Professional Documents
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Lectura Sem 5
Lectura Sem 5
Abstract
In recent years, the Indian National Health Mission (NHM) was introduced by
the Government of India as an umbrella of health programs to cover reproductive
and child health, adolescent health, and selected disease control programs. These
programs were given a mandate to accelerate the achievement of the health-related
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. Considerable progress toward
realizing the MDG objectives has been achieved, especially reductions in infant
and child mortality and improvement in measles vaccination coverage (MDG
Goal 4), as well as the reduction of maternal mortality and an increase in the
number of births attended by skilled personnel (MDG Goal 5). Nevertheless, an
overall appraisal of the status of the indicators in 2015 reveals that many of the
targets remained to be achieved. The analytical issue explored here is whether the
targets were too high to achieve or whether Indian health policies were flawed or
too long delayed. This article offers a state-wise analysis of the achievements in
health indicators relating to MDGs 4 and 5. The rate of achievement for two time
periods, pre-NHM and NHM until 2015, is analyzed here. Our key finding is that
most of the targets were indeed infeasible, but that lack of achievement could be
attributed to delays in planning; sometimes poor execution of the policies and
programs; and to the economic, social, and political disparities within the country.
Better organized and more innovative approaches at the state level could improve
the realization of vital MDG targets, providing improved public health for all.
Introduction
Table 1.
Achievement of MDG Health Indicators by BRICS Nations
set for infant mortality rates and under-five mortality rates, the other
three BRIC nations have not achieved these. None of the BRIC countries
have been able to realize the target set for lowering maternal mortality
rates. Thus, the extent of the achievement varies between countries,
regions, and goals because of the extent of commitment by key stakehold-
ers within the nations, as well as each nation’s actual stage of economic
development.
The shortfall in MDG achievement is more serious and regrettable for
developing and middle-income countries like India, but may in part be
explained by the wide intra-regional diversities in social, political, and
economic statuses. It is, therefore, imperative to reflect on the achieve-
ments with respect to health-related targets of the MDGs and use these
experiences to plan the pathway forward for realization of these important
goals. The present study is a sub-national analysis of the achievements of
health-related MDG targets by India and its states, seeking to demonstrate
that a wide and diversified array of factors have a significant impact on
achievement of these time-bound goals.
The article is organized as follows. The second section presents the
Indian context, specifying diversities in the social, political, and economic
statuses of the Indian states. The third section summarizes the initiatives
undertaken by the Indian policy makers in the health sector and discusses
the Indian health approaches in light of the MDGs. The fourth section
focuses on the methodology used to analyze feasibility of health-related
MDGs in the Indian states, while the fifth section assesses the results.
The sixth section concludes the article with a review of India’s experience
given the diverse nature of the country.
that generally does not impact healthcare choices, the situation in India
is different. Each religious belief or faith can hold different approaches
to accessing healthcare, and most individuals resort to faith healing
rather than conventional or alternative medicine. Further, religious
beliefs can often forbid individuals from making use of some measures
that promote healthcare. For example, in certain communities usage of
contraceptive methods is prohibited, while in others abortion is banned.
The complexity of religious bearing on healthcare choices is further
deepened by the Indian caste system, where individuals from lower castes
are not given the right to basic healthcare system in certain parts of the
country. Finally, some communities in India have very different lifestyles,
and they do not wish the modern world to tamper with their beliefs
and practices.
Beyond these factors, India is a country riven by profound geographi-
cal regionalism, ranging from flat plains, inaccessible mountainous, dense
forests to marshy lowlands. The country experiences varied climatic
conditions which can lead to droughts in some areas, while floods and
landslides in others. Given this geographic context, providing healthcare
infrastructure is often difficult and costly. Moreover, even if the govern-
ment were to establish the facilities in all zones, obtaining skilled profes-
sionals who would be willing to work in these remote and challenging
regions is very difficult or in some cases just not possible. The differences
caused because of linguistic, religious, and geographical factors result
in grave social and economic disparities, having a measurably adverse
impact on the success of healthcare programs.
Added to this is the polity of India, which is also rather complex in
nature. India follows a parliamentarian system where the members of
the Parliament are elected by the citizens of the country through secret
ballot, whereas the prime minister or the members of the cabinet are
not elected by the people. An analogous structure is followed at the
state level, where members of the State Assembly are elected by resi-
dents of the respective states. It may also be noted that unlike the USA,
where the elections for practical purposes are between two political
parties (Democrats and Republicans), Indian elections witness a contest
among several national and regional parties. While the Indian National
Congress (INC) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) dominate the scene at
the national level, regional parties are more important at the state level.
Thus, it is not unusual to have one political party in power at the center
and the opposing party in some of the states. The tussles between parties
Prachitha et al.: India in Pursuit 109
can lead to either the center not providing adequate funds to the state or
the state not cooperating with the center for promoting any given pro-
gram, or both. In the recent years, parties have been forming coalitions,
but the dynamics and loyalties between parties are not stable from one
election to next. The changing political scenarios have an adverse impact
on the stability of the government and the chances that any policy can be
introduced and implemented successfully.
India, at present, has 29 states and 7 union territories (UTs) which are
as seen in the map of India provided in Table 2. The states of India are
rather diverse in their size, population as well as the resource (natural
and financial) endowments that they enjoy, which, in turn determine their
social and economic indices. Of the 29 states, 8 are small and have low
densities of population. Since data on health outcomes are not available
for these small states and the UTs (MoHFW & NITI Aayog, 2018), these
units were not considered for the analysis in the present study. Even among
the 21 larger states, 8 are termed in India as “empowered action group”
(EAG) states on account of their poor economic and social statuses.
Taking account of these factors, the present study considered 17 states
including (1) Andhra Pradesh, (2) Bihar, (3) Chhattisgarh, (4) Gujarat,
(5) Haryana, (6) Jharkhand, (7) Karnataka, (8) Kerala, (9) Madhya
Pradesh, (10) Maharashtra, (11) Odisha, (12) Punjab, (13) Rajasthan,
(14) Tamil Nadu, (15) Uttar Pradesh, (16) Uttaranchal, and (17) West
Bengal for analysis. These 17 states either belong to higher income groups
or have considerable potential for development.
A comparison between the 17 Indian states in terms of income, health
expenditure, and literacy levels for the last time period for which we
have comparable data, 2013–2014, is presented in Table 2. As can be
seen in the table, the per capita gross state domestic product in the states
of Maharashtra, Haryana, and Gujarat were higher and these states
enjoyed both higher literacy rates and higher per capita expenditures on
health. The states of Kerala, Uttaranchal, Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Andhra
Pradesh, and Karnataka had moderately higher income levels, and as a
result showed above average literacy levels as well as above average per
capita expenditures on health. The moderately lower income levels found
in states of West Bengal, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, and Jharkhand
were reflected in their lower literacy levels and below average per capita
health expenditures. The states of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh,
and Bihar were economically far less developed, with lower per capita
incomes, lower per capita health expenditures and lower levels of literacy.
Table 2.
Classification of Indian States Based on Income, Health Expenditure and
Literacy Rate (2013–2014)
Source: Central Statistical Organization; RBI State Finances: A Study of Budgets; Census of
India.
Notes: Green–High income; blue—moderately high income; yellow—moderately low income;
red—low income.
**Indicates 2013 values.
Prachitha et al.: India in Pursuit 111
Although the Indian population policy had been introduced in the year
2000 before the signing of the Millennium Declaration, this effort had
considerable relevance to the Millennium goals. The objectives of the
NPP were threefold: (a) the immediate objective of addressing the unmet
needs for basic reproductive and child healthcare; (b) the medium-term
objective of bringing down the total fertility rate (TFR) (the number of
children born per 1,000 women) to replacement levels by 2010; and (c) the
long-term objective of achieving a stable population by 2045.
The goals of the Indian NPP program that were set to be achieved
by 2010 included: (1) addressing the unmet supplies and infrastructure
needs for basic reproductive and child health services; (2) reducing IMR
to below 30 per 1000 live births; (3) reducing MMR to below 100 per
100,000 live births; (4) achieving universal immunization of children;
(5) delaying marriage of girls; (6) achieving 80 percent institutional
deliveries and 100 percent deliveries by trained personnel; (7) achieving
universal access to information and services for fertility regulation and
contraception; (8) achieving 100 percent registration of births, deaths,
marriage and pregnancy; (9) containing the spread of HIV/AIDS;
(10) preventing and controlling communicable diseases; (11) integrat-
ing Indian systems of medicine in the provisioning of reproductive and
child health services; (12) promoting the small family norm to achieve
replacement levels of TFR; and (13) convergence of related social sector
programs.
The NHP 2002 was developed after two decades of formulation of NHP
1983. This period had witnessed the emergence of the new and extremely
virulent communicable disease, HIV/AIDS; an increase in mortality from
Prachitha et al.: India in Pursuit 113
systems; and (h) upgrading community health centers (CHCs) into fully
functional hospitals meeting Indian public health standards in each part
of the country. The target goals of the NRHM were: (a) reduction of
the infant mortality and maternal mortality ratio; (b) universal access
to public health services including women’s health, child health, water,
sanitation, hygiene, immunization, and nutrition; (c) prevention and
control of communicable and non-communicable diseases, including
locally endemic diseases; (d) access to integrated comprehensive primary
healthcare; (e) population stabilization and overall demographic bal-
ance; (f) revitalization of local health traditions and alternative AYUSH
(Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homoeopathy)
treatment approaches; and (g) promotion of healthy lifestyles. The health
mission was extended to the urban areas in 2013 with the creation of
India’s National Urban Health Mission (NUHM). Since then, NRHM
was renamed the National Health Mission (NHM), combining the NRHM
and NUHM initiatives.
The NRHM was rooted in the principle “More Money for Health, More
Health for the Money.” It was focused on strengthening primary health-
care in the country by adopting innovation in healthcare provisioning that
had proven to be effective. The five key approaches of NRHM included:
NHM had specific areas of focus for which different programs were
developed and implemented. Among the focus areas, the foremost was the
Reproductive, Maternal, New-Born, Child Health and Adolescent Health
program (RMNCH+A). The RMNCH+A approach entailed a “contin-
uum of care” that addressed the various causes of mortality among women
and children. It offered free services in public health institutions to preg-
nant women right from the ante-natal care to delivery, including caesarean
sections and post-natal care. It provided free diagnostics, blood supplies,
medicines, food, transport from home to hospital, referral between health
facilities and drop back services (transporting the mother and child back
home after delivery or for the mother and any sick new-born). These
free-of-cost services were provided through two initiatives: the Janani
Suraksha Yojana (JSY, or Safe Motherhood Scheme) and the Janani
Sishu Suraksha Karyakram (JSSK, or Safe Mother and Child Scheme).
mother and child tracking system (MCTS) that monitored every preg-
nant woman registered and assessed ante-natal and post-natal care and
immunization for every child from birth up to its first birthday.
Fifth, NHM focused on disease control and brought all the national
level communicable and non-communicable disease control programs
under its ambit. It included the existing programs like National Leprosy
Eradication Programme (NLEP), National Vector Borne Disease Control
Programme (NVBDCP) and the Revised National Tuberculosis Control
Programme (RNTCP). Apart from this, the NHM introduced programs
for control and prevention of lifestyle diseases like cancer, diabetes mel-
litus, cardiovascular diseases and also programs for blindness control and
elderly care.
Thus, the NHM provided an assortment of programs that included
both the existing and the new programs. This grouping of programs
was set on mission mode, with a sole mandate of improving the health
indicators in the country and accelerating the achievement of the health-
related MDG targets.
skilled personnel also improved from 34.2 percent to 81.4 percent during
this period for the nation as a whole.
In spite of considerable progress toward MDGs 4 and 5 being made,
an overall analysis of the status of the indicators in 2015 revealed
that many of the targets remained to be achieved (see Column 4 of
Table 3). This raises the question as to whether the targets were too high
to begin with or whether the policies were somehow flawed or too long
delayed. A state-by-state analysis of the indicators relating to MDGs 4
and 5 is a sounder approach for assessing the efforts of each of the states
toward the achievement of the targets.
There are studies available at various stages for the period 2000–2015
that have analyzed the progress in achievement of the health MDGs by
the Indian states. Overall, the World Health Organization (WHO) and
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) (2010) have concluded that
India as a whole was off-track in meeting MDG 4 and was pushed into
the “insufficient progress” category. Tracing the patterns of failures and
successes, the GoI (2010) study concluded that India was off-track with
respect to all the health-related MDG indicators.
A cross-country analysis by Lozano et al. (2011) indicated that nearly
all developing countries, not just India, will doubtless take many years
past 2015 to achieve the MDG 4 and 5 targets, with especially slow pro-
gress in meeting the maternal mortality reduction objective. Intriguingly,
however, in case of maternal deaths, the Lozano et al. study indicated a
better record of achievement for India compared with other countries, as
28.6 percent of the global decline in maternal deaths from 2005 to 2011
actually came from India.
Although the overall dismal performance by India could be attributed
to various factors like the low share of public expenditure on health,
inefficiencies in public spending, regional inequalities in providing health
services etc., one could expect measuring errors as well. The MDGs used
1990 as the base year for the health-related indicators to be achieved
in 2015 (refer Table A1). All the above studies that have looked at the
achievement of health MDGs by India and the states have taken 1990 as
the base. However, the NRHM introduced in 2005 had been the major
policy initiative in the health sector that has exclusively focused on acceler-
ating the achievements of health-related MDGs in the country. Therefore,
the rate of achievement with respect to the MDG health indicators would
surely be expected to be higher during the NHM phase, which is from
2005 to present, compared with the pre-NHM phase.
Prachitha et al.: India in Pursuit 119
Taking this into account, the research for this article involved a policy
analysis by comparing the achievements by the Indian states in the pre-
NHM phase (1990–2005) and the NHM phase (2005–2015) and calculating
the projected path at the new NHM rate.
As regards the achievement of target for IMR, only Kerala and Tamil
Nadu (in the moderately higher income grouping) have achieved the goal.
Comparison of the CAGR between the pre-and post-NHM periods (pre-
and post-2005) showed that the rate of decline was higher in the second
period compared with the first. Achievement of the target was delayed for
Karnataka, Maharashtra, Odisha, Punjab, Chhattisgarh, and Uttaranchal
(states in all income groupings except the lowest one) because of delayed
planning. These states could have achieved the target even before 2015
had the reform policies not been delayed. Nonetheless, the feasibility
of achieving the IMR target was dreary for the states Andhra Pradesh,
Bihar, Haryana, Rajasthan (from across the state income groupings), and
all India (see Table 5).
As can be observed in Table 6, none of the states and India had achieved
the MDG target of immunization against measles. The CAGR in
the achievement of immunization for many states, including Bihar,
Haryana, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha,
Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Jharkhand, and Uttaranchal, declined in the
post-NHM period. The growth rate was negative in the second period
for Maharashtra (a high-income state) and Tamil Nadu (a moderate-
income state). The measles immunization targets are infeasible for many
states, including Haryana, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra, and Uttaranchal and all India even when accounting for
the delays in planning.
The record of India and the individual states in terms of the MMR targets
were miserable. Table 7 indicates that all the 17 states and all of India
were off-track in achievement of the target, a goal slowed because of
delayed planning. Even when accounted for this, the feasibility is limited
only to Maharashtra state possibly because of the outcomes from the
state initiatives during the post-2005 NHM phase. However, the targets
are infeasible for all other states and for India as a whole. The CAGR
for the NHM phase was higher for all states and all India as well (with
the exception of West Bengal). This indicates that the policy initiatives
(during the NHM phase) positively impacted the reduction of MMR
but that the targets were not feasible for the states and the country
as a whole.
Discussion
The results presented in the previous section indicate that India has
not achieved any of the targets relating to MDGs 4 and 5. One potential
explanation for the shortfall may be found in the delay in planning and
implementing NHM programs that were designed to accelerate the pro-
gress toward the health-related MDGs. The NHM was introduced in 2005
and its impact on the outcome indicators was experienced only from the
year 2007 onwards. To understand whether policy delays have caused
India to fail to achieve the targets, the NHM period growth rate was
applied to years following 2002–2003. Had the projections thus obtained
been able to help India achieve the target rate, then it would become clear
that the shortfalls were squarely due to policy paralysis. On the other
hand, if this is not true, then this calls into question the practicability of
the targets set by the policy experts at the UNMS 2000.
Yet, even when the planning delays were taken into account, it
appeared that India’s chances of achieving the MDG targets were miser-
able. The target for births attended by skilled personnel was achievable
in the stipulated period at the national level. India would have achieved
the U-5MR target by 2017, IMR target by 2018, measles immunization
target by 2018 and MMR target by 2022.
A disaggregated analysis at the state-level indicated that among the
targets of MDG 4, 11 out of 17 states would have achieved the U-5MR
targets, whereas 8 out of 17 states would have achieved the IMR target and
6 out of 17 states would have achieved the measles immunization target.
Among the targets of MDG 5, none of the states except Maharashtra
would have achieved the MMR target and all the states except Uttaranchal
Appendix 1
r = (n X t /X 0 ) - 1(1)
where Xt is the value of the indicator at the end of the period, X0 is the
value of the indicator at the start of the period and n is the number of
years during the period.
Using the CAGRs of the health indicators during the NHM phase, the
study estimated the “projected path” beyond 2015 until the MDG target
is achieved. Projections for the indicators for s future years hence was
calculated using the following equation:
Xt+s = Xt (1 + r) s
where t is 2015 for this period and s is the number of the future year
beyond 2015 for which the values are predicted. The examination of the
Prachitha et al.: India in Pursuit 129
proximity of the actual values and the target values in 2015 signifies if the
indicator is on-track. When the indicator is off-track, the year in which
the MDG target value would be achieved at the historical rate of growth
(projected path at NHM rate) was recorded.
NHM was introduced and implemented in the year 2005 and its impact
on the outcomes was observed from the year 2007. Therefore, the study
then attempts to examine the feasibility of achieving the MDG targets
by the Indian states and the nation as a whole provided NHM had been
implemented a few years before in 2002–2003. This would help to analyze
whether the delays in planning and execution of the policies/programs
impeded the achievement of targets by 2015.
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
Appendix A
Table A1.
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
(Table A1 continued)
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