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Bassir 2016 Neshor at Elephantine in Late Saite Egypt
Bassir 2016 Neshor at Elephantine in Late Saite Egypt
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Abstract
This paper represents a new publication, edition, and interpretation of the self-
presentation of Neshor named Psamtikmenkhib (hereafter Neshor) found on theoph-
orous statue Louvre A 90. Neshor and his statue date to Late Saite Egypt, and the text is
rich and unique in content. Neshor’s activities at Elephantine, especially his role in the
mercenaries’ revolt against King Apries early in the king’s reign are presented in light
of Neshor’s related military titles and epithets. Archaeological issues surrounding the
statue and text are also discussed.
Keywords
Introduction
* I dedicate this article as a token of love and gratitude to my teacher at the Johns Hopkins
University, Department of Near Eastern Studies, Richard Jasnow, as one of the most distin-
guished Late Period Egypt scholars, a friend and colleague. I would like to thank two anony-
mous reviewers for comments on earlier drafts of this article. Any remaining mistakes are
solely my own. I am very grateful to G. Andreu-Lanoë, E. David, and A. Viger of the Louvre
Museum for providing me with the photographs of statue A 90 and allowing me to publish
them here.
this very important individual and on the Late Saite Period in Egypt.1 Neshor’s
military titles and epithets on this statue, along with his other monuments,
reveal his role in the mercenaries’ revolt at Elephantine which had happened
early in the reign of King Apries. The historical and archaeological implica-
tions of Neshor’s self-presentation are significant since he had served king
Apries. Below, I transliterate and translate Neshor’s self-presentation on this
statue and comment on some of his activities at Elephantine in light of his
military titles and epithets found on this statue and on his other monuments,
especially his role in putting down the mercenaries’ revolt against King Apries.
Statue Data
Reign: Apries
Current Location: Paris, Louvre Museum, AE
Accession Number: A 90 = N 91 = MR 152
Provenance: Elephantine (?) Temple of Khnum (?). It first was noted in Italy in
the 17th century CE in the Villa Flaminia in Rignano in Rome, and then placed
in the Villa Albani (A 439, Albani Collection). Later, it was purchased by the
Louvre Museum.3
Material: Basalt4
Measurements: Height 103 cm; Width 37.5 cm; Depth 51.1 cm
Statue Bibliography
1 See Bassir, “Self-Presentation in Ancient Egypt, Nubia, and Near East,” 30–31.
2 Hereafter designated as Louvre A 90.
3 Griffiths, “Three Notes on Herodotus,” 145, declares that this statue, “comes from the temple
of Elephantine.” However, Valbelle, Satis et Anoukis, 45 (no. 342) states “vraisemblablement.”
Ziegler, “Neshor,” 52, declares, “Sans doute Éléphantine, temple de Khnoum.” According to
Martinez, Les antiques du Musée Napoléon, 717 (n.1491), this statue was found in “Flaminia” in
the 18th century CE and entered in the Albani Collection in about 1815 CE.
4 See Brunner-Traut, “Die Tübinger Statuette,” 93–94 (3); Ziegler, “Neshor,” 52. PM V, 243, men-
tions black granite.
Tübinger Statuette aus der Zeit des Apries,” 93 f., Taf. IV, left; de Meulenaere,
Le surnom égyptien à la Basse Époque, 14 (42.3); Boulanger and Renisio,
Naissance de l’écriture, Cunéiformes et hieroglyphs, 142 (88); Rößler-Köhler,
Individuelle Haltungen zum ägyptischen Königtum der Spätzeit, 226–67 (56e);
Valbelle, Satis et Anoukis, 45–46; Vernus, “Une statue de Neshor surnommé
Psamétik-Menkhib,” 241 ff.; Perdu, “Neshor à Mendès sous Apriès,” 39 (b), 48
(n.9); Ziegler, “Neshor,” 53; Jansen-Winkeln, Sentenzen und Maximen in den
Privatinschriften der ägyptischen Spätzeit, 39 (113); Martinez, Les antiques du
Musée Napoléon, 717 (n.1491); Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 193–98 (II.23);
Hussein, Self-Presentation of the Late Saite Non-Royal Elite, 48–56 (Doc.3),
295 (fig.3); Spencer, “Sustaining Egyptian Culture?,” 458–59, figs.10–2; Perdu,
“Neshor brisé, reconstitué et restauré (Statue Louvre A90)”; Jansen-Winkeln,
Inschriften der Spätzeit, Teil IV, 408–10 (56.147); Bassir, Voice and Image in Saite
Egypt, 32–41.
Brief Description
5 See Ziegler, “Neshor,” 52, who believes that this restoration was done in the 18th century CE.
6 See Bassir, “On the Historical Implications of Payeftjauemawyneith,” 34. On the BM EA 111
statue, Wahibre is depicted wearing a shendyt kilt. For a recent photograph of this statue,
see Strudwick, Masterpieces of Ancient Egypt, 275. This representation is not really an exam-
ple of so-called archaism in the Kushite and Saite periods. For this term, see Bassir, “On the
So-Called Transmission of Schriftkultur,” and the references there.
The theophorous statue, with its various themes, was the popular Saite
Period form that Neshor chose to promote his self-presentation artistically.
This statue type, mainly for non-royal use, became very common in the
Nineteenth Dynasty and remained so until the end of the Ptolemaic Period.7 It
usually depicts a standing or kneeling male figure presenting a divine image,
Osiris being the most common. In the Late Period the usual materials for this
statue type were basalt, schist, and bronze.8 This statue type was commis-
sioned for display in temples; it therefore integrates the protagonist into the
daily rituals performed for the deity. Scholars have pointed out that the statue
owner hoped “to participate in the offering and prayers addressed to the deity
in his temple”9 and suggested that “this practice may represent a usurpation of
a royal prerogative.”10 Neshor’s artistic self-presentation in the round is highly
sophisticated, bearing elaborated iconographical self-presentation.11 All these
iconographical elements complete Neshor’s visual self-presentation.
As the above bibliography demonstrates, several scholars have dealt with the
text over the years. However, what they have offered does not present a full edi-
tion of the text. For example, Heinrich Schäfer12 does not present the complete
text, and his publication is old and missing many parts of the text, especially
the sides of the back pillar. Although the publication of Jens Heise13 is recent,
in many places of the text I do not agree with his transliteration and transla-
tion; these are clear in my footnotes. Olivier Perdu14 focuses only on the history
of the statue and not the text, and thus does not offer a full edition or trans-
lation of the text. Karl Jansen-Winkeln15 presents only a transcription of the
text without transliteration or translation. My commentary shows the parts of
the text which were published before and reveals differences of interpretation
with earlier scholars. I agree with the transcription of Jansen-Winkeln over the
others because it is reliable and the most complete. I have collated the texts
over photographs of all parts of the statue which I have received from the
Louvre Museum, some of which were missing from previous editions of
the statue (except for that of Jansen-Winkeln). I here introduce a full edition
and new readings of the text in addition to the photographs of all parts of the
statue. The reason to republish the text is to present it in a new and full edition;
however, my main concern here is to comment on Neshor and explore further
his role at Elephantine in Late Saite Egypt in light of his related military titles
and epithets.
Base of the statuettes: front, lower line (1 horizontal line; right to left; see Fig. 1):
(. . .) . . . n(?) wr H̱ nmw(?) pw ntf pw RꜤ bꜢ wr ḥr( j)-jb Ḳbḥw hnw16 Ꜥnḫ wꜢs sꜢ=k
ḤꜤꜤ-jb-RꜤ (. . .)
(he is?). . . through (?) the greatness of Khnum(?). Re is he, the great bꜢ
who dwells in the Cataract, who jubilates life and dominion, your son,
Haaibre (. . .).
(1) (. . .) . . . (. . .) w17 nb=f (ḫn)t mjtt=f rdj18.n s(w) ḥm=f r jꜢwt ꜤꜢt wrt jꜢwt nt sꜢ=f 19
wr20 ( j)m( j)-r(Ꜣ) ꜤꜢ ḫꜢsw(t) rsjw(t) r21 ḫsf ḫꜢswt bdšw(t) ḥr=f rdj.n=f snḏt=f m
ḫꜢswt rsjw(t) rw(2)j22=sn ḥr jn(w)t=sn n snḏt=f tm r..n(?). . . (. . .)23 (ḥr) ḥḥj(t)
Ꜣḫw(t)24 n nb=f 25
(1) (. . .) . . . (. . .) (whom) his lord (distinguished fro)m his like. His majesty
assigned h(im) to a very great office, the office of his eldest son,26 the overseer
of the gate27 of the southern foreign lands in order to repel the foreign lands
which revolt against him. He placed fear of him in the southern foreign lands,
(2) so that they fled in their valleys because of fear of himself, without . . . (?) . . .
(. . .) seeking what is good for his lord.
jmꜢḫw ḫr njswt-bjt ḤꜤꜤ-jb-RꜤ ḥzj ḫr sꜢ RꜤ28 WꜢḥ-jb-RꜤ29 Ns-Ḥr rn=f nfr Psmṯk-
mnḫ-jb sꜢ Jwfrr jrj.n nb(t)-pr TꜢ-snt-n-Ḥr mꜢꜤ(t)-ḫrw ḏd=f
17 Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 194, reads w, probably depending on Schäfer, “Die
Auswanderung der Krieger unter Psammetich I.,” pl. 1; Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der
Spätzeit, Teil IV, 408 also has w. The sign itself is not clear on the statue, as only a tiny piece
of the bird’s tail remains; it might be w rather than m which Maspero, “Notes sur quelques
points,” 88, reads.
18 I read rdj not rdjt as written on the statue; see Jansen-Winkeln, Text und Sprache in der 3.
Zwischenzeit, 56, who states that t can be written in this verb regardless of the grammati-
cal form.
19 The suffix pronoun =f is closely attached in writing to the word sꜢ on the statue.
20 This office is perhaps a continuation of the New Kingdom title sꜢ njswt n kꜢš “King’s son of
Kush.” For our example, see Schäfer, “Die Auswanderung der Krieger unter Psammetich I.,”
156 (n.2).
21 Maspero, “Notes sur quelques points,” 88, does not transcribe the preposition r.
22 The arm and the walking legs of the verb rwj are not clear on the statue.
23 Maspero, “Notes sur quelques points,” 88, reads this incomplete sentence as m rn. . . .
24 jḫw(t) stands for Ꜣḫw(t).
25 A similar phrase can be found on the Third Intermediate Period (reign of Osorkon II-
Takeloth II) bronze statue Louvre N 500 which Jansen-Winkeln, Ägyptische Biographien
der 22. und 23. Dynastie, 285, 384, reads and translates “ḥḥj.n=j Ꜣḫt n nb=j . . . ich suchte
Nützliches (zu tun) für meinen Herrn. . . .”
26 This office does not mean that its holder, i.e., Neshor, was of royal blood, since he was not
among the members of the royal house.
27 See Chevereau, Prosopographie, 268–69, 325.
28 The sꜢ RꜤ title is not clear on the statue.
29 Neshor uses this epithet on several of his monuments to show his close connection and
relationship with Wahibre, Apries. For more on the meaning of ḥzj, see Jansen-Winkeln,
“Zur Bedeutung von ḥzj und mrj.”
The jmꜢḫw before the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Haaibre, and the praised
one before the Son-of-Re, Wahibre, Neshor, named Psamtikmenkhib, son of
Iweferer, whom the mistress of the house, Tasenetenhor, true of voice, made,30
he says:
j31 nb šfjt32 ḳd nṯrw rmṯ H̱ nmw-RꜤ nb Ḳbḥw Sṯjt (3) Ꜥnḳt nb(tj) Ꜣbw ḥꜤj33.n=j ḥr
rn(w)=tn dwꜢ=j nfrw=tn34 šw.n(=j) m bꜢgj35 ḥr jrj(t) mrj(t) kꜢ(w)=tn mḥ.n(=j)
jb=j m kꜢ(w)=t(n m s)ḫrw nb(w) jrj.n(=j) sḫꜢ kꜢ=j ḥr jrj.n(=j) m pr=tn sḥḏ.n(=j)
rꜢ-prw=tn m dbḥw nw ḥḏ kꜢw srwt Ꜣpdw ꜤšꜢwt smn.n=j Ꜥḳw=sn m Ꜣḥ(wt) ḥnꜤ
(4) mnjww=sn r nḥḥ ḥnꜤ ḏt ḳd.n(=j) sš(w)=sn m njwt=tn rdj.n(=j)36 jrp nfr nfr n
WḥꜢt rsj(t) btj(..) bjt r šnꜤ(w)=tn ḳd.n(=j)37 m-mꜢwt ḥr rn wr n ḥm=f rdj.n.(=j) sgnn
n dgm38 r sḥḏ ḫbs(w) n rꜢ-prw njwt=tn rdj.n(=j) sḫtjw bꜢkwt rḫtjw (ḥr?) mnḫ(w)t
špss(wt) n nṯr ꜤꜢ (5) ḥnꜤ psḏt=f ḳd.n(=j) nꜢj(w)t39=sn m ḥwt-nṯr=f swꜢḥ=sn r nḥḥ m
30 Or “born of the mistress of the house, Tasenetenhor, true of voice.”
31 Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 194, reads and translates “dwꜢ nb šfj.t Anbeten den Herrn
des Ansehens.” Vittmann, “Review of Jens Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken,” 339 (II.23) reads j.
32 Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, 59, reads and translates “šfjjt Strahlkraft.”
Amun-Re was called ꜤꜢ šfjt, which Bakir, “A Hymn to Amon-Rēc at Tura,” 87 (line 6), pl. IV,
translates “great of dignity.” Also, ꜤꜢ šfjt was mentioned in a Ramesside tomb at Thebes,
see Manniche “Amun ꜤꜢ šfyt in a Ramessid Tomb at Thebes.” Re was described wr šfjt in
the Book of the Dead 15A5 which Allen, “Some Egyptian Sun Hymns,” 351–52, transla-
tes “great of esteem.” Amun-Re as king was identified as nb šfjt “Herr der majestätische
Erscheinung” in P. Boulaq 17 (= P. Cairo CG 58038), see Luiselli, Der Amun-Re Hymnus des
P. Boulaq 17, 2 (d), 2.2, 27), 7, 49 (Vers 27, A.2.2).
33 I read ḥꜤj, and not ḥꜤꜤ.
34 These two sentences can be translated together as, “It is on account of your names that I
jubilated, while I adore your beauty.” In this translation, dwꜢ=j is a circumstantial sḏm=f.
35 The sentence šw m bꜢgj occurs in the self-presentation on the early Saite statue of
Tjabanebdjedetenimew at Durham Oriental Museum (509); see Heise, Erinnern und
Gedenken, 174; de Meulenaere, “Un notable mendésien de la 26e dynastie,” 190–91. The
same sentence šw.n(=j) m bꜢgj occurs in the other Saite self-presentation on Abydos
Statue of Neshor; see Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 199; Vernus, “Une statue de Neshor,”
244–45.
36 The initial j of the word jrp may also function as the pronominal subject of the sḏm.n=f
form.
37 As in Old Egyptian and in early demotic, the scribe always omits the first person suffix
pronoun =j.
38 For more on dgm-oil (Ricinus), see Keimer, “Bemerkungen und Lesefrüchte,” 100–04
(IV); Koura, Die “7-Heiligen Öle” und andere Öl- und Fettnamen, 241–42 and “Oils and Fats
Manufacturing Institutions.”
39 It is perhaps the Middle Kingdom word nꜢjt, which designates: a kind of house (Wb. II,
200 [2]); a workspace for craftsmen (Wb. II, 200 (3); or a kind of residences for the slaves
wḏt n nṯr nfr nb-tꜢwj ḤꜤꜤ-jb-(RꜤ) Ꜥnḫ ḏt sḫꜢ=tn rdj nfrw n40 pr=tn m jb=f Ns-Ḥr ḏd
m rꜢ n njwtjw41 jsw nn rdjt wꜢḥ rn=j m pr=tn sḫꜢ kꜢ=j m-ḫt ꜤḥꜤw rdj wꜢḥ znn=j rn=j
ḏd ḥr=f n(n) skj(t) m ḥwt-nṯr=tn
“O lord of might, creator of gods and humans, Khnum-Re, lord of the Cataract,
Satis (3) and Anukis,42 the (two) mistr(esses) of Elephantine: I jubilated on
account of your name(s). I adored your beauty. I was free from tiredness in
doing what your kꜢs love. I filled my heart with yo(ur) kꜢ(s) (through) all the
(p)rojects that (I) made. Remember my kꜢ on account of that which (I) achieved
in your temple. It is with vessels of silver, numerous cattle, geese, and fowl that
(I) enriched your temples. (4) It is forever and for eternity that I established
their rations from field(s) and their herdsmen. It is in your city that (I) fashioned
their nest(s). It is in your food production place(s), which (I) constructed anew
in the great name of his majesty, that (I) gave very fine wine of the Southern
Oasis, emmer, and honey. It is in order to light the lamp(s) of the temples of
your city that (I) gave castor-oil. It is (for?) the holy cloth(es) of the great god
(5) and his Ennead that (I) appointed weavers, maidservants, and washermen.
It is in his temple that (I) built their quarters (?), so that they endure forever
by the command of the junior god, the lord of the Two Lands, H(a)aibre, living
forever. May you remember the one who put the beauty of your temple in his
heart, Neshor. The one who endures through the mouth of the citizens; (as) the
reward (for) this is letting my name last long in your temple, remember my kꜢ
after my lifetime; and let my image remain and my name being endured on it
without perishing in your temple.
(6) mj šdj=tn wj m st-ḳsnt m-Ꜥ pḏt( jw) ꜤꜢmw43 ḤꜢw-Nbw(tjw) Sṯtjw kꜢw(-sbjt)
rdj(t) (. . .) (sḫrw) m jb(w)=sn r djt šm r ŠꜢjs-Ḥrt m jb=sn snḏ(t)44 n ḥm=f ḥr zp ẖzj
Wb. II, 200 (4). Perhaps the mꜢ-sickle in this word is a mistake (or typo?) for the bent-arm
which often occurs in nꜢjt, with the phonetic value nꜢ, see Wb. II, 200, see also Klasens,
A Magical Statue Base (Socle Béhague), 67 f.
40 The writing of m stands for n.
41 This epithet expresses Neshor’s wish to be remembered after death by his citizens.
42 For the relationship between Khnum and Anukis, see Habachi, “Was Anukis Considered
as the Wife of Khnum or as his Daughter?”; Valbelle, Satis et Anoukis.
43 For more on ꜤꜢm, see Wb. I, 167–168. Citing P. Louvre 7833 A (from the reign of Amasis, year
36 and from Thebes, see Hughes, Saite Demotic Land Leases, 51 ff. (5); Manning, “Land and
Status in Ptolemaic Egypt,” 151, that by the Saite Period the title ꜤꜢm was also used with the
meaning “herdsman attached to a temple estate.”
44 Wb. IV, 182 (12–3).
jrj=sn smn.n=j jb(w)=sn m sḫrw(=j)45 n rdj(=j) šꜢs=sn r TꜢ-stj rdj=j spr=sn r bw ntj
ḥm=f jm jrjt.n ḥm=f (7) (. . .)=sn
(6) According as you saved me from a difficulty at the hands of the Bowmen,
Bedouins, Greeks, Asiatics, and the rebels, who had put (plan)s into their
heart(s) to go flee to Shais-Heret,46 being afraid of his majesty on account
of the wretched act which they had done. I paralyzed their hearts with my
actions, I did not allow them to go over to Nubia, but I made them go before
the place where his majesty was.47 What his majesty did was (7) their . . . (?).
The overseer of the gate of the southern foreign lands, Neshor, he says:
j ḥm-nṯr(w) ( jt-)nṯr(w) (nbw n ḥwt)-nṯr tn nt H̱ nmw-RꜤ nb Ḳbḥw Sṯjt Ꜥnḳt nbt( j=t)n
s(mḫ=ṯn mwt sḫꜢ=tn Ꜥnḫ)48 ḥzj tn nṯrw=tn rwḏ ḥꜤw=tn ẖr ḥtp(w?)-nṯr (swḏ=tn?)
jꜢwt=tn ḫr msw=tn mj ḏd=tn ḥtp-dj-njswt H̱ nmw Sṯjt Ꜥnḳt psḏt ꜤꜢt jmjw Ꜣbw (m) ḫꜢ
m t ḥnḳt (. . .)
45 Griffiths, “Three Notes on Herodotus,” 145 (n.3), translates “ ‘I consolidated their minds in
(their) plans’, i.e. in their former loyal plans’.”
46 Shais-Heret literally means “run in a remote place” in Nubia, and is related to the goddess
Tefnut and the bringing back of the eye of the sun god, Re; see Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon,
990. This place is probably south of the Second Cataract; see Pope, The Double Kingdom
under Taharqo, 87–94; Sauneron and Yoyotte, “La campagne nubienne de Psammétique II.”
For more on the area of the First Cataract and beyond, see Török, Between Two Worlds;
Raue, Seidlmayer, and Speiser, The First Cataract of the Nile; Török, “Egypt’s Southern
Frontier Revisited.”
47 In other words, the mercenaries (Greeks, Asiatics) had somehow failed Apries, and
Neshor convinced them not to switch sides and seek refuge in Nubia.
48 See Hannig, Grosses Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch, 707.
Back pillar: top to right side (1 vertical column; right to left; Figs. 3–4):
nṯr-njwtj49 n ( j)r( j)-pꜤ(t) ḥꜢ(tj)-Ꜥ ḫtmt( j)-bjt( j) smr wꜤt( j) n( j) mrwt wr m jꜢwt=f
ꜤꜢ m sꜤḥw=f sr m ḥꜢt rḫjt ( j)m( j)-r(Ꜣ) ꜤꜢ ḫꜢswt rsjw(t) Ns(-Ḥr sꜢ) Jw=f rr dj.tw50 ḥꜢ=f
ḫft kꜢ=f m-bꜢḥ=f n(n) ḏꜢj=tw rdwj=f( j) n(n) ḫsf=tw Ꜥwj=f( j)51 Jwnwj pw
The local god of the (j)r( j)-pꜤ(t), ḥꜢ(tj)-Ꜥ, sealer of the King of Lower Egypt,
sole friend, possessor of love, great in his offices, high in his ranks, official in
front of the rḫjt, the overseer of gate of the southern foreign lands, Nes(hor) . . .
Iweferer, may (the local god) be placed behind him, while his kꜢ is before him,
so that one will not intertwine his feet, and one will not repel his arms, because
(he) is a Heliopolitan.
Back pillar: top to left side (1 vertical column; left to right; Figs. 3 and 5):
for the kꜢ of Neshor, may you follow your god every day, you may watch Re
through his (rays?),58 while your praises are remaining every day. The true one.
He who does not have(?) a father(?), he is like(?) a father(?) for(?) his son, the
overseer of the gate of the southern foreign lands, Neshor. You may perform
your good (act) for the reward that you will find enjoyable(?). The breath of
the mouth is effective for the one who recites it for him. Your mouth will not
suffer from uttering (my) praises before Khnum-Re, the lord of the Cataract,
and Satis, and Anukis. Neshor, the one who endures in the house of Khnum.
52 It may be rendered sšmw “forms,” a word that can also mean “statue”; see Wb. IV, 291 (6–16).
53 For the negative relative adjective Ꜣtj/jꜢdt/Ꜣt/jwtj/jtj/jwtw, Coptic at, and Demotic Ꜣt,
see Hamza, La lecture de l’adjectif relatif négativ, 10; CCD, 18; KHwb., 13; EDG, 13 (25); Wb.
I, 35 (17); PM II2, 157; Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 152–53 (§ 202–203); Malinine, “Une
vente d’esclave à l’époque de Psammétique Ier,” 128 (9); see also Sherbiny and Bassir, “The
Representation of the Hedgehog Goddess,” 174–76 (esp. n.44).
54 Since the line is not complete, I am not sure about reading “jt” “father” or “jt=f ” “his father.”
55 Jansen-Winkeln, Sentenzen und Maximen, 64, 124, understands this phrase as part of the
Appeal to the Living and translates it with uncertainty “Ihr (= die ein Gebet sprechen)
habt einen Lohn, den ihr angenehm finden werdet?.” In this case, his transliteration
should be “n(t)ṯn jsw gm=tn nḏm.”
56 I read mn not mn.t as written on the statue which Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 198,
follows.
57 This epithet represents Neshor’s hopeful wish that Khnum will act for him and establish
his memory.
58 Or “through his forms” (?)
Base: right side (1 horizontal row; right to left; see Fig. 4):
Base: back, bottom (1 horizontal row; right to left; see Fig. 2):
Neshor’s self-presentation on this statue is rich and unique in content. This text
introduces several historical and archaeological issues. Neshor here, as an
extremely influential elite member of the Late Saite Period, especially during
the reign of Apries, is a mirror of the period upon which his spirit and events
are reflected. He had acted in a brave manner and engaged in many activities
at Elephantine and in the area of the First Cataract.
The historical and archaeological implications of Neshor’s self-presentation
are significant since he served king Apries. This biography of Neshor is full of
many activities that he achieved at Elephantine and in the region of the First
Cataract. Yet it is difficult to trace back the few archaeological remains and
the general statements in Neshor’s text. It appears from this self-presentation
59 The jmꜢḫw before a deity as an epithet for non-royal individuals was very common among
the officials from the Old Kingdom onwards.
60 Stp-sꜢ could also mean the palace and was the common term for palace in the Third
Intermediate Period, see Jansen-Winkeln, Ägyptische Biographien der 22. und 23. Dynastie,
608; see also Redford, Excavations at Mendes, 39, 104 (fig. 57, No. 483a).
The Saite remains of the temple of Khnum at Elephantine are very few.
According to the excavator of the temple, Cornelius von Pilgrim, blocks were
discovered with reliefs belonging to the separate temple of Khnum that
Psamtik II built. That temple was obviously built at the back of the main tem-
ple, and dismantled in the Thirtieth Dynasty when the new and larger temple
was built. All blocks were then reused later in the foundations of the pronaos
built in the Ptolemaic Period, where von Pilgrim and his team discovered the
Psamtik II blocks during the last years of excavation.61 Therefore, “their quar-
ters (?)” which Neshor claimed to have built are difficult to locate.
This self-presentation also shows the role of Neshor in regard to that event
which the foreign mercenaries did at Elephantine. Through his diplomatic
61 For more on this temple stratigraphy from the New Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period,
see von Pilgrim, “Stratigraphie d’un temple.” For the results of the early excavations at
Elephantine by the Swiss-German team, see Kaiser, Grossmann, Haeny, and Jaritz,
“Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine“; Von Pilgrim, “Tempel des Jahu,” “Die “Festung” von
Elephantine in der Spätzeit,” and Personal Communication. For more on Elephantine
of the third millennium BC, see Raue, “Who was Who in Elephantine of the Third
Millennium BC?”
activities at the region of the First Cataract, Neshor successfully overcame this
revolt. On this event Neshor states (l. 1–2):
(His) majesty assigned h(im) to a very great office, the office of his eldest
son, the overseer of the gate of the southern foreign lands in order to repel
the foreign lands which revolt against him. He placed fear of himself in
the southern foreign lands, so that they fled in their valleys because of
fear of himself, without . . . (?) . . . (. . .) seeking what is good for his lord.
In order to understand well the role of Neshor at Elephantine, the military back-
ground of Neshor through his related titles and epithets should be presented.
Neshor was a leading military figure and represents the military face of Egypt’s
administration in the Late Saite Period. Although Neshor comes from a mili-
tary background, he did not hold the title jmj-rꜢ mšꜤ. However, he held many
military titles and epithets which support his role at Elephantine. The title
( j)m( j)-r(Ꜣ) ꜤꜢ ḫꜢsw(t)62 rsjw(t), “overseer of the gate of the southern foreign
lands,” is among the most important titles and the highest ranks that Neshor
reached in his long career. This title gave Neshor control over one of the
most strategic frontier points of the Saite trade system. It is known the Saites
organized the boundaries of the country in order to collect taxes and customs
from the trade of merchandise that passed through their land.63 Early in the
history of this dynasty, Psamtik I set up a series of garrisons at the northern, west-
ern, and southern borders, and developed the navy.64 In that period, there were
several commanders in charge of the frontiers of the country. The best-known
offices (and officers) of these were the “commander of the frontiers of
the south” (Wahibre; Horwedja; Neshor); the “commander of the frontiers
of the northern countries” (Ahmose named Neferibrenakht);65 the “com-
mander of the Libyan countries” (Semtawytefnakht); the “commander of
the frontiers of the Asiatic countries” (Semtawytefnakht); the “commander
of the frontiers of the sea” (Neshor); the “commander of the terrestrial and
maritime frontiers” (Nakhthoremheb); and the general title the “commander
of the frontiers of the foreign countries” (Wahibre; Padihormedenou).66
According to Pierre-Marie Chevereau,67 in the Saite Period, this title was
formed with jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢw . . ., which he translates “commandant des frontières . . .”
In addition to Neshor, who was jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢw ḫꜢswt rsjw (“commandant des fron-
tières des pays du Sud”),68 Wahibre, from the reign of Apries, held the titles
jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢ rsj (“commandant la frontière du Sud”), jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢ ḫꜢswt rsj (“comman-
dant la frontière des pays du Sud”), jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢw ḫꜢswt” (“commandant les fron-
tières des pays étrangers”), ḫrp ḫꜢswt rsjwt (“commandant militaire des pays
étrangers du Sud”), and ꜤḥꜢ ḥrj tp n nb=f m ḫꜢswt nbwt (“premier guerrier de son
maître en tout pays”).69 Horwedja also held the titles jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢw ḫꜢswt (“com-
mandant des frontières des pays étrangers”), and jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢw rsj (“commandant
la frontières des pays méridionaux”).70 These titles confirm the Saite foreign
policy of the period.71
Neshor’s title jmj-rꜢ ꜤꜢwj ḫꜢswt wꜢḏ-wr “overseer of the two gates of the foreign
lands of the wꜢḏ-wr”72 may refer to the fact that while Neshor held this title
he also had control over the trade of merchandise through the sea. Moreover,
64 See Smoláriková, Saite Forts in Egypt; Myśliwiec, The Twilight of Ancient Egypt, 116;
Spalinger, “Psamtik I.” For more on the Saite navy and role that Greeks played in it, see
Lloyd, “Triremes and the Saite Navy.”
65 See Borchardt, Statuen und Statuetten, 142–43; ESLP, 59–61, pls. 48–9, figs. 116–9; Valloggia,
Recherche sur les “messagers”, 196 (n.d).
66 For more on these titles and their holders, see Chevereau, Prosopographie, 268–69, 325.
67 Chevereau, Prosopographie, 286 (F), 325 (2); Posener, “Les Douanes de la Méditerranée.”
68 Chevereau, Prosopographie, 94.
69 See Chevereau, Prosopographie, 109 (XIII).
70 See Chevereau, Prosopographie, 87 (DOC. 113, III).
71 For more on administrating Egypt in the period, see Agut-Labordère, “The Emergence of
a Mediterranean Power.”
72 This unique title could be also translated as “overseer of the double gate of the foreign
lands of the sea.”
Neshor held the title jmj-rꜢ mnfjt “overseer of the mnfjt,” on his Abydos statue.73
The word mnfjt means “the army, soldiers, infantry,74 infantry-soldiers, and
some type of militia.”75 In R.O. Faulkner’s opinion, the title jmj-rꜢ mnfjt was
next in the field below the general, jmj-rꜢ mšꜤ.76
Neshor’s Mendes statue provides additional military titles and epithets
to consider.77 For example, Heise reads the word mw in Neshor’s epithet on
the Mendes statue: mw mšꜤ hrw ꜤḥꜢ, jmj-rꜢ, stating, without explaining further
how, that “Die drei Wasserlinien sind von dem Kanalzeichen abgeleitet; daher
sind diese wohl jmj-rꜢ zu lesen.”78 Also, Diana Pressl reads the same phrase as
“jm.j-rꜢ mšꜤ (m) ḥrw ꜤḥꜢ.”79 However, Chevereau does not refer to this title
among the military titles of Neshor.80 I read mw mšꜤ hrw ꜤḥꜢ “the water of
the army on the day of fighting,” thus keeping with the literal meaning of the
phrase and reading the word as mw instead of ( j)m( j)-r(Ꜣ). In this case, the
phrase mw mšꜤ hrw ꜤḥꜢ should be allegorically understood as a brave epithet
of Neshor, and not as an actual military title.81 This could mean “he provides
water for the army during combat” (i.e., he supplies them with provisions and
food), he is the metaphorical water on which they travel, or perhaps he is even
the metaphorical water in which the army trusts.82 Neshor’s epithet, mw mšꜤ
hrw ꜤḥꜢ underscores the military importance and encouragement of Neshor,
especially on the battlefield. Therefore, this is not an actual title of Neshor, but
should be dealt with as an epithetic, metaphorical form of the long-standing
title jmj-rꜢ mšꜤ.
73 See Perdu, “Socle d’une statue de Neshor à Abydos”; Hussein, Self-Presentation of the Late
Saite Non-Royal Elite, 59–62 (Doc.5), 296 (fig. 4); Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit,
Teil IV, 411 (56.162).
74 Redford, Excavations at Mendes, 41 (n.U), states that “all occurrences fit ‘infantry’ better
than ‘elite troops’ or the like.”
75 See Schulman, Military Rank, Title and Organization, 13–14.
76 See Faulkner, “Egyptian Military Organization,” 38.
77 For this Mendes statue of Neshor, and his other statues, see: Meulenaere, Le surnom
égyptien à la Basse Époque, 14 (42, 5); de Meulenaere and MacKay, Mendes II, 198, pl. 21,
figs. c,d, e (doc.52); Perdu, “Neshor à Mendès sous Apriès”; Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken,
203–04 (II.26); Hussein, Self-Presentation of the Late Saite Non-Royal Elite, 45–48 (Doc.2),
294 (fig.2); Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit, Teil IV, 392 (56.115); Bassir, Voice and
Image in Saite Egypt, 47–50, and references there; see also Bassir, “ ‘Protecting the Temple
of God’.”
78 Heise, Erinnern und Gedenken, 203, (n.510).
79 Pressl, Beamte und Soldaten, 225.
80 Chevereau, Prosopographie, 93–94 (DOC.118).
81 This is what Perdu, “Neshor à Mendès sous Apriès,” 40, suggests.
82 Compare all of the epithets with mw, water, in Wb. II, 52, (17), 53 (1).
Also on the Mendes statue is Neshor’s epithet, ꜤꜢ jb hrw dmḏjt “the great of
heart (on) the day of the gathering.” This indicates the military importance and
engagement of Neshor especially on the battlefield, just as does the previous
one, and both of them complete each other.83 Neshor’s epithet, sḥtp jbw wn
ḳnd “the one who satisfies the hearts which were angry,” on the Mendes statue
shows another role of Neshor, that of solving problems requiring his diplo-
macy and eloquence.
The reasons, details, consequences, and aftermath of the mercenaries’
revolt at Elephantine remain unknown. Neshor’s self-presentation on Louvre
A 90 is the only Egyptian source that sheds light on this. Alan Rowe84 points
out that this happened when Apries returned from his Palestinian campaign.
According to Alan Lloyd,85 this campaign was in the year 589 BCE. However,
neither Lloyd’s sources nor the basis for this dating are known. If Rowe’s opin-
ion is valid, that means this revolt occurred at the beginning of Apries’s reign,
more specifically in his regnal year one. In this perspective, Lloyd declares that
“Nesuhor emphasizes that it was he who got the king out of difficulties with his
mercenaries.”86 He further states that Neshor as an army officer, among others,
was also concerned with the defense of the whole country.87
The only thing known of this event is that the foreign mercenaries of Apries
revolted in the far south, planning to migrate further south to Shais-Heret.88
For unknown reasons, those foreign mercenaries probably used the problem
83 The star-sign could also be read as dwꜢ, so hrw dwꜢ meaning “day of adoring?” see Hannig,
Grosses Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch, 980.
84 Rowe, “New Light on Objects Belonging to the Generals Potasimto and Amasis,” 174.
85 Lloyd, “The Late Period, 664–323 BC,” 339.
86 Lloyd, “The Late Period, 664–323 BC,” 298. Rowe, “New Light on Objects Belonging to
the Generals Potasimto and Amasis,” 174, and Griffiths, “Three Notes on Herodotus,” 145,
previously made the same point.
87 Lloyd, “The Late Period, 664–323 BC,” 333.
88 The military Egyptian action of the Saites in Nubia was most known from the famous
campaign of Psamtik II into Nubia, the major event in his short reign, which took place
in his third regnal year (593 BC) with an army of Egyptians and mercenaries under the
generals Amasis and Potasimto as recorded on the king’s stelae from Shellâl, Karnak,
and Tanis; see Gozzoli, “La campagna nubiana di Psammetico II” and “The Nubian War
Texts of Psammetichus II.” Gozzoli furthermore explains the differences between the
accounts of the Nubian campaign of Psamtik II in the southern version of the king’s
Shellâl stela, which just describes the final battle (also inscribed at Karnak), and the
northern version of the text at Tanis with its description of the complete development of
the war (originally set up at Sais and Memphis) (?).
which happened in the Levant to revolt against the king and move across the
border to the south. As a result, the overseer of the gate of the southern foreign
lands, Neshor, got involved and succeeded in putting down the revolt. It is also
notable that this action was not conducted by foreign countries against the
land of Egypt, but by foreign mercenaries employed by Egypt within Egypt.
Why these foreign mercenaries did that action against the regime is still
unknown, but it is clear they planned to leave the country and move to the
south. From his self-presentation on Louvre A 90, Neshor was able to reach
a reasonable solution accepted by all parties at Elephantine, and stop the
revolt of Apries’ foreign mercenaries. This event emphasizes Neshor’s power
and control, and his insistence on his own responsibility for this particular
achievement. Neshor narrates his role at Elephantine, extolling his distin-
guished achievements to the deities as well as to the king. However, we do
not know the circumstances of this revolt and why it broke out in the reign
of Apries.
Conclusions
The main role of Neshor was with the mnfjt, the mšꜤ, in the task of securing
Egyptian borders. In addition to his honorific titles and epithets, his many
administrative offices show that he was a leading military figure in the Late
Saite Period, and he was a confidant of the king. Neshor’s epithet sḥtp-jbw wn
ḳnd shows his eloquence. All these reveal that Neshor was a high elite member
who was more trusted than any other official of the king. The prosopographical
study of Neshor’s military titles shows that he had already reached the top of
his career in the reign of Apries. Neshor’s role at Elephantine may convey royal
prerogatives that he bestowed upon himself to perform in a kingly manner.
This also documents the growth of Neshor’s power and obviously reflects his
high level of self-independence. The high degree of independence of Neshor is
clear and compels us to rethink the relationship between the late Saite kings
and their high officials.
Abbreviations
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