New Delhi by Charles Correa and later the 'Houses of Goa'
Museum (2004) near Panjim in Goa by architect Gerard da
Cunha. However, a decline in regionalist expression in cultural
institutions can be observed in 21st century India. Notable
cultural commissions in recent years have been awarded to
foreign architects such as the Khalsa Heritage Centre (2011) in
Punjab to Israeli-Canadian architect Moshe Safdie, and the
Bihar Museum (2017) in Patna to Japanese architect Fumihiko
Maki. Unfortunately, Safdie and Maki's designs are not ade-
quately rooted in the tangible realities of Punjab and Bihar
respectively.
2.2. Housing
The mid-rise low-income to middle-income group housing
typology proved to be the ideal ground for regionalists to
An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 4 Tara Group Housing, New Delhi (1978) by Charles Correa (Photo: author).
Figure 5 Yamuna Apartments, New Delhi (1980) by Ranjit Sabikhi (Photo: author).
forge the lifestyle of traditional Indian villages into modern
urban settings. The predominately rural population of India
was moving towards urban centres for employment oppor-
tunities post-independence.
The earliest examples are the YMCA Staff Quarters (1963)
by The Design Group and the French Embassy Staff Quarters
(1969) by Raj Rewal, both in New Delhi. These mid-rise
small-scale housing projects have exposed brick exteriors
and use traditional architectural elements like courtyards
and terraces to evoke the character of traditional North
Indian towns (Chatterjee, 1985, pp. 138). By the late 1970s,
more complex housing projects started getting developed
through the regionalist approach. The Tara Group Housing
(1978) by Charles Correa at New Delhi consists of 160
double-storey units clustered around a central landscaped
space (Figure 4). Running water has been added to the mix
of lawn, paving and trees in this central space to regulate
the micro-climate of the housing complex (Correa, 1999).
Large overhangs have been provided to further mitigate the
harsh hot and dry climate of New Delhi.
Another common feature in regionalist housing projects
was the segregation of pedestrian and vehicular movement.
477
The Yamuna Apartments (1980) in New Delhi designed by
Ranjit Sabikhi consist of 200 units placed along four radially-
converging pedestrian streets while the vehicular traffic is
limited to the periphery of the site (Figure 5). These
pedestrian streets allow communal interaction between
the residents as living room balconies and semi-private
areas of each unit open towards these streets. The pedes-
trian streets converge on a central square where recreation
facilities are located to emulate an Indian village square
(Hans, 1984).
Raj Rewal extended the regionalist approach from low
and middle-income groups to high-income group housings.
His Asian Games Village (1982) in New Delhi consists of 700
units having sixteen different types of house designs inter-
mixed in clusters around a sequence of enclosures. These
enclosures are semiprivate spaces that are interlinked with
narrow pedestrian streets that form the central spine of the
scheme. As the vehicular and pedestrian movement in
the scheme is also segregated, Rewal has opened up 80%
of the houses to pedestrian streets on one side and vehicular
streets on the other to satiate the needs of the upper class
occupants (Taylor and Thapar, 1992).
478
Figure 6 Andrews Ganj Housing, New Delhi (2003) by S K Das (Photo: author).
After the introduction of reforms in the Indian economy
in 1991, the housing sector has become commercially-driven
and the commissions arising from public-sector initiatives
have dwindled. Subsequently, the appreciation of regional-
ist designs has diminished in an increasingly FAR/FSI-driven
housing industry. A common trend in the Indian housing
scenario in the past two decades is of gated housing
complexes containing multi-storied housing blocks built on
stilts to facilitate parking of cars at the ground level. The
community spaces are minimal or irrelevant as they are
detached from the housing units.
Regionalist projects in the housing sector have therefore
been scanty in the past two decades. The Andrews Ganj
Housing (2003) by architect S K Das provides a convenient
break from the hegemony of gated housing complexes
(Figure 6). The Andrews Ganj Housing embodies a network
of courtyards, streets and pedestrian pathways that link up
with the municipal streets surrounding the site hence ‘un-
gating’ the housing complex for the city residents (Joglekar
and Das, 1995). A more recent regionalist housing project is
Sanjay Puri's Shree Cement Studios 18 Housing (2016) near
Ras, Rajasthan that responds diligently not only to the hot
and arid climate of the region but also progresses the
culture of vividly coloured traditional housing of the region
(Srivathsan, 2016).
As the critical regionalist approach prioritises fulfilling the
social and psychological needs of man, the housing sector can
benefit greatly from critical regionalism if its principal goal
shifts from improving profits to improving lives.
2.3. Higher education and research
Regionalist expression in higher education institutions can
be traced back to as early as 1966 in the design of the Indian
Institute of Technology Kanpur by Achyut Kanvinde. Break-
ing free of his own rigid modernist upbringing (Kanvinde,
1986, 2017), Kanvinde here discarded the use of strip
windows in favour of recessed sunshaded windows. The
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
different building blocks of the university have been placed
tightly next to each other enclosing within themselves
courtyards of varying sizes and pedestrian streets. The use
of locally-available brick for exterior finishing and the self-
shading of the buildings by outwards projecting upper floors
further demonstrates the regionalist sensibilities imbibed by
the design of the university (Sane, 2012).
Laurie Baker's approach to architecture was much deeply
rooted in the principles of regionalism than arguably any
other architect in India. Although most of his commissions
were single-family residences, he did however design a few
projects of public and institutional nature. It was the design
of the Centre for Development Studies (1971) at Trivandrum
where Baker demonstrated the entire spectrum of his
regionalist principles. The Centre is situated on a hilly site
and the shapes of the different building blocks is dictated by
their disposition on the sloping site. The primary construc-
tion material is brick which was procured from a nearby kiln
that utilised locally-available palm wood for firing. Through
his ingenious use of brick, Baker has been able to achieve
cost-effectiveness without comprising on the desired aes-
thetic quality (Bhatia, 1991).
By the end of 1970s and throughout the 1980s, critical
regionalism picked up pace in the Indian architectural
scenario especially in the domain of higher education and
research institutions. Balkrishna Doshi's Indian Institute of
Management Bangalore (1977) derived its inspiration from
the courtyards of Fatehpur Sikri (Curtis and Doshi, 1988)
whereby laying different building programmes asymmetri-
cally around a sequence of courtyards, squares and pedes-
trian streets (Figure 7). Rough-hewn blocks of local granite
stone having greyish colour are used throughout the insti-
tute uniting the complex into a whole.
Regional manifestations were abundant in the years to
come as visible in the National Institute of Public Finance &
Policy (1979) at New Delhi by Raj Rewal, the Gandhi
Institute of Labour Studies (1984) at Ahmedabad by Balk-
rishna Doshi and the Indian Institute of Forest Management
(1984) at Bhopal by Anant Raje. Raj Rewal's National
An account of critical regionalism in India 479

Figure 7 Indian Institute of Management Bangalore (1977) by Balkrishna Doshi (Photo: author).

Figure 8 National Institute of Immunology, New Delhi (1985) by Raj Rewal (Photo: author).

Institute of Immunology (1985) at New Delhi drew its
inspiration from the havelis of Rajasthan in their handling
of the climate and the stepwells of Gujarat in the designing
of the courtyards (Figure 8) (Lang, 2002, pp. 131).
The architectural practice of Kolhapur-based architect Shir-
ish Beri has extended the practice of contextually-appropriate
architecture to tier-II cities of Maharashtra and Karnataka.
Beri's design for the SDM College of Engineering & Technology
(1986) at Dharwad in Karnataka respects the topography of the
half-bowl-shaped slopes of the site as he placed built-forms
along the natural contours to minimise digging and filling of
earth (Bahga, Sarbjit et al., 1993, pp. 152).
The following years saw more regionalist assertions in the
category of higher education and research institutions. The
Entrepreneurship Development Institute of India (1987) at
Ahmedabad by Hasmukh C Patel, the Central Institute of
Educational Technology (1988) at New Delhi by Raj Rewal
and the Centre for Development Studies & Activities (1990)
at Pune by Christopher Charles Benninger were all contex-
tualised to suit the culture and tradition of their respective
regions. Few more regionalist projects were completed in
the early 1990s such as the Shirish Beri's Kolhapur Institute
of Technology (1992) in Maharashtra and Raj Rewal's Inter-
national Centre for Genetic Engineering & Biotechnology
(1993) in New Delhi (Figure 9). In the subsequent years,
however, the government-sponsored commissions for higher
education and research institutions dried up due to the
ongoing economic liberalisation in the country. Regionalist
projects have since emanated from the private sector
instead.
480
Figure 9 International Centre for Genetic Engineering & Biotechnology, New Delhi (1993) by Raj Rewal (Photo: author).
Figure 10 Ahmedabad University's Institute of Engineering and Technology, Ahmedabad (2015) by Vir Mueller architects
(Photo: author).
The American Institute of Indian Studies (1998) at Gur-
gaon by Vinod Gupta refers to the traditional architecture of
India while avoiding a monumental outlook. For better
energy-efficiency, the architect has limited the building to
only two floors having sunk the lower floor underground.
Workplaces in this institute are organised around two
sunken courtyards from where they also draw daylighting
and ventilation (Zutshi, 1998).
Critical regionalist projects of significance that have
come up after the turn of the century are the Mahindra
United World College (2000) at Pune by Christopher Ben-
ninger, the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (2004) at
Tuljapur in Maharashtra by Rahul Mehrotra, and the State
University of Performing & Visual Arts (2014) at Rohtak in
Haryana by Raj Rewal. A recent regionalist project is the
Institute of Engineering & Technology, Ahmedabad Univer-
sity (2015) by Vir Mueller Architects (Figure 10). The focus
of the institute's four-storey building is the central court-
yard which is enclosed on all sides by high and deep galleries
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
(Pagliari, 2015). These galleries extend up to the edges of
the building to facilitate cross-ventilation within the build-
ing (Dalvi, 2016). Sculpturally articulated red sandstone
screens protect the galleries as well the building's exteriors
from the harsh Ahmedabad sun. Generous use of red
sandstone for cladding the building not only makes the
building soothing to look at but also delays heat transfer
into the building. Elements from traditional architecture of
the region – such as kund (sunken garden) and maidaan
(paved garden) – have been reinterpreted in the institute's
design to serve the purpose of recreational spaces for
students.
The higher education and research sector has continued
to produce valuable commissions for critical regionalist
architecture all through the history of independent India.
Some of the reasons for their patronage include the desire
to employ passive means of climate-control to lower
operational costs, and to use local materials to lower
construction and maintenance costs.
An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 11 Sri Dashmesh Academy, Anandpur Sahib, Punjab (1983) by Satnam & Namita Singh (Source: Sarbjit Bahga et al., 1993, pp. 111).
Figure 12 The Yellow Train School, Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu (2013) by Chitra Vishwanath (Photo courtesy of Vivek Muthuramalingam).
2.4. Primary and secondary education
The primary and secondary education sector has not witnessed
ample regionalist projects emanating under the patronage of
the Indian government. Regionalist architecture in schools has
mainly emerged from commissions generated by private
institutions. The previously-discussed building types have all
seen a relative decline in the popularity of regionalist
architecture post-1991 due to the dwindling patronage of
the Indian government. This phenomenon however does not
hold true in the case of primary and secondary education
sector as the number of schools assimilating regionalist
principles has grown steadily in the past decade.
The Sri Dashmesh Academy (1983) at Anandpur Sahib in
Punjab by Satnam & Namita Singh architects is a residential
school (Figure 11) that facilitates the traditional Indian
gurukul system of education where living and learning takes
places continually. The architects have made optimal use of
481
the undulating topography of this large 81-hectare site by
converting a natural depression within the site into a
landscaped water body and clustering the built-forms
around it (Bahga et al., 1993, pp. 110). Vehicular traffic
has been limited to the outskirts of the site and landscaped
pedestrian paths have been provided instead. Locally avail-
able brick is used for construction of load bearing walls and
has been left exposed on the exterior.
The Modern School, Vasant Vihar (1989) at New Delhi by
Jasbir Sachdev and Rosemary Eggleston is quite similar to
the Sri Dashmesh Academy in its external appearance due
to the use of exposed brickwork. The classrooms in the
school are arranged around landscaped courtyards that
provide daylighting as well as natural ventilation. The
architects preserved a rocky outcrop within the site by
smoothing out fine rock edges and weeding out thorny
shrubs to incorporate it into the children's play area (Jain
and Vasishth, 1982).
482
Figure 13 Hotel Mughal Sheraton, Agra (1976) by ARCOP Design Group (Photo courtesy of Johansen Krause).
In the two decades following the completion of the Vasant
Vihar Modern School, regionalist assertions in the architecture
of schools were rare. Contemporary architectural practices
have however revived regionalist expression in schools in the
past few years. The Yellow Train School (2013) in Coimbatore,
Tamil Nadu by Chitra Vishwanath is a primary school con-
structed using compressed-earth-blocks as the main construc-
tion material (Figure 12). The ground floor of the school is
placed 1.5 m below the road level and the soil procured from
digging the site is utilised for making the compressed-earth-
blocks used in the superstructure (ArchDaily, 2015). Located in
a tropical hot-humid climatic zone, plenty of windows and
wall perforations are provided in the walls to facilitate air
flow. Furthermore, the play areas have been incorporated
within the building to allow students to use them even during
the hottest hours of the day. The architect has used arches for
structural support in order to scale down the interiors for
children as a clear height of three-metres was necessitated by
the building bye-laws.
Completed in the same year as the Yellow Train school,
the DPS Kindergarten School (2013) at Bangalore by Sandeep
Khosla uses terracotta jaalis to form the outer membrane of
the school. The terracotta jaalis facilitate cross-ventilation
and minimise solar heat gain. The architect has used
contrasting colours of different building materials to his
advantage in order to create a vibrant regionalist colour
palette (ArchDaily, 2013b). The low budget of the project
did not dissuade the architect from achieving a climate-
responsive and energy-efficient design.
As alternative schooling techniques are being sought by
parents, more and more private schools are experimenting
with their teaching methods as well as their built-
environments. The sensitivity and critical relevance demon-
strated by practitioners of critical regionalism has helped
them in expanding their influence over the architecture for
contemporary schools in India.
2.5. Hospitality sector
The hospitality sector is inherently receptive to the assertions
of critical regionalism. This is especially true in case of hotels
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
and resorts that cater to international tourists as they desire a
quintessential experience of ‘India’. This industry is however
prone to blatant historicism in its architectural expression.
Nevertheless, some significant works of regionalist architec-
ture have emerged from the hospitality sector.
The Mughal Sheraton Hotel (1976) in Agra by the ARCOP
Design Group is a courageous example of critical regionalism
that successfully resisted the temptation of global expression
(Figure 13). Situated 1500 m away from the Taj Mahal, the
clients had demanded a multi-storeyed structure overlooking
the historic monument. The team of architects consisting of
Ramesh Khosla, Ranjit Sabikhi, Ajoy Choudhury and Ray
Affleck boldly rejected the proposition and instead designed
a mid-rise structure in local brick to blend in the surroundings
instead of overpowering it. The hotel rooms are arranged
around three landscaped courtyards and the overall appear-
ance of the hotel refers subtly to the Mughal architecture of
Agra and Fatehpur Sikri (Chatterjee, 1985, pp. 152).
India being a diverse country contains regions with unique
historical backgrounds. So when Charles Correa was com-
missioned with the resort hotel Cidade de Goa (1982) near
Panjim, he drew upon the 450-year long Portuguese colonial
past of the region. The massing of the resort's built-forms
reflects a Mediterranean complexion while trying not be
overly vernacular or monumental. The stylisation of the
interiors of the resort however makes literal references to
the region's colonial past in forms of imageries painted by
Bombay's film-poster painters (Taylor, 1982).
Although many architectural works addressing the hospital-
ity sector were commissioned since, not many were able to
truly imbibe the principles of critical regionalism. The appe-
tite for regional flavours in the hospitality was satiated by the
conversion of historic forts and palaces in hotels and resorts.
A renewed interest within the hospitality sector in favour
of regionalist designs has however been experienced in the
past decade. The Shakti 360 Resort (2007) at Leti in
Uttarakhand by Studio Mumbai is one of the recent exam-
ples in the hospitality sector that upholds the principles of
critical regionalism. The design strives to minimise its
impact on the ecology of the hilly site and uses indigenous
construction materials and techniques to achieve a con-
temporary solution rooted in its context (Hensel, 2015).
An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 14 Plan of Salvacao Church, Bombay (1977) by Charles Correa (Source: H. Khan, 1987, pp. 106).
The Think Tank Retreat (2009) at Valpoi in Goa by Rahul
Mehrotra is another recent example that contextualises
architecture by using local materials in their natural finishes
that age gracefully to blend with the surrounding landscape.
Passive means of climate-control in form of insulation
through double roof and natural cross-ventilation through
the semi-open plan improve the energy-efficiency of the
resort (ArchDaily, 2013a).
Other recent critical regionalist projects emerging in the
hospitality sector include Our Native Village Eco Resort
(2008) near Bangalore by Chitra Vishwanath, Atali Ganga
Resort (2012) near Rishikesh in Uttarakhand by RLDA Studio,
and The Kumaon Resort (2017) near Almora in Uttarakhand
by Zowa architects. Thus it can be observed that critical
regionalism is on an upward trajectory when it comes to the
designing of resort hotels located in remote picturesque
locations in contemporary India.
2.6. Religious institutions
Similar to the hospitality sector, most of the religious architec-
ture produced in postcolonial India has resorted to blatant
historicism. Some prominent examples of postcolonial temples
that duplicated the architectural expression of historic temples
include Akshardham Temples at Gandhinagar (1992) and Delhi
(2005), and more than a dozen Birla Temples built in different
cities of India in the later part of the twentieth-century.
A rare respite was provided by the Salvacao Church
(1977) at Bombay designed by Charles Correa. Correa
loosely separated the different functions of the church
and Indianised its form by designing the church around a
series of interlocking courtyards (Figure 14). The porosity of
the design not only allows equal usability of indoor and
outdoor spaces, but also facilitates the flow of breezes
across the site to alleviate the humid climate of Bombay
(Khan, 1987, pp. 106).
Religious architecture however remained incoherent to
the mainstream development of architectural practice in
India. It is only in the 21st century that more religious
483
projects in India began synthesising the modern and the
traditional without the use of eclecticism. The Ashwiniku-
mar Crematorium (2000) at Surat in Gujarat by Gurjit Singh
Matharoo is one such example where the traditional Hindu
rituals for cremation shaped the plan of the building while
the brutalist modern architectural expression of its exposed
concrete finishes addresses death daringly and straightfor-
wardly (Scriver and Srivastava, 2015). Situated on the banks
of river Tapi, the building is isolated from its urban setting
by high concrete walls and buffer green spaces, and opens
up only towards the side facing the river. The mourners
leave the building by descending a ramp towards the
riverbank allowing them to take a ritual dip in the river
and consecrate ashes to it (Othenin-Girard, 2014). Through
this project, Matharoo extends culturally-responsive archi-
tecture to social institutions that were previously
oblivious to it.
Another architect who has extended the ideas of critical
regionalism to the domain of religious architecture in India
is Bombay-based Sameep Padora. His designs for the Shiv
Temple (2010) at Vadeshwar and the Jetvana Buddhist
Centre (2015) at Sakharwadi, both in Maharashtra, have
dexterously capitalised on the local context by sourcing
local building materials and involving local inhabitants in
the construction process. At the Shiv Temple in Vadeshwar,
architect Sameep Padora offered his services free of cost
and so did the villagers who offered free manual labour for
its construction (Gregory, 2010b). Due to the limited budget
of the project, the architect had to strip the design off
many typical features of a Hindu temple and retained only
the stone tower (shikhara). The stone used in this tower was
donated by a quarry located nearby. The design appro-
priated the surrounding landscape to provide for the other
functions of the temple (Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 299). The
minimalist design of Shiv Temple successfully evokes the
form and planning of traditional temples without using any
embellishments to perversely delight the eye.
Noida-based architectural firm Archohm Consults have
also contributed in spreading the principles of critical
484
Figure 15 National Institute for Faith Leadership, Dasna, Uttar Pradesh (2014) by Archohm Consults (Photo courtesy of André
J Fanthome).
regionalism to religious architecture. Their design for the
National Institute for Faith Leadership (2014) at Dasna in
Uttar Pradesh envisions to modernise and liberalise Islam in
contemporary India (Figure 15). The institute seeks to
impart leadership skills to young Islamic clerics to enable
them to tackle the diverse problems of their respective
communities. The introvert building is wrapped around a
large central courtyard landscaped in a symmetrical and
axially-oriented rectilinear pattern similar to the Mughal
gardens. The building consists of basic geometrical forms
but their sheer volumes create a bold architectural impres-
sion. The courtyard is fronted by a deconstructed inverted
arch made of concrete that makes visual reference to the
traditional Islamic arch. The labour force for the construc-
tion of the building comprised of the followers of the client
Mahmood Madani's preaching from the neighbouring village.
Through their design, Archohm Consults ably balance the
need to modernise while reiterating the traditional Islamic
values (ArchDaily, 2016).
Religious architecture can certainly benefit from critical
regionalism as it offers a median between modernist and
revivalist architecture, and can help balance their func-
tional requirements and atmospheric expectations.
2.7. Offices
The architecture for offices and workplaces in postcolonial
India was predominantly influenced by two international
movements – the International Style and Brutalism. This was
largely due to the influence of the likes of Walter Gropius
and Le Corbusier over the first generation of Indian archi-
tects. However, the 1980s and the 1990s witnessed regional
influences being incorporated in the design of office build-
ings. Raj Rewal who had successfully realised critical
regionalist projects in the domain of housing and educa-
tional institutes extended his expertise to the design of
office buildings. The Engineers India House (1983) in New
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
Delhi is a 52-metre high office building by Rewal that
employed the most advanced technological means of its
time for its construction and yet effectively localised the
building to suit the local climate as well as the labour-
intensive building industry of India (Figure 16). The building
is fully-airconditioned but appropriate solar orientation,
large overhangs for self-shading from sun and sandstone-
clad exterior help in minimising the air-conditioning
requirements of the building (Bhatt and Scriver, 1990).
Similar approach has been used by Rewal in his design for
the 18-storey State Trading Corporation office building
(1989) at New Delhi (Figure 17). Large concrete girders
have been clothed by beige and red sandstone panels to
balance the global and the local.
The SCOPE Complex (1989) is another office building
designed by Rewal in line with the principles of critical
regionalism. Here, however, instead of going high-rise, he
had to spread horizontally due to the height limitations of
the site. As the site was situated close to prominent
historical monuments of Delhi like Humayun's tomb and
the complex demanded a workplace for 7000 employees,
Rewal's response was to create a fortress-like mass of low-
rise high-density interlocking blocks. Corner towers contain-
ing services extend well above the rest of the building to
create the impression of a fortress-like mass. Cladding of
red and beige sandstone panels on the exterior further
reinforces the citadel-imagery as it has been the material of
choice for monumental buildings in Delhi for the past
centuries. The historical overtones in the architecture of
the SCOPE complex are however operative on a secondary
level and not on a primary level (Taylor, 1991).
Joseph Allen Stein's India Habitat Centre (1993) in New
Delhi is another large regionalist office complex (Figure 18)
similar in scale to Raj Rewal's SCOPE office complex. The office
complex has been designed as a series of mid-rise blocks
linked around shaded courtyards that are protected from both
the overabundance of tropical sun and the vehicular traffic of
nearby crossroads (White, 1993, pp. 176). The courtyards
An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 16 Engineers India House, New Delhi (1983) by Raj Rewal (Photo: author).
comprise of paved areas laid in conjunction with planters and
shaded from the sun by overhead screens to mitigate the
summer heat. Car parking is provided below the courtyards to
create pedestrian-friendly civic spaces.
Since the economic liberalisation of India during the
1990s and the ensuing globalisation, more and more multi-
national corporations have opened their offices in India in
cities like Gurgaon, Hyderabad and Bangalore. The apathy
of multinational corporations to the welfare of the region
where they are based has resulted in homogenised office
buildings with normative plans and glass curtain-wall exter-
iors (Frampton, 2007).
Regionalist assertions in office buildings have since been
few and far between. The Lakshmi Machine Works Corporate
Office (1998) in Coimbatore by Rahul Mehrotra is one of the
few office buildings that responds self-evidently to the local
conditions. The corporate office consists of offices placed
around a series of three courtyards of varying scale placed
along a central axis. Water bodies in the courtyards help in
humidifying the space in Coimbatore's hot dry climate. The
architect has created a localised expression by employing
local building materials in the office building's construction –
bricks for walls, clay tiles for roofing and blue granite for
flooring (Ashraf, 2007).
Ashok B Lall's Development Alternatives Headquarters
(2008) in New Delhi is an office building that demonstrates
that not all enterprises prioritise financial benefits over
socio-cultural and environmental concerns (Figure 19). The
office building is primarily aimed to be a zero-emission
building and the architect successfully demonstrates that
the principles of critical regionalism can easily accomplish a
sustainable design solution. The fully air-conditioned build-
ing uses appropriate passive cooling techniques like insu-
lated walls, shaded courts and double-glazed windows to
minimise air-conditioning requirements. Elements from the
traditional architecture of the region like domes, courtyards
and vaulted ceilings are assimilated in the building's design.
Conventional exterior finishes for contemporary office
485
buildings of metal and glass are discarded in favour of
earthly finishes of locally-sourced compressed-earth blocks
and fly-ash lime gypsum blocks. The design also recognises
local crafts by using terracotta elements around fenestra-
tions to add richness of texture to the building exterior
(Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 235).
Critical regionalism has not been able to make a firm
foothold in the domain of office architecture in India. This
could be attributed to the inclination of enterprises towards
functional utilitarian designs. If the corporate sector cur-
tails its fascination for fully air-conditioned glass-and-
aluminium-clad buildings, critical regionalism can offer
sensible climatic responses in local materials to office
architecture.
2.8. Government buildings
The impulse of Indian architects immediately after India's
independence was to mimic the nation's centuries-old
monuments for designing new seats of government. This
approach was especially evident in the design of the
Vidhana Soudha government building (1952) in Bangalore.
This trend was, however, quickly overridden by the com-
missioning of Le Corbusier for designing the seat for the
Government of Punjab at Chandigarh (Prakash, 2010).
The Brutalist architecture of Le Corbusier had a great
influence on the impressionable minds of young Indian
architects who imitated his architectural style in India for
years to come (Jadhav, 2007).
Regional expression in government buildings in India did
not emerge until the 1980s and the first instance was
surprisingly commissioned by the Government of Belgium.
Sculptor and artist Satish Gujral's design for the Belgian
Embassy (1985) at New Delhi synthesised the modern and
the historical without the eclecticism of postmodernism
(Mehrotra, 2011, pp. 122). The embassy complex consists of
the Chancery, the Ambassador's residence and servant
486
Figure 17 State Trading Corporation Building, New Delhi (1989) by Raj Rewal (Photo: author).
quarters along with a tennis court and a swimming pool
(Figure 20). Local brick was chosen as the primary building
material and was left exposed on the exterior. Key elements
of the region's historical architecture – like domes and
arches – are emulated in sculptural forms produced in brick
masonry (Kagal, 1986).
The Vidhan Bhavan (1997) in Bhopal by Charles Correa is
another government building that fuses deeply traditional
elements with abstract-modernism (Gast, 2007, pp. 27).
The building accommodates the upper and lower houses of
legislature of India's second-largest state Madhya Pradesh
(Figs. 21 and 22). The building's form is chiefly influenced by
the ancient Buddhist Stupa at Sanchi located some fifty
kilometres from the site, while the floor layout within its
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
circular form is subdivided into nine parts alluding to the
diagram of ancient Hindu mandala (Digby-Jones, 1997). The
layout of the building is further punctuated by open and
semi-open courtyards that serve a dual purpose of providing
daylighting and ventilation to adjacent floor areas and act
as focal points for different sub-parts of the building for
people to meet each other. The building's exterior is rough
in texture and is rendered in earthy brown shades inter-
mixed with bands of vibrant blue colour.
The most prestigious government building to be commis-
sioned in postcolonial India is perhaps the Indian Parliament
Library (2003) in New Delhi (Figure 23). Architect Raj Rewal
won the competition to design the building that was located
in close proximity to the monuments of Edwin Lutyens' New
An account of critical regionalism in India
Figure 18 India Habitat Centre, New Delhi (1993) by Joseph Allen Stein (Photo: author).
Figure 19 Development Alternatives Headquarters, New Delhi (2008) by Ashok B Lall (Photo: author).
Delhi; the closest being the mammoth Indian Parliament
building located barely thirty metres away. Although pri-
marily a library building, the programme also includes
essential facilities like meeting rooms, auditorium and
training centres for the use of the Indian government.
Rewal's design deftly tackles the proximity to the Parlia-
ment building by embedding the building two-storeys under-
ground so as not to compete with the Herbert Baker's
Parliament. The layout of the building is subdivided into a
series of structures placed axially around a focal centre.
Each of these structures is capped by domical ceilings to
evoke the domes of Mughal monuments of the region. These
domical ceilings are however constructed using contempor-
ary technology involving prefabricated lightweight concrete
segments and tubular steel systems (Gast, 2007, pp. 47).
Rewal's use of courtyards and sandstone exteriors further
localises the architecture of the Parliament Library.
487
In recent times, the role of architects in designing govern-
ment buildings in India has been caught in a downward spiral.
Frequent interference by politicians has marginalised the
entire architectural professional (Srivathsan, 2017) and not
just the practice of critical regionalism. This is particularly
evident in the fate of the new Assembly-cum-Secretariat
complex of Tamil Nadu designed by German architectural firm
Gerkan, Marg & Partners in 2008. The government complex
had to be converted into a multi-super-specialty hospital in
2013 after the change of political guard in the state. Similar
troubles due to political interference were faced by Japanese
architect Fumihiko Maki whose firm was dropped one year
after winning the competition to design the Amaravati
Government Complex in Andhra Pradesh in 2016. Therefore,
a government complex of architectural merit that imbibes
regionalist sensibilities seems unlikely to come up in India's
current political environment.
488
Figure 20 Belgian Embassy at New Delhi (1985) by Satish Gujral (Photo courtesy of Peter Serenyi).
Figure 21 Vidhan Bhavan, Bhopal (1997) by Charles Correa (Photo courtesy of Rohinton Irani).
2.9. Healthcare
The architecture for healthcare facilities generally tends to
focus on the functionality of the buildings due to the
complex services demanded by this sector. As healthcare
facilities greatly rely on modern technology in their opera-
tions, the architecture for healthcare facilities too has
developed an over-reliance on modern technology. As a
result, health centres are architecturally often closer to
shopping malls and hotels (Shah, 2008). The ideas of critical
regionalism can, however, greatly contribute in making
health centres more humane, serene and less daunting for
the patients and their families alike.
The Karunashraya Terminal Care Centre (1999) in Banga-
lore by Sanjay Mohe is a healthcare facility that provides
palliative care for terminally ill cancer patients. The design
creates a buffer between the frontal public facilities and
the rear in-patient wards to provide a tranquil resting place
for the cancer patients. The in-patient wards are clustered
around a large pool of water that cools the surrounding air
and also animates the space with its reflections. A private
courtyard placed closer to the frontal public facilities is
S. Bahga, G. Raheja
surrounded by dormitories for nurses and staff. Locally-
available granite stone has been used to clad the façades,
thus imparting a peaceful grey hue to the centre.
The Muktangan Drug Deaddiction Centre (2000) in Pune by
architect Shirish Beri is another health centre that provides a
soothing and calming ambience to its patients (Figure 24).
Undergoing a five-week-long deaddiction programme, the
patients are provided with a central amphitheatre with over-
looking terraces and plenty of semi-open transitional spaces to
blur the boundaries between the indoors and outdoors (Beri
and Pitkar, 2013). Use of natural materials like stone and
provision of pockets of green spaces further adds to the
serenity of the deaddiction centre.
Beri's application of principles of critical regionalism has not
been limited to small-scale health centres. His designs for the
SDM Hospital (2004) at Dharwad in Karnataka and the DY Patil
Hospital (2004) at Navi Mumbai have successfully created
warm and welcoming environment in these large-scale hospi-
tals. Shading pergolas, overhangs and recessed windows
minimise the hospital buildings’ exposure to hot sun. The
use of earthly stucco finishes interspersed with green spaces of
varying scale help in creating a healthy natural ambience.
An account of critical regionalism in India 489

Figure 22 Section through Vidhan Bhavan, Bhopal (1997) by Charles Correa (Source: Cynthia C. Davidson, 1998, pp. 132).

Figure 23 Indian Parliament Library, New Delhi (2003) by Raj Rewal (Photo courtesy of Raj Rewal Associates).

Figure 24 Section through Shirish Beri's Muktangan Drug Deaddiction Centre, Pune 2000 (Source: Beri and Pitkar, 2013, pp. 112).

As life begins and generally ends in hospitals, the
architecture for healthcare institutions needs to show a
more human side to it. Critical regionalism holds the
promise of fulfilling one's psychological needs in order to
make one's stay at healthcare facilities less unpleasant.
2.10. Industrial
Industrial architecture in postcolonial India has been
more concerned with function and economy than addres-
sing the concerns of regional identity. Only a handful of
industrial buildings realised in India post-independence
relate to the deeper sensibilities of the place. The
Production Building for Synergy Lifestyles (2004) at Karur
in Tamil Nadu by architect Shimul Javeri Kadri is one such
industrial project that forges a relationship between
architecture and the local community (Figure 25). On
inspecting the local architecture of the region, Kadri
found a large variety of courtyards of different sizes and
the use of gable roofs in houses. Another important
resource for the factory's construction was identified in
a large stone quarry present in the site's vicinity. The
design for the production facility contains a central axial
corridor having a series of courtyards of varying scale on
one side and the production halls on the other. Rough
490 S. Bahga, G. Raheja

Figure 25 Production Building for Synergy Lifestyles, Tamil Nadu (2004) by Shimul Javeri Kadri (Photo courtesy of Pallon Daruwala).

Figure 26 Dilli Haat Janakpuri, Delhi (2014) by Archohm Consults (Photo: author).

quarrystone masonry in granite forms the exterior envel-
ope of the building while light-coloured plastered walls
balance the interiors. The production halls are roofed by
barrel-vaults, thus forming an additive series of curvi-
linear gables. The construction process benefits from the
skills of local workforce, notably in laying the granite
masonry and crafting the wooden doors and windows. The
overall design not only reflects local character but also
effectively deals with the harsh hot and dry climate of the
region (Gast, 2007, pp. 51).
The Tahiliani Design Headquarters (2007) at Gurgaon by
Delhi-based French architect Stephane Paumier is a factory
designed like an institutional building. Housing the produc-
tion facility of top fashion-designer Tarun Tahiliani, the
architecture of the building draws upon Tahiliani's couture
designs that adapt traditional Indian themes into contem-
porary high fashion (Gregory, 2010a). As the industrial
surroundings of the Gurgaon site were rather banal in
character, the architect chose to base his design on the
surroundings of Tahiliani's previous production facility
located near Mehrauli Archaeological Park. Influenced in
particular by the Jamali Kamali Mosque within the archae-
ological park, the design reinterprets features of Islamic
architecture into a modern and progressive built-form. The
design acquires monumentality by making the floorplans and
elevations symmetrical along a strong central axis. Other
devices evoking the region's Islamic architectural heritage
include a formal entrance to the building and the use of
grand arches in brick. The use of red bricks for exterior and
interior finishes further roots the building in the
An account of critical regionalism in India 491

local context as it is a material found in abundance in the
region.
With rapid technological advancements in industrial
processes, complex mechanisation in production systems,
and increasing use of artificially controlled environment,
the role of critical regionalism is likely to remain limited to
small-scale or cottage industries.
the Avadh Shilpgram (2016) in Lucknow. However, as shops
and stores are easy architectural fashion victims, the role of
critical regionalism is likely to remain limited to
government-sponsored marketplaces for artisans.
3. Conclusion

2.11. Retail and commerce Critical regionalism has not only found expression in nearly
all building types but has also produced noteworthy archi-
tecture in each building type. Cultural institutions like
For centuries, the retail sector in India has operated in
museums and art galleries, and institutes for higher educa-
naturally grown markets or bazaars. Only a few newly
tion and research have been the chief patrons of critical
planned cities like Chandigarh came up with markets that
regionalist architecture in India. These two building types
were designed by architects. Architectural services were
witnessed regionalist expressions as early as the 1960s and
largely not sought by the retail sector until the introduction
by the 1980s produced some of the finest examples of
of shopping malls in India in the 1990s. The designs for
critical regionalism in India. Even in contemporary times,
shopping malls were, however, imported from countries like
critical regionalism continues to create good architecture in
USA and UK, and little was done by architects to Indianise
institutions of higher education and research.
these designs. As a result, a large number of shopping malls
The public housing sector was in the domain of critical
that have come up in India since are unsuited to the local
regionalist architecture until the economic liberalisation of
climate and culture.
the 1990s. As large number of people were migrating from
The Salt Lake City Centre Mall (2004) in Calcutta by
rural centres to urban India in the decades after India's
Charles Correa is one of the few rare examples of critical
independence, regionalist architecture catered to their
regionalism in India's retail sector. The design embodies two
rustic lifestyles. Although contemporary urban India has
distinct patterns of shopping – the traditional Indian open
developed a more cosmopolitan lifestyle and regionalist
bazaars and the enclosed American style mall. Narrow open-
housing schemes remain few and far between, critical
air pedestrian streets run across the site accommodating
regionalism can help fulfilling the social and psychological
small bazaar-style shops as they converge in an open-air
needs of housing residents.
plaza containing stepped-terraces around a central water
Many building types such as schools, resort hotels,
fountain. The air-conditioned spaces containing upscale
religious institutions, and healthcare facilities that did not
stores are pushed deeper into the site to maximise open-
adequately experience regionalist architecture in the twen-
spaces in the overall scheme. The City Centre Mall is
tieth century, are discovering the promise of the critical
therefore able to attract people of both middle-class and
regionalist approach and have started to provide greater
upper-class segments. Unlike other shopping malls in India
patronage to regionalist architecture in the twenty-first
that have walled perimeters with limited entry points, the
century.
City Centre Mall is open on all sides and has multiple entry
Although, the critical regional approach has resulted in
points for better integration with the city (Burte, 2008).
some remarkable office buildings, government buildings,
The Dilli Haat (2014) at Janakpuri in Delhi by Archohm
factory buildings and shopping centres, it has not been able
Consults is a project commissioned by the tourism depart-
to wield adequate influence over these building types. The
ment of Delhi to provide a marketplace for artisans from
primary reason being the differences in the priorities of
the hinterland (Figure 26). As the client's brief demanded
these sectors and the concerns of critical regionalism. These
the ambience of a traditional rural market, regional
building types can, however, benefit from critical regional-
expression was easier to achieve here than in a conven-
ism in achieving long-term environmental quality.
tional urban retail setting. The overall scheme contains
As a number of different architectural expressions con-
stores for sale of musical instruments, a multi-purpose
tinue to actualise in the pluralistic built environment of
exposition hall, an open-air theatre, restaurants, and
India, critical regionalism is likely to persist balancing
formal and informal craft shops. The ensemble comprises
progressive means and traditional principles of building.
of ‘an introvert composition of bold and contemporary
built forms’ (Dua, 2016) and is unified by the use of local
varieties of stone throughout the complex. The highlight
of the project is the grouping of organically-laid tent-like Acknowledgements
informal craft shops. These circular structures are
made up of brick and stone walls, and are covered by The authors would like to thank the Government of India's
tensile canopies to shield from the harsh sun while Ministry of Human Resource Development for funding this
allowing sufficient air circulation. manuscript through the IIT-Roorkee Institute Scholarship to
Besides Dilli Haat Janakpuri, another recent critical the main author. In addition, many thanks to the three
regionalist project in retail sector by Archohm Consults is anonymous reviewers of the FOAR journal.
492 S. Bahga, G. Raheja

Appendix A

List of critical regionalist projects realised in India since 1947:

S.No. Project Year Architect Location Building type

1. Gandhi Memorial Museum 1962 Charles Correa Ahmedabad, Gujarat Cultural

2. India International Centre 1962 Joseph Allen Stein New Delhi Cultural
3. YMCA Staff Quarters 1963 Design Group New Delhi Housing
4. Indian Institute of 1966 Achyut Kanvinde Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh Higher Education &
Technology Kanpur Research
5. American International 1968 Joseph Allen Stein New Delhi Primary & Secondary
School Education
6. French Embassy Staff 1969 Raj Rewal New Delhi Housing
Quarters
7. Centre for Development 1971 Laurie Baker Trivandrum, Kerala Higher Education &
Studies Research
8. Lecture Theatres, Jodhpur 1971 Uttam Chand Jain Jodhpur, Rajasthan Higher Education &
University Research
9. St Xavier's Primary School 1973 Hasmukh Patel Ahmedabad, Gujarat Primary & Secondary
Education
10. Electronics Corporation of 1973 Balkrishna Doshi Hyderabad, Telangana Housing
India Ltd Housing
11. Kovalam Beach Resort 1974 Charles Correa Trivandrum, Kerala Hospitality
12. Vazir Sultan Tobacco 1976 Satnam & Namita Hyderabad, Telangana Housing
Company Housing Singh
13. Hotel Mughal Sheraton 1976 Design Group Agra, Uttar Pradesh Hospitality
14. Indian Institute of 1977 Balkrishna Doshi Bangalore, Karnataka Higher Education &
Management Bangalore Research
15. Salvacao Church 1977 Charles Correa Bombay, Maharashtra Religious
16. Tara Group Housing 1978 Charles Correa New Delhi Housing
17. Press Enclave Group 1978 M N Ashish Ganju New Delhi Housing
Housing
18. Jai Shefali Housing 1978 Kamal Mangaldas Ahmedabad, Gujarat Housing
19. National Institute of Public 1979 Raj Rewal New Delhi Higher Education &
Finance & Policy Research
20. Sheikh Sarai Housing 1980 Raj Rewal New Delhi Housing
21. Yamuna Apartments 1980 Design Group New Delhi Housing
22. Sangath 1980 Balkrishna Doshi Ahmedabad, Gujarat Workplace
23. Bharat Bhawan 1981 Charles Correa Bhopal, Madhya Cultural
Pradesh
24. Bay Island Hotel 1982 Charles Correa Port Blair, Andaman & Hospitality
Nicobar Islands
25. Asian Games Village 1982 Raj Rewal New Delhi Housing
26. Cidade de Goa 1982 Charles Correa Panjim, Goa Hospitality
27. Engineers India House 1983 Raj Rewal New Delhi Workplace
28. Kala Academy 1983 Charles Correa Panjim, Goa Cultural
29. Vysankere Low-Cost 1983 Architects' Hospet, Karnataka Housing
Housing Combine
30. Kanchanjunga Apartments 1983 Charles Correa Bombay, Maharashtra Housing
31. Sri Dashmesh Academy 1983 Satnam & Namita Anandpur Sahib, Punjab Primary & Secondary
Singh Education
32. Gandhi Institute of Labour 1984 Balkrishna V Doshi Ahmedabad, Gujarat Higher Education &
Studies Research
33. Kashmir Conference Centre 1984 Joseph Allen Stein Srinagar, Kashmir Cultural
34. Indian Institute of Forest 1984 Anant Raje Bhopal, Madhya Higher Education &
Management Pradesh Research
35. National Institute of 1985 Raj Rewal New Delhi Higher Education &
Immunology Research
36. Belgian Embassy 1985 Satish Gujral New Delhi Government
37. 1986 Raj Rewal New Delhi
An account of critical regionalism in India 493

French School & Cultural Primary & Secondary

Centre Education
38. SDM College of Engineering 1986 Shirish Beri Dharwad, Karnataka Higher Education &
and Technology Research
39. Belapur Housing 1986 Charles Correa New Bombay, Housing
Maharashtra
40. Entrepreneurship 1987 Hasmukh Patel Ahmedabad, Gujarat Higher Education &
Development Institute Research
41. Centre Point Apartments 1987 Hasmukh Patel Ahmedabad, Gujarat Housing
42. Madhya Pradesh Electricity 1987 Balkrishna Doshi Jabalpur, Madhya Workplace
Board Pradesh
43. National Institute of Port 1987 Hasmukh Patel Chennai, Tamil Nadu Higher Education &
Management Research
44. Central Institute of 1988 Raj Rewal New Delhi Higher Education &
Educational Technology Research
45. Modern School, Vasant 1989 Sachdev & New Delhi Primary & Secondary
Vihar Eggleston Education
46. State Trading Corporation 1989 Raj Rewal New Delhi Workplace
47. SCOPE Office Complex 1989 Raj Rewal New Delhi Workplace
48. Aranya Community Housing 1989 Balkrishna Doshi Indore, Madhya Pradesh Housing
49. Bhopal Development 1990 Anant Raje Bhopal, Madhya Workplace
Authority Headquarters Pradesh
50. Centre for Development 1990 Christopher Pune, Maharashtra Higher Education &
Studies & Activities Benninger Research
51. Indian Institute of Health 1991 Ashok B Lall Jaipur, Rajasthan Higher Education &
Management Research Research
52. British Council 1992 Charles Correa New Delhi Cultural
53. British High Commission 1992 Raj Rewal New Delhi Housing
Housing
54. Kolhapur Institute of 1992 Shirish Beri Kolhapur, Maharashtra Higher Education &
Technology Research
55. Inter-University Centre for 1992 Charles Correa Pune, Maharashtra Higher Education &
Astronomy & Astrophysics Research
(IUCAA)
56. Jawahar Kala Kendra 1992 Charles Correa Jaipur, Rajasthan Cultural
57. Solar Passive Hostel, 1992 Vinod Gupta Jodhpur, Rajasthan Higher Education &
University of Jodhpur Research
58. India Habitat Centre 1993 Joseph Allen Stein New Delhi Workplace
59. CIDCO Lowcost Housing 1993 Raj Rewal Navi Mumbai, Housing
Maharashtra
60. International Centre for 1994 Raj Rewal New Delhi Higher Education &
Genetic Engineering & Research
Biotechnology
61. World Bank Regional 1994 Raj Rewal New Delhi Workplace
Mission
62. Gas Training Institute 1996 Raj Rewal Noida, Uttar Pradesh Higher Education &
Research
63. Vidhan Bhavan 1997 Charles Correa Bhopal, Madhya Government
Pradesh
64. American Institute of 1998 Vinod Gupta Gurgaon, Haryana Higher Education &
Indian Studies Research
65. Laxmi Machine Works 1998 Rahul Mehrotra Coimbatore, Tamil Workplace
Corporate Office Nadu
66. Aishwarya Group Housing 1999 Sanjay Puri Baroda, Gujarat Housing
67. Karunashraya Terminal 1999 Sanjay Mohe Bangalore, Karnataka Healthcare
Care Centre (Mindspace)
68. Ashwini Kumar 2000 Gurjit Singh Surat, Gujarat Religious
Crematorium Matharoo
69. Mahindra United World 2000 Christopher Pune, Maharashtra Higher Education &
College Charles Benninger Research
70. Muktangan Drug De- 2000 Shirish Beri Pune, Maharashtra Healthcare
addiction Centre
494 S. Bahga, G. Raheja

71. Sagar School 2001 Mani & Chowfla Tijara, Rajasthan Primary & Secondary
Education
72. Indian Parliament Library 2003 Raj Rewal New Delhi Government
73. Andrews Ganj Housing 2003 S K Das New Delhi Housing
74. Druk White Lotus School 2003 Arup Associates Shey, Ladakh Primary & Secondary
Education
75. 'Houses of Goa' Museum 2004 Gerard da Cunha Panjim, Goa Cultural
76. SDM Institute of 2004 Shirish Beri Mysore, Karnataka Higher Education &
Management Development Research
77. DY Patil Hospital 2004 Shirish Beri Navi Mumbai, Healthcare
Maharashtra
78. Tata Institute of Social 2004 Rahul Mehrotra Tuljapur, Maharashtra Higher Education &
Sciences Research
79. Production Building for 2004 Shimul Javeri Karur, Tamil Nadu Industrial
Synergy Lifestyles Kadri Architects
(SJK)
80. Salt Lake City Centre Mall 2004 Charles Correa Kolkata, West Bengal Commercial
81. National Centre for 2005 Raj Rewal Bangalore, Karnataka Higher Education &
Biological Sciences Research
82. Delhi Public School 2005 Mani & Chowfla Jaipur, Rajasthan Primary & Secondary
Education
83. Chapel of Our Lady of 2006 Tallulah & Rajiv Mashem, Canacona, Religious
Perpetual Succour D'Silva Goa
84. Mathru School for the Blind 2006 Chitra Vishwanath Bangalore, Karnataka Primary & Secondary
Education
85. Indian Institute of 2006 Mani & Chowfla Kozhikode, Kerala Higher Education &
Management Kozhikode Research
86. Tahiliani Design 2007 Stephane Paumier Gurgaon, Haryana Industrial
Headquarters
87. Campus for NGO-Magic Bus 2007 Rahul Mehrotra Navi Mumbai, Primary & Secondary
Maharashtra Education
88. Shakti 360 Resort 2007 Studio Mumbai Leti, Uttarakhand Hospitality
89. Development Alternatives 2008 Ashok B Lall New Delhi Workplace
Headquarters
90. TATA CGPL Township 2008 Bimal Patel Mundra, Gujarat Housing
91. Our Native Village Eco 2008 Chitra Vishwanath Bangalore, Karnatak Hospitality
Resort
92. Mewar Complex 2008 Arya Architects Rajsamand, Rajasthan Commercial
93. Think Tank Retreat 2009 Rahul Mehrotra Valpoi, Goa Hospitality
94. Indian Naval Academy 2009 Satnam & Namita Kannur, Kerala Higher Education &
Singh Research
95. Pavapuri Guest House 2009 Gurjit Singh Pavapuri, Rajasthan Religious
Matharoo
96. Shiv Temple 2010 Sameep Padora Wadeshwar, Religious
Maharashtra
97. Housing for Mahouts & 2010 Rahul Mehrotra Jaipur, Rajasthan Housing
their Elephants
98. Dharmapuri Primary 2011 Flying Elephant Dharmapuri, Tamil Healthcare
Healthcare Centre Studio Nadu
99. Creative School 2012 Chitra Vishwanath Bangalore, Karnataka Primary & Secondary
Education
100. Sai Prashanth Rural School 2012 Chitra Vishwanath Puttaparthy, Andhra Primary & Secondary
Pradesh Education
101. Atali Ganga Resort 2012 RLDA Rishikesh, Uttarakhand Hospitality
102. DPS Kindergarden School 2013 Sandeep Khosla Bangalore, Karnataka Primary & Secondary
Education
103. Yellow Train School 2013 Chitra Vishwanath Coimbatore, Tamil Primary & Secondary
Nadu Education
104. Aga Khan Academy 2013 Bimal Patel Hyderabad, Telangana Primary & Secondary
Education
105. Buddhi School 2014 Chitra Vishwanath Bangalore, Karnataka Primary & Secondary
Education
An account of critical regionalism in India 495

106. Dilli Haat, Janakpuri 2014 Archohm New Delhi Commercial

107. Home for Presentation 2014 Tallulah & Rajiv Avedem, Quepem, Goa Religious
Sisters D'Silva
108. State University of 2014 Raj Rewal Rohtak, Haryana Higher Education &
Performing & Visual Arts Research
109. National Institute for Faith 2014 Archohm Dasna, Uttar Pradesh Religious
Leadership
110. Institute of Engineering & 2015 Vir Mueller Ahmedabad, Gujarat Higher Education &
Technology, Ahmedabad Architects Research
University
111. Jetavan Buddhist Centre 2015 Sameep Padora Sakharwadi, Religious
Maharashtra
112. Sai Mandir Temple 2015 K Hari Krishna Vennached, Telangana Religious
113. Shree Cement Studios 18 2016 Sanjay Puri Ras, Rajasthan Housing
114. Avadh Shilpgram 2016 Archohm Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh Commercial
115. Ganga Maki Textile Studio 2016 Studio Mumbai Rishikesh, Uttarakhand Industrial
116. The Kumaon Resort 2017 Zowa Architects Almora, Uttarakhand Hospitality

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