EXPOSING

the FALSE INCRIMINATION

of GENOCIDE

The TRANSFERENCE of
WAR CRIMES and INTENDED GENOCIDE
in RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR

And, how the WORLD

was MANIPULATED and FOOLED

By Rick Heizman

i
Copyright : © Rick Heizman, 2021, All rights reserved.

Contact : burmafriend88@gmail.com

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Papers, Research, Evidence at : scribd.com/rheizman

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Road, Bahan Township, Yangon, Myanmar.

First Edition 2021, May

ii
 About Rick Heizman
Rick Heizman, from San Francisco, USA, has had an extraordinary, lengthy, and deep relationship
with Burma / Myanmar with over 40 visits to the country. He first spent time in Burma in 1981, 1982,
1983, 1984, 1985, and 1986, during the Ne Win dictatorship. During those 6 trips to Burma he
became friends with young men in Rangoon and Mandalay and listened to their concerns and their
hopes. After the failed uprising of 1988-1989, when Rick got back into Burma those friends he had
made were dead, missing or imprisoned. Rick was outraged and quickly and deeply began working
with the opposition and pro-democracy groups both inside Burma and outside.

At the same time, Rick, as an ethnomusicologist, started recording and documenting the traditional
music of Burma, and became acquainted with such great musicians as Daw Mar Mar Aye, Daw Yi
Yi Thant, Sandaya U Hla Htut, Sandaya U Yee Nwe, Gita Lulin U Ko Ko, Inle U Myint Maung, U Tin
Yi, Kyaw Kyaw Naing, and Myanmar Pyi Kyauk Sein. He became very well-known and well-liked
among the top musicians, cultural people, and even ministers of the government who were part of
a system that they greatly disliked but were powerless to affect, however, they were fond of their
deep culture, and knew the importance of maintaining their cultural roots. Rick and his Burmese
colleague opened a creative music school in Yangon in 1996 - Art Academy Music - recognizing
that a lot of young men can be saved from drifting towards despair and drugs when they have a
creative and therapeutic outlet.

In addition, Rick raised money in the US to fund education and humanitarian projects, especially in
remote areas, and built schools in Chin State, Shan State, Rakhine State, and other areas, assisted
a leprosy camp near Kyaingtong, orphanages in Hmawbi, and a hospice for children born with HIV.
He also responded quickly to assist after the devastation of cyclone Nargis in 2008, and the Shan
State earthquake of 2011.

During all of that activity Rick was covertly helping the ‘democracy movement’, meeting secretly
with opposition leaders, suppling them with much needed cash, small cameras, and mobile phones,
meeting with the government-in-exile based in Mae Sot, Thailand, and reporting to US
Congresspeople about the real situation inside Burma / Myanmar.

All of these activities gave Rick extraordinary access to interactions with officials (good and bad),
INGOs, intelligence services, diplomats, Embassy people, UN personnel, etc.

Concerning Rakhine State, Rick first went to Sittwe and Mrauk-U in 1996, and subsequently many
times since then. With 25 years of going back and forth to Rakhine State Rick has experience,
insight, and understanding of the issues there that are unmatched. Since the violent attacks in
August 2017, he has been to nearly every corner of heavily restricted Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and
Rathedaung Townships - three times, totaling nearly 3 weeks - interviewing hundreds of Buddhist,
Hindu, Mro, Thet, Diagnet, Khami, and Muslim people, gathering evidence, and piecing together
the truth of the land.

iii
iv
 Table of Contents

1. Title page .... i

2. Printing credit .... ii
3. About Rick Heizman .... iii
4. Table of Contents .... v

Chapter 1
GENOCIDE? BY WHO?
Morally Confused, Virtue Signaling, Woke
Mainstream Media Journalists
with lgnorant and Arrogant Social Worriors
Shift the Charge of Genocide
From Perpetrator to Victim

1. How the Goals of Islamic Terrorists Become the Accusations Against the Buddhists
- The Transference of War Crimes and Intended Genocide .... 1
2. Genocidal Intent: Proof - Corroboration - Evidence - And the Role of the Mawlawis .... 3
3. A Seized Computer of a Top ARSA / Mujahidin Commander Reveal Astonishing
Data and Intel .... 9
4. A Comparison of Muslim and Buddhist Genocides:
There is Much Misuse of the Word ‘Genocide’ These Days .... 15
5. In a Very Clumsy and Juvenile Manner Fortify Rights Attacks World Expert on
Genocide Because They Want Him to Lie .... 23
6. Why Does Nearly Every Article About the Conflict Keep Repeating the Same
Disinformation, Manipulation and Biased Nonsense? .... 27
7. Why is the United States Government So Out of Touch With Reality Concerning
the Conflict in Rakhine State, Myanmar? .... 35
8. A Massive Attempt to Manipulate Legal and Human Rights Experts, By Shifting
the Charge of Genocide From Perpetrator to Victim .... 39
9. The United Nations Shows its UN-ending, UN-fair, UN-truthful Campaign to Vilify
Myanmar, and Ignore Islamic Terrorism .... 43
10. Alay Than Kyaw: Telenor Accused of Aiding Genocide - False Accusations
Wrapped in Fake History .... 47
11. Special Friday Prayers: Hatred and Intolerance - From the Kyauktaw Central Mosque .... 53

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 Chapter 2
TESTIMONIES, PROOF, EVIDENCE -
ALL VERIFIED

12. Points and Observations, Cause and Effect, Responsibility and Consequences
- As Revealed in the Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE) Reports .... 57
13. ICOE Report - Attacks on Alay Than Kyaw-1 .... 61
14. ICOE Report - Attacks on Alay Than Kyaw-2 .... 71
15. ICOE Report - Attacks on Gu Dar Pyin .... 79
16. ICOE Report - Attacks on Nga Khu Ya .... 87
17. ICOE Report - Attacks on Nan Ya Naing .... 91
18. ICOE Report - Attacks on Kyauk Pan Du .... 95

Chapter 3
WAR CRIMES AND INTENDED GENOCIDE
FROM WWII TO THE PRESENT

19. Quotes From British, Eyewitnesses, and Others Many Decades Ago Are Revealing:
The Campaign Against the Buddhists of Arakan .... 101
20. 1947 Newspaper Article About Bengali Muslim Effort To Break Off From New Nation
of Burma .... 109
21. 1946 Newspaper: Burma Muslims’ “No” To Bengal Leaguers .... 111
22. 1959 Newspaper: Moslems Fleeing Burma Pose Pakistan Problem .... 112
23. 1991 Newspaper: 15 Killed in Skirmish Between Rebels, Burmese .... 114
24. 1991 Newspaper: Muslim ‘Holy Warriors’ Plan War On Burma’s Military Government .... 115
25. Bangladesh Eliminates Its Buddhists - Ongoing Slaughter, Ethnic Cleansing,
Genocide .... 119
26. Bengalis Seize the Land of the Bodo People in Assam - Same Thing They are Doing
in Arakan .... 125
27. Al-Jazeera Used Subliminal Techniques to Shape Public Opinion About the Conflict
in Rakhine State, Myanmar .... 131

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 Chapter 4
BLIND INTOLERANCE, IGNORANT SUPREMACY FAIL

28. Incredible Information from Captured Bengali Muslims Who Are ARSA Militants
and Villagers Who Participated in the Attacks .... 137
29. Prisoner Statement - Adu Mullah .... 140
30. Prisoner Statement - Ma Go La Mauk .... 142
31. Prisoner Statement - Hu Sung Armauk .... 146
32. Prisoner Statement - Anna Mu Har Kane .... 149
33. Prisoner Statement - Ce Ra Zaw Din .... 153

Chapter 5
A MAN / WOMAN IS KNOWN
BY THE COMPANY HE / SHE KEEPS

34. You Would Think a Lofty Court Such As the ICC Would Have Judges of
Impeccable and Exemplary Character, However…Part 1 .... 159
35. You Would Think a Lofty Court Such As the ICC Would Have Judges of
Impeccable and Exemplary Character, However…Part 2 .... 167
36. Gambia Demands Facebook Hand Over Data For Case Against Myanmar
At the ICJ, and Other Facebook Problems .... 175
37. Fortify Rights - ‘A Man is Known By the Company He Keeps’ - The Connections
Between Fortify Rights and Islamic Terrorists .... 183
38. 2 Burmese Army Defectors Admit War Crimes: New York Times - All the News
That’s Fit to Spin, Falsify, Fool, and Manipulate .... 189
39. The Arakan Army, ARSA, Tatmadaw: End Result Scenarios - If AA Wins,
If ARSA Wins, If Tatmadaw Wins .... 205
40. Myanmar Scores Number 1 - Five Years in a Row - In International Survey of
Generosity .... 213

vii
viii
 C H A P T E R
O N E

GENOCIDE? BY WHO?
Mainstream Media - Morally Confused, Virtue Signaling,
Ignorant and Arrogant Social Justice Warriors
Shift the Charge of Genocide
From Perpetrator to Victim

The Case For Intended Genocide -

By the Bengali Muslims
Against the Buddhists, Hindus,
and Ethnic Minorities
in Rakhine State, Myanmar
 HOW THE GOALS OF ISLAMIC TERRORISTS
BECOME THE ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE BUDDHISTS

THE TRANSFERENCE OF WAR CRIMES

AND INTENDED GENOCIDE
IN RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR

By Rick Heizman, Sept 24, 2020

The goals of Islamic terrorists involve both short-term goals and long-term goals. The short-term
goals may change as the terrorists achieve or not achieve them, however, the long-term goals are
essentially the same - eliminating all other religions (or non-religions) by converting others to Islam
or killing them all - and it will be a perpetual war, with occasional truces that will be used to secretly
gather an overwhelming force, and when ready, to launch a decisive blow upon the infidels.

Examples: Osama bin-Laden had short-term goals of killing as many people (most of whom were
non-combatants) as possible, of flying hijacked airplanes simultaneously into the World Trade
Center, the Pentagon, and either the US Congress building or the White House, and taking control
of Afghanistan followed by Pakistan. His long-term goal was to destroy the US, which would give
him the ability to conquer and destroy more and more infidel countries.

ISIS had short-term goals of bringing the world to its knees with constant terrorist attacks,
establishing an Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, with the long-term goal of expanding the Islamic
State until it conquered the world and established a strict Sharia Law abiding Islamic Caliphate
everywhere on Earth.

The Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’), under the banner of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)
have the short term goals of killing and evicting ALL Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities,
seizing the land of northern Arakan / Rakhine State, Myanmar, and declaring it an autonomous
Islamic State. Their long-term goal is to seize ALL of Rakhine State, when they have the wherewithal
to do so, and beyond that to keep conquering in both directions from Rakhine State - to the west,
Hindu dominated India, and to the east all of mostly Buddhist Myanmar.

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(Note that the flag of the Bengali Muslim militant terrorist group - Arakan
Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) - shows the ENTIRE Rakhine State, which is
about 8 times larger than the northern part of the state that they are now
demanding).

In these three examples the terrorist groups’ goals, and the means to achieve
their goals, become exactly what they accuse their victims of. The War Crimes
and the Intended Genocide of the terrorists become accusations of the same against the true
victims. It is a transference of the charges of War Crimes and Intended Genocide from perpetrator
to victim.
In all of these cases, and many others, there are characteristics that are in common.

1. Victimhood - The Muslims always perceive themselves as the victims of others, and in the
Muslim mind that morphs into fighting against the aggressors.
2. Their goals become their accusations against the people that they are fighting, in other
words, as they fail in their ethnic cleansing or intended genocide of infidels they accuse their
victims of the same crimes against humanity.
3. There is the transference of charges of War Crimes, Ethnic Cleansing Genocide or Intended
Genocide.
4. There are many situations of Islamic terrorists attempting to (and often succeeding) in
drawing their opponents into firing on civilians, thereby creating damning media.
5. There are many instances of Islamic terrorists creating fake news stories with photos and
videos unrelated to the conflict, but claiming that they are real.

From a Nepali movie - NOT Rohingya baby with dead mother! Tibetan monks with big earthquake victims.

By Rick Heizman, September 24, 2020

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 GENOCIDAL INTENT:
PROOF - CORROBORATION - EVIDENCE
AND THE ROLE OF THE MAWLAWIS (IMAMS)
TO CARRY OUT A WANTON INTENDED GENOCIDE

By Rick Heizman, September 29, 2020

The UN, the OIC countries, Muslims and their defenders, the ignorant and arrogant virtue signaling
‘human rights activists’ the worldwide Muslim media and the Western media are yelling and
screaming that there is a genocide being committed against the Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) by
the Burmese Army (Tatmadaw). However, there is ZERO solid evidence of that. Indeed, it is a very
strange genocide, with NO piles of bodies, NO mass graves, NO photos or videos showing that
there was, or is, a genocide happening, and NO reduction of the population of those who are
screaming ‘GENOCIDE!’ Actually, the population of Bengali Muslims is increasing at one of the
worlds highest birthrates - hardly grounds for foisting the false accusation of genocide upon the
actual VICTIMS of an INTENDED GENOCIDE.
If the Tatmadaw had intended to commit a genocide they could have killed hundreds of thousands,
but they didn’t. As well, the captured Bengali Muslim militants that I quote from, below, would not
be prisoners if there was intent to commit genocide - they would be dead, but they are not.
This is an example of how the GOALS OF ISLAMIC TERRORISTS become the ACCUSATIONS
AGAINST THE BUDDHISTS. The TRANSFERENCE OF WAR CRIMES AND INTENDED GENOCIDE
in Rakhine State, Myanmar.

THE ROLE OF THE MAWLAWIS AND THE MOSQUES

IN INDOCTRINATING THE BENGALI MUSLIM VILLAGERS
TO CARRY OUT A WANTON INTENDED GENOCIDE
Mawlawi is the term used by Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) for their Islamic ‘holy
men’, or leaders of their mosques. The title of Mawlawi is more or less the same
as Imam, or Mullah.
The Mawlawis - nearly ALL the Mawlawis - had, and still have, a crucial role in the indoctrination,
militancy, violence, supremacy, and agenda of the Bengali
Muslim villagers.
• Many Rakhine Buddhists talk about the Muslims that
they used to work with, and the honest friendships
that they had, but starting a few months to a year
before the attacks of August 25, 2017, the Muslim
workers were warned and prohibited by the Mawlawis
(Imams) to stop all relations with non-Muslims or they

3
 would be punished severely or even have their heads cut off. Many Buddhists describe how
they were warned of the attacks by their Muslim friends a day or two before the attacks.
• The systematic planning for these attacks was profound. The Mawlawis (Imams) of the
mosques were essentially ALL part of the master plan. The Mawlawis together with the
ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) leaders systematically planned the massive surprise
attacks. The Mawlawis indoctrinated the largely illiterate Bengali Muslim villagers and
demanded that they attend the mosque 5 times a day, where the Mawlawis would again and
again pound a plan of ETHNIC CLEANSING with GENOCIDAL INTENT into the people.
• The plan was that the Muslim men were required to attend weapons, explosives, and fighting
skills training with ARSA trainers or Mawlawis who had already taken the training. At a given
time they would be given AK-47s or similar assault rifles and explosives such as grenades,
IEDs, and landmines. They would attack the security forces first, by surprise, at a pre-
determined time, overtake the outposts, slaughter all the security forces, grab all the weapons
and ammo, and then annihilate the Buddhists, Hindus and ethnic minorities, and declare that
land an autonomous Islamic State for Muslims only.
• Many Mawlawis attended the militant training by ARSA or RSO (Rohingya Solidarity
Organization), so that they could conducted militant training themselves to the young men in
their village and neighboring villages. More than a few learned how to make bombs and
landmines and taught classes on how to make explosives. And, a number of these Mawlawis
were severely wounded or killed, along with some eager students when an explosive that the
Mawlawi was instructing his class to make did what explosives do - but accidentally and
prematurely.
The Bengali Muslims, with their vicious and violent attacks with which they launched their Jihad
terror, had absolute GENOCIDAL INTENT. The intent was to kill and exterminate ALL Buddhists,
Hindus, tribal minorities, and any other non-Muslims, and declare the land an autonomous (and
apartheid) Islamic State (with no diversity, no multiculturalism, and no other religions).

CAPTURED MILITANTS TELL OF GENOCIDAL INTENT

Shortly after the massive attacks on August 25, 2017, I was granted permission to travel in the
restricted areas of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung townships, with full access and no
restrictions. (I have now been there 3 times for a total of nearly 3 weeks). I asked for, and was
granted, the statements of captured Muslim militants, and translated 50 of them, so far. The info
and details are astonishing. Here are portions of some of their statements:
Name - Mawlawi Abu Ka Sein, Latha Aut Village, Maungdaw Township
[This prisoner is actually a Mawlawi]
Mawlawi Sike Fula and I were told to organize people in our village for the
upcoming attacks, by Muhammad Jarvar who lives in the same village.
Muhammad Jarvar told us to tell the villagers, “Our goal is to have an Islamic
State for us Muslims in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung. When RSO
and ARSA militants come back from training in Bangladesh, we will start to

4
attack everyone who is not Muslim, so everyone must be ready. We must be united to be strong,
and we will attack all infidels and have our Islamic State.”

Name - Adu Mullah, Myo Thu Gyi Ywa Haung, Maungdaw Township
Our Myo Thu Gyi Village has 8 mosques and I used to go to the one that is
located at the edge of the village. This mosque has 4 Malawis [Imams], they are:
Mawlawi Saw Lim (30), Mawlawi Haseim Mulla (35), Mawlawi Raw Mulla (25),
and Mawlawi Abuka Lum (40).
When the villagers came to the mosque to pray, they said that our Islamic people
have to attack and kill the Buddhists in order to make Rathedaung, Buthidaung
and Maungdaw region an Islamic State. This is what the four Mawlawis said
again and again for 2 months leading up to the attacks.
After attacking the outpost, Mawlawi Baja (30) who had trained with ARSA, told us to burn the
houses of the Bengali villages if the security forces came to us. At 6:00 on 29.8.2017, I took some
petrol and set fire to the Bengali houses of Ywa Thit Kay village. I also saw 7 other Bengalis burning
some houses and running away.

Name - Ar Samon Dulla, Nyaung Pin Gyi Middle Village, Maungdaw Township
During prayer time at the mosque, Mawlawi Islam said, in prayers, that all the
Muslims had to organize and consolidated themselves, and to participate in
the coming fight under the leadership of ARSA, for the establishment of an
Islamic Rohingya State. He also taught us that we can achieve this goal by
killing all the non-Muslim infidels.
Mawlawi Mamauk Dulla, Mawlawi Ahyu and Ei Nus, Haroon taught them
techniques of shooting guns. In addition, Ei Nus and Haroon gave Martial Arts
training. Mawlawi Noor Mamauk (age about 58) son of Rawshee Tarmauk and Mamood Tulla (age
about 30) son of Mamauk Rawfee of the (Pa) Nyaung Pin Gyi (Middle) Village gave training in
making landmines and other bombs. To make timed-mines, the gun powder was put into a bottle,
and then a wire was connected with a small piece of clay, and bottle neck was closed tightly with
a piece of cloth. They explained that the timed-mine would blow up according to a fixed time.
While I was with my family at home on 24.8.2017, I heard the noise of an explosion at about 8:00
P.M. It was later known that it was a handmade mine, which exploded while making it, at the home
of Mawlawi Zubai (age about 35) (father’s name unknown), of (Pa) Nyaung Pin Gyi (North) Village.
Mawlawi Zubai was rushed immediately to a hospital in Bangladesh for medical treatment of the
injury sustained during the explosion of the handmade mine at his home.
It was known that before attacking the (Pa) Nyaung Pin Gyi Police Outpost, that the guns and
handmade mines were hidden inside the compound of the mosque. Mawlawi Ahyu took those
guns and handmade mines to attack the Police Outpost. The militant group led by Mawlawi Ahyu
ran away taking the guns and the handmade mines with them.

5
Name - Ma Go La Mauk, Bellami village, Pauk Pin Yin, Rathedaung Tsp
ARSA trainees, Ha Su, Saltar, Mawlawi Sayed Alom, and Mawlawi Abu Ha
Sheim learned how to make bombs when they went to Bangladesh. They
made bombs in the home of Mawlawi Adu Shu Ku, and kept the bombs in Adu
Shu Ku’s house and Dil Ma Mauk’s house in our village.

Name - Eili Yard, Kyaung Daung Middle Village, Buthidaung Township

People in my village are required to go to the mosque and worship five times a
day and every time we go to the mosque, Mawlawis Saw Ling and Abu Saw
Yord always told us, “One of these days the cities and townships of Buthidaung,
Maungdaw, and Rathedaung must be an Islamic controlled State, so we all will
have to attack any non-Muslims. When the time comes, we will attack all the
police outposts in these regions. We are making progress, with members of
RSO [Rohingya Solidarity Organization], and ARSA [Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army] secretly coming in from Bangladesh and secretly giving militant training
in some villages. One day these members of RSO and ARSA will be leading us to attack all the
police outposts, and seize all the weapons to wage Jihad against all the non-Muslims at the same
time in these three townships. We Muslims must be united to achieve our goals.”

Name - Anna War, Rwar That Kay Village, Maungdaw Township

Everytime we went to the mosque, Mawlawi Haface Gira Man, told us “Muslim
people must be united, and gather all kinds of weapons, and whenever you
have a chance, you all have the opportunity to attack all the border guards,
and police outposts, and kill everyone who is non-Muslim and set fire to
whole villages. You all need to participate”.
On August 28, 2017, at 11:00 in the morning, Mawlawi Haface Gira Man,
called a meeting with all the men in the village, and he said “Tonight we will
go set fire to Hindu villages in Mro Ma east blocks”.
We were led by Mawlawi Haface Gira Man, and we all went to set the Hindu villages on fire. When
we got there in the darkness Mawlawi Haface Gira Man started to light up the gasoline bombs and
we threw them into the Hindu houses. After a few houses were raging with flames, and the fire
continued house to house, we all ran back to our village.

Name - Ha Main Tu Soung, Kyi Gan Pyin Middle Village, Maungdaw Township
Mawlawi Jo Ko Lee Yar always told us, “Unify all Muslims to attack the non-
Muslims. Collect all kinds of weapons - knives, swords, heavy sticks, etc. -
and when the time comes, one day, we will do Jihad in Rakhine State, attacking
all police stations, and setting fire to all of their houses. So, all of you - men,
women, and children - have to participate”.
On August 24, 2017, about 5:00 pm, when I went to the mosque, Mawlawi Jo

6
Ko Lee Yar spoke, “Tonight, we are going to attack the police outposts. There will be a lot of people
who will lead, and they have enough weapons - guns and swords - for everyone, so don’t be afraid,
and everyone of you, men, women, and children must join in this Jihad.”

Name - Adullah, Eitarlya (Middle) village, Maungdaw Township

Every time we went to to pray at the mosque, Mawlawi Mamauk Sedees and
Mawlawi Abu Ta told us that ARSA would lead attacks someday soon in order
to achieve our goal of seizing Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung and
declaring it to be an autonomous Islamic State. The Mawlawis said that ARSA
would give training to Bengali villagers, how to shoot guns and how to make
bombs. They said when they are ready to attack, even if villagers don’t know
how to use guns, everyone must join with swords and clubs, and all men,
women and even children must join the attacks. If they refused to do, they
would be beheaded, they said. The Mawlawis were very much connected with ARSA militants.

Name - Mohamed Islam, Kom Thee Pin Ashit Ywa village, Maungdaw Township
Our village has a mosque and the mosque Mawlawi is Mawlawi Islam (40) and
the Arabic teacher is Shaung Shu Ar Lom (35). Every time I went to the
mosque to pray, they told us to attack in the name of our Islamic religion, and
not to fear any other religions, and that we must do what Allah requests. They
said we would start the attacks after ARSA militants arrived and that they
would have guns and bombs, and we need to be ready to join and attack with
them.
They warned us that every Muslim had to join these attacks and those who did not participate or
informed the authorities about this would be killed, in accordance with our Islamic religion.

Name - Dar Dit Raw Fe, Center Pa Nyaung Pin Gyi village, Maungdaw Township
Mawlawis Ar Yu and his brother Mar Mauk Dular, age – 38 have already
attended the terrorist training in the ARSA hideouts. They are the leaders of
the terrorist attackers from our village. Their father lives in Saudi Arabia.
Since 3 years ago, they have given terrorist training to Bengalis in the Mayu
Mountains. We are under death threats to attend that training. So, all Bengalis
from our village and other villages attended that terrorist training. And we
were threatened that we must participate in the attack by Mawlawi Ar Yu, Mar
Mauk Dular and Army Sat Raw Shi from West Pa Nyaung Pin Gyi village, age
– 40. If any Bengalis did not participate they would be considered traitors and their heads would be
cut off. But at that time, I had not yet attended the terrorist training.
On 24.8.2017, at 8 pm, when I was at home with my family, I heard a bomb explosion from Mawlawi
Zu Bine’s house from North Pa Nyaung Pin Gyi village. The explosion happened while he was
making handmade bombs at his house.

7
A SYSTEMATIC PLAN OF GENOCIDAL INTENT
It is abundantly clear that the Bengali Muslim Mawlawis (Imams) and the militant leaders of ARSA
and RSO had a systematic plan, with GENOCIDAL INTENT, to ethnically cleanse the land of ALL
non-Muslims - and this plan was indoctrinated into the Bengali Muslim villagers in the mosques five
times a day, everyday.
This is why the Bengali Muslims cannot live with, or even near, any non-Muslims. Genocidal intent
is inextricably part of their religion, their history, their upbringing, and their culture (just ask the
Hindus and Buddhists on all sides of Bangladesh or Pakistan), and there is always a dangerously
high likelihood of death to others that live near them.
I also have proof, corroboration, and evidence of GENOCIDAL INTENT from the 100s of militant /
terrorist-made videos, where I have had the Bengali language translated to English which brings
terrifying and incriminating meaning and context to the videos.

ANOTHER TROUBLING POINT INVOLVING THE MAWLAWIS

When I was in northern Buthidaung Township, on the way to Taung Bazar, we stopped at Maung
Nu - a large and deserted Muslim village, along the Mayu River.
As we walked around the abandoned village of Maung Nu we found the Arabic Madrassa school
building. It was full of books and Korans in Arabic language and kids notebooks where they had
practiced writing Arabic. The Bengali-speaking kids are not learning Burmese or Arakanese
languages, which would be very useful for them if they were to live in Myanmar. The Mawlawis tell
them they must learn Arabic. What good is that language for anything in their future - unless their
future is one of intolerance, supremacy, hate and terror?

By Rick Heizman, September 29, 2020

8
 A SEIZED COMPUTER OF A
TOP ARSA / MUJAHIDIN COMMANDER,
AND CAPTURED HARD DRIVES AND MOBILE PHONES REVEAL
ASTONISHING DATA AND INTEL
URL: arakan-reality.smugmug.com/ARAKAN-the-CONFLICT-VIDEOS/SEIZED-COMPUTER-OF-
ARSA-COMMANDER/

By Rick Heizman, June 2020

A captured computer, seized from Commander Rashed Ullah has the strongest and
most indisputable evidence concerning who are the perpetrators and antagonists of
the violence and mayhem in the conflict between Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) and
Rakhine Buddhists, in Arakan / Rakhine State, Myanmar.

The computer is loaded with videos, photos, documents, and other intel.

OVER 700 HIGH-QUALITY VIDEOS ON THE COMPUTER SHOW:

1. Secret training camps deep in the Mayu Mountains of northern

Rakhine State, where Bengali Muslims learn about and train with weapons
and explosives.

2. The training of Bengali Muslim militants in Saudi Arabia, the biggest

sponsor of the militants, where they will learn ambush, hostage
taking, and assassination techniques, among other things.

3. Long meetings spoken in Bengali language held in Saudi Arabia

with the secret ‘Rohingya Arakani Mujahidin’ council that directs the
propaganda, the fake identity and the fake history of the Bengali Muslims.

4. There are dozens of videos and photos that show the village
support system that provides food, medicine, and basic necessities
to the militants who are training in the secret Mayu Mountain camp.

9
 5. There are interviews with individual militants who clearly state
their brutal and supremacist goals while displaying their newly acquired
AK-47s and saying who they want to kill with their lethal weapons.

6. There are documents showing technical info about C3, C4, RDX, TNT,
and PETN high-powered explosives, and how to use them effectively.

7. There are 100s of videos concerning making many types of weapons,

explosives, landmines, mixing of poisonous chemicals, close quarter combat,
knife-fighting techniques, and there are dozens of videos showing ISIS type
groups torturing and killing in the most gory and sickening manners.

8. There is much revealing data about the network of Mujahidin activists and
frontmen in the West, who use their language skills, academic positions,
and political savvy to influence and manipulate world opinion, and to fool
the world with their deceitful connections with media, world leaders,
NGOs, and academic mouthpieces.

Due to the fact that this is an on-going operation we must be very vague about
how the computer was seized, where, and when. At an appropriate time we can release more info
about it.
We have been very busy, for the first 5 months of 2020, examining, categorizing, and translating the
massive amount of incriminating data on the computer, and other seized items, including hard
drives, memory sticks, and mobile phones.

RASHED ULLAH’S COMPUTER

The computer belonged to Rashed Ullah - the elder brother of Atta Ullah - Commander in Chief of
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).
Rashed Ullah was said to be number 2 commander. Rashed, like his brother Atta, was born in
Pakistan, and raised in Saudi Arabia, where he plotted and raised funds using his deep Saudi and
Pakistani connections. The computer also contains many personal items such as photos of his wife
and children, his car (and its license plate), his colleagues, his fake ID cards, etc.
All of this mountain of evidence is at, or on the way to, UN agencies, ICC, ICJ, Embassies, and
intelligence agencies of USA, UK, Australia, Thailand, India, and more.
This data haul shows clear complicity with Saudi Arabia, and we expect Saudi Arabia to cooperate
in routing out the terrorists who are being trained, armed, and financed on their soil, for the purpose
of invading, subverting, and seizing land of a sovereign nation.

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MORE DETAILS OF CATEGORIES STATED ABOVE:

Militants Training in the Mayu Mountains

There are nearly 100 high quality videos, and 100s of photos taken at
the secret training camps.
This particular training camp was deep in the Mayu Mountains roughly
between Gu Dar Pyin in Buthidaung Township and Tha Ray Kone
Baung in Maungdaw Township.
It was mentioned by Rakhine, Thet, and Khami villagers which I
interviewed on several occasion in their mountain villages. They
described how some of their villagers disappeared while foraging in
the deep forest and mountains for snails and other products. Sometimes the subsequent searches
would discover some of the maze of training camps and weapons smuggling routes.

This camp was on the ‘northern’ smuggling route, and was also mentioned in confessions by
captured ARSA militants who described in great detail the quantities of swords, guns, ammo, and
cash that were smuggled and concealed along these routes in hidden underground bunkers and
tunnels. I, myself, found one such bunker in Kyauk Pan Du in southern Maungdaw Township.

Rashed Ullah, with help and protection, snuck across the

Bangladesh border, into Rakhine State, and traveled to this remote
training camp in the Mayu Mountains.

Militants training in Saudi Arabia

There are over 100 high quality videos taken at training locations in
Saudi Arabia. Rashed Ullah is clearly in charge of everything as he
directs the training with weapons and explosives, hostage taking,
ambush and assassination techniques.
Although they are in Saudi Arabia the language spoken is
Chittagong dialect Bengali - exactly what the so-called Bengali
‘Rohingya’ speak. And, they chant the same anthem both in
Rakhine State and in Saudi Arabia.

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Long Meetings with the Rohingya Arakani Mujahidin
Council in Saudi Arabia
There are hours of videos - now fully translated - taken at long
meetings held in Saudi Arabia, spoken in Bengali language, with
the secret ‘Rohingya Arakani Mujahidin’ council that directs the
propaganda, and fake identity and history of the Bengali
Muslims. Items of interest discussed include: using and
manipulating various media, using their corrupted connections in the UN, OIC, and EU, and firmly
asserting that they will not work together with, strive for peace with, or negotiate with Burmese or
Rakhine Buddhists - in any way, shape or form.

Village Support System

Nearly 100 videos and photos show Bengali Muslim villagers at the
secret train camp in the Mayu Mountains with dozens of bags of rice,
beans, vegetables, and meat to sustain the militants at the camp. This
reinforces the facts that show the intimate relationship between ARSA/
Mujahidin militants and Muslim villagers, who overwhelmingly
supported the violent and supremacist goals of the militants.

Statements of Individual Fighters

There are video interviews with individual fighters who express their violent bravado, and show off
their newly acquired AK-47s while stating how eager they are to kill Buddhists. They also warn that
they will kill any of their fellow Muslims if they are suspected of giving information to the Burmese
authorities, work with the government, or oppose the Jihad being waged by the militant groups.
There are even a couple of militants who inferred that they have worked with the AA (Arakan Army)
- a troubling alliance based on practical necessity - they both benefit from drug and weapons
smuggling, and neither ARSA or AA can defeat the Tatmadaw alone, however in the long run they
both would fight each other, as their goals are diametrically different.

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The Network of Mujahidin Activists and Frontmen - mostly in the West
In this photo we have - from left to right:

1. Tun Khin, born and also known as Ziaul Ghaffar - from Buthidaung, Rakhine State, Myanmar.
He is the founder and president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization UK, also known as
BRO-UK. He is a frontman for Harakah al-Yaqin / ARSA / Mujahidin groups in the UK.
2. Former Thai MP Samark - a Thai Muslim who shields and protects Anwar (number 4). There
are allegations of ties with the Muslim Mafia and Mujahidin groups.
3. Matthew Smith - founder and CEO of a controversial and notorious, so-called Human Rights
group.
4. Muhammad Anwar Ruwagoom Munir Ahamad, also known as Muhammad Anwar Akhtar, or
simply Anwar. He was born in Maungdaw, Rakhine State, and lives and travels often between
Bangkok and Saudi Arabia. He is a Mujahid frontman allegedly involved in weapons buying,
financing, bribing Thai officials, human trafficking, and ordering assassinations.
There are many more photos of these people as well as others, associating with known terrorists
and jihadists who are supporting the Bengali Muslim’ jihad and land grab in Rakhine State.

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SOLID INDISPUTABLE EVIDENCE

WHO systematically planned war?

WHO systematically planned a wanton INTENDED GENOCIDE?
WHO has a supremacist ideology - that is so intolerant and hateful towards others?
WHO cannot live in peace and harmony with any other type of people?
Among all this data and intel from the seized computer there is solid and indisputable evidence of
systematic planning and training both in the Mayu Mountains and in Saudi Arabia. There is solid
evidence of fundraising in the meetings with the Rohingya Arakani Mujahidin Council. Rashed Ullah
stated at the meetings the importance of manipulating the media, world courts (ICC and ICJ), and
the UN, and influencing ‘their people’ who have seats in those entities. And, Rashed had all
members at the meetings swear on the Quran that they will never negotiate with, work together
with, or strive for peace with Burmese or Rakhine Buddhists. Their goal is to occupy the land of
Arakan, establish an Islamic State, and kill or expel every Buddhist, Hindu, or any other non-
Muslim.
The Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) with the assistance of the Muslim world media, and the politically
correct and virtue signaling Western media have successfully fooled much of the world with their
fake identity, false history, manipulative narratives, and false accusations. The hidden truth is being
unveiled now…..

Update: RASHED ULLAH IS ARRESTED IN SAUDI ARABIA

After releasing these videos, starting in June 2020, the Saudi government saw them and arrested
Rashed Ullah and others who were part of the militant group, as well as members of the council.
One must understand that the current leader of Saudi Arabia - Crown Prince Mohammad bin
Salman - is different than his predecessors. He wants to make the Islam of Saudi Arabia to be more
moderate, and more tolerant. The videos which unmistakably showed foreign militants training on
the soil of Saudi Arabia disturbed the government, which does not want to be known to be aiding
and abetting terrorist training and financing - especially upon its own soil.

By Rick Heizman, June, 2020

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A COMPARISON OF MUSLIM & BUDDHIST GENOCIDES

By Rick Heizman, April 23, 2017 : Updated September 30, 2020

THERE IS MUCH MISUSE of the word ‘GENOCIDE’ these days.

Such as: attempts by some to cover their exaggerated and manipulative accusations
against the Buddhists in western Burma, with the inflammatory charge of: ‘genocide against the
Muslims’. In reality, the Rakhine Buddhist people, their culture, and their Buddhism are the ones
facing a future genocide, by an ideology that has been genocidal since it started, and has committed
genocides up to the border of Rakhine State in western Burma / Myanmar.

GENOCIDES committed by BUDDHISTS

since the time of the Buddha - 2600 years ago
None are known

GENOCIDES committed by MUSLIMS

of the last 105 years: Many…. See page 2
(Note: To go back to the beginnings of Islam would result in
perhaps hundreds of pages and thousands of events. One can
see the trend easily enough with just some of the massacres of
the last 100 years.)

Some people are falsely accusing the Buddhist Rakhine people of ‘genocide’ against the
Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) after violence erupted there, in June 2012, resulting in about
200-300 deaths of both Buddhists and Muslims. That is not even close to being a situation
that can use the term ‘Genocide’.
The only true genocide in the last 100 years in Burma was the 1942 Maungdaw Genocide -
where Bengali Muslims (the term ‘Rohingya’ was unknown then) armed by the British to fight
the Japanese in WWII did not fight the Japanese, but instead, turned the weapons on the
dominant, indigenous Buddhist Culture, they killed 30,000 Buddhists in Maungdaw township
alone, burned over 400 Buddhist villages, and sent 100,000 Buddhists fleeing for their lives.

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 Casualties: 1,000,000-1,500,000 Armenian Christians, 1914-1918
The ‘Armenian Genocide’ refers to the deliberate and systematic destruction
of the Armenian population of the Turkish Ottoman Empire during and just
after World War I. The Armenians were one of the oldest Christian cultures -
originating 6 centuries before Islam started. To the fanatic Muslims this was
intolerable, and the Armenians (and Greeks and Assyrians) were demonized
and persecuted. The frenzied intolerance of the Muslims demanded a jihad,
which was implemented through wholesale massacres, and forced marches
into bleak deserts where - by intentional design - huge groups of people,
ethnically cleansed from their villages, died from starvation and exposure to
the elements.

Casualties: 348,000 Anatolian Greeks, 1914-1918

The ‘Greek Genocide’ refers to the fate of the Greek population of the
Turkish Ottoman Empire during and after World War I (1914–18). Like
Armenians and Assyrians, the Greeks were subjected to many forms of
persecution including death threats, expulsions, and massacres, by
Young Turks. Mass killing of Greeks in Turkey continued even as the
more progressive ‘Young Turks’ movement took over.

Casualties: 750,000 Assyrian Christians, 1914-1918

The ‘Assyrian Genocide’ paralleled the Armenian and Greek Genocides
at the time. The Assyrians of northern Mesopotamia were forcibly
relocated and massacred by Ottoman forces. Assyrians were also an
old Christian culture existing well before Islam even started.

To be rightully called a GENOCIDE there are some parameters to meet.

GENOCIDE is the planned destruction of a racial, national, ethnic or religious

(or non-religious), group, culture, or nation - by the following means:
(a) mass arrests, seizure, confinement, or detainment usually leading to
(b) torture, multilation, mass murder and executions.
(c) forbiddance of, or elimination of national or ethnic culture and religious life.
(d) enslavement, and the suppression of, or absence of basic human rights.
(e) destruction of national, racial, or ethnic economy or livelihood.
(f) the destruction or elimination being severe enough to obliterate completely, or
massively decimate the object of the genocide.

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Casualties: 6,000 Assyrians, 1933.
The newly independent Kingdom of Iraq launched a systematic campaign
against the Christian Assyrian community (those that had survived the
Assyrian/Armenian Genocides) culminating in an especially heinous
massacre in Simele, Iraq. The Muslims could not tolerate any non-Muslims
and were easily excited into launching a jihad against infidels.

Casualties: 65,000-70,000 Alevi Kurds, 1937-38.

The ‘Dersim Genocide’ refers to the depopulation of Dersim - a region in
Turkish Kurdistan. Many tens of thousands of Alevi Kurds were killed under
the rising ‘Turkification’ of Kurdistan, thousands more were driven into exile.

Casualties: 30,000 Buddhists, 1942.

The western part of Burma, known as Arakan had been experiencing a huge
influx of Bengali Muslims, aggressively pushing the indigenous Buddhists
out of their deeply-rooted homeland, and asserting that this land was to be
theirs. In a sudden, planned attack the minority Bengali Muslims, armed with
WWII weapons, killed 30,000 Buddhists in Maungdaw township alone,
burned over 400 Buddhist villages, and sent 100,000 Buddhists fleeing for
their lives.

Casualties: 3,500,000 Black Christians in south Sudan, 1953-2005.

The Arab rulers of Sudan, with their Islamic supremacy and intolerance,
waged a never-ending jihad against the ‘inferior’ Christian and animist
Africans in the south of Sudan. The number of casualties is staggering. Jihad
was declared officially, in 1983 by leaders Numeiri, and 1991 by al-Bashir.

Casualties: 75,000-105,000 Kurds, 1961-1970.

The First Kurdish-Iraq War or Barazani Rebellion was an attempt to establish
an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq. It didn’t matter that both sides
were Muslim - they would be just as brutal as they would be fighting infidels.

Casualties: 100,000-400,000 Irian Jaya natives, 1963.

Indonesia inherited half of the giant island of Papua New Guinea from the
Dutch colonists, but had never ruled it before. The Muslim Indonesian
government had nothing but disdain and intolerance of the animist and
Christian native tribal people. The Indonesian army engaged in apartheid,
ethnic cleansing and jihad against the non-Muslim natives.

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 Casualties: 500,000-1,000,000 mostly ethnic Chinese, 1965-66.
In response to a growing Communist threat in Indonesia, the leader, Suharto,
and his military demonized the non-Muslim Chinese, and gave a green light
for Indonesian Muslims to embark upon a jihad and massacre the Chinese.

Casualties: 3,000,000 Christian Ibo tribal people, 1966-1970.

Nigerian Muslim (Hausa / Fulani) dominated forces waged outright genocidal
slaughter and extermination of the Christian Ibo African ethnicity, with
horrendously high casualties.

Casualties: 20,000-25,000 Jordanians and ‘Palestinians’ 1970-71.

‘Palestinians’ in Jordan, tried to rise up in rebellion and were dealt with and
put down with the full power and savagery of the Jordanian forces. Known
as: Black September - another example of brutal Muslim against Muslim
genocide.

Casualties: 300,000 Arab Christians and Muslims, 1970s-1999.

Syrian Muslims and 'Palestinians' fought a long war of power, influence, and
control against the Arab Christians of Lebanon. Lebanon had been, at that
time, majority Christian Arab, and its capital of Beirut, and other coastal
cities were ‘the playground of the Mediterranean’.

Casualties: 3,000,000 Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, 1971.

Leading to the independence of India, in 1947, the Muslims of India
demanded their own country. Future Bangladesh became East Pakistan,
part of Pakistan, but 100 miles from its larger western half. The Muslim
Pakistani racism and supremacy over the Muslim Bengalis led finally to war.
In 1971, east Pakistan fought for independence from Pakistan, and became
Bangladesh after an extremely bloody nine-month war. Both nations used
the cover of war to annihilate millions of infidel Hindus and Buddhists, who
had nothing to do with conflict.

Casualties: 182,000 Kurds, 1978 -1989.

The Iraqi government, in order to secure its control and influence over the
Kurds, started an Arabization program by moving Arabs to the vicinity of oil
fields in Kurdistan, particularly around Kirkuk. The repressive measures
against the Kurds (who are not Arabs) led to renewed fighting between the
Iraqi Army and Kurdish guerrillas. In 1978 and 1979, 600 Kurdish villages
were burned down and around 200,000 Kurds were deported to the other
parts of the country. In the early 1980s, another Kurdish rebellion erupted in
northern Iraq. The revolt ended with a massive killing campaign by Saddam
Hussein in 1986-1989. During the Al-Anfal Campaign an estimated 182,000
Kurds lost their lives in north Iraq and hundreds of thousands fled to the high
mountains of Turkey and Iran.

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Casualties: 1,500,000 Iraqis and Iranians, 1980 -1988.
The Iran-Iraq War. A long and extremely brutal war, where both sides used
everything they had, from Scud missiles to poison gas, to waves of young
boys made to run across and clear minefields. Also, massive environmental
damage from setting oil fields on fire. After 8 long years neither side had
gained anything.

Casualties: 80,000 Iranians, 1979.

In Iran, during the radical fascist 'Islamic Revolution’, thousands of
intellectuals, and liberals were rounded up and executed. Hardline Islam did
not need or want thinkers and critics.

Casualties: 200,000 East Timorese people, 1975 -1999.

East Timor - a former Portuguese colony - was one half of a long mountainous
island. The other half of the island was part of the very large Dutch colony
which became Indonesia. The East Timorese became Christian long ago.
Modern Indonesia, a huge Muslim country, waged a fierce war to annex East
Timor after it gained independence from Portugal. The Indonesian army
(almost entirely Muslim) savagely slaughtered the Christians of East Timor
with no mercy.

Casualties: 300,000-500,000 mostly Kurds, 1979-2003.

Throughout Iraq, Baathist racist Arab tyrants like Saddam Hussein, carried
out massacres in the name of Islam and used 'anti-infidel' ideology when it
suited them, despite being ‘weak’ Muslims. Most victims were Kurds, as well
as his own people, and anyone he perceived as being against him. Features:
brutal dictatorship, anti-Kurdish Arab-racism, and Sunni vs. Shiite ‘religious
intolerance’ and systematic violence.

Casualties: 40,000 Syrians, 1982.

in Hama,Syria, Hafez al-Assad, the father of the current dictator of Syria
put down a revolt against his totalitarianism in an especially brutal and
bloody campaign - against his own people.

Casualties: 100,000-150,000 Yemenis, 1984-1986.

This was known as the North Yemen Civil War.
Features: Pan-Arabism, Nasser's Arab nationalism, Sunni-Shiite divide,
Egyptian and Soviet-backed Royalists vs Saudi Arabian, Jordanian and
Iranian-backed fighters.

19
 Casualties: 40,000 Kurds, 1984-1999.
The Turks unyielding bigotry and supremacy towards the Kurds (and others)
prevents them from letting the Kurds use their own language and assert their
own culture. The Muslim Turkish army is exceedingly harsh to the Kurds,
who are persecuted in Iraq, Iran, and Turkey.

Casualties: between 350,000-1,000,000 Somalis, Since 1991.

In the Somalia Civil War, ruthless Sunni warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid
wanted Somalia governed by ‘Islamic principals’. Barbaric warlords and
fanatic clans fought. One of the highlighted infamous incidents was the al-
Qaeda backed Islamists' attack on a humanitarian UN mission, killing 18
people, in Oct, 1993.
The main terrorist group - al-Shabaab is linked to al-Qaeda, and has became
more and more powerful, planning for a great 'Islamic Republic' to replace
the various countries nearby. Al-Shabaab has been staging big terrorist acts
in neighboring Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania.
Note: This civil war also exposed deep racism and contempt from Arabized
Africans against the native Africans. Arabized Africans always had power
over the native Africans.

Casualties: over 160,000 Kurds, Christians, Arabs in Iraq, since 2003.

Features: Intra-Islamic bigotry and violence between Sunni and Shiite, and
agendas and violence by Al-Qaeda, Baathists, Iran and its proxy Hezbollah.

Casualties: 30,000 Somali children, 2011.

The 2011 famine, in Somalia - was entirely the fault of the fanatic Islamists,
who had been refusing assistance, banning aid, preventing Somalis from
fleeing famine-ridden areas, and executing those caught trying to flee.

Casualties: over 100,000 Syrians (probably much higher) and growing.

Ongoing. People are dying everyday throughout Syria, at the hands of Syrian
forces, with Iranian, Hezbollah and Russian active participation.
Features: Alawite (the ruling Islamic minority) apartheid, Sunni vs. Alawi
religious hatred, as well, a battleground for the great Sunni-Shiites divide.

20
Casualties: tens of thousands of Nigerians, climbing rapidly, Ongoing.
Boko Haram of Nigeria is massacring Nigerian Christians almost daily. As
well, they have horrified the world (at least the non-Muslim world) with brazen
kidnappings of hundreds of Christian girls who face a horrible life and/or a
horrible death.
Their name of Boko Haram literally means: ‘Western education is sinful’.
Imagine a future with them controlling Africa - there would be no intelligent
minds to solve problems of disease, droughts, famines, economies, food
production, transportation, medical and health needs.

Casualties: over 100,000 people, increasing rapidly. Ongoing.

The Islamic State, also known as ISIS or IS, is super horrific, violent, and
intolerant. And yet, they, and Boko Haram, Al-Qeada, Al Shabaab, the
Taliban, and others are not deviating from Islam - they are actually following
very well, the words of Mohammad, which they believe are the actual words
of Allah - transmitted through Mohammad to the Qur’an.

Casualties: millions of Buddhists as well as Hindus and Christians,

Ongoing. Historically, the land now called BANGLADESH was Vedic, Hindu,
and Buddhist kingdoms for nearly 2000 years. The great Buddhist Pala
Empire, centered in Bengal, ruled a very large area until the 12th century,
when Muslim armies swept through India, killing or forcing Buddhists to the
edges of their rule.
The very famous Nalanda university, library, and repository of world
knowledge was attacked and burnt down and its resident scholars and
Buddhist monks were slaughtered by the thousands.
At India’s 1947 independence, the Muslims got what they had demanded:
a country defined by Islamic supremacy. At that time, the once Buddhist
land - which became East Pakistan (future Bangladesh) - was around 10%
Buddhist - now Buddhists are less than 1%. There has been a constant slow
genocide against the now 1 million Buddhists and other minorities. Rape by
Bengali Muslims is frequent and done with impunity, villages are seized by
Muslims who have no qualms about making it their own village.
And, this is right next to Rakhine State, Burma, and the Rakhine Buddhists
know that they are next, and they do not want to be driven out of their
ancient homeland.

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 And, there are many current campaigns of terror, threats, and ethnic cleansing
by Muslims - (but not by Buddhists):
of the Christians: in Egypt, Lebanon, Nigeria, Indonesia, the Philippines,
Syria, the West Bank, Iraq, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and others…
of the Buddhists: in Indonesia, Bangladesh, Malaysia, western
Myanmar, Sri Lanka and southern Thailand…
of the Hindus: in Malaysia, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, the Maldives…

There is also a very long list of many thousands of

Islamic motivated attacks, destruction, or terrorist acts
(but, no attacks, destruction, or terror by Buddhists),
in the following countries:

The United States, Argentina, the UK, France, Spain, Australia, India, Israel, Russia, Germany,
Belgium, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, Chechnya, the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, Sri
Lanka, Algeria, Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, United Arab Emirates, Qatar,
Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Morocco, Yemen, Uzbekistan, Gaza, Tunisia, Mauritania, Kenya,
Eritrea, Somalia, Nigeria, Sudan, Ethiopia, Mali, Tanzania, Chad, Tajikistan, China, Nepal, the
Maldives, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Macedonia, and more.

Hoping for peace and harmony, in diversity, with metta (loving kindness)

By Rick Heizman, April 23, 2017, San Francisco

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 IN A VERY CLUMSY AND JUVENILE MANNER
FORTIFY RIGHTS ATTACKS WORLD EXPERT ON GENOCIDE
BECAUSE FORTIFY RIGHTS WANTS HIM TO LIE
FOR THEIR AGENDA

By Rick Heizman, March 10, 2020

Posing as a so-called ‘Human Rights’ group, Fortify Rights - a notorious

Jihad supporting, money making cartel for its Amir - CEO Matthew Smith,
and his cronies - trotted out an article on March 6, 2020, titled:
Myanmar: Previously Unpublished Interview with Myanmar Government
Lawyer Details International Crimes Against Rohingya, with this subtitle:
Lawyer compares Myanmar treatment of Rohingya to Nazi Germany.

In 2013, Professor William Schabas - world expert on genocide - was approached by Muslim
Media giant Al-Jazeera, filmmaker Phil Rees, who was the Acting Director of Investigative Journalism
at Jazeera's Investigative Unit, and other ‘Rohingya’ advocates and frontmen. Phil Rees was
making a ‘documentary film’ to be titled: ‘The Hidden Genocide’. They all conspired to convince
Professor Schabas of the validity of their pro-Muslim agenda.

It was just after the 2012 violence erupted in Rakhine State, Myanmar, and at that time nearly all of
the news about the conflict was coming from, and filtered by, the Muslim media of the world,
especially Al-Jazeera, with its English platform. The Rakhine Buddhist narrative was nearly totally
absent from any media because there was essentially no media in that poor, distant, and under-
developed part of an already distant and under-developed country.

Al-Jazeera is a Qatari state-funded broadcaster in Doha, Qatar, owned by the Al Jazeera

Media Network, which in turn is owned by the government of Qatar. Critics have accused Al
Jazeera of being a propaganda outlet for the Qatari government. The network is sometimes
perceived to have mainly Islamist perspectives, promoting the Muslim Brotherhood, and
having a pro-Sunni and an anti-Shia bias in its reporting of regional issues.

In December 2019, at the International Court of Justice, Professor William Schabas said,
“I did, as I recall, a one-hour interview with a journalist from Al-Jazeera [for the film, ‘The Hidden
Genocide’]. Two clips, of a matter of seconds, were taken from the interview [for the film]”.
MATTHEW SMITH DOES NOT BOTHER TELLING YOU WHICH CLIPS WERE ACTUALLY USED IN
THE FILM! Those two short clips that the film did use are:

23
 1) “I’m always cautious about cavalier use of the term because it
does suffer from a great deal of rather extravagant use of the term,
precisely because of its potential as a word to get people’s attention.”

2) “But I don’t think that there’s much difficulty in asserting that in the
case of the Rohingya, that we’re moving into a zone where the word can
be used.”

Matthew Smith cleverly, in a Goebbels-like manner, IMPLIES that the

last sentence ended there, after the word “used”, but it did NOT end
there. Actually Schabas said in the 2nd clip, “But I don’t think that there’s much difficulty in asserting
that in the case of the Rohingya, that we’re moving into a zone where the word can be used even
if . . . we have insufficient evidence now to reach any firm conclusion.” Well, it is easy to see WHY
Matthew Smith didn’t want the remainder of the sentence to be acknowledged.

This madness would make Joseph Goebbels - Hitlers’ Minister of Propaganda - smile!
Matthew Smith is constantly, manipulatively, and viciously trying to shape public opinion and
foment hatred of Buddhists and non-Muslim ethnic minorities, especially in Rakhine State,
Myanmar, by constantly demonizing and dehumanizing them, and anyone speaking for them.

Consider this: Phil Rees / Al-Jazeera recorded over 21 minutes of interviewing Professor Schabas.
It would make sense for them to use the strongest clips that agreed with their ‘genocide against
Rohingya’ agenda. And, we don’t know if the interview in 2013 was held under any agreements
concerning Schabas’ right to grant Phil Rees permission to use or not use certain clips. If those 2
clips, above, were the strongest clips used, then one can easily see that Schabas was being
cautious in what he was saying - because he was not 100% convinced by what he was being told
to him about the situation. Furthermore, Rees / Al-Jazeera was trying to manipulate Schabas to
speak more directly, and to strongly and unambiguously state that what was happening was
absolute genocide.

Phil Rees, from the U.K. has built quite an (ill) reputation as a fanatic supporter of worldwide
Jihad. He utterly supports even the most horrible mayhem of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, and
even the Taliban. He spent much time in Taliban controlled areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan,
interviewing, filming, and spreading the dogma and the fanatic Jihad agenda to the outside
world, with no criticism of their brutality, and only praise for their goals, and agenda.
NOTICE that Matthew Smith, who undoubtably knows about Phil Rees, assumes that the
general public does not know that. Smith is, once again, conning the public into believing
that Phil Rees is a distinguished, and respectable filmmaker, which clearly he is not.

24
Professor Schabas told the judges at the International Court of Justice, in December 2019, that the
“journalist from Al Jazeera” misrepresented the interview, adding that the “journalist persistently
tried to get me to apply the word genocide to the situation in Myanmar.” He went on to say, “My
views will be a lot clearer if we could get a copy of the tape of the entire interview.”

In other words, Professor Schabas was CLEARLY NOT going to say it was absolute genocide.
Schabas now realizes he was fed a boatload of lies about the ‘Rohingya’ and that is why he is
defending Myanmar against the Islamic terrorist Bengali Muslim allegations of genocide.

However, that doesn’t stop Goebbels’ successor, Matthew Smith, from acting on one of Goebbels’
sayings: ‘The bigger the lie, the more it will be believed’, “Professor Schabas’s description of the
situation of the Rohingya in 2013 was accurate, and the violations continued unabated for years,
culminating in crimes of genocide in 2016 and 2017,” said Matthew Smith, CEO of Fortify Rights.
He continued, “This footage is in the public interest. We decided to release it to demonstrate that
Myanmar’s narrative of the situation in Rakhine State is based on lies, which Professor Schabas
himself helped to debunk in 2013.”

25
Fortify Rights and its CEO, Matthew Smith, actually have the hubris and gall to post the following
‘Our Mission’ on its website:
(words in parenthesis are mine)

FORTIFY RIGHTS - OUR MISSION

We are a team of human rights defenders that believe in the influence of evidence-based research
(although we don’t use evidence, especially when it disproves our agenda), the power of strategic
truth-telling (our double-speak way of saying ‘the power of repetitive and relentless lying’)….

We investigate human rights violations (our double-speak way of saying ‘we investigate ways to
allege human rights violations by the actual victims)
Responding to human rights violations requires an accurate understanding of the facts (but we
don’t care about that, as long as we can fool everyone).

We conduct in-depth, ground-breaking research into human rights violations and support survivors,
eyewitnesses, and others to contribute to the fact-finding process (except we will not acknowledge
survivors and eyewitnesses who are Buddhist, Hindu, and the ethnic minority Mro, Thet, Diagnet,
and Khami, and especially we will never investigate the 100 Hindus who were yanked out of their
homes, rounded together, tortured and executed on August 25, 2017).

We meet with senior government officials, high-level U.N. representatives, and others to discuss
the findings of our evidenced-based research and potential solutions to address human rights
concerns (or more correctly ‘we meet with senior government officials, high-level U.N.
representatives, and others to engage their gullibility to our agenda of deceit, false narratives, and
Jihad expansionism).

We also engage the media and public to expand discussion, dialogue, and action on human rights
concerns (our way to say we make the manipulative, deceitful, false media, and engage the public
in order to foment and instigate hatred of Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minority peoples.)

By Rick Heizman, March 10, 2020

26
 WHY DOES NEARLY EVERY ARTICLE
ABOUT THE CONFLICT IN RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR
KEEP REPEATING THE SAME DISINFORMATION, MANIPULATION
AND BIASED NONSENSE?

By Rick Heizman, September 16, 2020

Why do reporters, journalists, investigators, report writers, politicians, politician staff members,
international judges, officials, officials staff, activists, social justice warriors, the ‘woke’ brigades,
virtue signalers, protesters, professors, and all media NOT research, investigate, uncover, write
about, nor actually report solid and honest news anymore?

Why does nearly any article have sentences like:

1. “The first Muslims to arrive in Arakan were Arab seamen and

traders who were shipwrecked on the shores of Arakan in the
7th century…”

2. “The Rohingya Muslims, who have lived in Arakan / Rakhine

since the 8th century….”

3. “In the 8th century, people living in the coastal areas of the Bay
of Bengal in what is currently called Bangladesh and Myanmar,
converted to Islam under the influence of Arab traders…”

4. “The Rohingya are an ethnically distinct group from Bengali-

speaking people of Bangladesh - a mix of Bengalis, Persians, Moguls, Turks, and Pathans….”

5. “The ‘Rohingya say that they are different than the people of Bangladesh….”

6. “Wirathu [a popular and outspoken Buddhist monk], whom Time Magazine dubbed the ‘face
of Buddhist terror’…”

7. “Wirathu, who calls himself the ‘bin-Laden’ of Myanmar….”

8. “The remaining Rohingya in Rakhine State face the threat of violence and genocide…”

9. The Myanmar government is attempting to erase their identity and remove them from the
country…”

10. “The Burmese military launched a planned campaign of murder, rape, and other abuses
forcing 700,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh…”

27
 11. “In August 2017, the Burmese Army launched a genocide on the ‘Rohingya’ Muslims…”

12. “Buddhist violence against the ‘Rohingya’ Muslims exploded in June 2012…”

13. “the Burmese military was looking for an opportunity to launch a massive ethnic cleansing
operation to get rid of the Rohingya’…”

14. “The ancient kings of Arakan were Muslim, as they took Muslim titles…”

15. “The Burmese call the Rohingya ‘Bengalis’, a discriminatory term….”

THE MEDIA - ONCE HONORABLE, NOW DESPICABLE

The reporters, activists, and journalists these days will not even research the term ‘Rohingya’ and
report accurately that it is not a historical term - it only started to be used in the 1950s, and it didn’t
become popular until the 1990s, when Human Rights Watch, UN agencies, and New York Times
started to use it.

The activists, reporters and journalists these days will not even
research the history of Arakan, and will ignorantly repeat the same
narrative that the Bengali Muslims (so-called ‘Rohingya’) have lived
there starting from the 7th or 8th centuries.

The reporters, journalists, and activists these days will ignore or trivialize the attacks by the Muslims,
and repeat the same false narratives that cast the Buddhists as the aggressors and the Muslims as
victims.

The media used to largely be credible, truth-seeking, accurate as possible, and objective.

I’m talking about the New York Times, the International Herald Tribune, Reuters, the Associated
Press, CNN, BBC, CBS, NBC, Time and Newsweek magazines, etc….

I grew up in New York and San Francisco areas, and was an avid fan of reading and learning about
the world, the peoples and cultures of the world, conflicts in distant lands, scientific achievements
both modern and ancient, and plenty more. The most important thing about the media then was
that it was, for the most part, objective - and it would enable and encourage people to think,
discuss, analyze, agree, disagree, and think again. And, there was a place for opinions in the media
- and it was clear and obvious when one was reading an opinion on the editorial pages or an
objective article in the news.

Journalists and reporters honed their skills researching their stories, investigating the situation, and
reporting with integrity, balance, and accuracy.

The media nowadays is barely credible, not objective, does not research nor investigate, and
instead sensationalizes, exaggerates, creates fake news, and serves an agenda. Reporters and
journalists learn to follow the dictates of the executives - if they want to keep their jobs.

28
ADDRESSING THE LIST OF 15 SENTENCE EXAMPLES

1 - 3: It is in the 7th century that Mohammed lived and Islam began - and Arakan was 5000 long
miles away. The shipwreck fables are just that - fables. There is no evidence or correlating material.
Around the world there are stories of shipwrecks and long ship journeys - including the story of
Noah’s Ark.
It was in the 12th - 16th centuries that Muslim conquests spread across India, more specifically the
Bengal Sultanate started to spread Islam during the 14th - 16th centuries.
Thus, it is abundantly clear that such statements as we have today, about Muslims arriving in
Arakan in the 7th or 8th century, are irrefutably false, and undisputedly impossible. And, it verifies,
again, the fact that the Rohingya and their supporters are engaged in putting out their false history,
and false identity with the help of the unscrupulous and dishonest media.
4 - 5: On either side of the many rivers in Bangladesh and East Bengal Province of India there would
be much DNA that is similar, and, of course, there would be some variants, but the primary identity
factor is that they all share the Bengali language - the 6th most spoken language in the world. If the
Bengalis in Rakhine State think they are so unique as to deserve to be another ethnicity, than
perhaps there should be a hundred dierent Bengali-speaking ethnicities.
6 - 7: The monk named Wirathu may speak harshly about the Bengali Muslim ‘Rohingya’ but he
NEVER said harm them, kill them, or be violent in any way with them. There are NO video or audio
clips that show that. And likewise, Wirathu never called himself the ‘bin-Laden of Myanmar, and
there are NO video or audio clips that show that either.
8 - 13: The narratives, or the missing narratives, of Muslim attacks launched in 2012, 2016, and
2017 against the Buddhists and others is most troubling. Instead, narratives that deliberately leave
out any mention of the attacks are cited, and manipulated to paint the Buddhists as the aggressors
and the Muslims as victims - which is the opposite of realty.
14: The western parts of the ancient Buddhist Arakan Kingdom included Muslim areas of Chittagong.
Adopting a Muslim title was a very practical means to assert the kings authority over the Muslims.
There is no evidence of any type that shows that the kings were Muslim.
15: If the term ‘Bengali’ is a discriminatory term
according to the Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) then
why is their biggest mosque named the Bengali Sunni
Jameh Mosque? They only say ‘Bengali’ is
discriminatory to make everyone use the politically
loaded term - Rohingya’.

29
FAVORITE MISUSED TERMS OF THE MEDIA:
Extremist, Neo-Nazi, Hate-Speech, Nationalist, Militant, Genocide -
DEVIOUSLY AND CONNIVINGLY USED TO SHAPE OPINION

There is a type of Western journalist / activist / reporter / film-maker / writer who has been
conditioned to not notice, not be concerned with, excuse or ignore the violence, racism, and
supremacy - inflicted upon others - by Muslims nearly worldwide. And, furthermore, this type of
Western ‘social justice defender’ feels duty-bound to protect, excuse, and support the Muslims - to
the point of absurdity - with almost no mention or attention to abuse and violence against women
and girls, honor killings, acid thrown on women’s faces, the killings of homosexuals and of people
who try to leave Islam, and the destruction of magnificent art and monuments built by people who
were not Muslim. (discloser: of course there are many good Muslims, but, there is also a lot of
trouble from Muslims in many parts of the world).

These ‘virtue signaling’ and ‘woke’ journalists and writers will ignore the attacks upon and killings
of Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities, and instead shield and protect the people who are
killing them. The Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) are not indigenous to Arakan, they have swarmed
into a land not theirs, and they are commanded by their supremacist Islamic ideology to destroy
infidel Buddhist temples and monasteries, burn Buddhist villages, push Buddhists off their own
homeland, abuse and rape Buddhist women, and wage a jihad war to make the land of Arakan their
own land, only for Muslims. And, expectedly, the Muslims AND the complicate media will blame the
Buddhists - especially as the Muslims fail to achieve their genocidal goals.

On their websites, facebook timelines, twitter feeds, in their reports, articles, comments to articles,
and even in their own minds, many of these journalists and activists wrongly use these strong
terms: Militant Monks, Buddhist Extremists, Rakhine Nationalism, Burmese Neo-Nazi groups, and
Buddhist Hate Speech - and disturbingly, many of them say or write nothing positive about the
Rakhine Buddhist people and their culture - NOTHING - only negative things, so that their audience
will not have any concern, sympathy or understanding of the Rakhine Buddhists.

30
EXTREMIST
Many reporters and writers are using the word ‘Extremist’ in an extremely demeaning way -
‘Extremist monks’, ‘Extremist Rakhine Buddhists’. Here are real examples of Extremism:
Muslims
insult
Buddhists
and inflame
tensions by
wearing
Buddha
picture like Muslim celebrating the burning of
that. Christian homes - in Pakistan.

This is what the Rakhine Buddhist people don’t want. They have been sufficiently patient with the
Muslims, having endured enough abuse, violence, insults, contempt, threats, intolerance and
bigotry - but now enough is enough, and they cannot tolerate the extreme intolerance.

NEO-NAZI
‘Neo-Nazi monks’, ‘Neo-Nazi Rakhine organizations’, ‘Neo-Nazi agenda’ - are terms used by
today’s journalists that are completely demeaning to the Rakhine people especially the monks.
There are NO known Buddhist admirers of Hitler, nor any similarities or connections between
Buddhism and Nazism. Here are the real Nazis and ‘Neo-Nazis’: Muslims colluded and conspired

with Hitler, and many Muslims admired, and still admire Hitler and Nazism. Hitler was attracted to
Islam, and Muslims attracted to Hitler for good reason - they were similar in many ways. “The
peoples of Islam will always be closer to us than, for example, France.” Adolph Hitler, April 2, 1945.
Hitler was greatly admired throughout the Islamic world and received support from many Muslims.
He was on the friendliest of terms with Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and the
ranking leader of the Muslim world. Husseini was paid handsomely by the Nazis for his efforts,
recruiting Muslims for the German Army and was promised that he would be made Palestine’s
leader after its Jewish population of 350,000 had been murdered.

A prominent Arab saying at the time was, "In heaven God is your ruler, on earth - Hitler"

The admiration of Hitler and Nazism is apparent in the Muslim protest signs, and the use of the Nazi
Swastika. (which, ironically, Hitler hijacked from Buddhism, reversed it, and gave it new, and evil
meaning).

31
It is a paradox that those activists and journalists will not make this sober and important comparison,
and instead, falsely accuse, vilify and insult the Rakhine Buddhists, and even Buddhism itself.

HATE SPEECH
The Rakhine and Burmese people and monks are accused of making hate speech. Can anything
they allegedly said come even close to the following?

In Syria: Sheikh Bilal al-Masri called on Muslims to attack Buddhists and their interests:

“I decree that every person who can get to a Buddhist should kill him,”

Jama’at-e-Islami (JI), the largest Islamist political party in

Bangladesh, published the threat:

“We will kill all the Malauns (infidels) and Bangladesh will be
‘Banglastan’ like Pakistan.”

Some people try to accuse Buddhist monks of hate speech

because there are monks that do talk about the ongoing conflict
with Muslims. But, the fact is that what they say is correct, and the issues that they bring up need
to be addressed - even if they are controversial. Importantly, the monks are not advocating violence.

The Burmese Buddhists express that the Bengali Muslims (Rohingya) are particularly intolerant,
and show only contempt for the Buddhist culture and Buddhism. The Bengali Muslims often taunt
the Buddhists, denigrate the Buddhist religion, and the Buddhists say their property or crops are
often stolen, Buddhist women and girls are sexually harassed and raped, and Buddhist monks are
mocked and insulted. However the Bengali Muslims, as well as the media, will react to the Buddhists
saying so, and will accuse the Buddhists of hate speech and exhibiting Islamaphobia!

32
NATIONALISM
The terms ‘Rakhine Buddhist nationalism’ and ‘Rakhine nationalist parties’ are used to tarnish the
Buddhists and to advance the agenda to demonize the Buddhists. Many of the journalists, activists,
and writers use the word ‘nationalist’ as if it only has negative connotations. And, they are ignorantly
using it to malign the Buddhists, instead of to describe one of the characteristics of the Bengali
Muslims.

The Rakhine Buddhist people are proud of their history, culture, and traditions - in a positive
nationalistic way, just as Tibetans are proud of their history, culture and traditions, and hope to
reestablish their homeland nation. That is positive nationalism. Bad nationalism is like that of Japan
and Germany during WW2, and Serbia under Milosevic.

If the journalists and activists were to try to be objective, fair, and balanced they would write about
the Bengali Muslim nationalism starting at Burma’s independence in 1948. Their nationalism was,
and still is, centered on creating a new Islamic nation - for Muslims only. They were NOT, and WILL
NOT be interested in being a part of Burma / Myanmar, nor being loyal and nationalistic to the
nation. This is the type of nationalism to be concerned about.

MILITANTS
The terms ‘militant monks’ and ‘militant Buddhist people’ are used and reused again and again.
But, those journalists, activists, and writers will neglect to name the real militants in this conflict.
The ones who have killed many Buddhists already, the ones who have had training with Al-Qaeda,
Taliban and other terrorists with weapons, explosives, and fighting techniques.

They are NOT training for peaceful co-existence.

This is what the Rakhine Buddhists have been facing for decades!

For more than 70 years, since the 1942 massacre of Maungdaw, Bengali Muslims have engaged in
training for, preparing for, and fighting war to achieve their goal of taking Arakan land, cleansing it
of all other type of people, and breaking it off from the country of Burma.

33
And, it all continues to this day, with more and more militants training for all-out war. Their goal is
an autonomous Islamic State ruled by Sharia Law, with no non-Muslims.

GENOCIDE - GREATLY ABUSED AND WRONGLY USED TERM

The word ‘genocide’ is grossly and connivingly overused by the politically correct, morally confused,
virtue signaling, journalists, activists, writers, the Bengali Muslim sympathizers and frontmen, UN
agencies, the ICC and ICJ, politicians, so-called human rights groups, etc. There is so much
shouting of ‘genocide’ and accusations of ‘genocide’ that are not even close to the proper use of
the word. Genocide refers to huge numbers of people killed - so much so that it threatens the very
survival of the ethnicity or culture. Example of genocide include:
• The genocide of 1.5 million Armenian Christians by the Muslim Turks (1915-1923)
• The 3.5 million non-Muslim Sudanese Africans killed by the northern Arab Sudanese (1953-
200)
• the 3 million Hindus, Buddhists and Muslims killed in the 11 month-long Bangladesh War of
Independence in 1971
• Saddam Hussein’s genocide (300,000-500,000 killed) against the Kurdish people in the
1980s-1990s
• Pol Pot’s genocide against his own Cambodian people (1-1.5 million dead) in the 1970s
The only true genocide in Rakhine State conflict is the 1942 Maungdaw genocide, where Bengali
Muslims armed by the British to fight the Japanese in WWII did not fight the Japanese, but instead,
turned the weapons on the indigenous Buddhists, killing 30,000 in Maungdaw town alone.

In 2012, there was great violence in Arakan, and the death toll was several hundred, perhaps even
500, (and, about half the victims were Rakhine Buddhists) but as bad as that was, it’s not even
close to a genocide. Similarly there were coordinated and systematically planned attacks and
mayhem by the Muslims in 2016 and 2017, resulting in probably less than 1000 deaths - and half
of that number would be the innocent Buddhist, Hindu, and ethnic minority villagers whom were to
be - if the Muslims had achieved their goal - victims of an intended ethnic cleansing and wanton
genocide.

By Rick Heizman, September 23, 2020

34
WHY IS THE THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT
SO OUT OF TOUCH WITH REALITY
CONCERNING THE CONFLICT IN
RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR

By Rick Heizman, September 2020

In August/Septemtber 2018, The US State Department released a report called the Documentation
of Atrocities in Northern Rakhine State, which is the most biased, ignorantly assembled, and
arrogantly touted ‘report’ I have ever seen. As a proud American from San Francisco, I am sickened
and disgusted. The Executive Summary is 2 pages, and the whole report is 20 pages.

As it proclaims in the Executive Summary, “The Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR), with
funding support from the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL), conducted a
survey in spring 2018 of the firsthand experiences of 1,024 Rohingya refugees in Cox’s Bazar
District, Bangladesh.”

WOW! The Bureau of Intelligence and Research and the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor must be world experts, exemplary for all to mesmerizingly gaze up to - with names like that.

INTERVIEWED: 1,024 ‘ROHINGYA’ MUSLIMS, AND….

OK….so they interviewed 1,024 ‘Rohingya’ refugees in Bangladesh camps. And, of course, to be
fair and balanced, intelligent, democratic, and all-knowing sages of human rights (as their titles
suggest) they also interviewed…. how many Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities?
ZERO.
ZERO Buddhists…
ZERO Hindus….
ZERO Khami, Mro, Thet, Diagnet ethnic minority peoples

ZERO!?!?!?!?!

They report says, “The goal of the survey was to document atrocities committed against residents
in Burma’s northern Rakhine State during the course of violence in the previous two years.”
I highlighted the word ‘residents’, because the word ‘residents’ implies anyone who lives there, and
there were tens of thousands of Buddhist, Hindu, and ethnic minority people who were victims -
BUT, this ‘report’ does not acknowledge ANY of these victims.
The report says, on page 4, (therefore not in the Executive Summary),”While the survey was open
to respondents of any ethnicity, only Rohingya were captured in the sample.”

35
NOTORIOUSLY PROBLEMATIC TESTIMONIES IN REFUGEE CAMPS

Well… the lofty Bureau of Intelligence and Research and the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor, with all of their fairness and balance on display, chose to do their entire ‘report and
survey’ in the Bangladesh refugee camps, and perhaps their ignorance and arrogance could not
fathom why there were no Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minority people in the camps. As well, it
is well-known that testimony of refugees in refugee camps is notoriously problematic - exaggerated,
contradictory, sensationalized and manipulated for favors and opportunities. (They could have, at
least, interviewed the small, and very endangered and persecuted ‘Rohingya’ Christians in the
camps, who would gladly tell them who the enemy and protagonist is, was, and will always be, with
their religious ideology of hatred, intolerance, and supremacism.)

At the very end of the report (and therefore not in the Executive Summary) on page 19, the report
(finally) states, “some limitations to the data collected in the study” and one of them is: “The survey
also did not capture any experiences from Rohingya who chose to stay in northern Rakhine State
or from Burmese of any other ethnicity who resided there.”

THE WEIGHT, AND THEREFORE, DANGER OF THE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

At the time the State Department released this ‘report’ the Executive Summary went to the office
and desk of all of the senators and congresspeople in the US government. Almost all of them know
essentially nothing about this country of Myanmar / Burma, Rakhine State, Bengali Muslims, and
the history of the area - especially the history of Islamic conquest, expansion, and the Islamic
agenda against Buddhists and Hindus. The US senators and congresspeople read (or scan) the 2
page Executive Summary - and then are ‘experts’ on the conflict - and the WORSE part of this it
that they don’t even know that the ‘report’ is completely biased, ignorantly assembled, and
arrogantly touted as ‘the truth of the matter.’

SO, US POLICY IS A DIRECT RESULT OF THE SENATORS AND

CONGRESSPEOPLE BECOMING INDOCTRINATED WITH THIS EXTREMELY
FLAWED ‘REPORT’ AND AS A RESULT THERE WILL BE MASSIVE NUMBERS OF
BUDDHISTS, HINDUS, AND ETHNIC MINORITIES SLAUGHTERED AND DRIVEN OFF
THEIR LAND BY THE RELENTLESS AGENDA OF ISLAMIC CONQUEST AND
TERRORISM.

THE LARGEST TERRORIST ATTACKS IN WORLD HISTORY

Some people might say the 911 terrorist attacks were the largest in history, with several targets hit
simultaneously by 19 assailants. However, the attacks on Aug 25, 2017 were even much larger. 30
security force outposts and around 50 villages were simultaneously attacked by an estimated 7000
- 10,000 assailants. The Army was completely outnumbered and overwhelmed with rescuing

36
trapped villagers, demining roads, bringing food and medical supplies to affected areas (including
to good Muslims who were against the violent plans of ARSA), and hunting down the armed
terrorists who were still attacking both security forces and Buddhist, Hindu, and ethnic minority
villages for the next couple of weeks.

The ‘report’ claims that, “The scope and scale of the military’s operations indicate they were well-
planned and coordinated.” Another example of the ignorant and arrogant ‘report’ writers, hiding
behind their lofty titles - not even one word on the systematic planning, training, and launching with
great precision the largest terrorists attacks in world history. A look at history would reveal that the
Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’) have been attacking and warring upon the ancient Buddhist land of
Arakan for 500 years, and will never stop. They have never been loyal to the nation of Burma since
the first days of its independence in 1948. (unlike the Bengali Hindus, Kaman Muslims, and Panthay
Muslims). The Bengali Muslims have tried again and again - with GENOCIDAL INTENT - to kill or
expel every single non-Muslim, and declare the land an autonomous Islamic State.

What would the US Senators and Congresspeople do if a terrorist group like ARSA was continually
attacking their hometowns and cities, killing, expelling, and demanding their own land? Really,
what would they do?

By Rick Heizman, September, 2020

37
 A MASSIVE ATTEMPT
TO MANIPULATE LEGAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTS,
IN TODAY’S IGNORANT, ARROGANT, VIRTUE-SIGNALING
‘WOKENESS’, BY SHIFTING THE CHARGE OF GENOCIDE
FROM PERPETRATOR TO VICTIM
By Rick Heizman, Aug 22, 2020
Bold is mine. My comments are in the boxes.
33 LEGAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTS URGE SECRETARY POMPEO
TO CALL MYANMAR’S CRIMES GENOCIDE

Refugees International August 18, 2020

WASHINGTON—Refugees International announced today that thirty-three legal and human rights
experts, including former high-level State Department and White House officials, delivered a letter
to U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo urging him to publicly determine that Myanmar committed
genocide against the Rohingya people.
“We fully recognize that the administration has condemned the massive assaults, particularly ethnic
cleansing, against the Rohingya…take a critical step to demonstrate American resolve in the face
of such egregious crimes and thus help the Rohingya recover their rightful place in Myanmar
society, including respect for their safety and political and religious rights.”

Do the massive Islamic terrorist attacks on Aug 25, 2017 (and Oct 9, 2016, and June 8, 2012)
qualify as “massive assaults”? - that the Burmese army (Tatmadaw) was obliged to challenge?
Does the stated goal of cleansing the land of infidel Buddhists, Hindus, and all other non-
Muslims qualify as “ethnic cleansing”? - as stated by the Mullahs of the mosques and the
terrorist leaders.
In helping the Bengali Muslim ‘Rohingya’ “recover” their rightful place in Myanmar society, there
is an implication that they HAD a rightful place - they could have, but from the beginning of the
nation of Burma in 1948 they chose NOT to be part of this nation, they have fought with
GENOCIDAL INTENT, and they STILL want to carve this piece of land - which belongs to the
indigenous Rakhine Buddhists - into a Muslim-only autonomous apartheid Islamic State.
Explain why anyone must “respect” the supremacist, intolerant, and hateful Bengali Muslims!
The Bengali Hindus got it right - they have not revolted, they are loyal to the nation, and they are
respectful and respected. As well, other Muslim communities in Myanmar have firmly stated
that they don’t support the violence, intolerance, and supremacism of the Bengali Muslims.
As far as “religious rights” go, Myanmar has freedom of religion - walk down a street in Yangon,
Mandalay, Taunggyi and you will pass a Buddhist temple, a Christian church, a Hindu temple, a
mosque, a Sikh temple, and a Chinese temple…..however, the Islam of the Bengali Muslims
teaches absolute contempt and intolerance of ‘idol-worshippers’ and those who worship many
or no gods.

39
The State Department’s survey of 1,024 Rohingya refugees found that “the vast majority of Rohingya
refugees experienced or directly witnessed extreme violence and the destruction of their homes.”
The Myanmar military was identified as perpetrators in most cases and nearly 40 percent of those
surveyed witnessed a rape committed by Myanmar security services. The survey concluded that
the violence was “extreme, large-scale, widespread, and seemingly geared toward both terrorizing
the population and driving out the Rohingya residents.” The scope and scale indicated the military
operations were “well-planned and coordinated.”

The U.S. State Department survey is one of the most biased, juvenile, and asinine papers I
have ever seen. As an American, I am appalled that my government could put this garbage out,
and worse than that is the fact that it was passed to all Congresspeople (who are too busy to
read anything more than 2 pages) as a brief to inform them about the ‘realities’ of the conflict.
The ‘survey’ says, in the beginning, that they interviewed 1,024 ‘Rohingya’ refugees, and
because of time constraints, ZERO Rakhine Buddhists, ZERO Bengali Hindus, and ZERO
ethnic minorities were interviewed. It is staggering that it was seen as a ‘balanced’ brief to
inform Congresspeople. Worse than that, it says its methodology did not allow ‘hearsay’, yet it
stated that ALL 1,024 Rohingya interviews were done in refugee camps in Bangladesh!
Of course, the perpetrators were declared to be the Myanmar military (instead of themselves)
which sought to “drive out the Rohingya residents”, with operations that were “well-planned
and coordinated.”

Numerous reports have established that several acts of genocide recognized in the Genocide
Convention have been committed by the Myanmar military against the Rohingya people. These
acts include killing members of a targeted group, causing serious bodily and mental harm, and
deliberate creation of the conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of such a
protected group in whole or in part (as defined in the Genocide Convention).

To be rightfully called a GENOCIDE there are some parameters to meet.

GENOCIDE is the planned destruction of a racial, national, ethnic, or religious (or non-religious),
group, culture, or nation - by the following means:
1. mass arrests, seizure, confinement, or detainment usually leading to
2. torture mutilation, mass murder and executions
3. forbiddance of, or elimination of national or ethnic culture and religious life
4. enslavement, and the suppression of, or absence of basic human rights
5. destruction of national, racial, or ethnic economy or livelihood
6. the destruction or elimination being severe enough to obliterate completely, or massively
decimate the object of the genocide
In fact, genocide is not just one murderous event aimed at annihilating a group – it is a
systematic process that goes through multiple stages involving dehumanization, persecution,
and violence.
Part of the difficulty in applying the term ‘genocide’ to a situation is that there is no standard
set of parameters to meet.

40
The UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide lists these
five criteria that determine if a process constitutes genocide. They are:
1. killing
2. causing serious bodily or mental harm
3. inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the physical destruction of the group
in whole or in part
4. imposing measures intending to prevent births
5. forcibly transferring children to another group
The charges of ‘genocide’ or ‘intended genocide’ can, should be, and eventually will be
charged upon the Bengali Muslims, and there is plenty of EVIDENCE in the form of verified
photos, verified videos, verified captured militant statements, verified villager victim statements,
verified documents, and verified intercepted WhatsApp and other social media communications.
Basically the Bengali Muslims had a systematic plan for a wanton genocidal ethnic cleansing
of all non-Muslims from the land that they wanted to steal from the indigenous peoples and to
create an autonomous Islamic State for themselves, and only themselves.
There is evidence to fit ALL of the parameters of BOTH lists of criteria.

From the United Nations

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
Article III
The following acts shall be punishable:
(a) Genocide;
(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
(d) Attempt to commit genocide;
(e) Complicity in genocide.
Article IV
Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in article III shall be
punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private
individuals.
The Bengali Muslims have committed ALL the defined acts listed in Article III.

41
Doctors Without Borders in December 2017 conservatively estimated at least 6,700 Rohingya were
killed during the attacks.

That number - 6700 - is less than 0.05% of the total number of Bengali Muslim ‘Rohingya’ that
are, or were, living in northern Rakhine State. That is not even remotely close to genocidal tolls
of killed victims. There are cyclones in that area which can be far more deadly than that. And,
don’t forget who started the violence - there would have been no refugees streaming to
Bangladesh if the Bengali Muslims had decided NOT to attack all the non-Muslims, NOT to
attempt to seize the weapons of the security forces, and NOT to seize the land in a systematically
planned wanton intended genocide.
That number of killed (6700) also brings up the fact that, if the Tatmadaw had ever intended to
eliminate the population of Bengali Muslims it would have killed far more Muslims, and expelled
far more than they did. Why would they have left around 600,000 Bengali Muslims IN northern
Rakhine State? The Tatmadaw has always had the strength and ability to kill or push out nearly
all of them. And, by the way, they have the right (as all countries do) to fight and destroy
terrorist insurgents whom want to invade, occupy, and seize the land. It is now obvious that the
Tatmadaw didn’t do enough, after the Oct 9, 2016 attacks, to stop the terrorists from attacking
AGAIN, only 10 months later, on Aug 25, 2017, with MUCH bigger and more deadly coordinated
attacks.

The expert letter comes alongside an ongoing campaign by Refugees International and partners
calling on Secretary Pompeo to make a genocide designation. Next week on August 24, Refugees
International will transmit its #CallItGenocide petition to Secretary Pompeo, with the support of
dozens of partner organizations and legal and human rights thought leaders, as well as many
thousands of citizens.

There is a great diversity of people who live in Arakan / Rakhine State, Myanmar - Rakhine
Buddhists, Bengali Hindus, Ethnic minorities such as the Mro, Thet, Diagnet, Khami, and
others, Kaman Muslims, Meydu Muslims, and Bengali Muslims. All can live in peace and
harmony with each other, except the Bengali Muslims cannot live peacefully with any others,
and all others greatly fear the violence of the Bengali Muslims.

By Rick Heizman, Aug 22, 2020

42
 THE UNITED NATIONS SHOWS ITS
UN-ENDING, UN-FAIR, UN-TRUTHFUL CAMPAIGN
TO VILIFY MYANMAR,
AND IGNORE ISLAMIC TERRORISM

By Rick Heizman, September 13, 2020

A Joint Statement was released by 8 countries - Belgium, the Dominican

Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, Tunisia, the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America - after UN Security
Council Consultations on Myanmar.

But, there was NO dialogue, and therefore NO statement about the militant Islamic terrorist groups
that started the violence and perpetuate the ideological and religious indoctrination of the Muslim
population in western Myanmar.

The one-page statement states concerns for the upcoming elections, continued clashes, the heavy
toll this has on villagers, and the Covid-19 situation in Rakhine State. FINE. Those ARE legitimate
and humane concerns.

BUT, what sticks out, like a tiger in a row of ducks, is the 5th paragraph, quoted in full here: “On the
situation in Rakhine more broadly, it is now more than three years since over 700,000 Rohingya
refugees were forcibly displaced from their homes to Bangladesh because of violence perpetrated
by the Myanmar military. In line with Security Council Presidential Statement 2017/22, we call on
Myanmar to accelerate its efforts to address the long-term causes of the crisis in Rakhine and
create conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, sustainable, and dignified return of refugees.”
(Bold is mine)

1. How can the lofty international representatives of countries around the world NOT KNOW, or
NOT MENTION the multiple coordinated attacks by the ‘Rohingya’ Muslims that launched
the violence - not only in 2017, but also in 2016, 2012, and many other previous times back
to 1942?
2. If these lofty representatives were to have their own towns and homes invaded in the predawn
darkness, with the terrorist’s objective being to kill and drive away ALL non-Muslims, would
they expect their army and security forces to rescue them, save them, and repel the terrorist
invaders - as the Burmese army was duty-bound to do?
3. Do these lofty elites even know that the attacks of August 25, 2017, by the ‘Rohingya’
Muslim militant terrorist groups, was the largest Islamic terrorist attacks in world history, with

43
 close to 100 targets attacked simultaneously by an estimated 7000-10,000 attackers? (30
security force bases and over 50 villages) And, that it was a systematically planned plot to
ethnically cleanse the land of all Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities?
4. How about some revealing and truthful UN exposé and dialogue of the Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army? And secret training camps in Saudi Arabia? (now exposed with captured
video) The islamic conquest agenda of the area?
5. And, why would ANYONE allow the ‘Rohingya’ killers and destroyers to return in a ‘safe’ and
‘dignified’ manner? Safe for who? ALL other ethnicities and faiths in Rakhine State are
terrified of the Bengali Muslims (“Rohingya’). And, dignified? The survivors of villages where
men, women, babies, and elderly were mercilessly hacked to death and executed are
supposed to welcome the killers back? with dignity?

Study the history to see who is the aggressor again and again.

Of the 8 countries who made the joint statement:

1. Belgium, France, Germany, Tunisia, UK and the USA are all dealing with radial Islamic
terrorism - yet fail to see its tentacles in smaller countries like Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and
Thailand.
2. Dominican Republic has become the ideal place for domestic and transnational criminals to
operate with impunity. Criminal activities include drug tracking, political corruption, contract
killings, illegal arms trade, human tracking, and running improvised laboratories that
specialize in counterfeiting booze and medications.
3. Belgium is a country with a colonial legacy in the Belgian Congo from 1908 to 1960, that was
one of the worst and bloodiest.

There’s a few more topics and issues for the UN to ponder…..

44
 Here is the statement in its entirety:

United States Mission to the United Nations

Joint Statement after UN Security Council Consultations on Myanmar
U.S. Mission to the United Nations
New York, New York
September 11, 2020

Joint Statement by Belgium, the Dominican Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, Tunisia, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America after UN
Security Council Consultations on Myanmar

Belgium, the Dominican Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, Tunisia, the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America welcome the briefings on the situation
in Myanmar provided by UN Special Envoy for Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener, UN High
Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi, and Assistant Secretary-General and Regional Director
of the UN Development Programme Kanni Wignaraja today.

As committed supporters of Myanmar’s democratic transition, we recognise the efforts made by

Myanmar’s government in the country’s democratization. The elections on 8 November are an
important milestone in Myanmar’s transition, which the international community has supported
with funding and technical expertise. We underline the importance of ensuring individuals of all
communities, including Rohingya, are able to participate safely, fully, and equally in credible and
inclusive elections.

In this regard, we are concerned by the continued clashes between the Myanmar military and the
Arakan Army in Rakhine and Chin States and by the heavy toll this continues to take on local
communities. Recalling the UN Secretary-General’s call for a global ceasefire as supported by
Security Council Resolution 2532, we call for an immediate cessation of hostilities and a halt to all
activities that risk fuelling or escalating the situation. We also call for safe, full, and unhindered
humanitarian access to all vulnerable populations and the full restoration of internet access in the
affected areas.

These steps are even more urgent in light of the increased number of Covid-19 cases in Rakhine
State. We reiterate our support to Myanmar in combating the global pandemic and support the
positive steps taken so far, including Myanmar’s public awareness campaign, the Covid-19
Economic Relief Plan, and the joint commission to coordinate the efforts of the government and
ethnic armed organizations.
On the situation in Rakhine more broadly, it is now more than three years since over 700,000
Rohingya refugees were forcibly displaced from their homes to Bangladesh because of violence
perpetrated by the Myanmar military. In line with Security Council Presidential Statement 2017/22,

45
we call on Myanmar to accelerate its efforts to address the long-term causes of the crisis in Rakhine
and create conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary, sustainable, and dignified return of refugees.

In particular, we encourage Myanmar to set out a transparent and credible plan to implement the
recommendations of the Rakhine Advisory Commission and the Independent Commission of
Enquiry. Furthermore, we recall that Myanmar is under the obligation to comply with the provisional
measures order of the International Court of Justice. We also encourage Myanmar to take immediate
confidence-building steps that include lifting restrictions on access to health, education and basic
services, lifting restrictions on freedom of movement, and implementing the Internally Displaced
Persons (IDP) camp closure strategy in Rakhine in line with international standards. Moreover, we
encourage Myanmar to intensify its bilateral dialogue with Bangladesh to agree a durable solution
that enables the safe, voluntary, sustainable, and dignified return of refugees. We stand ready to
support Myanmar in these efforts and commend the work of the United Nations system, ASEAN
and its Ad Hoc Support Team and other regional partners in doing so too.

We underscore that accountability is an essential part of addressing the long-term challenges in

Myanmar and in creating conditions for the return of refugees and IDPs. We stress the importance
of fighting impunity and holding accountable all those responsible for violations of international law
and abuses, and call on Myanmar to cooperate with all international justice mechanisms, including
the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar.

Finally, we reiterate our appreciation and support to the government and people of Bangladesh for
continuing to provide protection and assistance to the refugees forcibly displaced from Myanmar.
We call on the international community to increase its support, including through the UN Joint
Humanitarian Response Plan. We also urge all states in the region to cooperate and provide
protection and assistance to refugees in line with international obligations, including as applicable
international refugee law and the principle of non-refoulement.

By Rick Heizman, September 13, 2020

46
 ALAY THAN KYAW:
TELENOR ACCUSED OF AIDING GENOCIDE -
FALSE ACCUSATIONS WRAPPED IN FAKE HISTORY
WITH PLENTY OF DECEIT AND MANIPULATION

By Rick Heizman, Dec 11, 2020

A colossal and dastardly attempt to change history, deceive, and manipulate reality - by the always-
accusing Bengali ‘Rohingya’ Muslims who claim a Telenor tower was used by Burmese Army
snipers to kill scores of innocent Bengali Muslim villagers.
Telenor is a state-owned telecom company of Norway, one of the big four telecom companies in
Myanmar. Others are Ooredoo, Mytel, and MTP.
The location of this tower is in Alay Than Kyaw (or Alethankyaw, or Alei Than Kyaw), southern
Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar.

THE (ODIOUS) KALADAN PRESS NETWORK REPORT

On November 22, 2018, the Rohingya news agency Kaladan Press
Network released a report “The Killing Fields of Alethankyaw,” which
exposed alleged atrocities by Burmese government security forces at
the Telenor telecommunication tower premises in Alay Than Kyaw village
tract, southern Maungdaw Township, in August 2017. Allegedly, snipers
climbed the tower to shoot at fleeing men, women and children, and
villagers’ bodies were deposited under the tower.
According to the Kaladan report, “Telenor knew full well the risks of
expanding into northern Rakhine in partnership with state authorities
carrying out systematic persecution of the Rohingya, irrespective of
legality. Telenor even profited opportunistically from local prejudice
against Muslims, by stepping in to set up telecommunication towers
when Rakhine Buddhists rejected investment by their rival Ooredoo.”
(Ooredoo, owned by the nation of Qatar, is another one of the four big
Telecom companies in Myanmar).
One week later, in a November 29, 2018 Telenor statement, it is stated, “Telenor is aware of the
disturbing claims in the Kaladan Press Network report from Myanmar, also cited by the UN Special
Rapporteur. We are deeply concerned by the alleged crimes, as well as the potential illegal entry
into—and abuse of—the tower premises of our vendor. The tower referred to in the report is built
and owned by a licensed tower company and operated by one of Telenor’s network vendors.
Based on the allegations, Telenor Myanmar has initiated dialogue with relevant authorities to
express our concern and seek further facts on the matter.”

47
After becoming aware of the Kaladan report, Telenor conducted supply chain inspections on the
tower site. The vendor did find that a lock for the protective fence was missing in 2017. However,
none of the inspections carried out subsequently reported any other signs of unusual activity.
Further inquiries, including forensic investigations, should be conducted by the authorities. “We
have formally requested that the authorities investigate the alleged accusations, both through an
official letter and in dialogue with the authorities, and we will continue to do so.” In this dialogue,
Telenor has called for independent third party organizations to also be involved in the investigation.

COMMITTEE SEEKING JUSTICE FOR ALAY THAN KHAW: EXTORTION?

A group called Committee Seeking Justice for Alay Than Kyaw (CSJA) - a ‘Rohingya’ advocacy
group [note: actually a ‘Rohingya’ extortion group, as you will see] filed a complaint with the
Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in December 2019. After a
prolonged initial assessment, the case was formally accepted by the Norwegian contact point on
October 28, 2020.
In the complaint CSJA alleges non-adherence to the OECD
Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (the OECD Guidelines)
in a context of serious violations of international law in Myanmar.
The NCP finds that the main issue raised in the complaint is
whether the enterprise, Telenor, has violated OECD guidelines
of “due diligence.” According to the Guidelines, ‘due diligence’
is the process enterprises should carry out to identify, prevent,
mitigate and account for how they address actual and potential
adverse impacts in their own operations, supply chain and other
business relationships.
Responding to the report concerning snipers on the tower,
Telenor spokesperson Marcus Adaktusson told the German
news agency DPA in a story published March 6, 2019, that
“Telenor Myanmar has also conducted an inspection of the
mentioned site, together with the [network] vendor, but have not
found evidence to corroborate the allegations.”
However, the Norwegian contact point of the OECD has decided
evidence warrants a formal investigation into whether Norway’s
state-owned telecom company - Telenor - has violated OECD
rules in the construction of a telephone tower in Alay Than Kyaw.

SEVERE PROBLEMS WITH THE ACCUSATIONS

Virtually nobody reading this has been to Alay Than Kyaw, or knows anything about it - making it
rather easy for Kaladan to say anything to further their agenda. I, have been in Alay Than Kyaw, and
nearly every corner and important place in northern Rakhine State - three different times.
1. The Kaladan report ‘The Killing Fields of Alethankyaw’ is a thick 65 page report that is
a) Full of manipulative and deceitful misinformation and,

48
 b) Empty of actual history of Alay Than Kyaw, and empty of the facts that occurred after the
massive simultaneous attacks, by the Bengali ‘Rohingya’ Muslims on Aug 25, 2017.
2. The attacks of Aug 25, 2017, constitute the largest Islamic terrorist attacks in world history
in terms of the numbers of targets attacked (30 Border Guard Police and Army outposts +
50-60 villages), and the the number of assailants (7000 - 10,000) attacking the targets at the
same time. HOWEVER, there is barely any mention of the devastating attacks in the report
and then it is only mentioned to dispute that it even happened! Again - the Kaladan report
claims that the attacks on Alay Than Kyaw and all the other targets DID NOT, and they claim,
COULD NOT, have happened!
3. The report paints Alay Than Kyaw as an age-old Muslim fishing village, and NEVER mentions
the deeply rooted Buddhist history of Alay Than Kyaw.
4. In all of the extensive interviews with Buddhists, Hindus, and Muslims that I have conducted
there, as well as the extensive interviews done by the Independent Commission of Enquiry
(ICOE) there is not a single mention - in any respect - to the Telenor tower.

ESSENTIAL HISTORY OF ALAY THAN KYAW TO KNOW

The Kaladan report paints, as fact, Alay Than Kyaw as a centuries old Muslim fishing village. While
that may be partially true, Alay Than Kyaw has a distinguished and deep-rooted history that the
Kaladan report completely omits in its effort to erase the Buddhist history of not only Alay Than
Kyaw, but of the entire region.
Prior to WW2, the largest Buddhist monastery and temple complex in the entire region of Maungdaw,
Buthidaung, and Rathedaung was in Alay Than Kyaw, and people would travel there for special
festivals and Buddhist rituals. It most likely dates from the the great Buddhist Kingdom of Arakan,
or even earlier. It was probably comparable to the Mahamuni complex near Kyauktaw. It would
have only been built in an overwhelmingly Buddhist population. It is completely reasonable to say
that in that overwhelmingly Buddhist population there were minorities (as there are worldwide) of
Muslims, Hindus, and others. The ancient Arakan kingdom was a sea-faring and trading culture,
with many minorities, including Portuguese, Dutch, and British. There has always been freedom
and tolerance of other faiths in Burmese and Arakanese lands.
In the chaos of WW2, the Bengali Muslims
began a pogrom to slaughtered and eliminate
all the Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic
minorities from the lands of Maungdaw and
Buthidaung. Alay Than Kyaw is only about 12
miles south of Maungdaw town. Many
terrified Buddhists fled to the perceived
safety of the Alay Than Kyaw complex that
was surrounded by a high wall. Then, a
genocidal slaughter occurred.

49
Here is an eyewitness account from the Department of Defense Service Archives, Rangoon: CD
1016/10/11
“At that time, the large village of Ah-le-than-kyaw was the main Buddhist village, and had a small
police station. Twenty thousand armed-Bengali-Muslims raided the Ah-le-than-kyaw police station
and brutally killed all the policemen who surrendered and then set off to kill all the Yakhine men
from the villages.
The blood-thirsty Bengali-Muslims - doing what their extremist, intolerant Wahhabi Islam expects
them to do - burned down the large village monastery, with more than 500 Buddhist women,
children, elders, young Buddhist novices, and Buddhist monks taking refuge inside the main
monastery building. All 500, or so, Buddhists inside were burned alive that day by the Bengali-
Muslims who want the villages, the fertile land, and the fishing grounds of the Buddhists - and they
believe that it is not wrong to kill the Buddhists, in fact, their faith claims that the ‘idol-worshipers’
should be killed, and their property and women are to be taken, and Allah will be pleased.
Basically none of the thousands of Yakhine-Buddhists living in
surrounding villages escaped the warlike wholesale slaughter. Not
even a single mongrel dog escaped the slaughter - let alone a human
being.” (eyewitness account finished)
The Alay Than Kyaw complex was completely destroyed and
demolished - and then the Muslims built a Muslim-only village on
top of the former Buddhist complex. Village elders showed me a sad
and gnarly old tree. They told me that that tree marks one of the
corners of the lost and magnificent old Buddhist monastery and
temple complex.

ICOE INTERVIEWS
In July 2018, the Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE) was tasked to investigate allegations
of human rights violations and related issues following the terrorist attacks by the Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army in Rakhine State with a view to seeking accountability and formulating
recommendations on steps to be taken to ensure peace and stability in Rakhine State. The
executive summary and interviews were released in January, 2020.
The ICOE conducted the most comprehensive and verified interviews with Buddhists, Hindus, and
Muslims concerning the attacks and aftermath of August 25, 2017. Interviewed in Alay Than Kyaw
are 10 Buddhists, and 10 Muslims, describing in great detail, what happened leading up to the
attack, the attack itself, and the future consequences.

IT IS VITALLY IMPORTANT TO READ SOME OF THESE INTERVIEWS IN ORDER TO SEE

THE LIES AND DECEIT OF THE KALADAN REPORT

50
OTHER FALSEHOODS AND CONTRADICTIONS
1. The Kaladan Report dismisses the huge attack on March 23, 1942, by Bengali Muslims
armed with British weapons, who burned down the Alay Than Kyaw Buddhist village, along
with the very large and significant Buddhist monastery and temple complex, and butchered
over 20,000 Rakhine Buddhists. The Kaladan report further claims that elderly refugees from
Alay Than Kyaw reject this account, and that no killing took place in Alay Than Kyaw.
HOWEVER, I have done hundreds of interviews in the area - including about a dozen elderly
Buddhist and Hindu accounts of mayhem, slaughter, and burning in Alay Than Kyaw and
surrounding areas - at that time.
2. On October 9, 2016, Harakah al-Yaqin (later changed name to Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army / ARSA) mounted coordinated simultaneous attacks on 3 Border Guard Police outposts,
slaughtering the vastly outnumbered security officers and looting all the weapons and ammo.
HOWEVER, the Kaladan report states that on October 9, 2016, Burmese security forces
launched their first ‘clearance operations’ in Maungdaw, after alleged militant attacks on
three BGP security posts - implying that there were no such attacks against the Burmese.
Again, they will not admit to the deadly attacks by Muslims.
3. Concerning 2017, the Kaladan report claims that this is what happened on the early morning
of Aug 25, 2017: “At about 3 AM, government security forces began their assault. Volleys of
gunfire broke out from all the security posts in and around Alay Than Kyaw, with shooting
aimed directly into all seven residential sections of the village.” HOWEVER, that is in total
contradiction to ALL of the ICOE interviews with 10 Muslims and 10 Buddhists in Alay Than
Kyaw, as well as my extensive interviews.
4. More Kaladan report claims: “Starting on August
26, snipers were positioned on the rooftops of the
Special Branch office and the village chairman’s
house.” [note: those two places were in the market
area, and terrorists could quite easily sneak up to
them undetected, so it would be prudent to protect
them as the security forces were greatly
outnumbered, and, they were surprised attacked
once, and should be prepared for another surprise
attack] The report continued, “They [alleged
snipers] were also posted at the top of the two
telecommunication towers: the MPT tower near the
central village junction, and the newly completed
Telenor tower near the football ground. Burma Army snipers positioned on the tops of the
MPT and Telenor telecommunication towers were able to target a wide range around the
village.” [note: it would make sense to position LOOKOUTS on the high towers to watch for
ARSA and village militants who were wreaking havoc upon the Buddhists, Hindus, and
ethnic minorities, who were being attacked, killed, mutilated, and trying to flee to safety for
many days - even weeks in some areas - after the Aug 25, 2017 attacks.

51
 5. Now, this is strange - the Kaladan report finally, on page 42, mentions the Telenor tower -
which is the focus of the Kaladan report - AND, it mention the other nearby MPT tower - and
claims that snipers were positioned high on BOTH towers. So - why is there no case against
MPT, as there is with Telenor? Because MPT is a Burmese government owned enterprise,
while Telenor is a foreign company owned by Norway, and the Bengali Muslims behind this
know that they will get MUCH more milage and attention out of this by playing the victim at
the fault of the perceived gullible and easy-to-pushover country of Norway.
6. And, another oddity brought up by the Kaladan report: “A Rohingya worker employed on the
project said that Qatar-based Ooredoo was originally slated to build the tower in Alay Than
Kyaw, but due to local resistance to the Muslim-owned company, Telenor was granted
permission instead.”
IF Ooredoo (owned by Qatar - a Muslim country, and in fact, the largest financier of Muslim
terrorist groups worldwide) had built the tower, and if ‘snipers had allegedly shot civilians
from the tower, would these Bengali Muslims make a case accusing Qatar of somehow
being complicate?…… Of course not! If they did that, the Bengali ‘Rohingya’ Muslims would
be even more disliked and persecuted by other Muslim countries - as they already are.
It is only because Telenor is owned by Norway that these accusations are being pushed
forward. And, Norway is being self-doubting, self-reflective, and politically correct with its
moral and confused guilt.

RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Norway and Myanmar should totally dismiss these allegations, and move on.
2. If Norway and/or Myanmar have to answer to any court or investigative body they can show
how the Kaladan report is absolutely full of deliberate misinformation, propaganda, and
outright lies concerning historical times and events and the true scenarios of the attacks of
2016 and 2017.
3. Read the 46 pages of ICOE interviews with 10 Buddhists and 10 Muslims, and be ready to
refer to certain interview details in case there is a need to clarify the narrative.

By Rick Heizman, December 11, 2020

52
 SPECIAL FRIDAY PRAYERS:
HATRED AND INTOLERANCE
FROM A KYAUKTAW MOSQUE

By Rick Heizman

This paper is printed by the mosque for members to

recite during Friday prayers. Friday is the most
important day of the week for Muslims.
On the left is Arabic written with Burmese letters for
pronunciation, on the right is the translation.
This sheet is not to be taken outside the mosque - a
young boy was paid to get it.
This is so fanatic, heartless, compassionless, and even
evil, to use 'prayers' like this to demonize and destroy
all non-Muslims.
There is nothing equivalent in any other religion.
This shows why the Rakhine Buddhist know that the
Bengalis will never treat them with compassion,
respect, tolerance, love, or goodwill.

TRANSLATION:

Oh Allah, eternal God,

Accept those who believe in Islam and
destroy all the other non-believers.

Demolish the infidels communities,

Oh Allah, Break the foundation of their false religions.

Destroy and pulverize their villages and towns,

and even the ground beneath their homes must be destroyed.
Those who don't believe in Allah, those who don't listen to Allah,
may everything be cursed for them.

Oh Allah, bring the natural disaster to the infidels,

bring the worst diseases to the unbelievers, bring all forms of catastrophe to them.

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 More Vile and Hateful Prayers

In other parts of the Muslim world these kind of prayers are common and accepted, and unfortunately
there seems to be no movement among more tolerant and caring Muslims to ban this kind of ‘hate
speech’.

1) Popular Egyptian preacher, Sheikh Muhammad al-Zoghbi, was taped invoking Allah thusly:
“May Allah cut your tongue out!”
“May he freeze the blood in your veins!”
“May he inflict you with cancer and allow you no reprieve...”
“Allah, strike them with all sorts of disease, afflictions and pain!”
“Allah, strike them with cancer!”
“Allah, let your prophet overpower them!”
“Allah destroy them! Allah destroy them! Allah destroy them!”
“Allah destroy the criminals who challenge the noble prophet!”
[Then, very serenely addressing his Muslim viewers:]
And peace upon you, and Allah’s mercy and blessings.

2) Likewise, Sheikh Abdullah Nihari supplicated Allah with outstretched arms accordingly:
“Lord, Lord, we condemn them before you!!”
“Freeze the blood in their veins!!”
“Strike them with evil, or at the very least freeze the blood in their veins”
“—until they pray for death, but do not receive it!! O lord! O lord! O lord!”...

3) At Islam’s most holy place! As Muslims circumambulate around the Kaaba, in Mecca, Saudi
Arabia, the following ‘prayers’ are blasted for all to hear, and Muslim pilgrims joined in chant:

“O Allah, vanquish the unjust Christians and the criminal Jews, the unjust traitors;”
“strike them with your wrath; make their lives hostage to misery;”
“drape them with endless despair, unrelenting pain and unremitting ailment;”
“fill their lives with sorrow and pain and end their lives in humiliation and oppression;”
“inflict your tortures and punishments upon the unjust Christians and criminal Jews.”
“This is our supplication, Allah; grant us our request!”
In stark contrast, there are no such hateful prayers in other religions, not even close. Christian
prayers use universal supplications that include phrases like “O lord, lover of all mankind and savior
of all the world”; they quote biblical passages such as “love your enemies and pray for those who
persecute you” (Matt 5: 44); they pray that God may “heal all people around the world of their
diseases.”

And, likewise are the prayers of the Jewish, Buddhists, Hindus, and others.
By Rick Heizman

54
 C H A P T E R
T W O

TESTIMONIES, PROOF, EVIDENCE -

ALL VERIFIED

The ICOE (Independent Commission of Enquiry)

Reports of the August 25, 2017
Attacks by the Bengali Muslims
are the
Most Comprehensive, Detailed,
and Revealing Testimonies
by Eyewitnesses and Victims
 POINTS and OBSERVATIONS,
CAUSE and EFFECT,
RESPONSIBILITY and CONSEQUENCES
AS REVEALED in the
DETAILED STATEMENTS of WITNESSES in the
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY (ICOE) REPORT

By Rick Heizman, February 19, 2020

Many of you may have seen the SUMMARY of the 430 page REPORT by the ICOE (Independent
Commission of Enquiry) released on January 20, 2020. 235 pages of that report are ANNEXES 16-
28 which has WITNESS TESTIMONIES and VERIFIED DETAILS of 50+ attacks by Bengali Muslims,
on August 25, 2017.

This report, released in part, in mid-January, 2020, is far better, more balanced, honest, truthful,
in-depth, verified, cross-checked, and researched, than the U.N. Fact Finding Mission Report
(October, 2018), and the Final Report of the Kofi Annan-led Commission on Rakhine State (Aug 24,
2017). The U.N. FFM Report is full of inherent U.N. bias, inaccuracies, unverified and wildly
exaggerated claims and speculation, and almost nothing from or about the primary victims - the
Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities. The same can be said about the Kofi Annan Report and
Recommendations.

This is why Reuters, Fortify Rights, Human Rights Watch, Frontier Myanmar, and all other ignorant
and arrogant Bengali terrorist supporting quislings (both intentional and naive) hate the ICOE report
and even advise people NOT to read it! In fact, many of these people and organizations condemned
the report from the day that the ICOE was established (July 2018). This shows their arrogant bias
so clearly! It is childish and nonsensical to condemn a report even BEFORE it is written - whether
it is your child’s report card, a job evaluation, a medical report or an international issue of concern.

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SOME POINTS that the DETAILS of the ATTACK CASES bring up:
(Please read carefully, this is very important to understand well)

• If you read even just three of the many witness statements with verified details of the attacks,
from the ICOE Report (that I have summarized,
posted, tweeted and put out) you will see the
enormity of the simultaneous, pre-planned, surprise
attacks, in which the Police, Border Guard Police,
Army, AND CIVILIANS were greatly outnumbered
and overwhelmed.
• The numbers of the assailants (Bengali Muslims)
fighting a Jihad (a holy war in the cause of Allah) was
staggering - per attack, an average of perhaps 200
- 400. Take those numbers, multiply by 30 (even
though there were many many attacks against
villages, aside from the acknowledged 30 against
security forces outposts) and you can see there were
6000 - 12,000 assailants. The number of coordinated
attacks against targets, plus the sheer numbers of
attackers make this the largest Islamic (or other)
coordinated terrorist attacks in ALL of HISTORY.
What other Islamic attack on planet earth has had so many targets attacked simultaneously,
and with such a high number of assailants?
• ALL the incidents involving allegations of ‘massacres’ and ‘human rights abuses’ (in Tula Toli,
Chut Pyin, Maung Nu, Gu Dar Pyin, and others) those incidents were a DIRECT RESPONSE
(whether there were abuses or not) to overwhelming attacks against the security forces AND
CIVILIANS by the Bengali Muslims who were carrying out systematically well-planned
attacks with GENOCIDAL INTENT.
• So many witnesses, both Muslim and non-Muslim, indicate that the army (with very few
exceptions) was not trigger happy, abusive, nor excessive, and in fact, at times troops were
helpful - providing medical treatment, food supplies, and protecting civilians - and that
included Muslims (as long as they were known or assumed to be non-violent and had not
participated in the Jihad). There are quite a number of Muslim witnesses who clearly stated
that when troops arrived at their (Muslim) village, they would say such things as: ‘‘You don’t
have to leave for Bangladesh, We will not shoot you, If you are guiltless you are okay, We will
protect you and bring food supplies, Use care - don’t run in front of us, don’t run away from
us, and don’t carry weapons - We don’t want any mistakes to happen and you will be okay
to stay here.’’
• Many Rakhine Buddhists talk about the Muslims that they used to work with, and the honest
friendships that they had, but starting a few months to a year before the attacks of August

58
 25, 2017, the Muslim workers were warned and prohibited by the Mawlawis (Imams) to stop
all relations with non-Muslims or they would be punished severely or even have their heads
cut off. Many Buddhists describe how they were warned of the attacks by their Muslim
friends a day or two before the attacks.
• The systematic planning for these attacks was profound. The Mawlawis (Imams) of the
mosques were essentially ALL part of the master plan. The Mawlawis together with the
ARSA leaders indoctrinated the largely illiterate Bengali Muslim villagers, and mandated that
they must attend the mosque 5 times a day, where the Mawlawis would again and again
pound the plan into the people. The plan was that the Muslim men were required to attend
weapons, explosives, and fighting skills training with ARSA. At a given time they would be
given AK-47s or similar assault rifles. They would attack the security forces first, by surprise,
at a pre-determined time, overtake the outposts, slaughter all the security forces, grab all the
weapons and ammo, and then annihilate the Buddhists, Hindus and ethnic minorities, and
declare that land an autonomous (and apartheid) Islamic State.
• Buddhists and Hindus describe, many times, seeing Muslims burn their own villages and
homes, as well as Buddhist and Hindu homes. They note that they (the Buddhists and
Hindus) would vigorously try to stop the fires if their home was threatened, but the Muslims
would torch their own homes and either flee, or just watch it burn. Some witnesses described
seeing Rakhine civilians or security forces burning the Muslim homes, BUT, THERE IS A
DIFFERENCE: Buddhist and Hindu homes were often set ablaze while STILL occupied, but
Muslim homes were torched AFTER the occupants fled, and often there was some justification
of doing that, namely, for the sake of security. In some areas ARSA was still staging attacks
and ambushes, and laying landmines for many days. The Buddhists, Hindus, and tribal
minorities were being sheltered in police outposts, schools or monasteries with a minimum
measure of safety. With dense foliage and abandoned houses all around, terrorist could
sneak up closely and wreak havoc - as they sometimes did. The outnumbered security
forces needed to flatten the obvious hiding places FOR THE SAFETY OF THE CIVILIANS
AND THEMSELVES. Villagers who have been brutally attacked, having seen some of their
fellow villagers killed, and have been through all of this madness in 2016, 2012, and again
and again, can justifiably get rid of the nest which harbored and enabled the violent
aggressors. Frankly, it is the attackers who must face the consequences of their own violent
acts!
• War is not clean. War is dirty and bloody - especially when fighting Islamic terrorists /militants
/ jihadists. These kind of terrorists do not observe ANY ‘rules of war’, ‘international agreements
of war crimes’, ‘civilian human rights’ etc. Islamic terrorists routinely break all the ‘rules of
combat’: no distinctive uniforms to differentiate from civilians, using civilians - especially
women and children - as human shields to draw their enemy into creating ‘collateral damage’
and ‘damning media’, melting into and fighting from villages, using ambushes and landmines
indiscriminately resulting in civilian casualties, intentional and willful targeting of civilians,
executions of civilians, etc.

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 • These kinds of terrorist groups are NOT a country, nor represent a country, which can be
called upon to observe the ‘rules of war’ etc. These kinds of terrorist groups cannot be sued
or demanded to appear in any kind of court in the world. (example: How could one have
sued or served court papers to Osama bin-Laden? He, or anyone from his al-Qaeda terrorist
group would never accept ANY court orders, demands to honor ‘civilian human rights’ or
anything like that.) But, in this conflict in Rakhine State the nation of Myanmar can be sued,
can be served court papers, can be ordered to appear in a court, can have U.N. proceedings
held against it, can have sanctions and actions put in place, can be charged with anything
the terrorist ARSA group says - and yet the terrorists under the banner of ARSA or other
Mujahid groups can escape ALL of the above actions. It is inherently flawed, and inherently
biased against the VICTIMS of the TERRORISTS. In a fair world, it is ARSA that should be
charged by the courts and the U.N. etc., along with its sponsors and enablers such as Saudi
Arabia, Pakistan, Qatar, Malaysia, Indonesia, etc.
• The Bengali Muslims made staggering quantities of explosives and weapons over many
many months in preparation for their planned Jihad - bombs, various wired and remotely
detonated land mines, jingali (slingshot) arrows,
crude homemade guns, etc.
• What about Cause and Effect, Karma,
Responsibility, Consequences?

Buddhist refugees, August 2017, walking in the center

of the path.

Bengali Muslims walking only on the sides of the

roads, not in the middle - WHY?
Bengali Muslims walking only on the sides of the roads,
not in the middle

I learned that the Bengali Muslims were warned by ARSA leaders and the Mawlawis:
The Bengali homemade landmines, were always buried IN THE CENTER of the roads, in order to
target trucks and vehicles that could carry security forces, and as I summarize the attack details
you will be astonished how many landmines the Bengalis made and laid.

By Rick Heizman, February 19, 2020

60
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Alai Than Kyaw Village Tract - 1

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

This report, by the ICOE (Independent Commission of Enquiry), released in part, in mid-January,
2020, is far better, more balanced, honest, truthful, in-depth, verified, cross-checked, and
researched, than the U.N. Fact Finding Mission Report (October, 2018), and the Final Report of the
Kofi Annan-led Commission on Rakhine State (Aug 24, 2017). The U.N. FFM Report is full of
inherent U.N. bias, inaccuracies, unverified and wildly exaggerated claims and speculation, and
almost nothing from or about the primary victims - the Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic minorities.
The same can be said about the Kofi Annan Report and Recommendations.
235 pages of the report are ANNEXES 16-28 which have WITNESS TESTIMONIES and VERIFIED
DETAILS of 50+ attacks by Bengali Muslims, on August 25, 2017.
I saw that the presentation of the witness testimonies was too bureaucratic for most people to try
to read. I constructed the many attacks into a more user-friendly and easier to read format, by
making separate files for locations, adding photos that are of the location or appropriate to the
situation, corrected spelling errors, adding a small amount of background info, and leaving out a
small amount of redundancy. Importantly, I did not change the text - all text is as the ICOE reported
it, except in [brackets], bold is mine.

Profile of Alai Than Kyaw village tract, southern Maungdaw Township

Alai Than Kyaw village tract is situated approximately 12 miles south of Maungdaw Town. It used
to be a large village tract with over 1300 households and a population of around 11,500. The Alai
Than Kyaw village tract consists of six villages: Kan Paing Gyi (upper), Kan Paing Gyi (lower), Maw
Tu Lar, Zay Gone Dan, Kan Phu, and Lay Yin Gwin. This sizable village tract used to be bustling with

61
agriculture, livestock, and inshore and offshore fishing industries. There was one government high
school in the village tract. This village is known to have produced the second largest number of
Muslim politicians and businessmen in Maungdaw region, after Maungdaw Town. Time-honored
political activism is associated with this village tract. Following the 2017 incident, a majority of
Muslims left for Bangladesh, and currently, there are only ethnic nationals and a small number of
Muslims remaining.

Statement of Rakhine Witness - The Alai Than Kyaw village tract administrator
I assume it would be necessary to explain a bit about the prevailing conditions prior to the August
25, 2017 disturbances. This turmoil did not emerge out of nowhere, but instead materialized
through a pre-conceived, time-consuming strategy by ARSA terrorists, as it systematically made
advanced preparations, by recruiting people - after mobilizing them from each and every village -
and providing training and mock drills to those who were recruited. A simultaneous attack by
terrorists, against 30 police stations, clearly manifests its systematic preparations. At that time, it
seemed as if local ethnic nationals were doomed and frantically awaiting looming attacks and
killings by ARSA terrorists, ready to be subjected to suffering without any defense. If ever ARSA
militants were sufficiently armed during the attacks, this would have led to a large number of police
stations being obliterated, and no ethnic nationals would have remained alive by now.

The crisis that occurred in Rakhine State region emerged from diverse factors. The discontentment
between the two communities in Rakhine State had been growing since many years ago. An attack
by Muslims against the Rakhine Buddhists in 1942, that resulted in massive number of casualties,
has been marked as wounds that could never be healed or forgotten in the hearts of Rakhine
people. Occasional conflicts between the two communities followed. But under the rule of military
governments, both Rakhine and Muslims came to accept the situation and had been coexisting
together. The reason was both sides had to depend on each other for their livelihood. For a long
time, both Rakhine and Muslims amicably interacted in their business matters, but never had their
blood mixed by marriage. This mutual trust eroded after the 2012 conflict. As we, the ethnic
nationals, were a minority especially in the Maungdaw and Buthidaung areas, we did not have any
other option but to deal with the Muslims. But the ethnic nationals did not have the kind of trust in
the Muslims as before. We always had to be cautious with them. Following the attacks on border
guard police regimental headquarters in Kyi Kan Pyin, Maungdaw Township, by terrorists on
October 9, 2016, we noticed that the Muslims had begun to change their attitude towards the
ethnic nationals. We started to hear the term ‘ARSA terrorist group’ only after then.
From that time onwards, ARSA began to warn or threaten those who were close to the military,
police or the government including other Muslim villagers. Every Muslim was instructed to attend
the mosque regularly. All these activities were mainly led by Mawlawi [Imam] teachers from each
village. Even those who used to be drunkards and hooligans were told to attend the mosque, and
they were seen obliging. Close Muslim acquaintances would always report about these conditions.
Those who did not follow their instructions would be severely punished. Sometimes, the punishment
included executions. Later, the influence of terrorists and Mawlawi teachers in the village grew to a

62
large extent. All urgent directives were said to be announced during the worship service at the
village mosques. First, Muslims were asked to sever relations they already had with Rakhine
nationals, and second many Muslim workers were also banned from working at Rakhine-owned
industries.

I heard that as a means to compensate lost wages they had received from the Rakhine, affected
Muslims were allocated some kind of allowance from a fund collected from Islamic people around
the world. They did not tell me how much they received. As a third step, measures were taken to
restrict Muslim village administrators and Village In-Charges [Village In-Charges are government-
appointed positions to administer 10-100 households], who made up the main basic levels of the
government’s administration, to disregard whatever the government told them to do and to sever
relations. This last step manifested itself more obviously two or three months prior to the 2017
incident. The Muslim village administrators and the hundred-household-heads, who were my
former assistants, would stop coming to meetings when I called them. They said they couldn’t
come anymore, as they were being threatened with execution, if they did. They also firmly rejected
following directives from higher authorities. This way, Muslim villages seemed to be defying the
government’s administrative control. I even thought that the outside world was in the dark, regarding
what ARSA was doing here. Or maybe, they already knew about it, but had turned a blind eye to it.
Later, Mawlawis and terrorists from the village were said to be lording over the Muslim villagers. I
always reported all these situations to the township general administrator.

I had one Muslim subordinate. When necessary, he would drive my car. He used to have a close
working relationship with government departmental officials and police officers. An ARSA terrorist
leader’s son, under the pretext of going out together for fishing, accused him of being a police
informer and murdered him. Those who killed him were terrorists from the same village. There are
many similar cases where Muslim civilians were being killed by ARSA terrorists. These reports were
often covered in the government and online media. I think, there must be around 100 Muslim
civilians murdered by terrorists after accusing them of being government informers. Relevant
authorities will have the exact records. But it is sad that international organizations, including the
United Nations, have shown no interest in these reports. To be frank, I even sometimes think
whether these organizations are encouraging and supporting the armed group. This is not only my
opinion. Many ordinary ethnic national villagers also have the same view. To tell the truth, not all
Muslims like or support the ARSA terrorist group. There were many who were pretending to follow
them, just because they were concerned about losing their lives. Elderly people and those who
were well-experienced, especially, did not want to associate with them. But, they dared not speak
back. The majority of those who supported them were said to be youngsters. Whatever information
they had, my Muslim friends had regularly and secretly shared with me.

We got the first bit of information that our Alai Than Kyaw police station would be attacked on the
day of Qurbani [important Muslim festival], August 28, 2017. A Muslim friend had given me the
information. He said ARSA had gathered all villagers in the mosque and had told them about it.
That day is a significant religious day for the Muslims. I stayed calm, thinking that there were still

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some more days left. At pre-dusk on August 24, the elder son of a Muslim friend called me. Without
a pause, he said, ‘Uncle [honorific term for respectable elderly men], the situation’s not good
tonight. They are preparing to attack the police station. They would come tonight. Be careful, Uncle
and others,’ and hung up. I reported this to the township general administrator and through him to
U Ye Htut, the district general administrator. To this, U Ye Htut responded by saying, ‘This is
baseless, don’t give me this kind of news that makes my employees scared.’ The special branch
in-charge also rejected this information as just rumors. I told them to call my Muslim friend from Alai
Than Kyaw, who had given me the information. At that time, my friend had his phone switched off,
and the report could not be confirmed. U Ye Htut called one Ebrahim, the Kan Yin Dan administrator,
and he was told that this information is wrong and that all is well. U Ye Htut turned towards me and
scolded, ‘Next time, I am going to take action against you.’ At that time, I heard that terrorists were
confiscating phones from villagers whom they suspected of being informers. My friend also had to
switch off his phone after calls, out of concern that terrorists would suspect him. Although my
friend did not go to the mosque, his own relatives attend the mosque and would report back to him
and warn him to be cautious.

At about 10PM on August 24, there was another call from my friend’s son, who told us to flee since
they were already coming. Ethnic nationals, immigration employees, police officers, teachers, and
hospital staff from Alai Than Kyaw ran to seek refuge at the border guard police station compound.
There were empty barracks at the police station, and women, civilians, immigration employees and
the police information team were given separate places to stay. Each barrack was not far from each
other, only about 150 feet distant. At 11PM, there was an explosion. Some were saying that it was
an oil tank exploding. I thought it was from Padin village area. While we were speaking, there was
another explosion. I thought it was from Myin Lut area. I called and reported it to the township
administrative officer. Knowing that there were only 17 police force members, with only a few
bullets, in Alai Than Kyaw police station at that time, I demanded the township administrative
officer to quickly send military support. At the same time, explosions could be heard from various
places. After the explosions, a Muslim mob approached the police station shouting rallying cries.
My house was in front of the police station. I turned on the generator at my place to make it sound
like there were people inside and to hinder those who came near, lighting the house environs as
usual. The police station also had their generator turned on. Therefore, those who wanted to
commit violence dare not approach from the main road. The whole place was brightly lit. It was
already about 3:30AM when the sound of gunfire erupted. Terrorists started the shooting. It seemed
they had guns with them. But it could be only two or three. There was a large number of people
who started to attack violently. They came from all four sides, carrying batons, spears, and swords.
There were also children among the mob. Only later it was known that the barracks at the end,
assigned for immigration employees, was already secretly occupied by terrorists, entering at what
time no one knows. The back of the barracks was dark and surrounded by tall grass and bushes.
It is possible they approached and entered the place after breaching the fence and taking advantage
of the darkness and shrubs. Only after the attack did we see the broken fence at the back of the
station. An immigration employee, who was sick and lying on a bed inside the barracks was
stabbed and cut into pieces. We were grieved to hear his cries but were not able to help out as

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there were not enough armed personnel. There was another immigration officer, together with the
person who was killed, at the barracks, whose information we didn’t get. We tried to call him, but
as his phone was switched off, we assumed that he had been killed. Later, I heard that the
immigration employee was in the other room when terrorists came in silently from the back of the
barracks taking advantage of the darkness, and killing the sick employee. Because of the dark, the
fighters couldn’t see him. Because he could not escape, he was said to have climbed up a hole in
the ceiling and sat on a post under the roof, hiding the whole night. He had switched off his phone
also. In the morning, after terrorists had gone, he climbed down from the ceiling. At that time, there
was a military regiment in Mawrawady, near Alai Than Kyaw, and there were also troops under
Battalion 99 at the police regimental headquarters, near Mawrawady. Since they were conducting
area clearance operations in response to the explosions, they could not immediately come and
support Alai Than Kyaw. In ordinary times, traveling by car from Mawrawady to Alai Than Kyaw
takes only about 10 to 15 minutes, but the military support took two hours to reach Alai Than Kyaw,
only arriving at about 5:30AM. I heard the delay was due to the military having to clear IEDs laid by
ARSA along the way. The terrorists continued attacking Alai Than Kyaw police station even when
the military arrived. They were keeping at it at 7AM, when morning had already broken. They had
surrounded the small security and guard posts at Alai Than Kyaw police station. Although they
were attacking with handmade and handheld bombs, most of them did not explode. When the
battle ended and everything was cleared up, it was already about 8:30 or 9AM. There were no
casualties from the police side. I saw 22 dead bodies of terrorists who died inside the station
compound after attacking the station. Among the dead were faces that I recognized as our villagers.
The dead had black uniforms on them. The uniforms were
not exactly the same. They were black athletic T-shirts and
black slacks. The designs were not the same. The only
similarity was that they were all black. I heard that they had
already ordered the black uniforms in advance from Yangon.
About ten days before the attacks, when I got the information
that black shirts and slacks had already arrived at a clothes
shop in Maw Tu Lar, I went along with the police to seize
them. Maw Tu Lar is the largest and the most populous village in Alai Than Kyaw village tract. It is
famous because of its many politicians, and it is also a native village of Aung Naing, proprietor of
Naing Group Construction Co., Ltd. in Yangon. Many villagers from Maw Tu Lar were involved in
activities leading to the attack. Some Muslims were in fact simply not aware of these plans. Some
did not even know when or where they had to go and attack. There was no battle in Maw Tu Lar
village. Except for Alai Than Kyaw police station, there were no clashes seen around Alai Than
Kyaw. It was said that many Maw Tu Lar villagers were included among those attacking the police
station. Many were said to have succumbed to their injuries while being taken back in the aftermath
of the station attack. I did not see their dead bodies. I know it only from what my Muslim friends
told me. I could not estimate the number of people in the mob that attacked the station. They were
all shouting from around the station, in the dark. They were shouting something like when cheering
at a football match. They could be in thousands. The Mawlawi teachers were said to have ordered
one from every house to come out.

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Muslims who escaped to Bangladesh would try to call me using Myanmar phone [SIM card]. They
often say that they want to come back. They opened up to me saying that they have to obey
whatever ARSA tells them in the camps, that they were beaten and persecuted without any reason,
that there were even killings, that there were cases of robberies, and that young girls were taken
away and raped. Right from the start, responsible officials and I had often advised them not to
leave. But they said ARSA had told them that soon the military would drop bombs on them, using
fighter aircrafts and helicopters, and that they would only survive if they flee. Most of the Muslims
from this side are illiterate and they are weak in analyzing matters. They seem to just follow whatever
their Mawlawi teacher tells them. I went to persuade the Muslims from Alai Than Kyaw who were
preparing to run away to stay. The majority did not listen to me. School teacher Daw Khin Aye and
her husband U Ba Cho, whom ARSA accused of being government informers and put on a hit list,
told me that they wanted to move over to where the Rakhine were staying. I told them that this was
not the right time to come over, when temperaments were high, and that they should stay where
they were, without making a run for it, and that I would guarantee their safety, that they would only
perish if I do, and that if I am alive, they would also be. So, they were among those who didn’t run
away. They are free from danger up to now. The military did not do anything to those who did not
take to their heels. The majority of the Muslims believed the instigation by ARSA and had taken
their flight. Families that were involved in the violent attacks, though, did not have clear conscience,
and would not listen to whatever was being said, but would just adamantly leave for the other side.
They were not leaving only one or two days after the incident. They kept doing it even until over a
year. Muslims, running away from regions where no incidents ever occurred, could be seen on a
daily basis. No one had driven them out.

Immediately after the disturbances, most of the Muslim villagers did not run away to Bangladesh.
They were hiding in the forests surrounding the village. A Rakhine goldsmith alerted me at 5:30AM
on the next day of the incident that a Kalar [an age-old term for the darker Indian type people] was
committing arson. We all saw that. The goldsmith lives in Maungdaw. Soon, we saw smoke rising
and then the flames. I did not see the fire myself in other places, but only when I saw the smoke
would I know that there was a fire. Ethnic nationals were not involved in the burning. At that time,
we were scared of the Muslims and we did not go out of the house. I did not hear about any rape
cases. As they had already taken off, I don’t see how it would happen. I did not see soldiers and
villagers looting Muslim properties.

Muslims fleeing near Alai Than Kyaw, Sept 2017 - photo by Rick Heizman

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Statement of Muslim witness from Alai Than Kyaw village tract
I am a native of Alai Than Kyaw Kan Yin Tan village. Alai Than Kyaw and our village Kan Yin Tan are
one mile distant. I used to own 25 acres of fields, nine acres of prawn ponds, and four fishing
trawlers. We were quite affluent. Because of the 2017 incident, almost all of the laborers had fled
to Bangladesh, and we are experiencing a labor shortage. Also, because dams were not maintained
and repaired in time, salt water infiltrated into the fields and prawn ponds, resulting in all of them
being destroyed. Maintenance could not be done because workers could not be hired anymore.
Although we still have the fishing trawlers, there are no skilled fishing industry workers who would
go into the sea. At present, all my businesses have come to a standstill. There was another
unfortunate incident. At 11PM on January 12, 2019, a group of Alai Than Kyaw villagers who had
fled to Bangladesh crossed over again on a motor boat and plundered my home. The dacoits
slashed my wife with a sword and her hand was almost cut off. They also tied my hands behind my
back, and asked for 100 million kyats [$68,000 US]. Family members gathered whatever gold and
money they had, and paid ransom to get me back. They took away cash worth Kyats 23.8 million
and 35 ticals [574 grams] of gold. These marauders were Kan Yin Tan villagers. Some were from
Alai Than Kyaw. They are all known to us. We are one of the few families in the village who could
somewhat afford to live and eat well. They came back to kill me because I refused to accompany
them in taking flight to the other country [Bangladesh]. Three families of my relatives and I remained
in the village after the others fled. Also, we never got involved in their activities since from the
beginning. Because I didn’t become their follower, they used to often call and threaten me from the
other country. I was born and grew up in this land, drank the same water, and lived here. This
country is my country. I cannot be a traitor to this country and to this government, now and in
future. This is my principle.

Even then, I am grieving because I feel that this country has been ignoring us and has not given us
adequate protection. My elder son passed Grade 10 with two distinctions (physics and chemistry)
from Alai Than Kyaw high school in 2012, but up to now, he hasn’t got the permission to continue
his university education. I have been guarding against destruction, on my own, of houses that were
left behind by people from our village tract, who fled to the other country for various reasons.

My family and I have now moved to Alai Than Kyaw’s Kan Paing Gyi (upper) village, close to Kan
Yin Tan border guard police regimental headquarters. I am a businessman. Right from the start, I
had a friendly relationship with ethnic nationals. I do not like discrimination based on religion or
race. I always uphold the principle of harmoniously living with one and all.

I will give an account of what I know and witnessed about the August 25, 2017, disturbances. Three
or four months prior to the incident, the ARSA armed group had tried to organize Mawlawi teachers,
village administrative in-charges, respectable elders, and those who were wealthy, from the villages.
They said to us, consecutive Myanmar governments did not open up the education and health
avenues for the Muslims. The three-fold cards, which we held since generations past, were first
asked to be exchanged with White cards. Then they made us give back [the White cards], and then,

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yet again, implemented another system. This way, the Muslim people would never have progress
in their life. They preached and organized in every village that we need to choose our own path, and
that the only option left is to fight for it [Jihad]. They also came and called me. I replied that this
matter should be carefully thought about, that we, Muslims, had never become citizens, even now
as everyone knows, even some indigenous ethnic nationals have been demanding their rights
through armed struggle for over 60 years, since the time of independence up to now, and have not
succeeded in their fight, that they already have their own weapons manufacturing plants, that it
needs to be noted that it is totally impossible to fight with sticks or swords, that political matters
should only be negotiated on the table to obtain solutions, and that it would be a grave mistake if
there were an armed insurrection. To my discussion, they angrily retorted, accusing me as someone
who had Rakhine influence in me, and that I should be the first person to be killed. I replied saying
whether or not [people] should be following the leadership of some worthless talkers, my family and
I were not going to follow them, that we all had to carefully ponder the situation. Although in the
past, there were no educated persons among the Muslims to make demands for our affairs, there
were now a large number of Muslim educated people traveling around the world, and that their
desires would be [more successfully fulfilled] if demanded through discussions. They already knew
that I was close to government authorities, and so warned me that if I report what they had said
and their activities, I would be slain. I said I wouldn’t report it to anyone, but that my family and I
were not going to be their followers. They demanded that I hold the Koran and pledge that I would
not report it to the authorities, and so I did what they had asked. Then they asked me to delete all
my contact phone numbers of the authorities that were in my hand phone, and so I did it in front of
them.

At 8PM on August 24, 2017, my younger cousin came to my place and warned me, ‘Big brother, as
you are not in their group, I think they are going to give you trouble. Please make arrangements to
defend yourself by collecting sticks and swords. The situation is not good.’ During that time, the
Alai Than Kyaw village tract administrator was U Zaw Htoo, a Rakhine. He is still the administrator.
I used to be his classmate, and up to now, our two families are friendly and close. He was the first
person to come and rescue me, risking himself amidst all kinds of dangers, when I was being
mugged. I called my elder son and asked him to call U Zaw Htoo and tell him to be extremely
cautious because Muslims were planning to attack the Rakhines and the [police] station that night.
At 3AM, explosions and gunfire erupted. ARSA terrorists had attacked the border guard police
station in Alai Than Kyaw. I was watching from the verandah upstairs. One Muslim from our village
came running back from the police station area. When I asked him from a distance, he said that
those who were leaders had asked them to stay in the frontline and carry out the attacks, that he
did not know the whereabouts of the so-called leaders when the police station retaliated with
gunshots, and that he ran away because of the [worsening] situation. He said that it was a daredevil
act to attack against those carrying guns with just sticks. Also, during the 2012 incident, Muslims
came to burn down the houses of the ethnic nationals, to which I prevented them from doing so.
Because of it, they tried to kill me. After that incident, the police went after those who were involved
in the crime, and since I stood together with those who did not torch the houses, they thanked me
for it, which I will not ever forget. Now, with goodwill, I tried to tell them what I had foreseen, but

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they wouldn’t accept it. They are even trying to harm me.

Just after dawn on that day, villagers gathered along the edge of the bank of Hna Khaung Toe
village, close to the Alai Than Kyaw beach. They were planning to run away to the other country
[Bangladesh]. On about the seventh or eighth day after the turmoil, I went together with Thuya San
Lwin, police major general from the border guard police headquarters, column commander from
Battalion 99, and departmental officials from Maungdaw, to Alai Than Kyaw’s Hna Khaung Toe
village at the edge of the beach to meet with the crowd planning to leave, and advised them not to
do so and return peacefully to their own villages, and that if they leave for the other side, the
conditions could be worse for them. I think there were hundreds of thousands of people there.
Some Muslims not only refused [to accept our advice], but even surrounded us, asking whether we
still were not satisfied of persecuting them, and whether they should first kill us. And so, we had to
come back. They couldn’t cross to the other bank as motor boats hadn’t arrived from Bangladesh
yet. From the time that authorities designated that only those [owners of] motor boats from this
side, who hold the national verification cards (NVC), would be permitted to go into the sea, they had
removed the motorboat engines, and so they did not have any motor boats ready there and then.
The Bangladesh government had not given the permission yet to send motorboats, also. Without
the motorboats, they could not proceed their journey. Some Bangladeshi boatmen asked 300,000
kyat [$200 US] per head or a tical [16.4 grams] of gold for three persons as the boat fare. For one
cow, they take two persons. In fact, the Bangladeshis took away all the properties from our people.
It was also heard that some wealthy people were robbed in mid-sea. It is said that Bangladeshis
became wealthier because of the people from this side. Their 10 to 15 motorboats were plying to
and fro throughout the day. One trip takes only one hour of driving. By taking to their heels, they
had to expend all that they brought along on the boat fare and lost everything that they left back in
the village. I see this as creating their own downfall.

Early in the morning on August 25, clashes erupted in Alai Than Kyaw. Muslims, led by terrorists,
went and attacked the police station, and the station retaliated by shooting. Muslim bodies were
said to have been left inside the police station compound. I was told that there might be around 50
corpses. I did not see the dead bodies myself. I heard it from others. They say that [the bodies]
were picked up by the police from the station and buried. I also heard that their documents,
including photos, were being sent. At that time, there was no Muslim villagers left in the village. All
had made a run for it. Before dawn, help from the military arrived. They were already stationed in
Mawrawady and Way Thali villages. These villages were not far from Alai Than Kyaw. The military
started their area clearance operations only after eight or nine days after the disturbances. There
were no villagers in the villages anymore. They had already made a run for the nearby fields. Only
our three families did not run off. We were not afraid because we were guiltless. When the military
entered, I put my hands on my head and went to meet the column commanders. The military did
not shoot the villagers who did not run. The military told me, ‘In this village, there is ARSA. Find
them out for us. We heard they had arms. Find them out for us.’ I said, ‘I am an ordinary villager. I
don’t know the ARSA. I do not also know whether they have the arms or not. I was not in the crowd
attacking the police station. I came here, because you called me to come and meet with you.’

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When they were at our Alai Than Kyaw village tract, the soldiers did not do any shooting or carry
out arson. No rape was committed. When military comes in, they always announce in advance that
if people had not done anything they should stay in their own places peacefully, and not try to run,
that no one should run in front of them, and that they would detain whoever does. They also
detained those they see running away. I saw seven of them being apprehended. Two of them were
from Doe Tan village from our village tract. It is known that whoever was detained would be
prosecuted, but I haven’t received any further information.

Regarding burning of villages, I could see from my house smoke rising from villages where the
military columns had entered. I only saw the smoke. I do not know who ignited them or how. I saw
some Rakhine together with the military column. The whole Alai Than Kyaw Kan Yin Tan village
tract was not on fire. After I was robbed, I moved to Alai Than Kyaw Kan Paing Gyi (upper). When I
came back once, the houses had disappeared. They were said to be being broken into bits and
pieces, and taken away. In Alai Than Kyaw village tract, except for minor fires in Maw Tu Lar and
Zay Gone Dan villages, the other villages were not on fire.

About five days after the disturbances, one of my middle sons was taken hostage by a group of
terrorists. Before that incident, I went and prevented Muslims from Buthidaung area, crossing over
the Mayu mountains to Alai Than Kyaw Kan Yin Tan village cluster, and stealing away household
materials from houses where no one lived anymore. After one or two days, while my middle and
younger sons were playing in our house yard, a group of people came and asked, ‘What is your
father’s name?’ When my middle son told them my name, the group then asked him to come for a
while with them, and my younger son saw that they took my middle son away to a vacant house at
the end of the village. He then ran back to tell me that Ko Lay Ko’s group had abducted him.
Immediately, I gathered some people with sticks and swords, and went to the house where my
younger son directed. We met the group face to face, as they came down from the upper floor of
the house, with my middle son blindfolded. We surrounded them. There were 12 of them. I tried the
gentle approach and said we can talk about it at our home. When they arrived at my place, sensing
that the situation was not good, six of them ran away, while the other six were arrested. They
confessed to the police that they were Zedi Pyin villagers from Rathedaung Township, and that
they were terrorists and among those who attacked the Zedi Pyin police station. My middle son
recounted that after they blindfolded him, they called someone and said that they had already
abducted my son, and the other side told them to bring him over to another place, and we met
them while they were taking him away. Later, I came to know that if they did not succeed in killing
me, ARSA had ordered his followers to take as hostage one of my family members and ask for
ransom.

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

70
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Alai Than Kyaw Village Tract - 2

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

All text is as the ICOE reported it, except in [brackets], bold is mine.

Statement of a Rakhine Buddhist man

I am a native of Sittwe and a Rakhine. At present, I live with my family in Alai Than Kyaw Zay Gone
Dan. My wife is a health department employee.

In reality, Muslims from this region did not identify themselves as Rohingya before 2012. Except for
one or two cases, this is the truth. Following the 2012 crisis, the majority of the Muslims identified
themselves as Rohingya and plainly carried out activities demanding official recognition for
Rohingya as an indigenous ethnic nationality. When the Du Chi Yar Dan incident erupted in early
2014, a worrisome situation had emerged in Maungdaw region. At that time, I was already employed
at a Maungdaw-based NGO. I used to go every morning on my motorbike from Alai Than Kyaw and
come back in the evening. I had to pass through many Muslim villages along the old car road.
During that time, some Muslim youths would have an attitude when I passed by, and I would have
to bear with hearing their semi-audible insults, and seeing them brandish their swords or raising
their longyis [sarongs] showing their private parts. Muslim girls would shout ‘Rohingya Rohingya!’,
as I passed by. I understood that this was done on purpose to cause friction between the Muslims
and the ethnic nationals, not unlike in the past, when many Muslims within the Muslim society
would show hostility towards the Rakhine.

There was a local young Muslim guy, employed to run the generator, at the Alai Than Kyaw police
station. He said that the other day when he came back home at night time, after he had run the
generator, and while he was crossing the fields, he met with a group of men, wearing black. Among
them, one thin, tall, long-bearded person, thought to be the leader, called him and asked him from

71
where he was, and to where he was going, and then slapped him on his face. He recounted that
the dialect they were using was not the same as the Muslim language used in Maungdaw region,
and that they could not be reputable persons. I took lightly, what he said. Soon after this, there was
an incident where four police guard outposts, including Kyi Kan Pyin police headquarters, were
simultaneously attacked [the stunning coordinated attacks on Oct 9, 2016].

Some Muslim friends that I am acquainted with told me that there might not be Qurbani Eid
festivities that year, since there could be a big crisis before that date. I knew that the Qurbani Eid
fell on August 28 in 2017. There always used to be a grand cattle trade fair before the Qurbani Eid,
but there was none in 2017. Muslim men and women would buy new clothing before the celebration,
with Maungdaw market being crowded with people jostling with each other, but that year it was
empty. This meant that Qurbani Eid would not be celebrated. This was a sign that many Muslims
knew in advance that there would be a turmoil. Because of these conditions, Rakhine nationals had
to be always cautious, having learnt their lessons from what had happened in the past.

Most fields in Alai Than Kyaw village tract were Muslim owned, and there were only a few ethnic
national owners. We also had to be always wary because of the high population gap between the
ethnic nationals and the Muslims in the region. Analyzing the present attitude changes and the
general conditions, we concluded it as an indication that, sooner or later, there would erupt a
worrisome consequence. I made my family collect all important documents and materials and to
keep them ready and convenient to carry. Especially on Fridays, we would take extra care in our
goings and comings. If possible, I wouldn’t send them far.

During the time between 2016 and pre-incident time in 2017, ARSA murdered a large number of
Muslims who they accused of being close to the government. There was also loss of some
policemen lives in frequent surprise attacks at police security guard outposts in some locations. We
were worried and terrified at the glaring changes in the demeanor of the
Muslims. On August 3, 2017, ARSA barbarically killed six Mro ethnic
nationals, working together as laborers in a paddy field farm in Kaing Gyi
(Mro) village. From that time onwards, knowing definitely that a massive
crisis was about to be generated, ethnic nationals started to move out their
families to safe and secure places. But no one could guess when [this
crisis] would be happening. This is because ethnic nationals could not do anything but only wait for
the arrival and attacks of the Muslims, as those who were formulating the attack strategy were the
Muslims. They [ethnic nationals] could only guess, study or observe hints from the activities by the
Muslims, and had to pass their daily lives in worry and fright. The ethnic nationals had to be mainly
dependent on the security forces, and they [ethnic nationals] did not even keep an effective long
dagger in hand to fight back.

I’d like to say a bit about the changes in social interaction. Rakhine Buddhists and Muslims had
coexisted together for many years, and there were those who were mutually friendly. When incidents
occurred in the past, links would be cut off only during the happenings, and then there would be

72
harmony again. Before, some friendly Muslims would hand over to me, on a temporary basis, their
valuable materials for safekeeping before their departure. When they return, whatever they had
handed over would be given back. This time, however, it was remarkable that no materials were
handed over for safeguarding. I presume the reason was to keep the Rakhine in the dark of whatever
they were planning to carry out, by not handing over their things. Even Muslim friends who used to
do business together did not let out any hint to us, even up to one day before the incident.

No wares sold by ethnic nationals in Alai Than Kyaw market were bought by Muslims anymore.
Even if they did, they would ruthlessly bargain the price down. Also, they would not sell their wares
to the ethnic nationals. Even if they did, they would charge exorbitant prices. In a region where
sales relied on the Muslim consumer, not buying like this from ethnic national salespersons is
destroying these businesses. Rakhine people did not have the guts anymore to go to the sea and
run the fishing industry after the 2012 incident up to now [because of threats and murders of
Rakhine fishermen]. To tell it all, it has been a long time now that Rakhine had gone out to search
for frogs and fish in the nooks and crannies at the village edges.

I wish all relevant people would come to realize that the ethnic nationals, with a small population in
the region, have had their livelihoods repressed from all sides. I see these bullying tactics as driving
out the ethnic nationals from this region by making it hard to earn a living. From the time the
conditions became tense, ethnic national dared not even wander around near the village in search
of fruits and vegetables. This was because the whole environment was surrounded by only the
Muslims. Every strategic place was already taken over by them. I see these facts as a long-term
strategy by the Muslims to drive out the remaining ethnic nationals in the region, so that the Muslims
would be the only remaining people there. [Even in the late 1800s when the British started to bring
them in as laborers they were instructed by their Mawlawis (Imams) to take over the places where
there was year-round drinking water - a vestige of desert tribalism]

On the day the incident was to happen in 2017, I had to go to Maungdaw for business on a motor
bike, and returned to Alai Than Kyaw at about 7 p.m. On the road entering the village, a friendly
young Muslim lad said, “Uncle [honorific term for respectable elderly men], go back home quick,
the situation is not good.” After arriving home, I took my bath and had my dinner. It was about
8:30PM. The township medical officer from Maungdaw called my wife and told her that as the
Muslims were about to attack Alai Than Kyaw, all the staff were to speedily take off for the police
station compound. The village administrator had also received the information and was already
arranging for ethnic nationals and employees from Alai Than Kyaw to move to the police station. A
police border guard official had come to the hospital compound and, because the situation was not
good, he had come to take [them] to the police station compound. Our hospital staff and all ethnic
nationals hurriedly set off for the police station. The police at the station were also getting necessary
things ready. Up to the time all of us arrived at the police station, there was nothing significant and
no sound could be heard in the village. The only thing remarkable was that it was more silent than
usual. Not a dog barked and not a cock crowed, and it was unusually quiet. When we left our
houses, we left the lights on. Similarly, the police station and the environs of the administrator’s

73
house in front were all brightly lit, with generators on as usual. People were calling each other and
enquiring about things. There was information that bombs had exploded and shootings could be
heard between 10PM and around 11PM. Until that time, nothing had happened in Alai Than Kyaw.
Some ethnic nationals also came out of the police station and were observing the situation from the
road in front of the station. I became sleepy, so I went inside the barracks and laid down for a while,
although I could not sleep. It was about 4AM. The sound of explosions and incessant gunfire could
then be heard from the seacoast area. What we did not know was that terrorists, under cover of
darkness, had slipped through the bushes and rushed in through the destroyed fencing at the back
side of the police station, and had stationed themselves at the barracks, situated at the extreme
end of the police station yard. The police station compound was also very large, compared to the
police force there. Only when gunshots were heard from them did we know that the terrorists were
already there. There were four barracks and the barracks building where they were now stationed
was the farthest at the extreme end. There was no police guard there, because of insufficient police
force. There was also no electricity [connected] there. Amidst explosions and sounds of gunfire, we
could see under the lighting that terrorists were running across to and from the fourth barracks and
the second and third barracks. How many of them, I do not know, although there appeared to be
many of them. They were in the dark and we were in the light, and so they could see us, but we
couldn’t see them. Nine immigration employees were stationed at the barracks at the extreme end,
and when sounds of explosions and gunfire erupted, they came running to our barracks. The
deputy in charge of immigration was sick and left behind, resulting in his being stabbed to death
by terrorists. Although we could hear his pitiful and painful cries, before he died, we were not able
to rescue him. The police were shooting from the bunker where they were stationed, but it was not
effective, thanks to the barracks walls. We could see the Muslim mobs coming from the front and
back sides of the police station and joining forces, while destroying the fencing with swords. The
border guard police at the station was also shooting back in self defense. Since the police force
members did not have the fighting experience like the soldiers and because they had to be
economizing the few bullets they had, I saw that it was not as effective as it should have been. Both
sides kept shooting until it was almost dawn at 5:30AM. At that time, a supporting military column,
led by the tactical operations commander, himself, arrived. Daylight was breaking. Until that time,
the Muslim crowd was fully packed inside the police station compound. Our barracks building was
nearest to the road and only about 150 to 200 feet distant from the barracks where the terrorists
were stationed. The tactical operations commander looked at the crowd and was surprised. At that
time, a soldier carrying a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) asked for orders from the tactical
operations commander to shoot the RPG at the barracks that the terrorists had laid siege to. The
commander did not permit him to do so. He only ordered them to use small arms, and the soldiers
started to open fire. But most of the shots were only hitting the barracks walls. When the tactical
operations commander saw that the terrorists had encircled the police station compound from all
sides, he divided the troops into groups, ordering one group to go around and attack from the back
of the station compound. The soldiers surrounded [the station yard] in groups. The compound itself
was thick with bushes, shrubs and vines, and although their shouting could be heard, they could
not be seen in the dark. The soldiers were not shooting people they could see, but seemed to be
shooting just to threaten them with the sound of the gunfire. Once they came to know that the

74
military had encircled them, the terrorists started to retreat and take to their heels. It was already
broad daylight. Up to that time, thinking that there were only police, the terrorists kept attacking,
and once they knew that the military was already there, they retreated. It was already about 9AM
when all area clearance operations were completed inside the station compound. The border guard
police at the police station already had run out of ammunition, and if the military had not arrived in
time, all the border guard police would have fallen and all the civilians would have been executed.

During this incident, there was no casualties on the side of the military, police and civilians. I saw
with my own eyes the bodies of about 19 dead terrorists. They were all killed inside the station
compound, and soldiers were collecting and carrying them. Those dead could be seen in black
T-shirts and black slacks. While the soldiers were clearing inside the station yard, they got hold of
two long Hnget Gyi Taung daggers, and they left them with me. It was unusual to see a hole on the
dagger tips.

The next day, the tactical operations commander ordered small and scattered border guard
outposts to be withdrawn and to be collectively stationed at Alai Than Kyaw police station. It was
thought to be done to supplement the force strength. At about 4PM that day, terrorists again
approached the station from the front side. They shot the station with guns from a distance. Again,
at about 4:15AM on the 26th, they opened fire from the back of the station. For three days, up to
the 27th, they shot at the station from a distance. At about 4PM on the 26th, an additional military
column arrived, surrounded the village, and told everyone, including the monks, to move over to
the police station. Only then did we feel safer.

The terrorists did not appear again after that military column arrived and conducted area clearance
operations. Days later, when I saw Muslims animated in the afternoons, I reported it to a military
official, who told me not to do anything unless they hurt you, and to just stay like that. We pooled
whatever we had and cooked and ate together during those days. Because we were not able to go
outside, food became scarce. There were plans to take villagers over to a safer location on the
27th, but the arrangement fell through when a police van, that would have transported us, hit a
mine at the edge of Chein Kharli village.

Beginning on the 27th, the Muslims were seen planning to leave for the other country [Bangladesh],
and began crossing over to the other side on the 28th. I heard that ARSA had already drawn a plan
to completely attack and wipe out their foes by the 25th, and if their plan did not materialize,
everyone should set off to the other country [Bangladesh]. Muslims who were close to me told me
that plans were already set up to escape instead of being sent to prison. At the time the terrorists
and the Muslims fled, we could see from a distance smoke rising out of Than Dar and Wah Cha
villages. Until that time, the military was stationed in Alai Than Kyaw and never left their camp. It is
improbable that the military had caused the arson, although I didn’t witness who did it. On the
evening of the 28th, all villagers from Alai Than Kyaw, accompanied by the tactical operations
commander, were sent off on foot to the police regiment backline headquarters near Mawrawady
village. Although it was not far, the military had to clear IEDs along the way. The military was heard

75
to have given similar support also in Chein Kharli village. The next day, on the 29th, our family
continued to Buthidaung, and arrived in Sittwe on the 30th.

After staying in Sittwe for about two weeks, we returned to Alai Than Kyaw end of the second week
in September. At that time, there were no Muslim villagers remaining, and their houses were also
seen to be burnt down. I did not see who torched them. About two months after the turmoil, I saw
some villagers removing and carrying away short planks from Muslim houses where no one stayed
anymore. I didn’t see them carry valuable materials away.

Statement of a Muslim man, who is a former police sergeant

I am a native of Kyein Chaung. I entered the Myanmar Police Force in 1970, and after 17 years of
service, I retired as a police sergeant in 1987. After retirement, I settled in Kan Phu Myauk [north]
village, Kan Phu village tract, Maungdaw Township. I moved over to Alai Than Kyaw after the 2017
disturbances, and have been staying here up to the present.

I can tell you some things about the 2017 turmoil. Beginning in late 2016, instigations, recruitment,
and military training activities were carried out in Muslim villages in this region, with an aim for an
armed insurrection, led by the ARSA armed group. Similar activities took place in Kan Phu village.
On a date I don’t remember well, I saw a house with a high fencing around it in our Kan Phu village,
securely closed with tarpaulin sheeting. As it was unusual from other houses, I was curious and
wanted to know what was going on. The house had a wide yard and on the vacant plot in front of
the house I unexpectedly saw, with my own eyes, militant training being carried out, using sticks
and long daggers. They also saw me. When one person, presumed to be the leader, shouted, ‘What
is this guy doing here? Catch him,’ a villager named Orkyu Lar from our same village ran towards
me with a dagger swinging. Because I was swift enough to avoid it, it only bruised my shoulder,
which made me wrestle out and run for my life, wherever my feet would carry me. There was a lake
on the upper side of Kan Phu, and I had to hide near that lake. I did not have my meals. I was just
living on betel leaves and water. I did not leave for anywhere, knowing that I would be definitely
executed if I did so. After five or six days, I could hear a lot of gunfire. I did not know what was
happening, or where. I was witnessing villagers running away.

At present, I have a second marriage with a Muslim woman who is 68 years old now. We have been
married for 23 years and do not have any children. Only both of us are living together. The armed
group, with long daggers, had encircled our house to apprehend me and had asked my whereabouts
to my wife. My wife told them that I had not returned yet after leaving the house and that she did
not know where I had gone. They did not do anything to my wife.

ARSA is not made up of any other people. They are our own villagers. They are giving trouble to
their own villagers. Orkyu Lar, who tried to slash me with a dagger, was reported to have been killed
by his own people, while he was trying to keep giving trouble to others at a refugee camp in
Bangladesh.

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As I did not notice any movement of villagers in and around my village, I came closer, step by step,
towards the village on the 28th. No villagers could be seen in the village. When I went inside the
house, my wife was crying. On that day, my wife and I moved to a friend’s place in Alai Than Kyaw
Kan Yin Tan, where we have been staying ever since. In reality, I came to know, later on, that ARSA
was trying to track me [to execute me], when they all had to take to their heels as the military came
in.

The military training at Kan Phu village began around October 17, 2016, and the training instructor
was from the Arabic school Gorhali in Myin Lut. They were giving training in the house compound
of Kan Phu villager Phway Yarzu (father, Marmud). It was a large compound. Trainees wore black
uniforms and were holding long daggers. While the training was ongoing, they had guards posted
at the edge of the field at the village entrance. There is a canal at the side of the field. If one follows
that canal, they would reach the side of his compound. I was following that canal, when I was
caught and slashed with a dagger at the side of the fencing. Fortunately, I was only wounded and
escaped. The training was said to be attended in batches. When I saw them, there could be an
estimated 50 attending the training. I have written a daily diary recording the details of the
happenings. At the beginning of the attack, I was still hiding in the forest at the side of the lake. At
dawn, I could see, from a distance, terrorists roaming about in the village with long daggers in their
hands. Villagers and women were running frantically, some fleeing and some returning. Village
elders were said to have advised villagers, planning to leave, not to do so. No one [from outside]
came and did anything to Kan Phu village. Our Kan Phu villagers were involved in the attack of the
Alai Than Kyaw police station. I have prepared a list of their names. There are exactly 21 of them,
headed by Abdullah (father, Dorr Lon). Abdullah has two pistols in his hands. He is a villager from
Kan Phu Pabai (Taung) village. He is said to have been given the chief leader position. The trainer
was Phway Yarzu (father, Marmud), and the training was given at his house. I haven’t passed on my
prepared name list to anyone yet.

While the battle was ongoing, I was still by the side of Kan Phu lake. I did not see anything myself.
But I will speak about the arson. Beginning from August 25, villagers were running away in groups.
Some continued to go to Bangladesh. When they were making a quick exit, most of the people
were not able to carry their belongings. Over 20 people from ARSA crossed over again from
Bangladesh and were stealing the buffaloes and cows that villagers had left behind. At nighttime,
they gathered together in huts near the coast. They were carrying their loot to Bangladesh from Pan
Yaung Pin Gyi. This happened one or two times. They made many trips, stealing livestock and
properties, and selling them back in Bangladesh. Besides looting, these Muslims are the ones who
had torched the houses, which they could not carry away for themselves. I also saw it. I would
never be disloyal to Myanmar.

Regarding the matter that the military had ordered the people to leave, I would totally refute it. The
Muslims have been taking off even before the military had arrived. Rakhine and police officers tried
to persuade them to stay, but they did not listen. They were just headed to the other side. No
soldiers had ever come to Kan Phu village up to now. Committing rape would be impossible. I also

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did not hear anything about it. You would have already noticed that our Muslims have the habit of
making a mountain out of a molehill. For me, I would only say it exists, only if it does, or I heard it,
only if I did. I did not hear about it only because it didn’t exist. I do not believe that rape had been
committed.

I would finally wish to say that I, myself, am a local Muslim. But, if they [those who had fled] are
accepted after their demands are met and recognized as Rohingya race, maybe by the UN, it is
bound to create an issue. Our Muslims are not good. They are the ones who are always creating
problems. They should be only recognized as Rakhine Muslims or Myanmar Muslims.

By Rick Heizman, February 22, 2020

78
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Gu Dar Pyin
By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

Photos in Gu Dar Pyin and Kyauk Sar Taing, October, 2018, by Rick Heizman
All text is as the ICOE reported it, except in [brackets], bold is mine.

Profile of Gu Dar Pyin village tract, southern Buthidaung Township

Gu Dar Pyin village tract consists of four villages. Gu Dar Pyin, Tha Yet Taung and Gu Dar Pyin
Taung (southern village) villages are inhabited by Muslims. Kyauk Sar Taing village is an ethnic
nationals’ village. Although the Muslim-inhabited villages are designated as three separate villages,
they are close to each other and sometimes the three are referred to collectively as Gu Dar Pyin
village. Kyauk Sar Taing village is also close by, being only one mile west of Gu Dar Pyin village, at
the foot of the Mayu mountains. Gu Dar Pyin village, in Gu Dar Pyin village tract, is located about
eight miles south of Buthidaung Town.
It takes only 45 minutes on foot to reach the base of the Mayu mountain from Gu Dar Pyin village.
Most of the area of the village tract is taken up by fields; agriculture is the main source of livelihoods.
Those who do not own farms depend on the hills and forests of the Mayu mountain range for their
livelihoods.

Statement of a Rakhine Buddhist from Kyauk Sar Taing

Only Rakhine and Khami ethnic nationals reside in Kyauk Sar Taing village.
Currently, there are about 70 Khami and about 15 Rakhine households. There
are three Muslim villages nearby – Gu Dar Pyin Ywama [main village], Gu Dar
Pyin Taung [southern village], and to the north Tha Yet Taung. I was in Kyauk
Sar Taing village during the August 25, 2017, disturbances. I will tell what I
know about what happened before the turmoil erupted and how events
unfolded.

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Prior to the 2017 upheaval, there was one incident in Kyauk Sar Taing village. I cannot recall the
exact date of the incident right away. Relevant government departments might know the date. It
occurred in 2016, after ARSA attacked the border guard police headquarters in Kyee Kan Pyin
village, Maungdaw Township. To give a brief account of the incident, two Khami ethnics, U Tun Thar
Maung andU Aung Kyaw Sein, went fishing in the small streams along the Mayu mountain ranges’
hidden caverns to the west of their village. At one place, some Muslims killed U Tun Thar Maung.
U Aung Kyaw Sein was able to escape with only minor injuries.

The details of the incident were as follows: Both men had their breakfast early in the morning and
walked towards the Mayu mountain ranges in search of fish, carrying lunch packs with them. As
they passed through the caverns, they were so engrossed in their work that they did not notice they
had entered Maungdaw Township. By the source of a stream, they met a Muslim, who called to
them from a distance and told them not to come any further and that they would have to turn back
as there were steep cliffs ahead. U Tun Thar Maung and U Aung Kyaw Sein stopped where they
were and sat down to take a short rest. While they were resting, they opened their lunch packs and
started to eat.

The Muslim shouted to some of his companions, “Hey guys, let’s go back.” Two more Muslims then
came down to join him. One had a hatchet in his hands and the other was holding a long knife.
Without saying anything, they started hacking the two men who were eating their meals. U Aung
Kyaw Sein escaped, but U Tun Thar Maung received a cut to the neck and collapsed on the spot.
U Aung Kyaw Sein took to his heels, the whole day and night, through the jungle, and reached
Kyauk Sar Taing village around 5AM. He informed the Kyauk Sar Taing village Administrator, the
Border Guard Police station in Kyauk Sar Taing, and Regiment 234 which was in Gu Dar Pyin village
at that time. Our villagers also assembled to search for U Tun Thar Maung. However, we waited as
the village Administrator and the police station had to report to the relevant higher authorities, and
those authorities were checking the facts. There was no response on that day so we just waited.
Similarly, the next day passed without any result. We were not able to start doing anything, as we
were waiting for instructions from above. At this point, we villagers discussed the situation and
decided to mobilize people ourselves.

We mobilized 39 able-bodied men, including myself. The next day, taking U Aung Kyaw Sein as our
guide, we entered the Mayu jungle in search of U Tun Thar Maung. No soldiers or police accompanied
us. As we approached the place where we believe the incident had occurred, we left the stream
bank, went along a hill path and climbed up a hill. Looking around we saw, not far away, that a
space about the size of a volleyball court had been cleared, where there were also some huts. We
also saw clothes hung out on bamboo poles. At that time, there were two different opinions among
us, those who wanted to go and clear up the area and those who thought it was too dangerous to
do so. I firmly said, “whatever may happen, we should go and clear it up,” then all agreed. As we
approached the place, we shouted together, “Surround them, and don’t let them escape! Shoot,
shoot”. We did this to make them think we had security forces accompanying us. Actually, we were

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only carrying knives and sticks. When we reached the clearing, there was no one to be seen. It
seemed that they had run away. We found a series of huts, used as dormitories for about 20 to 30
people, cans of rice and oil, uniformed track suits (24 jackets and slacks), solar panels, batteries,
and copies of the Koran. In front of the huts was a leveled area, where it appears military trainings
were carried out. Coming down a bit from the covert camp, we found the butchered body of U Tun
Thar Maung. There was no phone connection. We couldn’t contact our village by phone, and we
were a long way from the village. We were in Maungdaw Township. Therefore, we decided not to
go back to the village, but instead try to cut across towards Maungdaw. A little further into
Maungdaw Township, we were able to get an intermittent phone connection.

The first person we contacted was the former village Administrator of Kine Gyi (Mro), a recently
established village on the Maungdaw-Ah Ngu Maw jetty road. We told him what had happened,
and told him to report it to the relevant authorities, saying that our group was coming to Kine Gyi
village. We took pictures of U Tun Thar Maung’s dead body, but were unable to carry his body at
that moment and so we left it there. The telephone connection was erratic throughout. Because of
the Kine Gyi Administrator’s report, the military came on trucks to Kine Gyi village and met with us
as we were approaching the village. We showed them the pictures and recounted what we had
seen and what had happened. The next day, a military platoon went with some of our villagers to
the camp, picked up U Tun Thar Aung’s body and sent it to Maungdaw hospital for a post-mortem.
It was buried in Maungdaw. We heard that the military discovered and laid siege to other caverns
where the ARSA had been hiding in the Mayu mountain range. The ARSA camp that we saw was
reportedly a clandestine training camp; Muslim villagers were called to the camp in turn from each
village tract and given military training.

Before the incident, our relationship with Muslims from Gu Dar Pyin and other nearby areas was
brotherly. We would sit together at teashops in the markets and would chat and drink with each
other. We would go to their village, they would come to our village, and we would invite one another
to attend weddings or donation ceremonies. But three or four months prior to the 2017 incident,
the relationship gradually started changing. It started from the Muslim side. Intimacy diminished
and some would even turn away from us. As the incident drew nearer, the Muslims’ attitude towards
us changed noticeably. The Muslims cut off not only personal relations with us, but, significantly,
also interactions with the Union government’s administrative machinery. At the same time, Muslims
who were friendly with us told us quietly not to come to them, especially after dark. From about one
month before the incident, they refused to collaborate (as they had in the past) even with official
directives from the village Administrators. Those officially appointed as In-Charges of Muslim
villages [In villages with no village Administrator, a Head of Ten Households or Head of Hundred
Households is appointed the village In-Charge. This person has responsibility for the administration
of the village] would openly turn down instructions [from the administrative hierarchy].

From that time onwards, normal relations between the ethnic nationals and Muslims were almost
totally severed. We also had to take special care when we moved about. About two days before the
incident, one of our Khami ethnic villagers called a Muslim friend from Gu Dar Pyin, who was a

81
former customer of his and who owned a shop, and asked if he could come over to Gu Dar Pyin to
buy betel nut, cigarettes, tea and other groceries that had run out in Kyauk Sar Taing. The Muslim
friend replied, “You may come, but when you go back, you might not have your head attached”. In
Kyauk Sar Taing village, there is a Border Guard Police station headed by officer Zaw Min Tun. The
officer called the government-appointed village In-Charge of Gu Dar Pyin village to tell him that he
was going to come shopping for supplies. The Muslim In-Charge told him not to come, and said he
would instead make arrangements to send the things that were needed. At that time, it can be said
that the situation had already intensified. The tension came from the Muslims’ side, and we were in
their hands, considering the vast disparity in our populations and the location of our ethnic villages.
We were helpless, having to suffer whatever the Muslims did to us.

Before the incident of August 25, the Border Guard Police were concerned about the situation, so
the whole force from the Border Guard Police station in Ah Kar Pyan village, just two miles away
from Kyauk Sar Taing village, came to join the Kyauk Sar Taing police station. New information
arrived at that time – a report that terrorists would attack, and besiege the Kyauk Sar Taing police
station that night. The Kyauk Sar Taing police reportedly relayed the information to their area police
officer. In response, they were told to join the area police station in Nyaung Chaung.

On August 25, 2017, the members of the police force left for Nyaung Chaung. From about 5PM that
evening, Muslims from Gu Dar Pyin village started shouting threats, via megaphone. Their rallying
cries were so loud that the sound could be heard clearly from Kyauk Sar Taing village, which is
separated from the Muslim villages by a hill. At that time, our villagers from Kyauk Sar Taing did not
have anyone they could depend on [no armed security forces to defend them], and so all fled to the
hill in the western part of the village. Friends from other places were calling us to know what was
going on in Kyauk Sar Taing. At that time, U Maung Kan Sein, our then village Tract Administrator
was able to contact [Myanmar's Defense Services] Regiment 540 and ask for their help. The military
was said to have replied that they would head towards us, and to stay calm and not worry. No help
arrived from the military that night. Some of our men were watching from the hill to see whether the
Muslims would come and attacked Kyauk Sar Taing or not. The Muslims did not come. However,
the sound of their threats kept being heard. Most of the villagers went back to our village. But two
groups remained on the hill to monitor the situation. One group of three or four of us was between
the eastern tip of the village and Gu Dar Pyin. The other group was led by U Maung Kyaw Hla. From
the hill, one could clearly see Gu Dar Pyin and the adjoining plain. By 9PM that night when we also
came down from the hill and returned to the village, there was no trace of movement from the
military.

Soon after we arrived back in the village, probably around

10:30 or 11PM, a loud bomb explosion was heard. Although
we could not see where it exploded, from the sound, it
seemed that it was near the wooden bridge between Gu
Dar Pyin and Tha Yet Taung. All the villagers started
gathering at the monastery at the center of Kyauk Sar Taing

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village. I kept worrying the whole night until dawn. Phone lines were cut off, so no-one could be
contacted anymore. When morning broke, I went outside to see the situation. At the bridge at the
exit of Kyauk Sar Taing towards Gu Dar Pyin I was able to get a phone connection, so I called my
brother-in-law from Hnget Pyaw Chaung village to ask for information. He told me that the military
arrived in their village the previous night, and from there had proceeded on towards Gu Dar Pyin
during the night on 11 motorbikes. When they arrived at Gu Dar Pyin, the security forces were
attacked, but did not suffer any casualties. Later, it came to be known that terrorists had mined the
wooden bridge, and were hidden in groups in the paddy fields on the left and right sides of the
bridge, were waiting to set off the mine and attack when the military approached. Once the soldiers
came near the bridge, the attackers set off the mine. At the same time, about 300 terrorists who
were hiding in the fields turned their flashlights on the soldiers and began attacking them. Reportedly,
it was only then that the soldiers responded with gunfire. The attackers surrounded the soldiers
and kept attacking until after midnight. The military then retreated to Hnget Pyaw Chaung.

Early on the 26th, the next day, the soldiers came from Hnget Pyaw Chaung to Kyauk Sar Taing
village and had their lunch here. That day, they didn’t go anywhere, but stayed in Kyauk Sar Taing
village. All the villagers from Gu Dar Pyin had fled since the battle on the night of the 25th. After
having breakfast on the 27th, the soldiers left and headed in the direction of Gu Dar Pyin. There
were no villagers left in Gu Dar Pyin village when the soldiers arrived there. The soldiers did not
allow us to follow them. After they had left, I and some of the other villagers went up the Phayar hill
on the eastern side of the village [Kyauk Sar Taing] and monitored the situation in Gu Dar Pyin. One
of the higher ranking soldiers who had stayed in our village for awhile had asked for my phone
number. He called and asked me about the situation in Gu Dar Pyin. At that time, we could see that
a mob of Muslims had passed the bridge area, where the mine explosion and battle had occurred
the previous night, and were entering the edge of Gu Dar Pyin village. I reported the situation back
to the soldier. At that time, there was the sound of gunfire from the crowd. Later there was another
battle with shootings between them. The Muslim crowd was large. From the edge of Gu Dar Pyin
village, where the battle erupted, there were people along the road as far as Sein Hnyin Pyin. There
were approximately 300 of them. Following the battles, there was smoke coming from the houses
at the northern outer area of Gu Dar Pyin village. We didn’t see who started the arson. Once the
battles were over, troops from Battalion 99 again came to Kyauk Sar Taing village. They told us that
whoever wanted to follow them could do so, so we accompanied the military to Gu Dar Pyin. When
we reached Gu Dar Pyin, I saw with my own eyes a large number of mines laid by ARSA terrorists
at the edge of Gu Dar Pyin village, near the bridge on the road leading to Sein Hnyin Pyin village.

I did not witness any killings. It is possible that some people were killed during the exchange of
gunfire. We could also hear gunshots from the [Muslim] crowd. The sound of shots fired by terrorists
and by the military is not the same. We could hear the difference while they were fighting with each
other. I do not know the number of casualties. From what I saw, the battle took between 10 and 20
minutes. It could not be more than that. The mob carrying guns was coming down from the north
towards Gu Dar Pyin village to attack the military. I hadn’t seen anything that could be described
as ethnic cleansing of Muslims. It didn’t exist. When the military arrived, the villagers had taken

83
flight. It is certain that there were lives lost due to the shooting by both sides when the mob was
coming down. The mob included ARSA terrorists and their supporters, and they used guns for the
attacks. We are sure of this because the sound of their gunfire was different from the military
gunfire. Although they knew that the military was already in Gu Dar Pyin village, the ARSA terrorists
came down with the mob from the north. Before the soldiers arrived in Gu Dar Pyin, all the villagers
had already left. There is no possibility of committing rape in a village where there was no one left.
I did not hear any reports about rape.

Regarding looting of Muslims’ items by the ethnic villagers, at that time, the ethnic villagers’
movements had been restricted for days and they were starving. In that situation, some ethnic
minorities caught and ate the chickens that the Muslims left. I, myself, shot the chickens with
slingshot and took them. A few things like old baskets and old punnets that they left might also
have been taken. But I did not witness it.

Regarding the matter that Muslims were being driven out and had left their native places to flee to
the other country [Bangladesh], I can say that they never were chased away. They were not fleeing,
they left of their own accord. They left noisily at night time with flashlights. Groups kept doing this
[leaving] by day and night for months after the incident. When a group left, there were usually about
300 people walking slowly, carrying big and small bundles. They were leaving in groups not only
during the months following the incident, but even into the new year [2018]. I heard that they left,
despite being told they didn’t have to leave by the relevant authorities.

As a local and a native, I would like to say that there is a wide gap in the size of the populations of
ethnic nationals and Muslims. In fact, we, the ethnic nationals, are the minority. Those who are
being threatened, who are being killed, are not Muslims. The Muslims, and only the Muslims, have
been consistently terrorizing, attacking and killing the ethnic nationals. Those who started creating
this crisis of attacks, killings, and threats are ARSA and the local Muslims who support them. We
do not mean all Muslims.

The military responded to the initial attacks by the ARSA terrorists and annihilated them. We should
prosecute and denounce individuals and organizations from other countries who take the side of
ARSA terrorists for inciting and provoking violent killings. In practice, the opposite has come to
pass, and we are shocked and saddened by that. The military did not retaliate until the terrorists
started firing and attacking. There was no other option left for the military then to retaliate in defense.
If the military was serious in their counter-offensives, I would say that there would be no Muslims
left living in the area. We are disgusted with the one-sided accusations.

Statement of a Muslim from Gu Dar Pyin village

In Gu Dar Pyin Muslim village, Tha Yet Taung Muslim village, and
Taung Muslim village, in Gu Dar Pyin village Tract, there were about
1,500 Muslims, and in Kyauk Sar Taing Rakhine village and Hnget
Pyaw Chaung Rakhine village, there were about 300 Rakhine. There
is a Border Guard Police station in Kyauk Sar Taing.

84
I had opened a shop in Sein Hnyin Pyar Zay, one mile from Gu Dar Pyin. At 4PM on August 26, my
wife called me from my home in Gu Dar Pyin. She said, without a pause, that there was a large
gathering [of Muslims] in Gu Dar Pyin and that they were all shouting and hollering, that no-one
knew where they had come from, that she was scared and did not know what to do, and that she
was concerned about where I was. Just by listening to her voice, I knew that she was terribly
frightened. I closed my shop after telling her that I would return home soon, and to remain cautious.
It was about 5PM. I came back on my motorbike along the main road. Near Gu Dar Pyin village, I
met face-to-face with a Muslim mob holding weapons, such as sticks, spears, swords and daggers.
They were not from Gu Dar Pyin. This mob was coming from the Gu Dar Pyin area towards Sein
Hnyin Pyar Zay as I was coming back from Sein Hnyin Pyar Zay to Gu Dar Pyin. They didn’t ask me
anything, nor did I ask them anything. Gu Dar Pyin is south of Sein Hnyin Pyar Zay. Back in the
village, I asked my friends in Sein Hnyin Pyar Zay what was happening, and learnt from them that
they [the mob] had come from neighboring villages [to the north].

As I had already heard reports about attacks, deaths, and arson in other places on August 25, I
became worried and wondered whether events in Gu Dar Pyin would turn out like in the other
villages if security forces came to Gu Dar Pyin, and whether other groups would come and attack
the village. Taking a lesson from the incidents that I had already heard about, all my family members
and I went to another village, which we considered safer. Like us, other villagers also left. We left
the village not because someone told us to do so, or kicked us out. We left of our own volition, lest
our lives should be endangered. The village where we sought shelter and stayed is not far from our
own. It was Kan Pyin village, in Hpoe Khaung Chaung village Tract, which is divided from Gu Dar
Pyin by a creek. There are fields near Kan Pyin village that are owned by Gu Dar Pyin villagers. From
Kan Pyin, one can see Gu Dar Pyin.

At about 2:30PM on August 28, everyone in Kan Pyin could see a civilian [Muslim] mob heading
from the north towards Gu Dar Pyin village. At that time, soldiers had already taken up positions
inside Gu Dar Pyin village. After about half an hour, there were incessant sounds of bomb blasts
around the northern exit of Gu Dar Pyin village. There was a clash at the edge of the village between
the crowd, who were coming from the north, and the soldiers inside the village. While the battle was
ongoing, some houses in the northern part of the village erupted in a blaze of fire. All these
happenings were clearly seen by us from Kan Pyin village. We didn’t see who started the fires,
though. We could only see the blaze from Kan Pyin.

About four or five days after the incident, I went back to see the situation in Gu Dar Pyin, and I saw
dead bodies scattered here and there in the fields. Some bodies were covered with earth, but with
legs and heads sticking out. They were not buried, just covered with earth [Muslim custom is to
bury their dead within 24 hours, even a simple burial can suffice]. Who did that, I do not know.
Since I saw them from a distance, I cannot say whether they died of gunshots or knife wounds. At
that time, I saw about 12 dead bodies. I do not know how many bodies were buried. Later, I came
to know that 17 persons [others said 19] from Gu Dar Pyin village Tract were killed. I do not know

85
how many of those from other villages were killed. I think those who were killed perished during the
battle. But we did not see people being killed.

I do not know and did not see whether things were being looted or taken away. Since everything
was burnt, I don’t think there would have been anything left to be collected. I cannot also say who
caused the fires, because I didn’t see it. Regarding rape, to be frank, it would be impossible in that
circumstance. There wasn’t anyone left to be raped, as all the villagers had already fled from the
village before the turmoil. It is impossible.

During the incident, the tactical commander of a battalion based in Buthidaung gave us a lot of
assistance. We were able to come back to the village, and were permitted to share and live in the
remaining 59 houses that were not burnt down. The Union government is also constructing new
houses. They are individual houses, each measuring 30 foot x 40 foot, with zinc roofs, plied bamboo
walls, and standing above the ground. One hundred and nineteen houses have already been built.
Initially, there were about 300 households. About 200 households have fled to Bangladesh. Some
of my relatives also accompanied them. We have to survive with whatever assistance we get. Since
we are now living in an internally displaced persons’ camp, we have to suffer all kinds of weather
conditions. Job opportunities are only available for some people, and not everyone secures a job.

By Rick Heizman, February 22, 2020

86
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Nga Khu Ya Village Tract

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

All text is from the ICOE report, except in [brackets], bold is mine.
Profile of Nga Khu Ya village tract, northern Maungdaw Township
Nga Khu Ya village tract consists of Nga Khu Ya (Rakhine) village with a population of about 240
with 52 houses, Nga Khu Ya (Hindu) village with a population of more than 600 with 100 houses,
and Nga Khu Ya (south, north, middle) villages with a combined Muslim population of more than
9,000 in more than 1,000 houses. During the conflict, there was an incident of fire only in Nga Khu
Ya (north) village.

Statement of a Rakhine Buddhist witness

After the conflict of October 2016 [in which Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Station was one of
three targets] regional authorities warned repeatedly about the possibility of such conflict occurring
again. With financial support from abroad, the Muslims were forming a group called al-Yaqin
[Harakah al-Yaqin is the Arabic name of ARSA, preferred by the Muslims] and trying to destroy the
administrative machinery. Disputes no longer came to the head of administration office but were
instead resolved by ARSA, weakening the rule of law. By actually killing government informers, the
influence of ARSA had expanded and even police inspectors dared not enter Muslim villages. A
Muslim from Lin Ba Gona village, Doe Tan village tract, three Muslims from Oo Chin Kya village and
one from Nga Khu Ya village were killed by ARSA.

Before the 2017 incident, based on information received, the military area commander himself
came and instructed children, women and the elderly from ethnic national villages to be moved to
a secure location and for the men to protect their own villages. Early in the morning of August 25th,
ARSA terrorists attacked Ah Htet Pyu Ma police station with grenades and hand-made mines.

87
Personnel from Ah Htet Pyu Ma and ethnic nationals retreated to Nga Khu Ya. As the entire Ah Htet
Pyu Ma Rakhine village was abandoned, around 9AM on August 27, Muslims burnt down the
houses and destroyed the monasteries and pagodas. Next, a crowd of about 300 Muslims, that
included children and the elderly, advanced towards Nga Khu Ya village from Doe Tan village. A
group led by area commander Aung Kyaw Myint put up a defense
against the advancing group. At that moment ARSA terrorists
advanced from the north of Nga Khu Ya village and opened fire with
guns. As the attack was from two sides, headquarters was contacted
for help and a helicopter came. The helicopter didn’t attack the group
but the group retreated when the helicopter appeared. As they
retreated, they set landmines, out of which three exploded. The mines
were handmade mines or improvised explosive devices. ARSA
terrorists were also intimidating the Muslim villagers to come out and
join them in the attack.

At dawn on the 26th, 50 soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 551 reached Nga Khu Ya police
station. The soldiers then patrolled Oo Chin Kya, Ah Htet Pyu Ma, Auk Pyu Ma, and Nga Khu Ya
villages. During the incident, no Rakhine was killed or wounded, but when the border guard police
returned fire, a man dressed in black [ARSA] was killed.

About 10 or 11PM on the 27th, Nga Khu Ya north village was found burning and villagers fled in the
night. Rakhine people were calling Muslims close to them telling them not to flee, but the Muslims
fled in fear on arrival of the military. ARSA collected 100,000 kyat [$68 US] per person, as a fee to
be permitted to flee to Bangladesh. On the 29th, Muslims from Nga Khu Ya south and middle
villages buried their valuables and left during the night. The fact that the valuables were buried
rather than burnt was proof that the Muslims themselves torched their houses.
About ten days after the fire, household utensils were taken away by Hindus and Rakhine. Buffaloes
and cows left behind were sold off in some cases, while in some cases, were taken away to
Bangladesh at night. As security personnel were posted in small outposts, the Muslims were able
to take away their property along the usual routes. Property was not taken away by security forces,
but there were cases where some livestock were taken away for food.

A Ye Baw Kya [Hindu village] villager who personally told Vice President U Myint Swe about soldiers
not committing any act of rape was killed the next night. Muslims said have photo evidence about
the conflict, but they didn’t want to provide it as the rule of law was weak. Even then, ARSA was
threatening to blow up the car with a landmine when the Hindus were returning, said a witness.

Combined Statements of five Hindu witnesses

In February 2017, a Muslim villager who can speak Burmese language and had contacts with the
police was beheaded. Hindus were also intimidated by being told that Muslim leaders who were
collaborating with government departments were killed and the Hindus will also meet the same fate
one day.

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On the night when the conflict of 2017 started, about 400 Muslims from Ah
Htet Pyu Ma started to shout and advance. Shots were exchanged with
police and we heard that three policemen and two Muslims were killed. Shots
were exchanged near Ah Htet Pyu Ma village and a pagoda was destroyed.
Shots were also exchanged near Myauk Taung village, about three miles from
Nga Khu Ya village. ARSA militants retreated when a military helicopter came
overhead.
From 4 - 9PM that day, smoke rose from Ah Htet Pyu Ma and north part of
Nga Khu Ya. Two days after the conflict, at about 11PM, a fire broke out in
Nga Khu Ya (Muslim) village and out of more than 600 houses, 80 were
consumed by the fire. These houses were also thought to be torched by the Muslims themselves.
Ever since the fire started to burn, the villagers were leaving both day and night. Although burning
fires were seen, it was not known or seen who or how it was started. At that time, army troops had
not yet arrived. Hindus and Rakhine were told by the police not to go anywhere far, due to the
dangerous situation, and were kept near the police, so it was not possible that they started the fire.
The soldiers only arrived on the next morning.

Those who fled, went to Bangladesh. Many Muslims didn’t want to go to Bangladesh. But ARSA
terrorists came in the night and ordered them to leave. Sounds of beating and crying were heard as
those who refused to leave were beaten. Muslims who remained in the village said those who fled
were unable to stand up against the threats of ARSA. About 130 Muslim households that stayed
were those who didn’t make any problems to others. After the violent incident, the troops came
near the village once every three days.

Combined Statements of five Muslim witnesses

Between 2016 and 2017, it was not known if ARSA group members were in
Nga Khu Ya village. It was heard that they were in Nga Sar Kyu and Kyet Yo
Pyin villages. Around 4AM on August 25, 2017, the Area 5 police station
came under attack by ARSA terrorists. When dawn broke, three military
trucks were seen. The soldiers arrested people on the road, going to shrimp
ponds and the market. About 15 Muslims from Nga Khu Ya (South) village
were arrested.

Nga Khu Ya (north) village soon was on fire and villagers ran away. Muslims from Nga Khu Ya (south
and middle) villages fled only after the outbreak of fire in Nga Khu Ya (north) village. No one saw
who started the fire. Of the more than 100 houses in (north) village, about 80 were consumed by
the fire.

There were Muslims who fled to Bangladesh after hearing gun shots and seeing fires burning. After
the 2017 incident, Muslims were threatened with death by ARSA terrorists if they stayed in Nga Khu
Ya village. The ARSA fighters were trying to get support from other countries by attacking parts of

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Rakhine State. In fact, it was not possible to take over any area and their actions caused more
hardship for the villagers. After the conflict, four ARSA terrorists were heard to have fled to
Bangladesh.

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

90
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Nan Ya Kaing village tract

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

All text is from the ICOE report, except in [brackets], bold is mine.
Profile of Nan Ya Kaing village tract, northern Maungdaw Township
Nan Ya Kaing village tract consists of Nan Ya Kaing (Muslim) and Nan Ya Kaing (Na Ta La) villages
[Na Ta La means new village]. Nan Ya Kaing (Muslim) village had a population of 1,071 with 147
houses while Nan Ya Kaing (Na Ta La) village had a population of 253 with 1432 houses. The two
villages are separated by a creek, about 50 ft. wide.
Combined Statements of 11 Mro [Buddhist ethnic minority] witnesses
Prior to August 17, 2017, the relations between Nan Ya Kaing Rakhine and Nan Ya Kaing Muslims
were good. Starting from August 17, Muslims blocked the road used by Mro ethnic nationals to go
to Kyein Chaung. Furthermore, Mro ethnic nationals were no longer able to buy basic products
from the Muslims. In the past, Nan Ya Kaing Muslims and Nan Ya Kaing Mros had a close and
cordial relations, with one visiting another. However, after the road was blocked, there was no more
contact between the two communities. Nan Ya Kaing Mros became concerned about Muslims
attacking them. Nan Ya Kaing Muslims were also known to have prevented ethnic nationals from
coming to their village. Although Nan Ya Kaing Mros can flee into the forest, they were concerned
about food and remained in the village, while being careful and alert.
Sentries were posted, armed with sticks. Some Mros had seen
Muslims arming themselves with sticks and swords as well as flintlock
guns and handmade bombs. As conflicts began in August, Nan Ya
Kaing Muslims threatened the Mro ethnic nationals by destroying the
bridge between the two villages with handmade bombs.

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 On the night of August 25, 2017, Nan Ya Kaing Mros dared not go outside
the village and sentries with swords and sticks were posted to look after
the village. On the same night, Nan Ya Kaing Muslims, holding flintlock
guns, sticks and jingali [slingshot used to shoot steel arrows] were
threatening the Mro ethnic nationals.

Muslims blocked entrances to the village with tree trunks and taunted the
Mros to come out. The Muslim’s intent to attack the ethnic Mro nationals was
found in the discovery of 46 handmade mines, a can of flammable liquid, two
trunks of lead shots, two trunks of gunpowder, accessories to make
handmade mines, 15 guns, and numerous swords and spears in the Muslim
village, after the Muslims left.

However, except for verbal threats and abuses, there was no physical attack and no one was hurt
during the conflict period. On the day when the conflict started, Mro nationals requested help from
the military. About 50 soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 353 also arrived in Nan Ya Kaing Mro
village on August 28. Even before the arrival of the troops, Nan Ya Kaing Mro village already had 16
militias and 10 border guard soldiers who were deployed in the village since 2016.

As the soldiers from Light Infantry Battalion 353 had to avoid the
handmade mines placed by ARSA along the road, the one-mile
journey from Ta Man Tha village to Nan Ya Kaing Mro village took
them about three hours. Once the soldiers arrived, Nan Ya Kaing
Muslims stopped threatening the ethnic Mro nationals. The Muslims
exploded the mines they set together with ARSA and fled.

On the morning of August 26, around 9:30, one Muslim torched his home and fled to Bangladesh.
On August 26, 27 and 28, Muslims blocked the roads with trucks full of sand to prevent ethnic Mros
from entering their village. As the instruction of the military conducting clearance of locality was to
destroy buildings in Nan Ya Kaing Muslim village to prevent ARSA terrorists from hiding, Mro
villagers went to Muslim villages two months after the Muslims fled and helped the military in
destroying the houses in the Muslim villages. As there was no physical conflict in Nan Ya Kaing
village tract, there were no fatalities.

There were no rape cases. Muslims fled with their valuables, while taking along some buffaloes and
cows to Bangladesh. A month after the Muslims left, remaining buffaloes and cows were taken
away by Muslims from Ta Man Tha, Hmay Kha Maung, Mingala Nyunt and Nan Ya Kaing. Some
buffaloes and cows taken away to Bangladesh were buffaloes and cows of Nan Ya Kaing Mros that
were on the side of Nan Ya Kaing Muslim village.

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Muslims left behind low value things, like pots and pans, that Mro nationals took, but the security
forces didn’t take anything left by the Muslims. At the moment, farm lands owned by Muslims was
being worked on by Mro nationals.

While the Muslims were in Nan Ya Kaing Muslim village, the soldiers, border guard police and
ethnic Mro nationals didn’t enter their villages. They entered those villages when conducting
clearing of the localities, but by that time there were no Muslims left, so there were no instances of
torture being committed on the Muslims. There were no forced displacement of Nan Ya Kaing
Muslims, and they left gradually while conflicts were happening in other villages.

By Rick Heizman, February 17, 2020

93
 REPORT by the ICOE
(Independent Commission of Enquiry)
Attacks on Kyauk Pandu Village

By Rick Heizman, February 16, 2020

All text is as the ICOE reported it, except in [brackets], bold is mine.

Profile of Kyauk Pandu village tract southern Maungdaw

Kyauk Pandu is an ethnic national village in Kyauk Pandu village tract, Maungdaw Township. To the
east is the Mayu mountain range and to the west is the Bay of Bengal. The village tract consists of
Kyauk Pandu Ywa Gyi (Muslim) village, Zedi (Muslim) village, Hike Doh (Muslim) village, and Kyauk
Pandu Na Ta La (new village) ethnic national village. Three Hindu families were also living in Kyauk
Pandu village.
There were three police outposts in Kyauk Pandu village tract: Pin Ma Gon with about 12 policemen,
Tada Oo with 7 policemen, and a hill top outpost with 15 policemen.

Combined Statements of 6 Rakhine Buddhists

After the violence of 2016, relations and contacts dropped significantly, and it was no longer warm
like before. Yet those who had business relations or were working together for mutual benefit still
retained their usual close relationships.

Three months prior to the unfolding of 2017 events, relationships changed more significantly. Ethnic
nationals were no longer allowed into Muslim villages. Close Muslim friends of ethnic nationals
cautioned the ethnic nationals not to come to their village or to be careful when traveling in the
evenings. Some Muslims who were friendly, or were working for mutual benefit with ethnic nationals,
were accused of being informers and intimidated, beaten up or even executed.

Two months prior to the incident, the military uncovered stockpiles of rice, cooking oil, swords and
improvised explosive devices (IEDs), made from iron pipes, in Zedi and Kyauk Pandu Ywa Gyi

95
villages. Iron pipes were made from parts obtained from an intentionally destroyed communication
tower near the village. There was also an unsolved murder of a Hindu man. Muslims who had
Rakhine friends were also restricted or prevented by ARSA from associating with the Rakhines, and
their Rakhine friends were prevented from visiting them in order that the training activities conducted
by ARSA would not be exposed. Muslims also warned their Rakhine friends not to go deep into the
mountain and forests but to travel along the coastal areas only.

Muslims who worked for ethnic nationals also stopped showing up for work one month prior to the
incident unfolding. A former administrator, a Muslim, came to seek help from the current
administrator. He was asking for advice on what to do as his sons were being recruited by the
ARSA terrorist group to attend a training course. ‘Attending the course would make my sons bad,
while refusal could result in ARSA killing them,’ he said. Afterwards he and his family fled to Alai
Than Kyaw village. Another Muslim who would not attend the mosque regularly, but always drank
liquor with ethnic nationals, stopped showing up as usual and was seen to be attending the mosque
regularly. Ten days prior to the disturbances, a village in-charge and a clerk were killed. People
called in for questioning into the murders did not show up.

On the evening of August 24, 2017, an explosion and sounds of a crowd gathering were heard. On
August 25 [in the predawn darkness], we heard locations in the north such as Myin Lut, Alai Than
Kyaw, and Maungdaw were being attacked by ARSA. As per instruction from higher authorities,
police personnel stationed at Gyate Taw police station, about three miles from Kyauk Pandu village,
were to come to Kyauk Pandu police station. Six policemen from Kyauk Pandu police station,
accompanied by 15 sword wielding villagers, went by a construction group-owned car to fetch
them. Midway, the car struck an IED laid by ARSA, damaging the car tires. At the same time,
terrorists in the hills nearby fired on the car with guns [an ambush]. The ARSA terrorists withdrew
only when the policemen fired back and eventually brought back the policemen from Gyate Taw
police station to Kyauk Pandu. Around 10AM, explosions were heard near Kyauk Pandu village. A
huge crowd of people, numbering more than 3000, dressed in black and waving black flags
approached the Pin Ma Gon police station from the south, while chants on loudspeakers were
heard. The group included men, women and children, holding sticks and swords.

On seeing the huge crowd, ethnic nationals fled with fear into the Pin Ma Gon police station. The
military was also called by phone for reinforcement. Policemen from Tada Oo police station also
came to join others at Pin Ma Gon. The Muslim crowd then burnt the Tada Oo police station and
placed IEDs on the bridge. After burning the police station, the crowd approached the Kyauk
Pandu village to burn it down, but the villagers fired upon them with flintlock guns, forcing them to
withdraw. About 2PM, 12 policemen from Kyauk Pandu, accompanied by 20 villagers, went to
fetch the policemen from the hill top police station. But they were struck by an IED at the bridge,
injuring one policeman and a villager. The policemen and villagers were forced back to the Pin Ma
Gon police station as a Muslim crowd was attempting to encircle them. The Muslim crowd was
shouting, ‘Maung Maung Than, we will drive you Rakhines into the sea this evening.’ Maung Maung

96
Than was known to almost every Muslim in the area, because he owned a business that showed
movies in all the villages in the area for about nine years.

Around 6PM, about 30 soldiers, thought to be from 536 Light Infantry Battalion, arrived to protect
Kyauk Pandu village. Policemen from hill top police station were also able to join up with others in
Pin Ma Gon. The Muslims then torched the hilltop police station. Around 7PM, six military personnel
and 10 villagers went to inspect the bridge where the IED had exploded. As a crowd of about
several thousand came up to them, the soldiers fired warning shots into the air. But the crowd knew
the shots were fired into the air and kept on approaching the soldiers and the villagers. The crowd
retreated only when the soldiers opened fire into the flanks of the crowd. No one was hurt from the
gun fire.

Around 9AM on August 26th, the Muslim crowd encircled within 100 yards of the Pin Ma Gon police
station. At first, the military fired into the air to scare them away, but as the crowd kept on advancing,
shots were fired into the crowd. Only then the crowd withdrew, but the casualty figure of the crowd
was unknown. Surprisingly, the advancing crowd was found to include women as well as those
who were taken care of by the ethnic nationals. They were thought to be in the crowd because
ARSA terrorists forced them to participate under the threat of death.

Two days after the Muslims left, the military conducted clearing of IEDs in the Muslim villages.
Security was also placed at the coastal areas and the villagers heard the regimental commander
ordering his men to shoot back only when ARSA attacked. While conducting the area clearance
operation, we heard the military uncovered clothing and rice buried in almost every house. They
also found seven IEDs linked to tins filled up with dynamite and connected to a battery, 30 swords,
three flintlock guns and 30 spears. They also found 20 foot long bunker style trenches (walls made
with bamboos and tarpaulin, and covered with earth on the top), large enough to hold meetings
inside, three in Zedi village and four in Kyauk Pandu Ywa Gyi village [one hidden bunker was
discovered by me - Rick Heizman].

At that time, some houses were on fire already. Earlier, about 10

to 15 Muslims were seen on a hill, and upon further inspection,
places where they had cooked food were discovered. As the
ethnic nationals were concerned that ARSA may take up position
or hide in the remaining houses, ethnic nationals and some
military personnel torched the remaining houses.

Some Muslims, who conducted business with ethnic nationals before the incident and who had
also fled to Bangladesh, would frequently make calls. From there, they told us about Muslims, who
were friendly or who were classmates in school with ethnic nationals, being killed about three
months prior to the attack, because they were considered as security risks. One Muslim claimed
that his younger brother was beaten to death right in front of him for being friendly and close to
ethnic nationals. He said he’ll testify concerning these matters once he’s back in Myanmar, but

97
unfortunately we heard he had died two months ago of hypertension and heart problems.

Ethnic nationals, the military and policemen were all at Pin Ma Gon police station during the
incident, and none of them had gone to attack the Muslim village. They were only defending
themselves when they were under attack. Therefore, there was no possibility of soldiers, policemen,
and ethnic nationals conducting crimes like rape, and none were committed.

By Rick Heizman, February 19, 2020

98
 C H A P T E R
T H R E E

WAR CRIMES AND

INTENDED GENOCIDE

Supporting Data and Evidence

for the Case Against the Bengali Muslims -
from WWII to the Present -
Colonial Officials, Eyewitnesses,
Bangladesh Jumma and Bodo,
Al-Jazeera Subliminal Brainwashing
 QUOTES FROM BRITISH, EYEWITNESSES, AND OTHERS
MANY DECADES AGO ARE REVEALING:
THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE BUDDHISTS OF ARAKAN
British Officials, Record Keepers, Eyewitnesses from 1910 - 1949
write about the attacks, the intolerance, the ethnic cleansing,
that continues to this day - against the Buddhists
(despite the opposite - but erroneous - view of many)

By Rick Heizman, January 2015

Quotes from British officers and eyewitness accounts of the

relentless violence, ethnic cleansing, intolerance, and large-
scale massacres of the Buddhists of Arakan reveal the
reality, history, and suffering that the Buddhists have
endured, and that they have to counter an enemy which has
the world largely fooled with its never-ending deceitful and manipulative false media, false history,
and false ideology.
Read what trained-to-be-observant officers, report writers, and record keepers wrote - at that time.
The British had no bias against the Muslims, after all, the British brought them in from the adjoining
Bengal part of British India (now Bangladesh) because the British knew and acknowledged that
they worked harder than the indigenous Buddhists, and the British wanted good results from their
agricultural businesses.
In 1939, the British established a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the rapid increase of Bengali
Muslims in Arakan from roughly 30,000 in 1825 to 220,000 in 1930. That Commission concluded
that there would be violence in the very near future if the relentless Bengali Muslim surge across the
border wasn't stopped or at least restricted.
And, the Commission was right.

101
 "I have been told the harrowing tales of cruelty and suffering inflicted on the
Arakanese (Buddhist) villages in the Rathaydaung area. Most of the villages on the
west bank of the Mayu river have been burnt and destroyed by the (Bengali-Muslim) V
Force. The enemy (Japanese) never came near to these villages. Hundreds of villagers
are said to be hiding in the hills. It will be the Arakanese who will be ousted from their
ancestral land and if they cannot win over (the Muslims) in time, then there can be no
hope of their salvation.”
C.E. Lucas Phillips, Brigadier General in the British 14th Army ” British Library,
London, India Office Records R/8/9GS. 4243

“That the Arakanese are gradually being pushed out of Arakan before the steady waves of
Chittagonian immigration from the west is only too well known. The influx from Chittagong
is still continuing gradually driving all the natives of Arakan further east.”
The Burma Gazetteer by R.B. Smart - Deputy Commissioner Settlement Officer of the
Akyab District

“Maungdaw township has been overrun by Chittagonian

immigrants, Buthidaung is not far behind and new arrivals
will be found in almost every part of the district.”
The Burma Gazetteer by R.B. Smart - Deputy Commissioner
Settlement Officer of the Akyab District Officer of the Akyab
District

“The Muslims had their origin in the District of Chittagong,

in the Bengal province of British India, and all Muslims
whether natives of Arakan for generations or recent
immigrants were known as Chittagonians, or in the British
Forces, as CFs’.”
C.E. Lucas Phillips, Brigadier General in the British 14th
Army

In a revealing observation, in August of 1947 the Commissioner of Arakan wrote a report

after an official was brutally murdered by Muslims in Maungdaw. He wrote:
"The assassins were suspected to be employed by the Muslim Police Officer, and have
been organizing strong Muslim feelings and dominating the whole area. This is a direct
affront and open challenge to the lawful authority of the Burma Government, by the
Muslim community of Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships……Unless this most
dastardly flouting of the government is firmly and severely dealt with, this alien community
will try to annex this territory, or instigate Pakistan to annex it."

102
 INSIGHTFUL LETTER BY VERY EXPERIENCED OFFICER IN 1949

Peter Murray was a British administrator in Burma before World War II, and then he served as a Civil
Affairs Officer (CAO) with the British Army in Northern Arakan during the Second World War. He had
learned and spoke fluent Burmese.

Following are excerpts from a memo he wrote in January 1949, to the Foreign Office outlining and
explaining the so-called race/religious troubles in Arakan due to the Bengali Muslims’ relentless
intrusion into Burma.

(Bold emphasis and text enclosed by [ ] is by Rick Heizman)

FOREIGN OFFICE, S.W.1.

26th January, 1949.
(F 1323/1015/79)
SECRET
Letter to RWD Fowler
Commonwealth Relations Office

Dear Bob,
As some anxiety is being felt about the disorders in North Arakan and as
little seems to be known of the factors involved, I have thought it worthwhile
to put on record what I know of
the background.

The People:
The Arakanese are Buddhists,
speaking a strongly differentiated
form of the Burmese language. In
the 16th and 17th centuries,
Arakan was a powerful and
important kingdom, stretching to Chittagong in the north,
where there was an Arakanese Viceroy, and preying on the
shipping of the Mogul Empire in Bengal. The kingdom was
subdued by the Burmese at the end of the 18th century,
and came under British rule in 1825. Before the war there
was a small but powerful and influential Arakanese
aristocracy who provided many of Burma’s ablest politicians
and civil servants, and most of her few successful native
business men.

103
The Chittagong Moslems are an off-shoot of the Bengali race,
speaking a debased form of Bengali interlarded with Portuguese,
Arabic and Arakanese words. They are much more hard working
and prolific than the Arakanese, and fanatically religious. For the
last several hundred years, they have been moving southwards,
gradually displacing and over-running the Arakanese.

[Most of these Bengalis were influenced, at that time (mid and

late 1800s), by the Islamic Faraidi movement in Bengal based on the ideology of the Wahhabis of
Arabia (pre Saudi Arabia). Wahhabism was, and is, one of the most fundamental and intolerant
sects of Islam advocating strict Sharia Law and the elimination of all other faiths].

The Situation:
Eventually [after the 1942 Maungdaw Massacre of 30,000 Buddhists, and the burning of over 400
Buddhist villages, and the chaos of WWII], in March and April 1948, the area appears to have got
out of control altogether, and since then the Burmese garrisons have maintained themselves with
difficulty in the midst of a hostile Moslem population. The leaders of the revolt called themselves
‘Mujahid’ (holy warrior of jihad for Allah and Islam); their numbers have been put at 3,000 – 5,000,
but they undoubtedly have the sympathy and probably active support not only of the Moslem
population of the area, which I suppose must be 100,000 – 120,000, but also of the Moslems
across the frontier in the Chittagong district, with whom they are connected by the closest ties of
race and religion – the frontier is in fact quite artificial at this point.They may have allied with
Arakanese Communist rebels against the Burmese administration in the hope of establishing an
independent state in Arakan after the overthrow of the Burmese Government’s authority by means
of such an alliance.

The Future:
It seems unlikely that the Burmese Government will be able to restore order in Burma
proper in the near future, let alone in Arakan. The people and the minor officials in Chittagong
Division cannot be expected to watch unmoved the struggles of their brothers across the frontier
against an alien and infidel administration, and will no doubt continue to support them.
Yours sincerely,
P. Murray

104
 A Childhood Experience of Horror and Death
told to me by a distinguished man (name withheld)
who told me this experience after knowing each other for a couple of years

“It was in 1942 - the year that I was born, during the thick of WWII, in a small village named
Mahazoe located on the island of Moheshkhali, straddling the border of Burma and Bangladesh -
that the Bengali Muslims attacked the Rakhine Buddhists living between the Naaf River and the
Mayu mountain range. The Japanese were advancing and the British were retreating. The Muslims
had been armed by the British to fight the Japanese, while the Buddhists refused to cooperate with
the British. As the British retreated, the Muslims instead used these arms to attack the Buddhists.
Any and all Buddhist lives were in danger, and they all had to flee. Over 360 Rakhine Buddhist
villages were burnt down and thousands of Buddhists - men, women, old and young - were killed.

This area - between the Naaf River and the Mayu mountains - was populated by majority Buddhists,
with a substantial Muslim minority; they were brought in by the British as laborers. These Bengali
Muslims were united by their heavily religious politics, and they had weapons, while the Buddhists
were more slow-paced and disorganized -
and no match for them in a fight.

Many groups of frightened and desperate

Buddhists fled towards the Mayu mountains;
to climb up and over the steep mountain to
safety; on the other side of the Mayu the
Buddhists were the overwhelming majority.

In one of those groups of villagers, who were

fleeing to the mountains, was a young cousin
of mine. This group had reached the beginning
of the mountain when darkness fell. An elderly
Bengali Muslim woodcutter appeared as he was returning to his nearby village. The younger
members of the group - out of fear for their own and their wives and families lives - felt that they
had to kill him under the circumstances, but the elders said ‘no, if we spare him he will spare us.’
He was made to swear, facing west - the direction of Mecca - upon his Islamic faith, that he would
not tell anybody the whereabouts of this group of Buddhists.
Just before dawn, as the group was preparing to begin climbing the mountain, hundreds of Bengali
Muslims appeared with swords and guns. All the Buddhists in the group - from babies to the most
elderly - were savagely and mercilessly slaughtered - except my young cousin, who survived by
hiding under a dense bush. My cousin recalled every detail of that horror - everyday of his life.”

105
 The Beginning of Ethnic Cleansing in Maungdaw Town: 1942
Eyewitness accounts
Department of Defense Service Archives, Rangoon: CD 1016/10/11

Unidentified eyewitness, “By May 1942, the Bengali-Muslim men from all the Bengali villages in the
frontier area and many more from across the border had gathered, armed with guns and swords
and spears, to begin their genocidal campaign against the Buddhist-Yakhine villages. [Yakhine =
Rakhine]

The armed Bengalis set up roadblocks, destroyed bridges, and encircled Yakhine villages. More
than 20,000 armed Bengalis had surrounded the town of Maungdaw, in Arakan, very close to the
border with the Bengal part of British India (at independence became East Pakistan, and then
Bangladesh). All the entry and exit points had been completely blocked and horrifying news reached
the town constantly with reports of surrounding Buddhist villages being burnt to the ground and the
people slaughtered.

The town was already sheltering hundreds and hundreds of Yakhine refugees from nearby Buddhist
villages. Many people were injured or severely wounded by Bengali swords as they fled for the
assumed safety of Maungdaw. But, now they were trapped in Maungdaw together with the Buddhist
population of the town.

Armed Bengali Family in the field.
The wholesale slaughter of the Yakhine-Buddhists in
Maungdaw began as the armed and blood- thirsty (and
land-thirsty) Bengali-Muslims entered the town. Buddhist
families choked the streets carrying only whatever they
could manage and tried to leave the town, but were blocked
again and again, with nowhere to go.

Buddhist families choked the streets carrying only whatever

they could manage and tried to leave the town, but were
blocked again and again, with nowhere to go.
Mujahideen militants
Finally, nearly everyone ended up in the compound of the
Maungdaw Buddhist Monastery. The whole place was filled
with loud cries of children and fearful voices of adults. The
crowd must have been over 5,000 - all Yakhine-Buddhists.”

106
 The Burning of Maungdaw and
the Slaughter of Buddhists

“By night all we could see rolling flames on the Maungdaw side from Taknaff Town across the wide
Naff River. Later we heard the depressing news that tens of thousands of Bengali-Muslims had
entered Maungdaw after the town was abandoned and burned down the whole town after taking
away everything removable from the Yakhine houses including rice, cooking oil, salt, and every
single piece of furniture.
All the Yakhine Buddhist villages - there were hundreds of them - on the extremely fertile strip south
of Maungdaw Town, between the Naff River and the Mayu Mountain Range were completely wiped
out by the rioting Bengali Muslims - within just a few days.
While the Yakhine villages at or very near the river were able to escape Muslims with British guns
across the Naff River with their boats, the villages far from the river
were burnt down and all the villagers slaughtered by the Bengali-Muslims
- as they shouted praises to their Allah.
Even Buddhists who intended to trek up and over the Mayu Range to
safety, were hunted down, ambushed, and killed by the Bengali-Muslims.
At that time, the large village of Ah-le-than-kyaw was the main Buddhist
village, and had a small police station. Now it is the biggest Rohingya
village, with a large UNHCR supply depot and their area-HQ. Twenty
thousand armed-Bengali-Muslims raided the Ah-le-than-kyaw police
station and brutally killed all the policemen who surrendered and then set off to kill all the Yakhine
men from the villages.
The blood-thirsty Bengali-Muslims - doing what their extremist, intolerant Wahhabi Islam expects
them to do - burned down the large village monastery, with more than 500 Buddhist women,
children, elders, young Buddhist novices, and Buddhist monks taking refuge inside the main
monastery building. All 500, or so, Buddhists inside were burned alive that day by the Bengali-
Muslims who want the villages, the fertile land, and the fishing grounds of the Buddhists - and they
believe that it is not wrong to kill the Buddhists, in fact, their faith claims that the ‘idol-worshipers’
should be killed, and their property and women are to be taken, and Allah will be pleased.
Basically none of the thousands of Yakhine-Buddhists living in surrounding villages escaped the
warlike wholesale slaughter.
Not even a single mongrel dog escaped the slaughter - let alone a human being.”
(eyewitness accounts finished)
This is known as the Maungdaw Massacre - the largest slaughter In contemporary Burmese history:
30,000 Buddhists killed, over 400 Buddhist villages burnt and destroyed, over 100,000 Buddhist
refugees fled for their lives. From that incident to the present, there has been a non-ending campaign
against the Rakhine Buddhists, as well as a campaign of deceit and manipulation of media, history,
opinion, and culpability - which has largely succeeded in fooling and manipulating people into

107
demonizing Buddhists and even Buddhism - as the Rakhine people try to keep their homeland,
their culture, and their Buddhist ways from falling into oblivion.

A Horrific Memory
U Shwe Tha Aung, a 92 year-old man recounts a horrific memory, as told to me in Buthidaung:
In 1942, in the wake of a huge massacre of 30,000 Buddhists in Maungdaw, by Bengali Muslims,
there were tens of thousands of Buddhists fleeing to Buthidaung for safety, or so they thought. The
distance is not long - about 30 miles - but it is up and down a formidable mountain range - The
Mayu Mountains - which are extremely steep and jungle covered. Large groups of several hundred
each would have to walk and climb with old people, women and children in the middle, and men
and boys walking on the outside, displaying swords, knives, or clubs to keep the Muslim killers at
bay.

The Buddhists would shout, “Let us pass through, we don’t harm you, we are leaving here, don’t
kill us, just let us go.” Even with that being said, sometimes large groups of Muslims would attack
a group and overwhelm it, killing everyone they could.

Coming down from the mountains to Buthidaung, at the foot of the mountain, there was a large
Muslim village that the Buddhist refugees would have to pass through. The path went by this
mosque, [where I am doing the interview], now old and ruined. [It was ruined by a cyclone in 2010,
and abandoned.] The Muslims at this village said such things as, “Welcome, we are friendly, don’t
be afraid of us. You are almost to the town of Buthidaung, but rest here for awhile, eat some food
with us, we are your friends. Put your things down here, you don’t need weapons right now, put
your things down and come eat with us, you must be so hungry. Come in to the mosque, where we
have food.”

The Rakhine people are simple honest Buddhists and they did as was suggested. They put down
their goods and weapons, and walked into the mosque, and yes - there was food. The hungry and
exhausted Buddhists were eating the food, and then all of a sudden many Muslims ran in with
knives and swords and killed everyone.

Everyone, except one 17 year old boy, who escaped the carnage. His name is U Shwe Tha Aung,
and it was from him that I know of this tragedy. He died last year at 92 years old. He said the
experience never left his mind - everyday, for the rest of his life, he recalled every detail of the
horror.

By Rick Heizman, Jan 26, 2018

108
 1947 NEWSPAPER ARTICLE ABOUT
BENGALI MUSLIM EFFORT TO BREAK OFF
FROM NEW NATION OF BURMA

By Rick Heizman, June 2020

From the Burma Gazette (an English language

newspaper in Rangoon) January 10, 1947
JINNAH REPUDIATES
MAUNGDAW CLAIM

Aung San Expresses

Complete Satisfaction

Karachi, January 8: Mohammed Ali Jinnah, President of the

Muslim League in a press statement issued here today, declare
that “the Muslim League has no intention of raising the question
concerning the annexation of Maungdaw (Northern Arakan) in
Burma in the Pakistan scheme”.

The rumours that the Muslim League may claim Maungdaw for
Pakistan — because Maungdaw’s population are Muslims—
gained currency following the statement reported to have
been made by Bengal Province’s Muslim League Premier
Hassan Suhrawardy that the N. Bengal Government will
‘sympathetically’ consider the Muslims’ request for
inclusion in Pakistan.
U Saw, Member of the Burmese Executive Council, who
was in Calcutta recently for an operation, criticized the
Muslim League leaders’ intentions regarding Maungdaw.
The Burmese press also denounced the proposal.
The question of Maungdaw was among the several
subjects discussed between U Aung San, Vice- Chairman
of the Burmese Executive Council and Mr. Jinnah last
night in Karachi.
Notes: This article on Jan 10, 1947, is 7
months before India’s Independence
on Aug 15, 1947, and the creation of
Pakistan, which consisted of 2 parts:
West Pakistan (now Pakistan) and East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh).
The Bengali Muslims of Arakan (later
Rakhine State) wanted to be annexed
by Pakistan (East Pakistan / Banglade-
sh).
This article is 1 year before Burma’s
Independence on Jan 4, 1948.
The term ‘Rohingya’ was not used at all
by anyone.
The All-India Muslim League, headed by
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, led the demand
for the partition of India resulting in the
creation of Pakistan.

109
U Aung San also made a statement today, expressing his “complete satisfaction” with Mr. Jinnah’s
assurance regarding Maungdaw. The statements by U Aung San and Mr. Jinnah were issued to the
press here this afternoon.

U Aung San stated:“I have had a frank talk

with Mr. Jinnah regarding the press reports
of the claim made by some people for
inclusion of Maungdaw in the scheme of
Pakistan, and I was completely satisfied
with what told me. I hope that the people of
Burma will not get uneasy in any way on account of much
press reports, and will continue to maintain relationship and
augment the mutual cooperation and goodwill between the
Burmese and Muslims, or, for that matter, between the
Burmese and Indians.”

Mr. Jinnah, in a statement said: “I am very pleased to meet General Aung San and I
had a very free and frank talk with him about various problems affecting India and
Burma. I wish him success in his mission to England.”
[Jinnah continues] “The Muslim League’s
Notes: The Bengali Muslims, who had
policy has been very clear. We do not wish to
swarmed into Arakan from Bengal /
interfere even with the Indian States in India. East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) during
We are concerned only with British India, and the British colonial days, agitated to
I assure the Burmese people that the Muslim League has no break off a piece of the soon-to-be new
intention of raising the question concerning the annexation nation of Burma. After Jinnah rejected
of Maungdaw to Pakistan. The Muslim League has never put their plea they sent an ultimatum to the
new government about to govern the
forward such a claim, nor do we intend to do so.”
new nation. They demanded a separate
[Jinnah continues] “I therefore appeal that this matter will Muslim-only State that would be ruled
once for all be put at rest, and happy and friendly relations by Sharia Law. They threatened to fight
between the Muslims and Burmese people will continue if they didn’t get what they demanded.
unabated, both aiming at helping each other.”—Reuter The government rejected their
ultimatum and the Muslims created the
Mujahideen Army and started a guerrilla
war, which continues to this day.

By Rick Heizman, June 20, 2020

110
 The Indian Express - Dec 30, 1946
BURMA MUSLIMS’ “NO”
TO BENGAL LEAGUERS
RANGOON, Dec 28.
[my comments in red]
The All-Burmese Muslim Conference, which ended here
yesterday, passed a resolution protesting against
Chittagong Muslims’ proposal that Maungdaw be
annexed to Chittagong district.
[In 1946, as independence was looming for both Burma
and India, the Chittagong Muslims (aka Bengali Muslims)
in Arakan demanded that the townships of Maungdaw
and Buthidaung be severed from Burma, to join with
Chittagong, part of East Bengal, India, which was 8
months from becoming one of the two halves of the new
Islamic nation of Pakistan - a new country founded
because of religion. Ali Jinnah, leader of India’s Muslims
and their partition demands, refused the Chittagong /
Bengali Muslims’ demands. The All-Burmese Muslim
Conference, which had representation of various types of Muslims living in Burma (Kaman, Panthay,
Myedu, and others) was strongly against the Chittagong / Bengali Muslims’ demands, violence,
intolerance, supremacism, and threats of war. This simple newspaper article reveals the fact that
the Muslims who integrated and contributed to the Nation of Burma were respected and respectful,
and those Muslims who would not integrate nor contribute to the nation were not respectful, and
hence, not respected.]
Other resolutions passed at the conference demanded complete independence for Burma, and
protested against continuing the post of the Adviser to the Government of Burma on Indian Affairs,
on the ground that this entailed necessary expenditure to the Burmese revenues—A.P.A.

[Notice that there is no mention of the term ‘Rohingya’ - because it didn’t exist.]

By Rick Heizman, August 18, 2020

111
 The Evening Sun (Baltimore, Maryland) - Thur, Nov 2, 1959
Moslems Fleeing Burma Pose Pakistan Problem

Dacca, East Pakistan, Nov 26 (UP)—More than 10,000 Moslems have fled this year from Buddhist
Burma into the southeast tip of east Pakistan, a Moslem nation. [At that time, in 1959, east Pakistan
was the eastern section of the 2-part Islamic nation of Pakistan. Later, in 1971, the majority Bengali
people of East Pakistan fought for and achieved independence from Pakistan, and named itself
Bangladesh.]
Officials here say the refugees were persecuted by Burmese officials and harassed by Buddhist
tribes. [Realize that the Bengali-speaking Hindus and Buddhists, and the Kaman, Panthay, Myedu,
and other Muslims live in peace and harmony with others. All of those mentioned, as well as all
others in Burma / Myanmar dislike and are fearful of the Bengali Muslim’s supremacy, intolerance,
and violence.]
Burma charges Moslems with illegal immigration. Reports from Rangoon also tell of armed Pakistani
police raiding Burmese villages. [For clarity, armed Pakistani police means armed Bengali (east
Pakistan) soldiers / insurgents were raiding Burmese / Arakanese villages in the country of Burma,
Arakan province.]
President Mohammed Ayub of Pakistan and Prime Minister Ne Win of Burma have agreed to set up
a commission to investigate troubles on the 150-mile border.
Some 500,000 Moslems have lived for decades in the rice paddy lands and evergreen forests of
Arakan, the part of Burma east of the Bay of Bengal. They pushed into the thinly populated Buddhist
country from overcrowded Bengal province. [Note: They pushed into the thinly populated Buddhist
country from overcrowded Bengal province - which is east Pakistan, future Bangladesh.] Some of
the Buddhists never were too happy about it.
Ayub Kahn’s top officer in East Pakistan, said that Maj. Gen. Mohammed Umran Khan….[missing
text]…Burma recently set up immigration check boards [checkpoints] in Arakan. They put pressure
on the Moslems to declare their nationality. Some who indicated religious bonds to Pakistan were
forced out.
Others were attacked by the tribes, particularly the Mughs, who have been warring against the
Moslems off and on for years. [Rather, the Muslims have been attacking Buddhists cultures in order
to conquer and annihilate the ‘idol worshippers’ for over 1000 years. Mughs is a contemptuous
term for Arakanese / Rakhine Buddhists.]
Pakistani officials report assaults and burning of crops.

112
February Crossing
In February refugees began crossing the border to Cox’s Bazar, only important town in East
Pakistan’s southeastern tip.
By late August more than 10,000 penniless refugees were on relief at Cox’s Bazar. All their property
had been left behind.
“Pakistan doesn’t have room for them.” Umrao Khan said. “We hope things will quiet down in
Burma so they can go home.”
The Burmese Government says some of those who fled to Cox’s Bazar were illegal immigrants
seeking better economic opportunity in the relatively uncrowded land of Arakan. A major question
now seems to be how long ago a person had to be in the area to graduate from illegal immigrant to
old settler.

By Rick Heizman, August 16, 2020

113
St. Louis Post-Dispatch - Fri, Dec 27, 1991

BANGLADESH

15 Killed in Skirmish Between Rebels,

Burmese

Burmese soldiers massed at the border with Bangladesh

have traded gunfire with Muslim rebels. Reports
Thursday said at least 15 people had been killed.
Tuesday night’s encounter was at Mongdong
(Maungdaw) in Burma’s Muslim-dominated Arakan
province, the independent newspaper Ittefaq quoted
refugees from the region as saying. The area is 170
miles southeast of Dhaka.
An official in the Bangladesh Interior Ministry confirmed reports that Burma had deployed troops
along its border in the past five days.
Burma claims that Muslim insurgents operate from Bangladesh, a charge Bangladesh denies.
Some 50,000 Muslims have fled Arakan province for Bangladesh since March, claiming they are
being persecuted by Burma. [Realize that the Bengali-speaking Hindus and Buddhists, and the
Kaman, Panthay, Myedu, and other Muslims live in peace and harmony with others. All of those
mentioned, as well as all others in Burma / Myanmar dislike and are fearful of the Bengali Muslim’s
supremacy, intolerance, and violence. Notice, even in 1991, the term ‘Rohingya’ was not known or
used by many press and media.]

By Rick Heizman, August 15, 2020

114
 Honolulu Star-Bulletin - Wed, July 3, 1991
Muslim ‘holy warriors’ plan war on Burma’s military
government
By Edith M. Lederer
Associated Press

ON THE BANGLADESH-BURMA BORDER — At a secret camp deep

in the jungle, more than 500 young Muslims are training to make war
on the Buddhist military government of Burma.
The rebels call themselves mujahideen, or holy warriors, and claim
Muslims are persecuted. Their goal is to restore the once-independent
Muslim homeland of Arakan on Burma’s west coast. [Journalist Edith
M. Lederer may have been a well-known and generally good reporter,
but she seems to have greatly erred by accepting the Bengali Muslim
fake identity and history. The previous sentence is TOTALLY wrong -
the Muslims NEVER had an independent Muslim homeland or
kingdom in Arakan. Even these days, in 2020, Bengali Muslims and
their ilk do not claim this, at all.]
Professor Mohammed Zakariya, a leader of the insurgency, said
hundreds of trained guerrillas are scattered in 11 other camps along
the border and thousands more are inside and outside Burma,
awaiting the order to fight.
“The day is not far off,” said Zakariya, a 47-year-old botanist.
Bearded men and young boys in green military uniforms patrolled the
grounds of the camp hidden by towering jungle trees and dense
foliage. They were armed variously with AK-47 assault rifles, M-16s
and Bren guns, British weapons from World War II.
“I came to fight for the cause of Allah because the military are
persecuting us and torturing our villagers,” said Mohammed Ivanid,
15.
The guerrillas displayed several rocket-propelled grenades. They
claim to have short-range mortars, M-79 rocket launchers and
explosives, including claymore mines.
Most were stolen or captured from the Burmese military, but some were purchased in other Asian

115
 countries, Zakariya said.
Many rebels had no weapons, which he described as the main reason
their offensive had not begun.
“Finding 100,000 youths to fight is not a problem if we have the
weapons,” Zakariya said, adding that “about 20,000 is enough to
fight these bandits in this front.”
Since the early 1950s, Burmese Muslims have waged periodic
guerrilla warfare on governments they accuse of trying to annihilate
the Muslim minority and create a pure Buddhist state.
Zakariya said persecution has been worst in Arakan, which was an
independent Muslim Kingdom from 1430 to 1784 and now is the only
Muslim-dominated province in Burma. [Again, 1) Arakan was a
BUDDHIST Kingdom, with minorities of Hindus, Portuguese, Dutch,
Javanese, Ceylonese, and Muslims. 2) Arakan WAS not and IS not a
Muslim-dominated province in Burma. The province is now Rakhine
State, where the Rakhine Buddhists are clearly a majority everywhere,
except, Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships.]
Arakan’s Muslims are called Rohingya Muslims, from Rohang, the
ancient name of Arakan. The guerrilla group running the camps and
preparing the insurgency is the Rohingya Solidarity Organization,
founded in 1982.
Guerrilla leaders accuse Burmese Buddhists of massacring 200,000
Muslims in the last 50 years. [Gross demonization - why have
remaining Muslims never found extensive mass graves with 200,000
bodies or skeletons?]
Anti-Muslim activities have increased under the current military ruler,
Gen. Saw Maung, said Ezhar Miah, a former member of Parliament
from Arakan who replaced Zakariya in March as the commander of
the mujahideen.
Burma’s military already confronts insurgencies by ethnic minorities
on its northern, eastern and southern borders. Fighting in western
Arakan would put pressure on the armed forces from the fourth
direction.
Muslims have been crossing into Bangladesh since March.
Bangladeshi officials would not give numbers, but Zakariya put the
total at about 10,000. He said the flight began when Burmese troops
destroyed seven Arakan villages. [The words ‘seven Arakan villages’
would actually refer to Buddhist, Hindu, or ethnic minority villages - Lederer carelessly used ‘seven
Arakan villages’ to mean ‘seven Muslim villages’.]

116
 He said nearly half the 3 million Muslims of Arakan had fled the
country in the last 40 years because of atrocities and oppression, but
that those who remain still outnumber the 1 million Arakan Buddhists,
called Maghs. [Again, egregious manipulative fake numbers as ‘facts’.
Maghs is a contemptuous term for Rakhine Buddhists.]
Burma’s population of 41 million include about 6 million Muslims,
Zakariya said. [More manipulative numbers - Burma / Myanmar has
about 4% Muslim, not 7%, and about half of that 4% is Bengali
Muslim, and then there are about 2% Kaman, Panthay, Myedu, and
other Muslim groups - who are, by the way, quite opposed to the
Bengali Muslim agenda.]
Muslims supported the 1988 uprising for democracy led by Aung San
Suu Kyi and 400 were killed in the subsequent military crackdown, he
said. [Another bit of disinformation - if, indeed, 400 Muslims (or a
smaller number) were killed, they would have nearly all been non-
Bengali Muslims.]
The Rohingya Solidarity Organization’s bimonthly newsletter names
Muslims it says have been murdered, raped, tortured, arrested, or
dismissed from their jobs. Eleven murder victims were listed in the
first four months of 1991.
Miah, the new commander, said three boys were beaten to death
June 3 in the Maungdaw district of Arakan for allegedly visiting a
mujahideen camp.
“Before the army had that excuse, Muslims were beaten and killed
just because they were Muslims,” he said.
Abdul Rashid, a former Rangoon businessman who is now a
mujahideen commander, said the only alternative for Rohingya
Muslims is independence, a word often used in the camp.
“Fight or die: this is the only way left for us,” said Zakariya, who lost
his job at Akyab College in Arakan in 1976 and now is the organization’s secretary for mujahideen
affairs, equivalent to a defense minister.
He said the Rohingya Solidarity Organization has been planning the insurgency for nine years and
is better prepared than were previous Muslim guerrilla groups.
“Today we have at least 10 to 15 times more weapons, and more modern weapons, and our
organizational control and discipline is much better,” he said. “Before… there was no control over
the mujahideen or the organizational setup. Now, nobody is lying lazy. Everyone is being educated
and trained.”
Some are veterans of other guerrilla operations.
Ruhul Amin, 26, who left Burma in 1964 after beatings by Magh students, said he came here after

117
six months of military training in Pakistan with the mujahideen of Afghanistan.
The Rohingya mujahideen have built their own fairly sophisticated radios, mainly using parts from
shipwrecks, to communicate with the network of camps.
Zakariya said they are able to monitor Burmese military communications.
The camp has 385 chickens and a thatched-roof hospital with a nine-man medical team.

By Rick Heizman, August 16, 2020

118
 BANGLADESH ELIMINATES ITS BUDDHISTS
Ongoing Slaughter, Ethnic Cleansing, Genocide
By Rick Heizman, July 2013

Historically, the land that is now called BANGLADESH was Vedic, Hindu, and Buddhist kingdoms
for nearly 2000 years. The great Buddhist Pala Empire, centered in Bengal, ruled a very large area
from the 8th to the 12th centuries. The Pala period is considered the golden era of Bengal, with
stability, prosperity, colossal temples and exquisite works of art. This remarkable Buddhist Empire
eventually disintegrated in the 12th century, most drastically with the invasion of Muslim armies
that swept through India, killing or pushing Buddhists to the edges of their rule. Bangladesh - for a
long time a Buddhist majority land, is now down to less than 1% Buddhists, and those remaining
Buddhists are subject to attacks, destruction of temples, rapes, killings, burning of homes,
kidnapping and converting women to Islam, and more. In the last 6 months there have been dozens
of Buddhist temples destroyed, hundreds of Buddhist homes burned, many Buddhists killed.

The Buddhists of Bangladesh number about one million, out

of a total population of 160 million people - almost all Muslim,
except for small populations of Hindus, Christians and
Buddhists. The Buddhists live almost entirely in the hills of
the southeastern part of Bangladesh, bordering Rakhine and
Chin States of Burma, and Tripura and Mizoram States of
India. Previously, the British - already ruling most of the
surrounding Burmese, Arakanese, and Indian lands - annexed the hills area in 1860 and created an
autonomous district known as ‘The Chittagong Hill Tracts’ (also known as the CHT).

From the distant past, before the existence of Islam, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (hereafter CHT) has
been the home of thirteen indigenous ethnic groups: Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro,
Murung, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm, Pankhua, and Reang. Collectively they all can be
referred to as the Jumma people. They are distinctly different from the majority Bengali population
of Bangladesh in terms of race, language, culture, religion and history. At the time that the British
annexed the CHT the population of that area was almost 100% Jumma people, and almost entirely
Buddhist.

In 1900, the British enacted ‘Regulation 1’ of the ‘1900 Act’ in order to protect the Jumma people
and their cultures from economic exploitation by non-indigenous people, ie: the Bengali Muslims
from the greater flatlands. Throughout the British colonial period the ‘1900 Act’ functioned as a
safeguard for the Jumma people, prohibited land ownership and migrations of non-indigenous
peoples into the CHT. Against better judgement, against the wishes of the Jumma people, and in
violation of the principles of partition (the splitting off from India, by the Muslims, of present day
Pakistan and Bangladesh) the CHT was ceded to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) at independence
from Britain in 1947. The Jumma knew their future would be better if they were part of India or

119
Burma (other than being independent) and vehemently protested the decision, but to no avail.
Since that time, there has been a steady, sustained and brutal campaign to push the Jumma off
their land, or simply kill them, and award the Jumma villages and land to the multitudes of Bengali
Muslims whom are increasing very rapidly due to a very high birthrate.

DISPOSSESSION OF JUMMA LAND

There were various ways in which the Jumma people have been, and still are being dispossessed
of their lands. In some cases, Bangladeshi settlers move into an area and gradually encroach on
the lands of their Jumma neighbors, in other cases it is done by rounding up and slaughtering the
Jummas. A Chakma refugee from Panchari describes the initial process as follows:

"In 1980-81 the Bengalis moved in. The government gave them rations of rice etc. and sponsored
them. The settlers moved into the hills, then they moved the Jummas by force with the help of
the Bangladesh Army. The Deputy Commissioner would come over and say that this place was
suitable for settlers so Jumma people must move and would receive money in compensation.
But in reality they did not get money or resettlement"

"Muslims from different parts of Bangladesh were brought in by Bangladeshi authorities. Before
that our village was populated only by Chakma, Tripura and Marma. They took all the food grain.
Whenever we seek any justice from the army we don't get it. All villagers lived under great
tension due to various incidents all around. Three days after an incident when six persons had
been killed, just before getting dark, many settlers came to our village, shouting 'Allah Akbar'
(Allah is Great). When they arrived we escaped, so the settlers got the opportunity to set fire".

"Settlers came and captured my land. They burnt our houses first. They came with soldiers. This
took place on 1st May 1986 at Kalanal, Panchari. My house was in a village with a temple. The
whole village of 60 houses was burnt. After seeing this we ran through the jungles and eventually
reached India."

120
Buddhist Monks Tell of Atrocities by Bangladesh Army and Bengali Settlers:
• "Thirteen of us went to the market. I was not a monk then. The
Bangladesh Rifles (paramilitary force) and settlers caught us and
out of 13, nine were killed and four of us escaped. The reason
was that we were not Muslims; they wanted us to be Muslims -
to convert to Islam. Among the people whom they caught was
my wife. They cut her with daos (machetes) - some of the marks
on her neck are still there. They also tried to cut me with daos on
the neck. Luckily my shirt collar was thick and I escaped from
being killed. As they killed the others they shouted: 'Oh Chakmas,
will you not become Muslims? If you refuse we will kill you now."
• “The day before yesterday the Muslim settlers came to the village and rounded up the
households. The settlers were accompanied by Bangladeshi soldiers. I took shelter in a
nearby latrine when the villagers were rounded up. Later I tried to leave the latrine to go
somewhere else. The village had been surrounded. As I was trying to escape, the Muslim
settlers shot me. After getting the bullet injury I ran away into a safe place. I don't know
what happened to the other villagers.I ran away from the place for about half a mile. Then
I fainted and lost consciousness. Two refugees went there to collect indigenous vegetables
and brought me to the camp about 10 o'clock. I have been twice attacked to be taken to
a cluster village, the second time I was shot."
• "For many months now soldiers have been regularly visiting us and slaughtering cows in
our shrine.... They always said that if we did not agree to this (conversion to Islam) they
will come one day and kill us. On the morning of 1 May they carried out their threat by
escorting a group of two to three hundred settlers, some of whom were dressed in the
uniform of home guards, to our village and began their depredations by attacking Buddha
Vihar (the temple). Most of us were, however, able to flee but soldiers pounced on
Purnananda Bhikku (one of the monks) and after beating him with rifle butts handed him
over to the Muslims who threw him into the shrine which was by now on fire. He died.
Later when I met more people from my village they said that two young girls of the village
had been raped mercilessly by troops and Muslims and then killed with bayonets."
• "On that day first the settlers and the army surrounded the temple. I was caught and my
hands were tied with rope as were my legs. Water was poured through my nostrils. I was
kicked with boots and my leg was cut. People came into the temple and caught all the
girls. They took the girls a little way from the temple. I heard the cries of the girls - maybe
they were raped but I did not see it with my own eyes. After a few days I met one of the
girls but as a monk I have some restrictions and could not ask her what had happened.”
• “They bring animals into the temple and slaughter them: goats and cows. Buddhist
people never kill animals so you cannot worship in the temple after that has happened. I
have witnessed it.”
• “They cooked inside the temple and burnt wood on the dirt floor and brought wood in.
They killed the animals outside the temple but within the boundary of the temple. They
did this to crush Buddhism and establish Islam. There was no other reason for this."

121
RAPE: a Weapon of Shame, Terror, Death, Suicide

Rape is used frequently as a weapon - a horrific weapon - against Jumma

women in the CHT. Many women are raped or gang-raped by Bangladesh
Army soldiers and Bengali settlers, often in front of their children.
Women who have been raped may be rejected by their husbands or their
families, or may not be able to get married. The trauma of rape remains
with these women forever, and even drives some to suicide.

Accounts of Rape by Jumma Women:

• "About 50 army personnel came in the night and rounded up the whole village and gathered
us in one place. In the morning all the men were arrested. I was tied up hands and legs,
naked. They raped me.”
• “They raped me in front of my father-in-law. After that we were tied up together, naked,
facing each other. Then they left. Three other girls were raped in front of me. This happened
in the month of Ashar (June/July) of 1985."
• "In the early morning 5 to 6 groups of soldiers encircled the village and some entered the
huts. They caught all men and brought them to the fields and tied them with rope. My
husband had his teeth beaten out of him, all blood. My son ran to his father and he was
thrown to one side. The army ordered me to go into my hut and pointed guns at me. One
grabbed me by the neck. My husband was near. My husband was almost beaten to death.
I was raped by three soldiers in the room. After this I didn't want to live anymore, but what
am I to do? I am still suffering from it. My husband is still injured in the lungs and can't
work. I want to go back if there is peace, otherwise not. I want medical treatment as I am
still suffering from the rape. I am still afraid of Muslims. My ribs were broken and my skin
burns there. This happened in June 1986. I am still like mad, disturbed."
• "They (the army) surrounded the village early in the morning, we had not yet got up. Then
they shouted to come out of the houses and concentrated all the people in one place.
Then they started asking whether we had helped the SB (Shanti Bahini). All of us kept
silent. ...Then they started beating the men and the women. One girl was taken by three
soldiers. I don't know where she was taken. Then it was my turn. Two soldiers took me and
subjected me to abuse. I was fully naked, they harassed me, they even poked me with a
bayonet. I was left alone. I didn't know what to do. Somehow I managed to cover my body
with some cloth and went to the jungle and kept walking till I reached India."
• "The army raped some of the women, especially college students and women working in
offices. Many girls were taken to the army camp. After this incident (1989), intellectuals of
the village were arrested by the army so as to prevent them from taking shelter in India.
...The girls who were taken away to the army camps were released after one week. In the
camp the army raped them repeatedly."

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Many Jumma women have been kidnapped, forcibly converted to Islam and forcibly married - and
murdered if they refused. One victim tells: "I was walking along the road to go to the fields with my
six-year old niece to plant some seeds. A man appeared before us, bound my mouth with a piece
of cloth and took me away on his scooter. I was kept for three months. I was forcibly converted to
Islam and forced to marry."

Major Massacres of Buddhists in Bangladesh

- Ongoing Humanitarian Disaster, Ethnic Cleansing, real Genocide
These are just 5 of 13 large massacres of Buddhists in Bangladesh:
1971 - Bangladesh War of Independence:
3 million people killed in one of the largest genocides in history. The war had nothing to do with the
Hindus and Buddhist minorities, but the opportunity was taken to eliminate many many Hindus and
Buddhists. They were killed by Muslim Pakistanis and by Muslim Bengalis.

June 26, 1981: Banraibari-Beltali-Belchari Massacre:

Bangladeshi settlers (Muslims), under the protection of the Bangladesh army, invaded the Jumma
area in the vicinity of Banraibari, Beltali and Belchari, murdered 500 Buddhist Jumma men, women
and children, then seized their homes, belongings, and farmland. The Jumma are the indigenous
people of the area.

Sept 19, 1981: Telafang-Ashalong-Gurangapara-Tabalchari-Baronial Massacre:

The Bangladesh army and Bangladeshi settlers attacked 35 Jumma villages including Telafang,
Ashalong, Gurangapara, Tabalchari, and Baronial, in the Feni valley of the Chittagong Hill Tracts,
and plundered and burned the villages, and killed many thousands of Buddhists men, women and
children. The surviving villagers fled to the adjacent forests. Bangladesh was forced by the
international community to repatriate them. These Jumma people were met by hostile Bangladeshi
officials and were given the equivalent of $18 and were left to their fate. Return to their native
villages was impossible because their homes and possessions had been appropriated by Muslim
Bangladeshis. Many of them died of starvation and of diseases.

June-August 1983: Golakpatimachara-Machyachara-Tarabanchari Massacre:

Bangladesh armed forces and Bangladeshi immigrants from the flatlands massacred the Jumma
people of the villages of Golakpatimachara, Machyachara, Tarabanchari, Logang, Tarabanya,
Maramachyachara, Jedamachyachara etc. Hundreds of houses were looted and burned, and 800
people were murdered. Most of the victims were old men, women and children. After clearing the
area of the Jumma people the government settled Bangladeshi families there.

May 31, 1984: Bhusanchara Massacre:

A total of 400 Jumma and Chakma Buddhists including children and women were killed. Many
women were gang raped and later shot dead. Seven thousand refugees crossed the border into the
Indian state of Mizoram. A villager from Het Baria told Amnesty International: “Even now I sometimes
wake up in a cold sweat remembering the sight of the soldiers thrusting bayonets into private parts

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of our women. They were all screaming, No Chakmas will be born in Bangladesh".

All of this is relevant and important to know,

because, this is what is going on in next-door Arakan,
and this is what the Rakhine Buddhists (and Burmese Buddhists) are up against.

By Rick Heizman, July 2013

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 BENGALIS SEIZE THE LAND OF THE BODO PEOPLE IN ASSAM
Same Thing They Are Doing In Arakan
By Rick Heizman, July 14, 2013

On another side of Bangladesh there is violent conflict that is, in many

ways, strikingly similar to the situation in Rakhine State, Myanmar.
It also involves Bengali Muslims who have migrated, or pushed across
the northern border of Bangladesh into India’s north- easternmost state
of Assam and several of the ‘Sister States’ - primarily Meghalaya State.
This area is even more obscure to most of the world than Rakhine State
/ Arakan is. Tourism is heavily restricted and almost nonexistent, so that
there is little information that gets out of that area.

The Bodo people are one of Assam’s largest indigenous tribes - actually
the term Bodo includes nearly 20 different, but related tribes. 90% of
the Bodo are Hindu, and 9% are Christian. They have fought not only
against Muslim migrants, but battled the State of India, at times, in a bid
to gain an independent state through a decades-long insurgency.
In July 2012, a fresh round of violence erupted - between native Bodos
and illegal Muslim migrants from Bangladesh, causing nearly 50 deaths,
the displacement of over 200,000 people, and the destruction or burning
of many many villages.

This wave of violence erupted one night when four Bodo tribe youths
were killed by persons unknown. In retaliation, armed Bodos
attacked Muslims, which led to a spiraling of bloodshed between
the two groups who have long been in conflict. In the carnage,
cars were overturned and burned, and houses and schools
were set ablaze.

The root cause of this violence is the joint failure of the federal
and Assam state governments to stop wave after wave of
Bangladeshis from swarming into different parts of Assam and drastically changing the state's
demographic profile, especially in the districts close to the border. In Bodo-populated areas, this
'flood' has caused large-scale violence and seizure of Bodo lands. The Bodos feel they are being
pushed out of their ancient homeland by intolerant, violent and supremacist invaders.
There are a couple of well-known terms to describe the situation -
ethnic cleansing, and genocide

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Assam, located on the extreme northeastern edge of India, is home to some 300 tribal and ethnic
groups, with many segments of the population agitating for
separatism. In this volatile mix are unwanted Muslim migrants
from impoverished Bangladesh.

Illegal immigration from overcrowded Bangladesh presents

challenges for all of eastern India, which shares a porous border
with the smaller nation, which had been a part of India, and then
Pakistan.
Since the 1971 war of independence that created the state of
Bangladesh, millions of Bangladeshi immigrants (the vast majority of
them illegal) have poured into neighboring India.
While the Indian government has tried to deport many of these
immigrants, their sheer numbers have made such an enterprise
impossible.

A Brief History

Assam was annexed by the British in 1826. The big low river valleys and flatlands were mostly
Hindu, and the rugged hills and mountains were populated by many different ethnic minorities,
whom were variously Hindu, Buddhist, Christian, or Animistic. Initially, the British brought Muslim
peasants from over-populated eastern Bengal to Assam for making tea plantations and other
agricultural projects. (During the same timeframe the British were also bringing in a rather large
number of Bengali Muslims into Arakan for their agricultural projects).

In December of 1906, The All India Muslim League (AIML) in its founding conference in Dacca
hatched a long-term plan to increase the Muslim population in Assam in order to improving its
strength in the region. Leaders at the conference exhorted the Muslim population of Eastern Bengal
to migrate to Assam and settle there. And, they didn’t have any concern for the indigenous and
non-Muslim ethnicities and tribes who lived and farmed there.
As the large-scale influx of Muslims continued the All India Muslim League established great
influence on the Muslim population of Assam, and latter coached the Muslim migrants to

In a British Census Report of 1931:

Census Superintendent C. S. Mullan, in his Census report of 1931, validated this political
conspiracy of AIML and observed: “Probably the most important event in the province during
the last 25 years - an event, moreover, which seems likely to alter permanently the whole
feature of Assam and to destroy the whole structure of Assamese culture and civilization, has
been the invasion of a vast horde of land-hungry immigrants mostly Muslims, from the districts
of East Bengal…. Wheresoever the carcass, there the vultures will be gathered together.’’

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aggressively support the demand for Pakistan to be created. (As the British were preparing for the
granting of independence the Muslims of India agitated for a separate state). In 1947 the leader of
the Muslims of India demanded that Assam also be a part of the soon-to-be Muslim country of
Pakistan, even though the Muslims were - by far - not the majority. This was only stopped due to
the intervention of the great and exemplary Mahatma Gandhi.

Even after partition, illegal migration from East Pakistan to Assam, West Bengal and bordering
areas of Bihar continued to increase. Pakistan lacked any population planning or any social
movement for creating awareness of the benefits of controlling the population, and the liabilities of
not doing so. The way the Pakistanis largely saw the population issue was to see the lesser
populated neighboring countries as available to them, by divine right, because they themselves
were Muslim, and the people in the other areas were not.

In December of 1943, Lord Wavel, the Viceroy of India, said: “The chief political problem is the
desire of Muslim Ministers of Assam to increase the immigrations into uncultivated Government
lands in Assam under the slogan of ‘Grow more food' but really its ‘Grow more Muslims’.”

Bodo Men killed by Muslims Bodo Girl Raped by Muslims

Justice M.C.Chagla, former Education former Education Minister once said: “We have our
constitution, we have citizenship laws. There are decisions by the highest courts to indicate who is
a national and who is a foreigner. What does it matter when a person came to Assam if he is not a
national but a foreigner? The year of his entry does not change his legal status. Unnecessary
complications have been introduced by talking of the cut off year.”

127
 The Bodo-Muslim problem,
is very similar to the conflict in Rakhine State, Myanmar.
The Bengali Muslims pour across the border, and with their religious intolerance and supremacy
they will cause friction that will rise to intolerable levels. In both of these cases, there are citizenship
issues, controlling the border issues, crimes against women, and more.

Muslim aggression

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Muslim ‘immigrants’ will remain a perpetual problem - unless the government develops a stronger
political will, and will use that to take tough stands on the issues when needed.

The Muslim violence and intolerance cannot be tolerated, at a certain point.

What is happening in Assam, and it has been happening for decades now, is a vicious plan to drive
out or kill all the Buddhists, Hindus and others.

Bhupen Hazarika, Assam's greatest cultural icon,

who passed away last year, had expressed his people's anguish:
'Today's Assamese must save themselves
or else they will become refugees in their own land'.

As stated before: this is ethnic cleansing and genocide.

By Rick Heizman, July 14, 2013

129
 AL-JAZEERA USED SUBLIMINAL TECHNIQUES
TO SHAPE PUBLIC OPINION ABOUT THE CONFLICT
IN RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR
SEE HERE: arakan-reality.smugmug.com/ARAKAN-the-CONFLICT-VIDEOS/MY-VIDEOS-EXPOSING-
ANALYIZING/i-6fVbWCN/A
By Rick Heizman, September 14, 2020
Many people, around the world, first heard of the conflict between Buddhists and Muslims in
Rakhine State, western Myanmar, back in 2012, when the ‘Rohingya’ Muslims launched planned
attacks in cities, towns and villages up and down nearly all of Rakhine State. Essentially all of the
news about that was coming out through Muslim media, like the Dhaka Tribune, and especially Al-
Jazeera. Their news, translated into English, would be the news that the Western world would use.
The Rakhine Buddhists in Rakhine State had no big media of its own and there were no journalists
based there, and therefore no objective reporting.
The following is one way that public opinion was manipulated, to be against the Buddhists, and to
support the Muslims, starting just after the June 8, 2012 surprise attacks by the Bengali Muslims
(‘Rohingya’). I personally saw many friends and colleagues fooled by this.

Productions like this Al Jazeera Special Report used subliminal methods and
collaborating guests to shape public opinion.
An announcer says:
“Renewed sectarian violence in western Myanmar.
Buddhist rioters stand accused of attacking Muslims in Rakhine State,
even as the government says it has a zero tolerance approach to religious violence.
But is the government really capable, or even willing to end the unrest. This is Inside Story.”

HOWEVER, the visual videos that are seen at the same time as the announcer spoke were
deliberately calculated to subliminally fool the audience.
The announcer says:
“Renewed sectarian violence in western Myanmar.
Buddhist rioters stand accused of attacking Muslims in Rakhine State…

The video clip shows MUSLIMS streaming out of Here the video shows MUSLIMS throwing
the Central Mosque in Maungdaw, June 8, 2012, rocks at an apartment of a Buddhist family
attacking and killing Buddhists. who are screaming in fear.

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Continuing,

The announcer says, “the but the video is showing

government says it has a Buddhist monks who are
zero-tolerance approach protesting because of
to religious violence.” ISLAMIC VIOLENCE.

EVERY PHRASE that is said is manipulative, when combined with the visual video clip.

The announcer says, “Buddhist rioters” at the moment the film shows MUSLIM rioters!

The announcer says, “attacking Muslims” at the moment the video show MUSLIMS throwing rocks
at a Buddhist family’s apartment.

I have actually been to the places in the videos - several times. I have met the Rakhine
Buddhist cameraman who took the videos. We went, at my request, to the same apartment
where the rioting mob was viewed, and the same apartment (actually the cameraman’s family
apartment) where the rocks were thrown, shattering the windows, and I spoke with the
cameraman’s wife and daughters who were screaming in fear on the video and thought they
were soon going to die.

Notice that the clips of the rioting mobs and the rock throwers are extremely short - less than 2
seconds - so that Western people would not have enough time to notice that the rioters and the
rock throwers were actually MUSLIMS - wearing their typical white skull caps.
Al-Jazeera intentionally manipulated the video and used SUBLIMINAL BRAINWASHING techniques
to fool their audience and shape public opinion in favor of the Muslims!
If you listened only to the audio, or saw only the visual, it would not have the same effect.
But, together, and with the extremely short video clips, a person will assume that the visual was
true to the audio - and, just as I showed you - IT IS NOT. A persons mind will believe what is said
to them and then they will transfer that belief to the visual video.
So - the rioting Muslims will become
“Buddhist rioters”, and Muslims throwing rocks at
Buddhists will become “Buddhists attacking Muslims.”

It is SUBLIMINAL BRAINWASHING!
and there is more…..

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REINFORCEMENT OF THE SAME SUBLIMINAL BRAINWASHING

The same two earlier video clips come in again, for another subliminal reinforcement.

The announcer says, “A FAKE NEWS to keep heaping

new target in Myanmar’s blame upon the Buddhists,
ethnic violence, this time while completely ignoring the
the Kaman, another brutal intolerance and Islamic
Muslim minority group.” supremacism that is actually
the root cause of the
reoccurring violence.

The announcer says, The Buddhists are named

“They too, the victims of again and again to be the
wide-spread ethnic perpetrators, the only
tensions with the perpetrators, of the violence,
country’s Buddhists.” then reinforced again with
manipulated video.

The …in fighting

announcer between
says, “At Buddhists and
least 240 Rohingya
people have Muslims.”
been
killed…

Did you notice how short those last two video clips were - about 1.5 seconds - compared to the
other clips? And, people are again ‘taught’ that those videos are of violent Buddhists!

Once again, it is created for the average Western person who does not know much about the
subject yet, cannot quickly see the difference between Muslim and Buddhists, and is given no
chance to actually look at those two video clips.

But, those two clips have been seen in the subconscious mind,
and they have reinforced what was being said by the announcer - twice.

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COLLABORATING GUESTS MAUNG ZARNI AND DEBBIE STOTHARD ‘VERIFY’
THE CHARGES AGAINST THE BUDDHISTS
Next, we have the two collaborating guests: Maung Zarni, and Debbie Stothard.
Dr. Maung Zarni PhD (as he was known previously, but now legally cannot use the titles Dr. or PhD)
certainly is aware that those were Muslim rioters, and Muslim rock throwers. But, he did not say
anything about that.

Maung Zarni is one of the most hated Burmese by Burmese. More about him, his ‘academic
credentials (troubled now because of his proven-to-be-fake PhD), his pathological lying and
and fake news making, and his quest for power, in other papers I have written. Maung Zarni
used to be selected as a ‘qualified speaker representing the Burmese people’ by the academic
world - yet he does NOT represent the Burmese people at all.

Debbie Stothard is a Burma /

Myanmar activist from Malaysia
- a majority Muslim country. She
would also certainly know that
those were Muslim rioters and
rock throwers.

DISTURBINGLY, THEY BOTH KNOW THE TRUTH OF THOSE VIDEO CLIPS, AND THEY BOTH
SAID NOTHING ABOUT IT!
That indicates they both are complicit in this subliminal brainwashing, and they both probably got
paid well by Al-Jazeera.

PHIL ROBERTSON OF HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH USES THE SAME SUBLIMINAL

TECHNIQUE!
Instead of an announcer telling an audience the opposite reality, people will read subtitles, and
people will always assume that the subtitles are true to the visual - especially when the video clips
are so short - deliberately - as previously discussed.
Subtitle: Once again, the subtitle is shown
Myanmar AS MUSLIMS ARE RIOTING,
forces target KILLING BUDDHISTS AND
Rohingya BURNING HOMES AND
Muslims: HRW VILLAGES!

This kind of subliminal manipulation occurs much more frequently than one might think, and it is
key to the complete bias and misinformation in this conflict.

By Rick Heizman, September 14, 2020

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 C H A P T E R
F O U R

BLIND INTOLERANCE,
IGNORANT SUPREMACY
FAIL

Captured Militants / Terrorists

Give Many Details and Names -
How They Trained, Prepared,
and Carried Out the Massive Attacks
The Goal Was an Ethnically Cleansed Land -
A Wanton Intended Genocide
 INCREDIBLE INFORMATION
from the CAPTURED BENGALI MUSLIMS
who are ARSA MILITANTS and BENGALI MUSLIM VILLAGERS
who PARTICIPATED in the ATTACKS

Analysis by Rick Heizman, May 25, 2020

After the huge surprises attacks on multiple targets in the predawn darkness of August 25, 2017, I
went to Rakhine State for 6 weeks, working intensely interviewing victims of the Bengali Muslims,
filming and editing film, writing, researching, etc. Also, because of my very unique experience not
only in Myanmar, but especially in Rakhine State, I can open doors that most people can’t - because
I am known and trusted. (40 years going to Myanmar / Burma, 25 years going to Rakhine State,
built many school projects throughout, deeply involved with democracy movement, worked with
embassies, intelligence agencies, etc.)
I was granted permission to go into the very restricted zones of Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and
Rathedaung, with no restrictions, no army or government minders, and full access and permission
to film or photograph anywhere, I even had a drone camera with me. I was in those areas in Sept
and Oct 2017, and also in Jan 2018, and Oct 2018.

Asked For and Received Prisoner Interrogations

Bach in Sittwe, and was granted, the interrogations of the captured militants / terrorists, who were
either ARSA members or villagers participating in the attacks led by ARSA members. The
interrogations are first conducted in Bengali language, because Bengalis (who claim to be part of
the nation of Myanmar) rarely speak any Burmese, and not even Arakanese - the language of the
land. Then, translated to Burmese, then sent to me, and I get them translated to English. However,
they can only be accurately translated by Arakanese / Rakhine people from Maungdaw area itself,
because of peculiarities of phoneticizing (in Burmese) Bengali names, village names, certain terms
and phrases. I have 50 interrogations translated and posted now, more on the way, and another
100 or so after that, if I want or need more.

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Another point or two here: All of these prisoners were caught, captured, or arrested - they were not
killed, shot, or tortured. They could have been killed - legally, because it was an all-out war at the
time. Many were captured running from the scene after attacking a village or police outpost where
they attacked with the intention of killing everyone possible. Many actually did kill. The Bengalis
talk quite freely one they are in prison. They name bunches of names, along with the persons
fathers name - because that is the way that people are identified in the sub-continent countries of
India, Bangladesh and Pakistan.

FACTS, INFO, and EVIDENCE GAINED from the INTERROGATIONS:

1) What They Were Taught in the Mosques:
The Mawlawis [Imams, or Mullahs] in all cases, are the ones systematically planning and
organizing the Bengali Muslims to take up arms at a given time, to create their goal of
declaring Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung Townships an autonomous (and
apartheid) Islamic State. To do so, the men and boys must kill all of the Infidels. In order to
do that the men and boys must go to the training camps in the Mayu Mountains, isolated
villages, or in Bangladesh, where they will learn how to use guns, martial arts, fighting
techniques, bomb making, landmine making, and more. They are warned, again and again,
if they do not attend or participate they will have their heads cut off in accordance with
Islamic Law. And, they did carry that out as some prisoners described.
2) The Violent Nature of Bengali Muslim Culture:
Prisoners often mention that they were threatened with death by having their heads cut off:
a) if they didn't participate in the attacks when that time came
b) if they did not attend the militant training
c) if they were captured and gave info about ARSA their family would be killed
d) if they did not flee to Bangladesh
e) if they did not burn their houses
f) if they cooperated in any way with Burmese Buddhists
g) if they gave any info to authorities about militant whereabouts, hidden arsenals, etc
3) The Nature of the Militant Training
Many details emerge concerning the militant training that ARSA members received, and the
training that the ARSA members gave to the local villagers. The training included weapons
training - guns, knives, swords - fighting techniques, martial arts, bomb making, landmine
making, and other explosives training. In fact, it is known that some of the bomb making
sessions went away with sudden explosions killing those who were trying to make bombs-
including the deaths of some foreign bomb makers.
The training for the ARSA militants was in Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and the
training sessions for the villagers were held in, secret, in remote villages, the Mayu Mountains,
and in Bangladesh.
4) The Short-term, and the Long-term Goals of the Bengali Muslims:
The short-term goal, which is emphasized again and again by the mosque leaders, is for the
Bengali Muslims to seize the 3 Townships of Maungdaw, Bhutidaung and Rathedaung, and

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 declare them an autonomous Islamic (and thereby apartheid) Islamic State, for Muslims only,
and the way to achieve that is by attacking the security forces, killing them all, seizing the
weapons and ammo from the outposts, and then ethnically cleanse the land, in a wanton
genocide, of all Buddhists, Hindus, Christians, ethnic tribal people, and anyone else that is
not a Muslim.
The long-term goal of Muslims is to spread Islam everywhere, and taking over northern
Rakhine State would certainly not be the end of it. Notice the ARSA emblem with the two
guns crossed over a map of NOT just northern Rakhine State, but the WHOLE State of
Rakhine. After seizing all of Rakhine State the focus would become the rest of Myanmar,
then Thailand, Laos and Cambodia. The Quran is absolutely clear about this: the entire world
must be Islamic, and there shall not be ANY other religions, and ALL Muslims have a sacred
duty to wage war, or prepare for war, until the world is Islamic - everywhere.
5) How They Prepared to Attack and How They Attacked the Various Targets:
Many interesting details of how they were gathered together the night before the attacks,
who led them - Mawlawis by name, ARSA leaders, or both, the villages they met up in, and
then they most often surrounded a target with hundreds of Bengalis, and then started the
attacks.
6) How They Generally Failed, and Retreated, and Were Arrested or Captured:
How they failed, most often, to kill everyone at the police outposts, and thereby failed to
steal all the weaponry from the outposts. In the cases of attacking villages they succeeded
in killing scores of villagers, from the youngest baby to the oldest elderly person, and they
succeeded in driving 60,000 or so, Buddhists, Hindus, and Tribal Peoples to flee for their
lives, often spending many harrowing days and nights hiding in the mountains, or huddled
together in a Buddhist Monastery compound, or in precarious Police outposts which were
under attack for days and weeks after August 25th.
The details of how they were captured and arrested are very interesting. Most of them were
captured a few days after the attacks or a few weeks after. Many of the militants and village
militants continued to attack targets as they fled for Bangladesh.
7) Setting Their Own Homes and Villages On Fire:
About half of the prisoners gave details of being ordered by the Mawlawis and / or the ARSA
leaders to set their homes and villages on fire and flee to Bangladesh. They talk about
explicate orders that if they did not flee to Bangladesh and f they did not burn their homes
that they would be treated as Buddhists - meaning that their heads would be cut off according
to Islamic Law.
8) A Look Into the Minds (or Brainwashed Minds) of the Bengali Muslims:
The prisoner interrogations provide a way to examine the mindset of these people, and how
they are so rigidly stuck in a medieval violence laden ideology, and how their absolute
supremacist manner permits them to think that they can kill anyone who is not them.

By Rick Heizman, May 25, 2018

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 STATEMENTS MADE BY CAPTURED MILITANTS

Name - Adu Mullah

Other Name - Maung Maung Lay
Age / Birth year - 22 Yrs / 1995
Race / Religion - Bengali / Islam
Birth place – Myo Thu Gyi Ywa Haung, Maungdaw township
NRC No. - Nil
Education - Kindergarten
Occupation - Unidentified (Daily worker)
Names of Parents / Address - (F) Swayta Na Mauk (Dead), (M) Mawri Yam (dead)
Wife / Address - Yazubi / Myo Thu Gyi Ywa Haung
Reason of Investigation - According to Terrorist Act-50(A)
Date and Place of Investigation - (15.9.2017), Maungdaw Police Station

Brief History
I was born in Myo Thu Gyi Ywa Haung village, the youngest son among 3. My siblings are:
(1) Ju Ha Dar (35), Four Miles Ward, Maungdaw
(2) Hilar Par (24), Tin May Village, Buthidaung
I only went to kindergarten in Myo Thu Gyi Village and then stopped going to school, and lived
together with my parents, and worked as a daily worker. When I was 16, I married Yazubi, daughter
of (F) Rawja, (M) Hasina, and I am living in the address mentioned above with my family, working as
a daily labor.

How I Was Recruited:

Our Myo Thu Gyi Village has 8 mosques and I used to go to the one that is located at the edge of
the village. This mosque has 4 Mawlawis [Imams], they are: Mawlawi Saw Lim (30), Mawlawi
Haseim Mulla (35), Mawlawi Raw Mulla (25), and Mawlawi Abuka Lum (40). They all live in Myo Thu
Gyi Ywa Haung village. When the villagers came to the mosque to pray, they said that our Islamic

140
people have to attack and kill the Buddhists in order to make Rathedaung, Buthidaung and
Maungdaw region an Islamic State, because Bengalis are oppressed in education, social affairs
and religion. The attacks would start when Bengali terrorists arrive in Maungdaw, from Bangladesh,
so we need to be ready, they said. This is what the four Mawlawis said again and again for 2
months leading up to the attacks.

How We Attacked the Maungdaw Downtown Entrance Gate Police Outpost:

I was interested to be part of the attacks because of the four Mawlawis’ convincing words. So, I
and my friends from our village: Hashi Mulla (30), and Farus (22), joined the attack on the Maungdaw
Entrance Gate Police Outpost in the early morning of 25.8.2017.
At 11:00 pm (24.8.2017), our group of 50 Bengalis and some unknown ARSA members began
shooting at the outpost from a distance of about 700 feet. While some of us were shooting with
guns, we shouted “Nariya Kawbi” and approached closer to the outpost to attack it. When
policemen shot back at us, we no longer went forward. We moved back and hid in a village home.
After 15 minutes, we launched another wave of attack - like the first one - but, again the policemen
shot back at us, and we retreated again. Then we launched a third wave of attack and this time,
when policemen shot back at us, we retreated completely at 11:45 pm and separated into smaller
groups. Then we came back to our homes. We did not know if we, or ARSA, killed or wounded any
of the policemen.

How We Burned the Village Homes:

After attacking the outpost, Mawlawi Baja (30) who had trained with ARSA, told us to burn the
houses of the Bengali villages if the security forces came to us. At 6:00 on 29.8.2017, I took some
petrol and set fire to the Bengali houses of Ywa Thit Kay village. I also saw 7 other Bengalis burning
some houses and running away, then I went back to my house.

How I Was Captured:

On 1.9.2017, Nru Armin (25), from our village asked me to search for petrol to use to burn more of
our Bengali village homes. I went through Maung Ni village to Fizi Village looking for gasoline. At
6:30, after I arrived at Fizi village, I was arrested on the road.

Other Claims:
I did the crimes of participating in the terrorist attacks because the four Malawis convinced me that
it was Allah’s will that we do it. Three months before, Malawis Baja and ARSA recruiter Ka Mine Lar
(20) (Now lives in Ma Gyi Chaung village) and 20 other ARSA members, and 30 villagers - all
wearing black masks - came to our village around 9:00 pm, and killed the village administrator of
Myo Thu Gyi Ywa Haung village. After killing him, I saw their faces with my own eyes when they
took off their masks to wash their faces. But, I don’t know their names. Some of our villagers had
also attended training sessions by ARSA.
Before these terrorist attacks, in the biggest mosque of Myo Thu Gyi Kan Gya Taung village, on
every Friday, Mawlawis Ha Sheim (30), Mawlawi Ju Bine (35), Malawi Ei Nus (25), Har Islam (30),
Mata Yas (35), and Haseim (40) gathered the villagers and discussed something. But, I don’t know
what they discussed.

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Name - Ma Go Lar Mauk
Other Name - Nil
Age / Date of Birth - 48 Years
Race / Religion - Bengali / Islam
Place of Birth - Be Lar Mi Village, Pauk Pin Yin Village tract, Rathedaung Township
NRC No - Nil
Education - Nil
Occupation - unidentified (general worker)
Parents / Address - (F) Kaseem, (M) Aumak Kyaw Su, Be Lar Mi Village
Wife / Occupation / Address - Ulma Kartu, Dependent, Be Lar Mi Village
Reason of Investigation - Terrorist Act-50(A)
Place of Investigation - Maungdaw Police Station
Date of Investigation - 15.9.2017

Brief History
I was born in Be Lar Mi Village of Pauk Pin Yin Village tract, Rathedaung Township. I am the eldest
son among 5 siblings. The others are:
(1) Habi Sar Mauk (fisherman)
(2) Fatima Khartu (dependent)
(3) Lailar Begun (dependent)
(4) Nou Ma Mauk (farmer)
I don’t have formal education. I learned Arabic (Basic) in Be Lar Mi Mosque. I live with my parents.
I married Ulma Khatu, (F) Adu Salam, (M) Fatima Kartu, from Be Lar Mi Village, when I was 18 years
old. We have 9 children. I live in Be Lar Mi Village, working as a daily worker.

How I Was Recruited:

I used to go to the Be Lar Mi Mosque to pray. Our mosque Mawlawi [Imam] is Mawlawi Esoup. We

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are instructed to go to the mosque 5 times a day to pray. I can only go a few times a day, when I
have free time. Mawlawi Esoup and Rawfis (32), (F) Adurah Kane, used to tell us that ARSA would
lead attacks to occupy Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung and declare it an Islamic State.
They said we must join with ARSA, and we should get ready to join.
They told us that if we did not do what they said we would have our heads cut off, in accordance
with Islamic practice. And, they said other Bengalis from other villages would also join the attacks.
We heard Mawlawi Esoup and Rawfis speak these kind of words also in Chut Pyin Village Mosque.

ARSA Training Sessions:

From our village, Rawfis (35), Adu La Min (20), Dil Mar Mauk (40), Azi Zulla (20), Ar Yu (30), Atta Ullah
(20), Dini Salam (25), Rawfique (18), Mawlawi Adu Shu Kha (30), from Auk Nan Yar Village, Mawlawi
Habi Sarmauk (35), Mawlawi Shuku (40), Faw Saw La Mauk (35) from San Tu La Village, Hu Saung
(30), Futura (25), Mawlawi Sayed Alom (55), Mawlawi Abu La Sheim (55), and Saw Tar (25) have
attended some training from ARSA. The training sessions were given in Koe Tan Kauk Village. If we
crossed the mountain, which takes a day, we would arrive at Thin Baw Kwea, Inn Din, and Tha Win
Chaung villages. And then, we would go by foot to Koe Tan Kauk village.
The leader of ARSA lived, or stayed, in Koe Tan Kauk village. I don’t know his true name. He is
around 50 years old, brown, tough, round face, beard, and about 5 ft 9 inches tall. ARSA conducted
training sessions, focused on fighting skills, shooting guns, and making handmade bombs and
mines. Villagers from Koe Tan Kauk village are the trainers of ARSA.
After the October 2016 attacks, Rawfis, Dil Mar Mauk, Adu La Min, Azi Zulla, Eman Ha Saung, Ar
You, Atta Ullah, Di Ni Slam, and Rofique gave training sessions in the house of Dil Mar Mauk. I
attended the training sessions once a week, and they told us that if we failed to attend, they would
kill us. The training was from 9 pm to 12 am midnight. They used to say, in the trainings, that they
were going to establish a Rohingya Islamic State. All of our villagers above 15 years old took the
trainings, and so did men up until 40 years old. Kay Fayad and Sayed Dulla (arrested) also joined
the training. Rawfis put me in the ‘Attacking Group’.
Members of ARSA used to come to our village and other nearby villages, and they killed those who
were opposed to them, or those suspected to be government informants. They used to wear black
shirts and black pants and white headbands with Arabic words printed on them. I don’t know
because I don’t read, but some said the words on the headbands meant “Bless me, Allah”. Some
of the ARSA members wore masks.

Ata Ullah and His Financial Support:

Ata Ullah, who had lived in Saudi Arabia, came with 20 others to our village mosque in February
2017. They met with us trainees and told us to cooperate with them to establish a Rohingya Islamic
Country. Ata Ullah gave some poor families of our village, 200,000 Myanmar Kyat [150 US dollars]
to each family. Ata Ullah did the same in Buthidaung, and Maungdaw Townships as well. Ata Ullah
is also called Mawlawi Hani Bar (another name). We heard he went to Saudi Arabia 20 years ago
and came back again as Ata Ullah.
Ata’s eldest brother, Saw Raw Din (70), and his cousins; Zu Ri Din (60), Shaung Shu (40), Fil Mar
Mauk (50), and Dil Mar Mauk (45) live in Pyaing Taung village. Naw Bi Hu Saung (50) from our village

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is also a cousin of Ata Ullah.
After Ata Ullah travelled around Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships, he gave 10
million Burmese Kyat [$7400 US dollars] to Rawfis from our village, 15 million to Mawlawi Adu
Shuku, and Mawlawi Ha Bi Sa Mauk from Auk Nan Yar village, 10 million to Mawlawi Esoup from
Chut Pyin village, 5 million to Faw Saw Ar Mauk and Rashid from San Tu La village, and 20 million
to Mawlawi Mawni. He assigned them to be financial agents. They also give support to other
villages, but I don’t know which ones.
Rawfis, Hasu, Mawlawi Adu Shu Ku and Mawlawi Mawni went to Shinma Phyu Island near Teknaf,
Bangladesh, and received this money from one of Ata’s men (name-unknown).
Ata’s Headquarters of ARSA is located somewhere in the jungle of Bandarban, Bangladesh. Rafis
went there about once a month. He showed us the emblem of ARSA and told them that our village
would receive 10 guns and 40 swords. Other Bengalis from Rathedaung and Buthidaung also went
to ARSA’s Headquarters.

Making Handmade Bombs:

ARSA trainees, Ha Su, Saltar, Mawlawi Sayed Alom, and Mawlawi Abu Ha Sheim learned how to
make bombs when they went to Bangladesh. They made bombs in the home of Mawlawi Adu Shu
Ku, and kept the bombs in Adu Shu Ku’s house and Dil Ma Mauk’s house in our village.

How We Prepared for the Attacks:

[Note: There were groups in some parts of Rathedaung and Buthidaung Townships ready to attack
that did not receive the command to attack in the early morning of 25.8.2017. They attacked either
one day or two days later]
Around 3:00 pm on 22.8.2017, Nru Ma Mauk from Chut Pyin village gathered about 100 Bengalis
from Chut Pyin, Ah Htet Nan Yar, Auk Nan Yar, Be Lar Mi, and Ni Lin Paw villages in the house of
Mawbi from Chut Pyin. He said ARSA had arrived in Chut Pyin village and they would attack very
soon. They told us to be ready to join, and if any of us refused, they would be killed. 10 of our
villagers, including me, attended that meeting.
Around 10 pm of 26.8.2017, we gathered some people in the house of Rawfis. Rawfis, Dil Ma
Mauk, Aman Hu Saung, and Adu La Min were wearing black suits, holding swords, and each one
of them had 10 homemade bombs. They said after attacking the police outposts we will have their
guns. I remember Sayed Amin, Ar Yu, Sayed Dulla (later arrested), Kay Fayad Ullah (later arrested),
led by Rawfis and Mawlawi Esoup were with us holding swords and sticks to attack the police
outposts.
We, around 50 Bengalis, arrived at Mawbi’s house in Chut Pyin village around 2 am on 27.8.2017.
We met other villagers there - from Chut Pyin, Ni Lin Paw, Auk Nan Yar, and Samdu villages - and
now we were, all together, about 200 Bengalis. Everyone - both young and old, even some kids -
joined together with us. We decided to approach Chut Pyin Police Outpost, to attack with bombs,
and when policemen chase after us, some of our group would ambush them. We made sure that
our women and children were kept together in the center of Chut Pyin village.

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How We Attacked Chut Pyin Police Outpost:
Around 3 am on 27.8.2017, Saltar, Mawlawi Abul La Sheim (Mawlawi leader of Rathedaung) and Ha
Su from Chut Pyin village attacked Chut Pyin Police Outpost with bombs. When the policemen
chased after them, our group - lead by Rawfis - ambushed the policemen, while shouting “Allahu
Akbar”. Some unknown ARSA members and Saltar, Nu Ma Mauk, Rawfis and Aman Hu Saung shot
the policemen with guns. Some villagers from our Be Lar Mi village, and Ni Lin Paw village were hit
by gunfire, and we then retreated to home. On the way, we set some mines in the road.

How We Fled Our Villages, and Set Fire To Our Villages As We Left:
After attacking Chut Pyin police Outpost, in the early morning of 27.8.2017, Ar Mauk Dullah (45),
Ru Taung Are (50), Ra Mauk Dullah (50) and other ARSA members set fire to Chut Pyin village. All
the villagers from our village fled around around 5 am on 28.8.2017. We and other villager crossed
trail-less mountains and slept in the jungle in front of Kyauk Pan Du village. Then we stayed around
Chein Khar Li, Na Khaung To, and Alay Than Kyaw villages, waiting for boats to cross the Naf River
to Bangladesh. [The Bangladeshi boatmen were charging inhumanly high prices] My family stayed
nearby at Na Khaung To village.

How We Were Captured:

While we were waiting to cross the Naf River we ran out of food. On 11.9.2017, around 9 am, I,
Sayed Dulla, Kay Fayad Ullah, Atta Ura Man, Bawshid Ullah, and Aman Hu Saung came to Alay
Than Kyaw Ka Yin Tan for food. When we saw a young Bengali boy we grabbed him and tied him
up with longyi-made rope, and took him to an empty house. While we were threatening to kill him
if he did not lead us to food around 20 Bengalis, led by the boy’s father, arrived and detained us.
They took our swords and sticks. Then the Army and Border Guard Police (BGP) came and arrested us.
We joined the attacks because we were convinced by, and threatened by Rawfis and Mawlawi
Esoup. The attacks were mainly organized by Rawfis and some ARSA members. I was in the
‘Attacking Group’ but I did not get paid. Rawfis told us that if we got arrested, don’t tell the
authorities anything about ARSA - and if we did, our families would be killed.

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Name - Hu Sung Armat
Another name - Hu Sung Armauk
Age / Date of Birth - 55 years old / Born in 1962
Race / Religion - Bengali / Islam
Birth Place - Anauk [West] Kyi Kan Pyin Village
NRC - Nil
Education - No education
Occupation - Daily Worker
Address - Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin Village
Parents / Address - (F) Kala Myar (Dead), (M) Ma Rana Khatu / Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin Village
Wife’s name / Address - Far Tay Mar Khar Tu / Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin Village
Reason of Investigation - According to Terrorist Act-50(A)
Date and Place of Investigation - (8.30. 2017), Maungdaw Police Station

Brief history
My father’s name was Kala Myar (Dead), and my mother’s name is Ma Rana Khatu. I was born in
1962 in the village named Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin and I am the fifth of 8 siblings. All the others have
already died:
Nor Ze Ra Mauk (Dead)
Zaw Kee Ra Mauk (Dead)
Hor Bee Ra Mauk (Dead)
Far Hta Ma Khattu (Dead)
Phaw Shar Armat (Dead)
Shor Fe Ra Mauk (Dead)
Swe Yow Kore (Dead)
I have been a daily worker since I was young. I do not have any school education. At the age of 18,
I married Far Tay Mar Khar Tu, who lives in the same village, and we have 10 children. My wife’s
parents are (F) Nu Ra Le or Nu Yu Salein, (M) Armon Satoe. My main occupation is cutting wood
and fishing. My son-in-law, named Arpu Kalong, left for Malaysia and has never came back since

146
then. His wife, who is my daughter, had contact with her husband at first, but, since last year, she
has lost contact with him. And, there has been no contact with my son who left for Bangladesh 4
years ago.

Living situation:
I live with my family in our village and make a living by cutting wood and fishing, as a daily
workerThere are about 100 households in Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin Village, with a population of about
1000. There is a mosque in the village and another smaller mosque is located on the outskirts of
the village. There are two Mawlawis (Imams), Mawlawi Macedee and Mawlawi Salarmouk at the
mosque in the village. We have to pray five times a day in our village. Minimum attendees in the
mosque are about 20 Bengalis. As I do not pray at the small mosque outside the village, I do not
know the name of the Mawlawi there. There are about 30 people from our village, who previously
fled to Malaysia and Bangladesh and work there. Among these Bengalis who left about 4 years ago
from the village, I know some of them whose fathers live in my neighborhood. They are Bow Shor,
(F) Su Lu Tan, Au San, (F) Bu Li Yar, Mor O Da, (F) Ma Soung.

At the Mosques - Planning the Attacks:

Every time we prayed at the mosque, the Mawlawis told us that we all must participate in the
planned attacks. They said that we had to organize ourselves, and collect weapons such as knives,
swords, and heavy sticks, and be ready to attack and set fire to the police outpost - when needed.
Villagers were called to visit the Mawlawis and hear from them, about the planned attacks, the
methods to attack, and the goals of the Muslims.
Also, there are Bengalis coming back from Bangladesh with ties to the RSO (Rohingya Solidarity
Organization) and ARSA (Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army) but I don’t know their names. On
24.8.2017, in the afternoon, villagers were called to meet at Mawlawi Macedee’s house and he
spoke about the preparations to attack the police outposts. The Mawlawi also said that villagers
around the area will join together to attack, and that there was no need to be afraid, because they
had strong enough numbers of people and weapons to attack with. What’s more, the Bengalis who
are going to lead the villagers to attack have guns, and we are advised to carry sticks, swords, or
knives for the attacks. Mawlawi Macedee also set up a schedule to meet again on that day at 12:00
midnight at his house.

Attacking The Thihoe Police Outpost:

On 24.8.2017, at 12:00 midnight, we met again at Mawlawi’s Macedee’s house. I carried a knife
and went there with Nor Zira Mauk and other young Bengalis from my village. There were people
from Alay [Center] Kyi Kan Pyin village, whose names are - Zaw Hee Raw Din, Ma Mat Tarat, Saw
Faw Armo, Arzi Zuhul, Saw Ta Arkae, Adumauks (or Aduhauk), Mohamad Zaw Le, Har Mein
Tusoung, and Saw Li Mula. Bengalis who live in Myo Thu Gyi village and Gonna Village were also
in the attack group. In our group, there were about 700 Bengalis who were led by Mamat Rowfi
from Gonna Village. Although I knew that there were militants who had guns from ARSA among us

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I do not know what theirs names were. On 24.8.2017 at 3:15 am, we arrived at Thihoe Police
Outpost #2 and surrounded it in accordance with orders from leader Mamat Rowfi. After that,
Mamat Rowfi and ARSA militants started to shoot at the outpost, and at the same time, they
ordered other Bengalis to destroy and demolish the police outpost. While we were trying to demolish
the police outpost with our weapons, which including knives, sticks, swords, and a few guns, the
police were fighting back. After fighting with police for a while, we were ordered to retreat and we
ran away.

How I Was Captured:

After attacking the Thihoe Police Outpost #2, Bengalis from other villages told us to set fire to our
own houses and escape into the mountains, and hide. So, some Bengalis set fire to their own
houses and ran away. As I had not run away yet I was arrested on 8/25/2017 at 9:00 am. I heard
that Nowzi Ra Mauk from my village of Anauk Kyi Kan Pyin and some other Bengalis from Alay Kyi
Kan Pyin Village were also arrested.

Other Information:
I knew the layout of the Thihoe #2 Police Outpost because I had to cross it when I went to Maungdaw
from my village. It takes about 2 hours to get to Thihoe #2 Police Outpost on foot from my village.
Mawlawi Macedee, who lives in my village, persuaded many of us to attack Thihoe #2 Police
Outpost. Although I knew that there were militants from ARSA in our group, which was led by
Mamat Rowfi from Gonna Village, I do not know the names of those ARSA members. Those
militants from ARSA attacked with guns, and other Bengalis attacked with other weapons such as
knives, swords, and sticks. Many Bengalis and militants who were involved in the attacks have not
been found yet because they are hiding. And, I do not remember the place where I dropped my
knife that I carried, since I threw it away somewhere, while running away.

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Name – Anna Mu Har Kane This prisoner is from the
Another name – Nil October 9, 2016 attack
Age / Date of birth – 29 / 1988
Place of birth – center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw
NRC – 11 / Ma Ta Na (Ya) 190518
Race / religion – Bengali / Islam
Occupation – general worker
Education – grade 10
Address – Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw
Parents name / occupation / address – (F) Shar Ar Laung, (M) Ja Ma Li Dar Bay Gon, Arabic
language teacher, center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
Wife’s name / occupation / address – Nil
Children name – Nil
Siblings name / occupation / address –
1. Ma Zaw Mi Ra – age 22, Lower Phyoo Ma village
2. Ma Maw Ni Ra – age 20 , single , center Nga Khu Ya village
3. Ma Isma – age 18 , center Nga Khu Ya village
Place of investigation – Maungdaw police station
Date of investigation – 14.10.2016
Subject of investigation – Suspected person as terrorist
Investigation force – Military security force (west military base)

BRIEF HISTORY:
I was born in 1988, in center Nga Khu Ya village. My father is Shar Ar Laung, he died already, and
my mother is Ja Ma Li Dar Bay Gon. I am the oldest of 4 siblings. When I was young I went to
kindergarten through high school grade 10 in Nga Khu Ya High School, from 1994 to 2006. After
finishing school I helped my father, who had a grocery shop in Nga Khu Ya market. But, my father
was not healthy, and July 18, 2012 my father passed away. From that time I worked at my father’s
shop in the market.

Preparing To Attack:
On October 2, 2016 at 6 PM, seven days before the attacks [of October 9, 2016] there was a big
meeting at the house of Jin Nar Khan in center Nga Khu Ya village, with 7 Bengali Muslim militants
from Bangladesh who had arrived there, and about 200 Bengalis representing many Bengali Muslim
villages. They separated into 3 groups.

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 1. Group #1 - led by Jin Nar Khan, (F) Foray Du, age 40, 5’5”, fat body, long face, fleshy skin
2. Group #2 - led by Annawa, (F) U Ye Shu, age 43, 5’4”
3. Group #3 - led by Ceya Zaw Din, age 46, 5’5”, fat body, round face, fleshy skin
At that time I was in the 2nd group, and we had 21 guns, which were packed in a white bag hidden
in Jin Nar Khan’s house. One of the men from Bangladesh went up the stairs and then brought the
bag downstairs to the meeting. Jin Nar Khan shared those guns with the 3 groups, especially to the
older Bengalis. Each person who received a gun also got 10 bullets to use. Jin Nar Khan said to the
groups, “Do as I say. If there is any money that you have to spend then I will pay. You don’t need to
pay for anything related to our mission.” Then Jin Nar Khan offered tea and cakes to all the Bengalis
at the meeting. Then Jin Nar Khan told the Bengalis, “I have a very good relationship with a Burmese
police officer named Kyaw Tay Za.” [Meaning that the police officer was in the pocket of the
Bengalis] At the time officer Kyaw Tay Za was not there at the meeting, he was in the town of Taung
Pho Let Wai.

Training To Attack, Smuggled Guns From Bangladesh:

From August 8, 2016 until the end of September, there was militant training courses at the home of
Mu Nar, (F) Di Mar Mat, in south Nga Khu Ya village. Each day there would be 10-15 young Bengali
men attending the 2 hour courses of karate, techniques of fighting with knives, swords, heavy
sticks, and gun training.
5 leaders - Mu Nar, Kay Fike Tular, Du Gojar, Mawlawi [Imam] Akis, and Mawlawi Adu Ra Man -
these five Bengalis each had a pistol. They always carried their pistols when they were in the
Muslim villages, and intimidated young men to listen to them. The young men were afraid to
disagree or oppose them. Sometimes they would shoot the guns, so the villagers feared them and
obeyed them.
During the attack on the Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Station the leaders were those same five
Bengalis - Mu Nar, Kay Fike Tular, Du Gojar, Mawlawi Akis, and Mawlawi Adu Ra Man - who led 100
Bengalis from U Shay Kya village and Nga Khu Ya village. One of those men - Kay Fike Tular, from
center Nga Khu Ya village - received 20 guns during the 2nd week of August 2016, from a
Bangladesh-based terrorist group [probably RSO] and he hid them in his house, along with 1000
bullets. At the time of the attack he shared these bullets with others who had similar guns.

The Attack on the #5 Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Base:

Jin Nar Khan’s group #1 quietly dismantled the barbed wire fence and entered the base from the
front and attacked.
Group #2 entered the base from the side where the high school and the football field is and attacked.
[The following paragraph was updated by the prisoner 4 days later, when confronted with other
prisoner statements] But, I and two of Jin Nar Khan’s sons - Faw Stan and Faw Tin Khan - watched
the situation unfold from the football field - Jin Nar Khan had told us to stay there and watch. We
had no weapons with us.

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About 3:30 AM we heard loud gunshots and yelling coming from the BGP station. Soon Jin Nar
Khan and the other attackers came out of the base, near the high school, then we all ran back to
our village. But, some Bengalis ran another way, to Auk Pyu Ma village. Many Bengalis ran in many
different directions in the darkness. I didn’t know where group #2 ran to. At about 4:15 AM I arrived
back at my home, and slept. Then, about 10 AM some soldiers and border guard police suddenly
came to our village, and arrested me in my house.

[On October 18, 2016, 4 Days After He Gave the Above Statement, He Admitted Much More When
Confronted With Other Prisoner Statements:]
During the attack, me and Har Shein, age 27, and Kalar Futoo, entered a small building in the police
outpost and we killed Second Officer Thein Kyaw Htike with our knives, and then we killed Officer
Zaw Naing Tun and his wife Ma Aye Chan Soe - we killed those 3 people.
The five leaders - Mu Nar, Kay Fike Tular, Du Gojar, Mawlawi Akis, and Mawlawi Adu Ra Man - were
going to Bangladesh about twice a month. They said, ‘for medical reasons’ but actually they were
going to meet and plan with Bangladesh-based terrorist groups [again, probably RSO]. When they
came back from Bangladesh they would go to U Shay Kya village, and other villages in the nearby
mountain range, and they would recruit young Bengali Muslim men, and train them in karate,
techniques of fighting with knives, swords, heavy sticks, and gun training.
They would tell the recruits, “According to our Islamic faith if you die in battle you will go directly to
heaven, that’s why you are obligated to attack and to obey our Islamic commands. If you don’t
participate in the attacks, when you die you will go to hell.” That is what they said again and again
to the young recruits. They also said, “We will attack the Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Station
soon, but we can’t tell you which date yet. Just remember - do as I say.”
I knew that those 5 leaders they would select 5 young Bengalis in each village - U Shay Kya village,
Nga Khu Ya village, Auk Pyu Ma village, Ahtet Pyu Ma village, Kapa Gaung village, and from Toe
Din village - to recruit the other young Bengali men in each village. Especially at nighttime, they
would gather with young men and talk to them and recruit them. Those 5 main leaders, and the 5
young militants in each village would also murder Bengalis suspected of being informers, or
disagreeing with their plan. They had access to money when money was needed to buy loyalty, or
pay bribes, or silence informers.

Bengali Muslims, whom I know, who attacked Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Post:
1. Jin Nar Khan – center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
2. Khin Maung Htun or Ceya Zaw Tin – center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
3. Annawa – Center Nga Khu ya village, Maungdaw township
4. Abu, (F) Khin Maung Htun – center Nga Khu Ya village
5. Ashay, (F) Khin Maung Htun – center Nga Khu Ya village
6. Zar Tet, (F) Har Lar Bu Tu Nar – center Nga Khu Ya village
7. Faw Stan, (F) Jin Nar Khan – center Nga Khu Ya village

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 8. Faw Tin Khan, (F) Jin Nar Khan – center Nga Khu Ya village
9. Ka Bi Baw Chu (Mawlawi) – center Nga Khu Ya village
10. Nar Te Hu Saung (Mawlawi) – center Nga Khu Ya village
11. Kaur Ra – south Nga Khu Ya village
12. Maung Maung Soe or Shu Nar Myar, (F) Adu Maw Zi , south Nga Khu Ya village
13. E Dri, (F) Sway Ta Laung – south Nga Khu Ya village
14. Ar Ze Rann – south Nga Khu Ya village
15. Zaw Ki Ar Mat, (F) Kala Myar – north Nga Khu Ya village
16. Baw Shi Ar Mat, (F) Kala Myar – north Nga Khu Ya village
17. Jaw Mi – north Nga Khu Ya village
18. Ar Bu Su Mi Ran – North Nga Khu Ya village
19. No Bi Hu Saung – North Nga Khu Ya village
20. Mar Mat Tar Li, (F) No Baw Shaw – North Nga Khu Ya village
21. Maw Tar Hu Saung or Min Naing Soe, (F) Naw Bi Hu Saung – North Nga Khu Ya village
22. Ar Zik, (F) Haw Bi Ra Mat – north Nga Khu Ya village
23. Sway Tar Lann, (F) Sway Tar Laung – north Nga Khu Ya village
24. E Su Ar Li, (F) Mar Mat Raw fee – center Nga Khu Ya village
25. Mu Tar Hu Sat, (F) Naw Fee Hu Sat – center Nga Khu Ya village
26. Nga So Chat, (F) E Li Yan – center Nga Khu Ya village
27. Har Lar Gu Ni Yar, (F) Abu Zu Mi Ran – center Nga Khu Ya village
28. Bar Ru (F), Zun Dar Ra Har Kane – center Nga Khu Ya village
29. Kat Fa Du Lar, (F) Bar Shan – center Nga Khu Ya village
30. Adu Ra Man (Mawlawi) – south Nga Khu Ya village
31. Khar Di Baw Shu (Mawlawi) – south Nga Khu Ya village
32. Nar Di Yu Sat - center Nga Khu Ya village
33. Har Zak, (F) Gaw Bi Ra man – center Nga Khu Ya village
34. Zaw Ra – south Nga Khu Ya village
35. Mu Nar, (F) Di Mar Mat – south Nga Khu Ya village
36. E Fu Dar – north Nga Khu Ya village
37. Bar Sar Myar – north Nga Khu Ya village
38. Maung Too – north Nga Khu Ya village
39. Bay Say Li – north Nga Khu Ya village

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Name – Adu Zaw Baw This prisoner is from the
Another name – Kyaw Myint October 9, 2016 attack

Age / date of birth – 50 / 1966

Place of birth – center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
NRC – not recognized
Race / Religion – Bengali / Islam
The photo is bad, that is
Occupation – general worker how I received it

Education – grade 8
Address – center Nga Khu Ya village , Maungdaw township
Parents name / occupation / address – (F) Ar Mi Ra Li (passed away), (M) Nu Har Sin (passed away),
center Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
Wife’s name / occupation / address – Sura Har Too (dependent), center Nga Khu Ya village
Children names – 1. Homar Ray Dar (daughter) (dependent), center Nga Khu Ya village
2. Kafa Yeak Dular (son), lives in Yangon
3. Su Fike Tar (daughter), center Nga Khu Ya village
Siblings names / occupation / address –
1. Adu Kaw Ri (clothes seller) in Saudi Arabia
2. Adu Lar Kane – north Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township
3. Yaw Saung Ar Mat – (dependent), north Nga Khu Ya village
4. Adu Raw Kane – (farmer), north Nga Khu Ya village
5. Dar Zaw Mar hat To (dependent), north Nga Khu Ya village
6. Adu Raw Chain (farmer), north Nga Khu Ya village
7. Adu Ra Laung (general worker), north Nga Khu Ya village
8. Ar Bu Ra Laung ( fisherman), center Nga Khu Ya village

Place of investigation – Maungdaw police station

Date of investigation – 19. 10. 2016
Subject of investigation – suspected person as terrorist
Name of investigation force – Military security force ( west military base )

Brief History:
I was born in 1966, in north Nga Khu Ya village, Maungdaw township. My father is Ar Mi Ra Li, and
my mother is Nu Har Sin, they both have passed away. I am the 4th of 9 siblings. Since I was young

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I went to the middle school in Nga Khu Ya village, from 1972 to 1981, from kindergarten to grade
6. In 1988, I opened a shop in the Nga Khu Ya village market. In April 1988, I married Sura Har Too,
(F) Enu Alaung (passed away), (M) Saw Mauk Har Too. I have 3 children with my wife. From 2003
- 2010, I rented a shrimp pond. After that I owned 10 acres of rice fields, and also, I have my own
shrimp pond, which I’m working until now.

Militant Training Camps:

I knew the man who is a Bangladesh militant group leader [Probably RSO - Rohingya Solidarity
Organization]. His name is E Su. In August 2016, he contacted some men from our village - Khin
Maung Htun, also known as Say Ra Zaw Di, and Jin Nar Khan, to send 5 Bengali people to attend
militant training in their secret location in Bangladesh. They took the training for 7 days and then
came back to Nga Khu Ya village. And, Mawlawi [Imam] Adu Ra Man (F) Ku Tu Myar, from center
Nga Khu Ya village gave training to 25 other Bengali Muslims on August 20 - September 27. They
learned how to use guns, as well as other weapons. The main trainers were:
1. Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit – (F) Chaung Ar Mauk, center Nga Khu Ya village
2. Kay Fike Tular (F) Bar Shar Myar, center Nga Khu Ya village
3. Mu Nar – center Nga Khu Ya village
For that training they got financial support from E Su - 2,000,000 Burmese kyat [$1333 US] a
month, so for 2 months that came to 4,000,000 kyat. The trainers received 200,000 kyat [$133 US]
a month. The attendees received 40,000 kyat [$27 US] a month. E Su transferred the money to Khin
Maung Htun, and Jin Nar Khan.

Meetings to Plan the Surprise Attacks:

On October 8, 2016, at 2 pm we had a meeting in Nga Khu Ya mosque. The main people that
attended the meeting were:
1. Khin Maung Htun, aka, Say Ra Zaw Di (leader), (F) Bay Li Mohar Mauk , age – 47, height –
5’7”, light skin, round face, fat body, beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya
2. Jin Nar Khan (leader), (F) Baw Gu Ar Laung , age – 45 , height – 5’6”, dark skin, round face,
fat body, no beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya village
3. Shar Ar Laung (F) Mar Mat Ar Laung , age – 42, height – 5’7”, light skin, round face, fat body,
no beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya village,
4. Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit (F) Chaung Ar Mauk , age – 30, height – 5’, light skin, round face,
thin body, beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
5. Mawlawi Adu Ra Man (F) Ku Tu Myar, age – 27, height – 5’6”, dark skin, round face, fat body,
beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
Another 10 people also attended the meeting. E Su said to the Bengalis at the meeting,
“I will give all of you 50,000 kyat [$33 US] but, in any emergency we must be united, and we must
cooperate, and we have to help each other with money support.”
Then, Jin Nar Khan said to Muhamad Ar Kit, “When you attack the Nga Khu Ya police post, if you
succeed and occupy it we will welcome you and we will cooperate with the militant group from
Bangladesh.”

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Preparing To Attack Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Base:
At about 8 pm on October 8, 2016, Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit telephoned E Su, the leader of the
militant group in Bangladesh, to come to his place. He arrived, and then they organized specific
groups to attack the border police outpost from different sides. The plan was:
Ar Fat Tular, the leader of 7 Bengalis in his group, will attack from the western direction. From the
eastern direction, a group of 6 Bengalis led by Mawlawi Adu Ra Man would attack. Near the
outpost is a football field. From the football field Khin Maung Htun, with 4 others, will attack. All of
the groups gathered in the west part of the village in the rice fields owned by one of the attackers,
around 8 pm.
They waited for 20 militants arriving from Bangladesh. The leaders would select a time to attack
after the arrival of the Bangladesh militants. Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit said, “Upon the arrival of the
militants we will fix the time to attack.” The 20 fighters from Bangladesh arrived by boat around 9
pm - their leader is Kalit. They met with Khin Maung Htun at his shrimp shop, and then assembled
with his group in the rice fields on the western side of the police outpost. They brought 12 long
guns and 4 short guns, but I don’t know what kind of guns they are.
Then, Khin Maung Htun, Jin Nar Khan, Shar Ar Laung, Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit, Mawlawi Adu Ra
Man, and others gathered in the rice field near the police outpost at 2 am, and at that time Mawlawi
Muhamad Ar Kit said, “Don’t retreat. If you retreat, I will not call the militant group form Bangladesh.”

The Attack, Killing, and Beheading of Officers:

At about 4 am, on the east side of the police outpost Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit and Mawlawi Adu
Ra Man and 6 other Bengalis, the 20 militants from Bangladesh on the western side, Jin Nar Khan
and his 5 people, and Kay Fike Tular and his group of 7 militants, Khin Maung Htun with 3 more
fighters, they were ready to launch the attack. They were altogether about 50 Bengali attackers
from our village. There were 3 main attacking groups, each had at least 50 Bengalis. I don’t know
some of the other militants and their leaders, from other villages nearby. They spread out to attack
the police outpost in different ways.
They began to quietly enter the police outpost. My group started to enter from the east side, near
the football field. Jin Nar Khan’s group approached the main entry gate. There were two guards at
the main gate. Jin Nar Khan walked up to the gate, in the darkness, and said to the guards, “I would
like to talk to officer Thein Kyaw Htaike, who I know very well.” The guards summoned the officer
and opened the gate. Then the attack started, and the guards were grabbed and detained. The
Bengali attackers demanded that the guards show them where the stockpile of weapons was. The
guards complied and brought the attackers to the place where the weapons were, and also to
officer Thein Kyaw Htaike and his wife. Then Mawlawi Adu Ra Man killed the officer with his knife,
and cut his head off, then also killed his wife with his knife. And then, the 2 guards were shot to
death by the militants from Bangladesh with their guns. Kay Fike Tular shot another officer in the
chest and Mawlawi Adu Ra Man slashed the left side of his neck with his knife, and another Bengali
attacker slashed the officer on the right side of his neck several times, nearly severing his head off.
Then, about 4:20, officers in another building began shooting back, and around 4:30 we all started

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retreating from the Nga Khu Ya Border Police Post. The 20 militants from Bangladesh first came
back to Nga Khu Ya Village, and then went to Kappa Gaung Village, and then they fled to Nga Sar
Ju Village.

Arrested:
I went back to Nga Khu Ya Village, to my house, and continued to live my normal life, but, on
October 18, 2016, at 9 am I was arrested.

Names of 5 Bengali people who attended terrorist training in Bangladesh, Aug 2016:
1. Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit ( F ) Chaung Ar Mauk, center Nga Khu Ya village
2. Mawlawi Adu Ra Man ( F ) Ku Tu Myar, center Nga Khu Ya village
3. Kay Fike Tular ( F ) Bar Shar Myar, center Nga Khu Ya village
4. Mu Nar – center Nga Khu Ya village
5. Adu Ra ( F ) Mono, center Nga Khu Ya village

Names of people I know, who attacked Nga Khu Ya Border Guard Police Base:
1. Khin Maung Htun aka, Say Ra Zaw Di (leader) (F) Bay Li Mohar Mauk , age – 47, height –5’7”,
light skin, round face, fat body, beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya
2. Jin Nar Khan ( leader ) (F) Baw Gu Ar Laung , age – 45 , height – 5’6”, dark skin, round face,
fat body, no beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya village
3. Mawlawi Muhamad Ar Kit (F) Chaung Ar Mauk , age – 30 , height – 5’, light skin, round face,
thin body, beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
4. Mawlawi Adu Ra Man (F) Ku Tu Myar, age – 27, height – 5’6”, dark skin, round face, fat body,
beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
5. Kay Fike Tular (F) Bar Shar Myar, age – 30, height – 5’2”, light skin, round face, fat body, no
beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
6. Mu Nar (teacher) – age – 35, height – 5’3”, light skin, round face, fat body, beard, center Nga
Khu Ya village
7. Annar Mu Ra Kane (F) Shar Ar Laung , age – 27, height – 5’2”, light skin, long face, thin body,
no beard, phone accessary shopkeeper, center Nga Khu Ya village
8. Annawa Kar Mar (teacher) (F) Baw Shaw, age – 22, height – 5’, dark skin, long face, thin
body, no beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
9. Ismile (medicine shopkeeper) (F) ka Ra Mauk – age – 30, height – 5’, light skin, round face,
fat body, no beard, center Nga Khu Ya village
10. Shar Ar Laung (F) Mar Mat Ar Laung , age – 42, height – 5’7”, light skin, round face, fat body,
no beard, owner of shrimp pond, center Nga Khu Ya village,
11. Sar Dat (F) Uzar Nar Mauk, age – 45, height – 5’5”, light skin, round face, fat body, beard,
owner of prawn buying shop, center Nga Khu Ya village
12. Adu Ra (F) Mono, age – 30, height – 5’6”, dark skin, long face, thin body, no beard, grocery
shop owner, center Nga Khu Ya village

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 C H A P T E R
F I V E

A MAN / WOMAN IS KNOWN

BY THE COMPANY HE / SHE KEEPS

Top World Courts Infested With Criminals,

Gambia Demands to Facebook,
Fortify Rights - Terrorists’ Best Friend,
Questionable Defectors,
Interviews with Muslims,
Arakan Army (AA) Goals and
Myanmar’s Generosity
 YOU WOULD THINK A LOFTY COURT
SUCH AS THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT (ICC)
WOULD HAVE JUDGES OF IMPECCABLE
AND EXEMPLARY CHARACTER HOWEVER……..Part 1

By Rick Heizman, March 4, 2020

In November 2019, the ICC judges authorized the request by

ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to investigate alleged crimes
against humanity committed against the Rohingya people
from Myanmar. In early February, 2020, a delegation from the
Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court
(ICC) visited Bangladesh. The delegation was in Bangladesh
as part of the ongoing activities of the ICC Office of the
Prosecutor (OTP) concerning the Rohingya situation in accordance with its mandate under the
Rome Statute.

By the way, note that the country of Gambia (which recently took Myanmar to the other international
court - the International Court of Justice / ICJ) announced its withdrawal from the Rome Statute in
October 2016, claiming that the court was biased. It later rescinded its withdrawal notification.

LET’S EXAMINE THE IMPECCABLE AND EXEMPLARY CHARACTER OF ICC CHIEF PROSECUTOR
FATOU BENSOUDA (WHO IS FROM, by the way, GAMBIA)

Fatou Bensouda, then 33 years old, became a prosecutor in Banjul, the capital of Gambia, in
February 1994, five months before the coup d'état that brought Yahya Jammeh, a Muslim of the
Jola ethnic group to power. His 22-year rule in Gambia was marked by widespread abuses,
including authoritarian oppression of anti-government journalists, forced disappearances,
extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, and extreme threats to LGBT people.

His unbelievable Islamic homophobic speech included announcing that he would set laws against
homosexuals that would be "stricter than those in Iran", and that he would "cut off the head" of any
gay or lesbian person discovered in the country. In a speech to the United Nations on September
27, 2013, Jammeh said "Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil,
anti-human as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers," who "want
to put an end to human existence.” In February 2014, he also went on to disparage LGBT by saying
that "As far as I am concerned, LGBT can only stand for Leprosy, Gonorrhoea, Bacteria and
Tuberculosis, all of which are detrimental to human existence”.

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Jammeh is accused of having stolen millions of dollars
from the country's coffers to fund a life of luxury. After
leaving office, his assets were frozen by many countries
and he went into exile. In addition to charges of corruption
and human rights violations, he is also accused of having
drugged, raped, and threatened a number of young women,
including a national beauty queen.

Enough about that vile creature, let’s get back to Fatou Bensouda, and why I told you about Yahya
Jammeh.

FATOU BENSOUDA RISES TO POWER

By 1995, she was Deputy Director of Prosecutions, and promoted to Principal State Counsel the
following year. She then became Solicitor General and legal secretary to Yahya Jammeh, reporting
directly to him. And in 1998, she was appointed Attorney General and Minister of Justice, a position
she would hold for two years.
During the first six years of the dictatorship, Fatou Bensouda enjoyed a meteoric and remarkable
career to reach the highest national judicial and political positions in the field of justice, under a
regime in which the judicial system was marked by multiple and serious violations of the law, the
systematic practice of torture, the fabrication of evidence, illegal detentions, enforced
disappearances and deaths in custody.
Fatou Bensouda left her country in 2002, when she joined the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda before joining the ICC two years later. Disturbingly, even though the dictatorship is gone,
she will never make the slightest criticism of the dictatorship she had served, despite being asked
to do so by the diaspora.

SOME VICTIMS, OF MANY, OF HER ACTIONS, OR INACTIONS:

BATCH SAMBA JALLOW

On October 12, 1995, at 4AM, four soldiers forcibly entered the home of Batch Samba Jallow, a
primary school headmaster. Daba Marenah, one of the heads of the feared National Intelligence
Agency (NIA), told Jallow that he would understand the reasons for his arrest once at NIA
headquarters.
Once there, Jallow had to undress before sitting in a wooden chair. "I saw them bring two electrical
chords. They connected each foot to sockets," he said.
With his limbs tied together, he received electric shocks to his feet and then to his ears, nose and
genitals. Another NIA member, Baba Saho, hit him on the cheekbone with the butt of his pistol.
Taken to another room, one of his fingers was crushed. "Give us the names we want or we continue.
If you die, it’s no problem," his torturers told him. The floor was strewn with broken glass to

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aggravate injuries and pain. "All my body was cut and bruised," he
said. He was hit on the head with a gallon of ice water. He fainted.
"Sometimes I would hear something; sometimes nothing.” He was
also covered with a plastic bag before being plunged into a bucket
of water. "I didn’t know if I was alive or dead. But what came next is
the worst. I wanted to go to the restroom. I found a cup smelling
urine. They asked me to drink my urine or I die.” They pinched his
nose, opened his mouth and made him drink his urine by force.
Then the torturers came back with a knife. "They put me on the floor, naked. They said it was time
to die. They cut my body from the bottom of my buttocks down the leg.” Five days went by, without
food. "My head was hurting like nothing you can understand.” Jallow was taken in a dump truck to
the Kotu police station. Then he was transferred by NIA agents to the Fajara barracks. There, he
met about sixty inmates. Eighteen prisoners had to share a basin of food and a gallon of water. “It
was a scramble," said Jallow.
It was 32 days before they were brought before a judge. During this whole period, they were not
allowed to wash. "We were so dirty that vultures came to feed on you. Soldiers had to come and
kill them," he said. Jallow was accused of participating in a demonstration that took place on his
way to an appointment with the charity Catholic Relief Services.
The Nigerian judge who welcomed the prisoners to court was so shocked by their appearance that
he ordered them to go wash before he proceeded with the case. Back at the barracks, the detainees
met four International Red Cross delegates who interviewed them and facilitated access to a
shower. Jallow remarked, "the dirt had already cracked the skin, it was very painful."
According to a newspaper of the time, which Jallow has carefully kept, there were 25 prisoners
being charged with sedition in this case. But for six of them – including Jallow – the crime of
sedition was abandoned in favor of the more serious crime of treason.
It was Fatou Bensouda who had asked for this new charge. This cannot be forgotten.
These prisoners were now facing life imprisonment or the death penalty. And that meant that their
case must be transferred to the Supreme Court. Thirteen months passed, during which time the
detention was extended without new evidence to be shown. "She did not produce any evidence.
She said she would bring it. Up to this day. There was none. They were trying to recruit members
of the NIA to be witnesses," said Jallow.
Jallow's resentment is fueled by the memory of the prosecutor who was then defending the
interests of the state in whose name he was made to endure torture, inhuman conditions, illegal
detention and false accusations. "She heard that I was talking about the way we were treated, and
to have a lawyer. She could have resigned. Many resigned, they were not willing to be part of the
regime. But she was expecting something bigger. To be a minister," he alleged. "She is not the
person who can help people in political need.”

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THE BRUTAL ORDEAL OF SAINEY FAYE

Sainey Faye was arrested on the day he went to the United States
Embassy to pick up a visa form, on October 12, 1995. On the main
street, he found himself in a crowd of civilians being arrested. When the
men who would soon arrest him asked him to move away from the
American embassy to a more discreet place, he refused and physically
opposed it. His leg was broken and he was arrested.
He was transferred to NIA headquarters in Banjul. NIA's senior officer Marenah told him that his
market stall was a place for seditious meetings. He was undressed, interrogated, beaten, and
received electric shocks all over his body, including his genitals. "Before you kill us, we will kill you
first," his torturers told him. The next day, he was subjected to further threats of execution. He
learned that his group was accused of planning to overthrow the government. "All of us were all
civilians. No weapons. No documents," he said.
It took eight months before he got a lawyer. The evidence of the alleged conspiracy brought to the
hearing by prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, he explained, consisted of the photo of former President
Dawda Jawara (overthrown in 1994 by Jammeh), as well as another leaflet featuring the faces of
junta leaders with hostile comments. That was all. His lawyer asked if these documents were found
on his client and if it was a crime to have a photograph of the former president. Bensouda replied
that it was not. But when the lawyer asked for bail, Bensouda opposed it and invoked a security
threat.
At the hearing, "one of us was taken as an example of torture. Everybody could see the marks,
nobody could deny," remembers Sainey Faye. At the end of the second hearing, the judge ordered
the release on bail. But the hope was short-lived. An hour later, the decision was reviewed by
Bensouda, and Faye returned to the prison barracks. Bensouda had invoked a new decree
authorizing a 90-day detention for security reasons.
The first Nigerian judge was replaced by a new judge, also a Nigerian. "The new judge told Fatou
Bensouda to put her house in order," said Faye. Then "the judge said she couldn’t stay in this case.
She withdrew." However, the 90-day detention was renewed twice more. The NIA was trying to
convince some members of the group to testify against others in exchange for "gifts," said Faye.
Then, after thirteen months, they were told that they were pardoned.
BATCH SAMBA JALLOW TESTIFIES TO TRUTH, RECONCILIATION AND REPARATIONS
COMMISSION
On January 28, 2020, Batch Samba Jallow testified publicly before the Truth, Reconciliation and
Reparations Commission (TRRC) and implicated Fatou Bensouda. The Commission's lead counsel,
Essa Faal, seemed caught off guard and embarrassed. (The Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations
Commission is a truth commission in The Gambia to investigate the Yahya Jammeh era from 1994
to 2017)
- "Who was the prosecutor in this case?” asked Essa Faal.
- “Fatou Bensouda. She was the mastermind,” replied Jallow.

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- “Ah, she was the prosecutor.”
- “Yes, she was the mastermind of everything we went through.”
- “Ah... You would agree that Mrs Fatou Bensouda, if she was the prosecutor at all, would have
come at the tail end of things, at the prosecution stage of things and therefore would not have
participated in anything that happened before your prosecution. Correct?”
- “No, I don't agree.”
At the hearing, the dialogue between the victim and the lead counsel seemed to end in disagreement
about the conclusions to be drawn from Jallow's experience. It did not take much longer for the
suspicions to arise that preferential treatment or protection may be given to Fatou Bensouda the
former personal legal adviser and minister of Justice under Gambian Dictator Yahya Jammeh.
When asked about the allegations against his former boss at the ICC, Essa Faal answered without
hesitation: "This is an unfortunate situation. The person [the witness] didn’t really understand. They
say things they don’t understand. To accuse Fatou Bensouda of being responsible for everything
that they went through would be a bit unfair.” (Unfair?!?! How about the torture and conditions that
so many endured. Did Fatou Bensouda help them?)

ESSA FAAL
Essa Faal is the incisive, impeccably prepared and willingly implacable conductor of the TRRC
public hearings that have, since January 2019, made the TRRC in the Gambia a national event to
which the public is riveted.
He is a key contributor to the success of this justice process and the credibility of its investigations.
He is also a former ephemeral member of the State Prosecutor's Office of The Gambia in 1994. And
more importantly he is a former colleague of Fatou Bensouda at the International Criminal Court.
In his Spartan office at the Commission's headquarters, Essa Faal spoke with conviction about the
TRRC's mission. "Forgiveness is important. It is a more assured way to get to the truth," he
explained. (In the case of Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi also emphasizes forgiveness - but, not
hiding truth nor covering it up)
Faal was just as easily open to self-criticism. "All of us contributed. Our silence contributed.
Especially the intellectuals. We’ve seen the bad laws. If we complained it was in our house. Nobody
would say anything and that encouraged the dictator. He kept pushing the envelope," he said.

THE EXPLANATION OF THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE ABUBACARR MARIE

TAMBADOU
When questioned on the BBC on June 30, 2019, Gambia’s Justice Minister Abubacarr Marie
Tambadou followed the same line as Essa Faal. Tambadou is another crucial actor in the justice
process in The Gambia. He was the one who placed Faal in his position. It is he who gives muscle
to the TRRC whenever it needs it, strengthening the Commission's credibility. His support for the
process is unfailing.
But he also worked at the State Prosecutor's Office in the late 1990s, before moving to the private
sector and distinguishing himself in the defense of human rights. And he also worked at the ICTR

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at the same time as Fatou Bensouda, then under Hassan Jallow, former ICTR Prosecutor General
(and superior of Bensouda) and now President of the country’s Supreme Court.
When asked whether or not Fatou Bensouda should be called to testify before the TRRC, Tambadou
replied: "That will be a matter for TRRC [to decide]. But having said that, as a keen follower of the
TRRC, I know that prosecutor Fatou Bensouda has not been mentioned in a very credible manner.
We have to remember that she was only a prosecutor at the level of the state law office and
therefore she came at the tail end of any legal process.”
Bensouda wrote to Justice Info that she “would have no misgivings whatsoever” to appear before
the TRRC, that she “has nothing to hide and her conscience is clear.”
But she leaves open the fact that her current position at the ICC may or may not prevent her from
appearing.
(So, she can easily say, “Of course, I will come anytime to appear at the TRRC, but my high and
mighty position at the ICC events me from appearing, so, good luck and carry on.”)

SHE MUST SPEAK, WE MUST DEMAND THAT SHE SPEAK. JUST LIKE SHE CAN DEMAND TO
THE GENERALS OF MYANMAR, OR ANYONE

Sainey Faye, now 65 years old, never lost the limp inherited from his abuse in 1995. And he has no
hesitation on whether Fatou Bensouda's responsibilities during the period when she served the
dictatorship should be discussed publicly.
"We were told that she was just securing her position, that she had to do it. But for us, she wasn’t
good. We thought she was hard on us," he said. "She should come. She is a lawyer. The way
people were accused, the lack of evidence, she should shed light. Let her talk about our case, how
she sees it and how we were treated, unlawfully.”
- “Do you wish her to express regrets?
- “Yes, if there are. From start to end, she is part of it (abductions and torture). She has to say
something about it.”

CULPABILITY, RESPONSIBILITY, CONSEQUENCES

A person who at the instigation of a public servant or employee orders, instigates or induces the
use of torture, directly commits it or is an accomplice thereto. The fact of having acted under orders
of a superior shall not provide exemption from the corresponding criminal liability. Therefore Fatou
Bendousa is criminally liable for the kidnap and torture of Samba Jallow, Sainey Faye, and countless
others, prosecuted illegally by her, for fabricated crimes, in Gambia.
Fatou Bensouda is one of the most powerful women in the world, leading the ICC with frightening
power to charge anyone with Crimes Against Humanity - yet it is her, and others like her, that need
to be arrested and charged with Crimes Against Humanity. The ICC (and ICJ) are institutions that
might have been founded with lofty vision, but have actually become dens of highly-paid powerful
people who in some cases are no better than the ones they are pursuing.

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THERE IS MORE:
One would think that a person being awarded or elected to such high positions, especially judges,
who are (supposedly) the moral beacons for the rest of us, would not only have to show impeccable
and exemplary character, but also their families and relatives would be scrutinized and must be free
of convicted criminals, and such. (Imagine if a brother, uncle, or father of a presidential of judicial
candidate was a convicted murderer, rapist, or gangster)

THUGGISH SON OF ‘THE WOMAN WHO HUNTS TYRANTS'

WAS GUNNED DOWN IN US

George Bensouda, 33, son of Fatou Bensouda, was fatally shot on January 29,
2018, in what seemed to be an act of gang violence, in St. Paul, Minnesota,
USA. At the time of the killing, police took the unusual step of not publicly
naming him. (hmmmm….I wonder who could have pressured them?)

When St. Paul police first encountered Bensouda in June

2015, he had a Minneapolis address. In that case an off-
duty officer heard gunshots being fired, saw an apparent
struggle in a Lincoln Navigator and a window of the vehicle
shattering. No one was injured in the shooting, which police
said occurred in Bensouda’s vehicle. A police report listed
Bensouda as a suspect. He was not charged in that case.

In Wisconsin, he had been accused in a string of gun-related cases.

In November 2010, several people reported they were out drinking and went to Bensouda’s Eau
Claire apartment, where they were playing video games, according to a transcript from a hearing in
federal court.

Bensouda allegedly became angry when a man accidentally bumped his television and Bensouda
began shooting at him, a prosecutor told the court. The man was not injured, and Bensouda was
charged with attempted first-degree homicide in Wisconsin court, along with possessing a firearm
with an obliterated serial number and possession of cocaine with intent to deliver in federal court.

Ballistics also linked Bensouda’s gun to a December 2009 incident of shots fired in which a vehicle
was damaged, and an October 2007 shots fired in the area of Bensouda’s apartment, according to
the federal court transcript.

The federal case was dismissed when Bensouda was charged in state court, according to the U.S.
Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Wisconsin. He was found guilty of recklessly endangering
safety after a no-contest plea, according to a court record.

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On the night of his death a witness at the St. Paul Saloon told police he heard Bensouda arguing
with someone near the pool table, reported that the alleged shooter and a woman left the bar, and
then Bensouda and another man left. The witness heard Bensouda say “I was going to take care
of it right now,” according to the complaint.

From the window, the bar patron saw a man walk up to Bensouda and the other man and start
shooting. After Bensouda fell, the man stood over him and shot him several more times, the
complaint said. Bensouda was pronounced dead at the hospital. He had been shot seven times.

THE ICC VERDICT - CHARGE THE LEGAL EXPERT FATOU BENSOUDA

Clearly, an institution such as the ICC, which one might respectfully revere as the apex of justice
worldwide, with angelic, squeaky clean, exemplary judges, of impeccable wisdom, coming from
pure and divine lineage is not what it actually is - in fact it is not even close, not even remotely
close, and these kind of institutions are dangerously powerful, corrupt, and frighting, and should be
entirely ignored and dismissed.

By Rick Heizman, March 4, 2020

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 YOU WOULD THINK A LOFTY COURT
SUCH AS THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT (ICC)
WOULD HAVE JUDGES AND PROSECUTORS
OF IMPECCABLE AND EXEMPLARY CHARACTER
HOWEVER……..Part 2
By Rick Heizman, March 5, 2020

If you think Part 1 is bad, part 2 is even worse…

Set up to prosecute warlords and dictators, perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity and
war crimes, the International Criminal Court (ICC) had been undermined by its former chief
prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, allege European Investigative Collaborations (EIC) Court Secrets
Project, in a far-reaching analysis of the criminal policy instituted by Ocampo.

Court Secrets is a project by EIC.network which has published a series of articles based on
over 40,000 documents, financial statements, diplomatic cables and correspondence, cross-
checked with public sources. These documents, obtained by Mediapart (France) and shared
with EIC.network, throw light on how the actions of Luis Moreno Ocampo deeply tainted and
discredited this international court, established by 124 countries to prosecute international
criminals.

The ICC was founded in 2002. Ideally, it was empowered to investigate and try individuals charged
with genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Its first chief prosecutor was Luis Moreno
Ocampo, who served his full term of 9 years from 2003 - 2012. The Court’s second chief prosecutor
is Fatou Bensouda, currently serving her 9 year term.

WHO IS LUIS MORENO OCAMPO?

Ocampo is a 68 year-old lawyer from Argentina. He made his name prosecuting ex-members of the
country’s brutal military junta, before becoming the first Chief Prosecutor of the International
Criminal Court (ICC) in 2003, an office he held for nine years.
While in office, two of his key targets for prosecution
were Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi, for crimes against
humanity, and Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir,
for genocide. Gaddafi was killed by his own people in
2011, following a bloody civil war. Al-Bashir was
ousted in a coup d'état in April, 2019, after years of
destructive conflict in Sudan.
Keep those two names in your mind…

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HIGH MORAL CHARACTER?
The Prosecutor must be a person “of high moral character” says the Court’s Statute, but EIC
documents reveal that while he was in office, Ocampo held offshore bank accounts and companies
in tax havens, opening the door to suspicions about his morality and the Court's integrity.
Documents also reveal that after leaving his eminent position, the Argentinean lawyer acted against
the ICC's purpose by defending those seen as potential targets of the ICC in Libya, disregarding
conflicts of interest and the confidentiality of investigations.
Since leaving this job, Ocampo has been making lots of money. Many of us would like to make
money, however…..
He has worked as a counsel for NYC-based law firm Getnick & Getnick, a lecturer at Harvard, and
set-up Moreno Ocampo, a consultancy agency with his brother that develops “tailored strategies
to manage complex conflicts with transnational dimensions”.

OCAMPO TARGET #1 GADDAFI: OCAMPO MAKING MONEY IN LIBYA?

Following the death of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya struggled to establish

a stable government and in 2014 fell into another civil war. The ‘Islamist’
Libya Dawn militia alliance seized the capital Tripoli, and most of the country's
northwest.

The elected Government remained in exile in the east city of Tobruk, defended
by the Libyan National Army (LNA) and backed by Russia, Egypt and the
UAE.

In 2015, billionaire Libyan oil magnate and TV media owner Hassan

Tatanaki hired Ocampo on a three-year contract worth a million dollars
a year, plus a daily wage of 5,000 dollars. The job? To help him promote
his ‘Justice First’ initiative, designed to bring “peace to Libya”.
Tatanaki has some powerful allies. He has called General Khalifa Haftar, head of the Libyan National
Army, a “partner”.

Six days after the launch of Justice First, on May 12, 2015, Fatou Bensouda, Ocampo’s successor
as ICC's chief prosecutor, briefed the United Nations Security Council that she is “concerned” that
the Libyan National Army attacks densely populated areas, causes high civilians deaths, and
tortures prisoners.

That month, on one of Tatanaki’s television stations, a commander in the Libyan National Air Force
stated he will kill anyone who does not join his military offensive. He adds that: those people are
traitors who have to be slaughtered, and their wives must be raped before their eyes. Ocampo
learned of this from an international cooperation adviser at the ICC.

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 Meanwhile, Ocampo reaped the rewards of his million-dollar a year
contract to advise a client, Tatanaki, who was publicly and privately
supported a militia accused of war crimes and incitement to rape, torture,
and execute - war crimes which would normally risk indictment by the
ICC.
At that stage, Ocampo did not denounce Tatanaki, nor did he terminate the contract in protest. And
surely, as a skilled lawyer, and just previously holding one of the highest judicial positions in world
history, he knew that that made him an accomplice, complicit in the war crimes that were happening.
Instead, he decided to protect his client against ICC prosecution.
Ocampo sent an email to Tatanaki's assistant on the issue of the senior soldier's incendiary
statements: “The Commander should not say that. We should discuss how to prevent that… the
channel should not promote that… We need now a strategy to isolate Hassan Tatanaki.” [Ocampo's
client]
During the following few days Ocampo and Tatanaki’s assistant worked out measures that would
secure the legal positions of the military leaders, especially Tatanaki. Later he wrote to Tatanaki’s
assistant again: “I would suggest to develop a comprehensive plan to ensure that Hassan [Tatanaki]
and the forces he is supporting are not the target of ICC prosecutions.”
Ocampo slowly realized that Tatanaki wanted peace - but, only if it meant that he and General
Haftar are the ones enforcing it.
“Hassan [Tatanaki] is too much to one side and I don’t think he will be able to go up and have a
more inclusive approach. That makes me very uncomfortable,” he writes to an American
acquaintance who advises him in the work for his Libyan client.
“He has a lot of enemies and [their number is] growing. The problem is that is his policy.”

Still, this was not enough for Ocampo to say goodbye to his paymaster.

On social media, videos appeared showing Haftar’s troops executing suspected terrorists. In
August 2017, the ICC, upon Bensouda’s request, issued an arrest warrant for one of Haftar’s
commanders, Mahmoud al-Werfall, who was being sought for multiple murders in 2016 and 2017.

When interviewed by EIC partner

Der Spiegel in late 2017, Luis
Moreno Ocampo said he thought
working with Hassan Tatanaki
was a good idea.

“He told me he was trying to fix

Libya,” he said. “What he was proposing to me was absolutely not just legal, it was positive.”

Ocampo says he warned his client (Tatanaki) against cooperating with General Haftar.

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“It is obvious that General Haftar and his people also commit crimes….” I told Mr Tatanaka, “Look,
Mr. Tatanaki, the problem here is every side commits crimes. My biggest advice to you is: be careful
not to be involved in financing any crimes. If you give money to Mr. Haftar and you know what he
had been doing, you can be indicted.” Much in the same way that Ocampo can and should be
indicted.
About Tatanaki’s plan to search for evidence of war crimes in Libya he says he told his client: “Look,
ICC would not prosecute just your enemies. ICC would prosecute anyone, including your general.
So, be careful or control your general.”
When asked if he (Ocampo) knew about prosecutor Bensouda’s interest in Tatanaki, and whether
he protected his client against ICC investigation, Ocampo says: “No. You are assuming many
things. I never was in touch with someone at the ICC.”
Ocampo confirmed he worked for Tatanaki on a three-year contract, but he claims that the
cooperation ended after three months, and he cashed in only $750,000 US. Hmmmm…..
Hassan Tatanaki has not responded to questions from the EIC.
And, don’t forget that for 9 years Luis Moreno Ocampo held one of the highest judicial positions in
world history.

OCAMPO TARGET #2 AL-BASHIR, PRESIDENT OF SUDAN: FINALLY OUSTED

IN A COUP D'ÉTAT IN 2019
In mid-February, 2020, Sudan’s announcement that it plans to hand long-serving President Omar
al-Bashir, who was ousted in a coup d'état in April, 2019 over to the International Criminal Court
(ICC) was dramatic and surprising, but it also takes the country into uncharted waters, writes
Sudan expert Alex de Waal.
The decision to get the ICC involved was welcomed by the majority of Sudanese who long for
justice. After all, one of the central demands of the protesters who helped bring an end to President
Bashir's 30-year dictatorship was that he should be accountable for his alleged crimes.
It should also be seen, alongside other diplomatic moves, as an attempt by Sudan to normalize
relations with the West and to remove its pariah nation status.

Surely, the Sudanese people, like most of the world’s people assume that a lofty institution,
based in the Hague, in modern Europe, with a name like International Criminal Court is what its
name evokes. Sadly, most of the world does not know (yet) that it is an institution OF International
Criminals that should be exposed, defunded, ignored, and prosecuted.

When Ocampo presented his case for an

arrest warrant against Bashir 15 years ago,
he overreached. He described the president
as a supreme dictator, commanding every
instrument of state policy, who had carefully

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nurtured a genocidal plan against Darfur's black African tribes over the decades. Much of that is
indeed true, but, the charges of genocide were not true, despite a lot of killings it was not genocide.
Ocampo overreached.
The claim simply did not stand up: the atrocities were mainly the result of a panicked overreaction
to an insurgent threat, carried to a brutal extreme. Ocampo also alleged a two-stage plan: massacres
and displacement followed by systematic annihilation in the camps.
Conditions in Darfur's camps were deplorable, but when he compared them to the Warsaw Ghetto,
where Jewish people were contained, before being sent to their deaths during the Holocaust, it
was, in the words of one humanitarian leader at the time, “insane". The people of Darfur were, at
that point, recipients of the world's largest humanitarian operation. At the time, some Sudanese
wryly commented that Ocampo had charged Bashir with the only crime (genocide) he had not
actually committed.
In July 2008, Ocampo announced he was seeking an arrest warrant for
the president himself, on 10 counts of war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide. Eight months later the judges of the ICC
issued the arrest warrant, dropping the genocide charges as they did
not consider the case strong enough. But after the prosecutor
appealed, the judges reversed their decision.

Those people interested in international criminal law should look carefully into the judges'
reasoning, because the question of the standard of proof for a genocide charge will loom
high if Bashir is transferred for trial in The Hague, and it was very recently (mid-February
2020) that Sudan announced that they would turn Bashir over to the ICC.

The Sudanese people would welcome the extradition of Bashir to the ICC. But they should also be
careful what they wish for. The arrival of the former Sudanese president in The Hague will present
a formidable challenge to the chief prosecutor - now Fatou Bensouda.
If Bashir is extradited to The Hague, the first step will be a confirmation of charges hearing.

The current prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, will need substantially to improve on her predecessor's
performance if the charges, especially on genocide, are to go forward.
It cannot afford another high-profile failure - some will say that the
ICC has miserably failed essentially every case that it has tried. A few
years ago it put its Darfur investigations on ice, expecting no progress.
Since its founding in 2002, its conviction rate is dismal, if not abysmal.
In 18 years, and billions of dollars of funding, it has convicted a
staggering total of 3 - yes three - people, and acquitted 1 - yes one
- person.

The ICC just is not ready for Bashir yet.

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NOW, LET’S TALK ABOUT OCAMPO’S FINANCIAL TRICKERY

August 15, 2012. Two months after Luis Moreno Ocampo left his job at the ICC, $50,000 US, was
transferred to his account at the Dutch bank Abn Amro. The money came from an account in
Switzerland. The sender was Tain Bay Corporation, which continued to make cash flows to
Ocampo, ongoing.
Tain Bay Corporation is registered in Panama, an offshore haven, where the beneficial owners of
firms are secret, and authorities are loathe to exchange info on financial disbursements from other
countries.
New documents (obtained by Mediapart (France) and shared with EIC.network) reveal, however,
that behind Tain Bay was Ocampo himself, and his wife.
Further documents show Ocampo has another offshore firm - Yemana Trading - in the tax haven of
the British Virgin Islands (BVI), and that his wife is behind Lucia Enterprises in Belize, yet another
tax haven.
In 2009, when secrecy regulations on owners of companies in the BVI were due to be loosened on
January 1, 2010, Ocampo talked to his personal banker at Crédit Agricole to shift his offshore
business to a more confidential location, before the end of the year. He was looking at Panama to
be his new secret location to hide his money. This was happening while he was still in the chief
prosecutor of the ICC! And, Ocampo had built up a reputation as an anti-corruption expert, as a
prosecutor in Argentina, and as the Latin American president of NGO Transparency International, a
non-Governmental organization dedicated to fighting financial secrecy and off-shore tax havens.
One of his latest known firms is Transparent Markets in Uruguay, which owns Moreno Ocampo
Consulting. Unbelievably, Transparent Markets encourages whistleblowers to expose fraudulent
financial activity violating United States financial regulations. Its website states: “If you know about
fraud occurring outside of the US by a company listed on a US stock exchange, or by a company
that sells products to, obtains funds from, or pays taxes to, the US, WE CAN HELP.” However
Uruguay itself is considered an offshore haven in South America.!

How did Ocampo respond to this?

In an interview with Der Spiegel, Ocampo stated: “Offshore companies are not illegal. You can
make illegal activity with them. But they are not illegal.”
The former Prosecutor stated that in Argentina, a person’s bank account is not secure from
interference, which is why some clients may want to get their money out of the country.
“You can have offshore companies for legal and illegal reasons,” he said. “You can be a corrupt
person to take money or bribes. Also, you can be an honest lawyer having money outside.”

He denied evading any taxes.

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The ICC never asked him about his offshore situation, said Ocampo. And when EIC asked the ICC
whether Ocampo was a shareholder in any company registered in the British Virgin Islands, Panama
or any other country perceived as a tax haven, a spokesperson said: “Any question of that type
should be addressed to Mr Ocampo himself.” It is like asking a perpetual liar if they are lying!

Has the ICC achieved anything?

The court’s first successful prosecution was in 2012, just after Ocampo’s departure - a 14-year
sentence for Thomas Lubanga, who ran an army of child soldiers in Congo.

Will there be more revelations about Ocampo and his dealings?

Yes.

I have enough info about Ocampo’s dealings and criminal acts to write 20 more pages like these
- but, I have other things to do, and so do you.

What I have exposed here is nearly unbelievable, shocking, and frankly depressing as I and we
learn how utterly rotten and criminal, from top to bottom, some of these lofty and venerable
institutions actually are. ICC, ICJ, UN, UNHCR, HRW, and on and on.

By Rick Heizman, March 5, 2020

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 GAMBIA DEMANDS FACEBOOK
HAND OVER DATA
FOR CASE AGAINST MYANMAR
AT THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE,
AND OTHER FACEBOOK PROBLEMS

By Rick Heizman, June 18, 2020

There are many troubling aspects to the case at the ICJ that the Gambia filed
against Myanmar.

1. It was thoroughly exposed that Saudi Arabia set this up by having the
OIC (Organization of Islamic Cooperation) approach Gambia with the
promise of millions of dollars, and to deflect attention away from Saudi
Arabia - which is the largest sponsor of the terrorist Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army!
2. The Gambias’ Minister of Justice and Attorney General, Abubacarr Tambadou is himself a
devout Muslim, and that alone should disqualify him and the entire case because of ‘conflict
of interest’. A widely used definition is: "A conflict of interest is a set of circumstances that
creates a risk that professional judgement or actions regarding a primary interest (in this
case, whether or not Myanmar has committed ‘intended genocide’) will be unduly influenced
by a secondary interest” (being loyal to the dictates of the Quran and Islamic Doctrine). A
true Muslim must support a Muslim cause, or he can be declared an apostate and even
killed. The case is very much a ‘cause célèbre’ for the Muslim world
against the ‘polytheists and idol worshipping’ Buddhists. Myanmar
should speak loudly about this - how can anyone expect a devout
Muslim to support Buddhist Myanmar, and go against the expectations
of the entire Muslim world? (Notice the sign of being devout, the
zebibah (Arabic: zabba, "raisin") prayer bump on the forehead due to
repeated contact with the prayer mat during daily prayers).
3. For the first time in the seven-decade history of the ICJ, the plaintiff wasn’t a nation connected
to the crimes it said were committed. The Gambia is Africas’ smallest country, and essentially
shares nothing with, and is not affected by anything concerning Myanmar.
4. The lawyers prosecuting Myanmar for the alleged genocide against the Rohingya are acting
recklessly by asking a US court to force Facebook to hand over the data they have relating
to the leading Myanmar army officials who ordered the “clearance operations” against the
Rohingya, chief among them Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of Myanmar’s

175
 armed forces. (Or, it is a ploy - they are just getting exposure of this topic knowing that the
news media will report it as more damning evidence and fact that the private Facebook
messages were all about committing genocide - as if the generals were messaging ‘How is
our genocide doing today?’ back and forth to each other).

FACTS
Instead of the politically correct moral confusion and virtue signaling, that so many ‘woke’ but
ignorant and arrogant social justice loud mouths demonstrate, how about real facts, such as:
1. The fact that the Bengali Muslims have been trying to break off a piece of the country and
declare it to be an autonomous Islamic state since the 1940s, by forming the Mujahideen
Army to fight a jihad for land that is not even theirs. (And, by the way, not a single one of
them, nor anyone on planet Earth referred to them as ‘Rohingya’ as their own documents of
the time demonstrate).
2. Or, the fact that they have mounted aggressive attacks numerous times since then, including
2012, 2016, and 2017, and that their own rhetoric, shouted by their Mullahs in their mosques,
has been to wage a war of total annihilation of the indigenous Buddhists, HIndus, and ethnic
minorities - in other words an INTENDED GENOCIDE.
3. Or the fact that every time they are unsuccessful they shout ‘genocide!’
4. The population of Bengali Muslims has increased more than just about any population on
Earth, with one of the world’s highest birthrates. According to WHO and WFP the average
Bengali Muslim woman of northern Rakhine State has 8.5 kids. That is super high.
5. The attacks on August 25, 2017, constitute the largest Islamic terrorist attacks in known
world history. In the early AM darkness, systematically planned coordinated surprise attacks
were launched simultaneously on 30 Border Guard Police and Army bases, as well as 40 - 60
villages, by a total number of 5000 - 10,000 assailants. The stated goal of the militants was
to kill every single non-Muslim, or ethnically cleanse them from the land, and to declare the
land an autonomous Islamic State, for Muslims only. It was Asia’s largest terrorist attack in
history, and for that matter in the world, considering the number of targets, and the number
of assailants involved. There were more than 50,000 Buddhists, Hindus, and ethnic tribal
minorities fleeing and hiding, or trapped in villages cut off from escape by Muslim-planted
land mines and blown-up bridges. The Army was outnumbered and overwhelmed with
rescuing and escorting villagers to safety, emergency medical needs, bringing in vital food
supplies, clearing roads of Muslim-laid landmines, fixing bridges in order to rescue villagers,
and chasing, capturing, and killing the Islamic terrorists.
6. A country, any country, has the right, and the duty to protect, rescue, and eliminate deadly
threats to its citizens. To those that ignorantly and arrogantly claim that Myanmar responded
too aggressively, read the next sentence carefully and rationally, before reacting with
ignorance and arrogance. It can be said that Myanmar did not react harshly enough in Oct
2016, because a mere 10 months later the terrorists launched much bigger and more

176
 extensive attacks. The way to stop terrorism from reoccurring is to defeat it to the point that
it cannot happen again.
Genocide accountability is particularly difficult to prove because the plaintiff has to prove genocidal
intent. And proving intent is taken to be one of the hardest standards to clear in legal proceedings.

FACEBOOKS’ LEGAL LIMITATIONS

1. Facebook cannot and will not hand over private communications - if they did, all social
media and communication companies would have to, and it would be the end of social
media and other communication companies - because then, no one could communicate
with privacy.
2. But, let's play this game - let’s demand that Facebook also hand over Bengali language
communications, as well as WhatsApp Bengali language communications (Facebook owns
WhatsApp).
3. It is a fact that ARSA used WhatsApp to launch both the 2016 and the 2017 huge attacks
(detailed by the International Crisis Group), AND, it is a fact that those attacks WERE
SYSTEMATICALLY PLANNED TO EXTERMINATE ALL BUDDHISTS, HINDUS, AND TRIBAL
PEOPLES - IT WAS INTENDED GENOCIDE!

THE REAL HATE SPEECH

The monk that people know as Wirathu NEVER called for killing, harming, or attacking Muslims,
and he does not call himself the ‘Bin-Ladin” of Myanmar, contrary to the dishonest media. The
harshest things he has said about Muslims are comparing them to ‘sleeping next to poisonous
snakes’ and ‘rapidly producing African carp fish’.
On the other side, Abu Arif, a Rohingya Ulama (high Islamic cleric and scholar) commented during
a visit to Indonesia, “There should be no diplomacy whatsoever, we Muslims must fight. We the
Mujahideen of Rohingya have hope in the Muslim brothers in Indonesia. If there are those who
could help, then help in the form of Mujahideen warriors, firearms, funds and medical teams. The
Mujahideen of the RSO are ready to wage jihad in the land of Arakan to establish the religion of
Allah.”
And, can anything Wirathu and other Buddhists said compare in the slightest degree with a prayer
that I, myself, got from the Central Mosque in Kyauktaw, Rakhine State? Translated:
Oh Allah, eternal God,
Accept those who believe in Islam and destroy all the other non-believers.
Demolish the infidels communities,
Oh Allah, Break the foundation of their false religions.
Destroy and pulverize their villages and towns,
and even the ground beneath their homes must be destroyed.
Those who don't believe in Allah, those who don't listen to Allah,
may everything be cursed for them.
Oh Allah, bring the natural disaster to the infidels,
bring the worst diseases to the unbelievers, bring all forms of catastrophe to them.

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The so-called hate speech that Facebook made a lot of noise about involved Burmese (mostly
Buddhist) people commenting on the demands and the violence of Bengali Muslims, BUT Facebook
did not even think to look the other direction - the very violent, disgusting, and death-threatening
comments that Bengali Muslims made, often in Bengali language. Facebook never bothered to
look at the comments in Bengali, and sometimes Arabic and Urdu.
Examples from Facebook, Twitter, and Google / YouTube:

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ABOUT WHATSAPP
One of the most popular social media platforms in the world, outside the Western countries, is
WhatsApp. And, some of the most ardent users of WhatsApp are Islamic terrorists groups, including
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). A key feature of WhatsApp is described here, just as
it says from its own website:
“Some of your most personal moments are shared on WhatsApp,
which is why we built end-to-end encryption into the latest versions
of our app. When end-to-end encrypted, your messages and calls
are secured so only you and the person you're communicating with
can read or listen to them, and nobody in between, not even
WhatsApp”.
Now, just substitute the words ‘personal moments’ with ‘wanton
genocidal ethnic cleansing plans’ and you can see why it is so popular for Islamic Jihadist Terrorist
Organizations such as ARSA:
“Some of your most ‘wanton genocidal ethnic cleansing plans’ are shared on WhatsApp, which is
why we built end-to-end encryption into the latest versions of our app. When end-to-end encrypted,
your messages and calls are secured so only you and the person you're communicating with can
read or listen to them, and nobody in between, not even WhatsApp”.
And, get ready to be shocked, stunned, aghast and appalled…..Who owns WhatApp?
FACEBOOK! FACEBOOK OWNS WHATSAPP!
Facebook owns the APP OF CHOICE for TERRORISTS!!!
FACEBOOK OWNS one of the BEST TOOLS for TERRORISTS to USE!!!
Facebook owns and profits from WhatsApp, which has been used again and again
TO LAUNCH TERRORIST ATTACKS with the AIM of SLAUGHTERING EVERYONE
WHO IS NON-MUSLIM!!!
WhatsApp has been the app of choice for some years with ARSA. In fact, the attacks by the
Muslims on August 25, 2017, were launched by a WhatsApp audio message delivered shortly after
8pm on August 24th. It instructed cell leaders to mobilize all male villagers over the age of 15, and
to assemble in the pre-planned locations with whatever weapons they had. They would be led my
ARSA militants and/or Mawlawis (Imams) to attack pre-designated targets.
On August 25th, ARSA issued a series of messages apparently intended both to instill confidence
and resolve among its members and followers and to promote and glorify martyrdom, the goal
being to encourage the villagers to participate in highly risky attacks.
On August 28, ARSA’s leader, Ata Ullah, issued WhatsApp audio messages instructing his followers
to burn down Rakhine Buddhists villages with gas bombs (Molotov cocktails).
Any ONE of these messages is FAR more hateful and violence-creating then all the comments of
concerned monks put together.

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WHATSAPP WAS USED TO LAUNCH, ENCOURAGE, PROMOTE MARTYRDOM, AND TO
VIOLENTLY CARRY OUT MASS KILLINGS AND VILLAGE BURNINGS!
Myanmar is not the only country grappling with the use of WhatsApp by terrorists. Example: in the
U.K., 3 major terrorists attacks last year were later found to have been launched by the encrypted
messaging of WhatsApp.
At the same time facebook is suspending or terminating accounts of people, like myself, who are
saying what we think, know, and have learned about the Bengali Muslim ‘Rohingya’ vs Rakhine
Buddhist issue, but ALLOWING hundreds or thousands of pro-Jihad promoting facebook accounts,
such as:
https://www.facebook.com/arakani.786/
https://www.facebook.com/search/top/?q=arakan%20rohingya%20salvation%20army%20(arsa)
https://www.facebook.com/groups/330675087411483/
https://www.facebook.com/ARSA09OCT2016/
https://www.facebook.com/muhammad.yahyaarakani?fref=search
https://www.facebook.com/Mohdanis48973
Some of these are the accounts of ARSA which is the MAJOR ISLAMIC TERRORIST GROUP that
Amnesty International, and plenty of other sources, have investigated and rightfully accused of
starting the wave of violence on Aug 25, 2017, with multiple surprise attacks on many dozens of
targets, and indiscriminate slaughter of any and all non-Muslims, and particularly massacring nearly
the entire population of Hindus in Kha Maung Seik, in a massive execution of nearly 100 people,
only sparing 8 Hindu girls who were forced under threat of death to convert to Islam and also forced
to marry pre-selected Muslim men!
So, under pressure from ‘Rohingya’ and other Muslim lobbyists, Facebook has ‘learned’ about the
situation, and thinks it has the moral capacity to discern truth from fiction. As we know, Facebook
thinks it is ‘extremist’ Buddhist monks that are the source of the violence, when actually the monks,
and people like myself, are trying to educate the world about this violent Jihad of the Bengali
Muslims (Rohingya). The monks, and myself and others, never say kill, harm, eliminate or massacre
the Muslims - we all are exposing the REAL source of the hate and killing. Meanwhile, the Bengali
Muslims, the Terrorist ARSA group, and a large part of the Muslim World is saying very explicitly to
kill and eliminate ALL the infidels, by any means, in a wanton genocidal ethnic cleansing.
So, in the case of facebook they are silencing the voices of the true victims, and the concerned
voices of those trying to expose the truth.
In the case of WhatApp, they now own one of the
best tools for terrorists to communicate in secrecy
and to improve their terrorists plans - in other words,
Facebook is actively assisting the terrorist groups to
kill greater numbers of people and to better destroy
their targets.

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 FACEBOOK, BY ITS OWN ACTIONS (OR NON-ACTIONS)
HAS PROVEN ITSELF TO BE A TERRORIST ORGANIZATION!!
WHAT IS SECTION 230?
Social Media is unfairly protected, with legal immunity granted by Section 230 of the Communications
Decency Act - an obscure law passed by Congress in 1996 that has profoundly shaped today’s
internet. Section 230 was intended to protect free expression on the internet by shielding internet
companies from liability for much of the content their users post on their platforms, but instead the
social media oligarchies use the legal immunity to protect themselves from legal procedures.
Facebook, Twitter and Google-owned YouTube say they could not exist in their current form without
its protections. Section 230 is going to be repealed or rewritten soon (hopefully).

FACEBOOK, TWITTER, AND GOOGLE / YOUTUBE ARE VIOLATING THESE LAWS:

There are many anti-terrorism / terrorist laws now. Here are a couple of the obvious ones that social
media companies are violating:
U.S. Code § 2339A: Providing material support to terrorists.
U.S. Code § 2339B: Providing material support or resources to designated foreign terrorist
organizations.
Whoever knowingly provides material support or resources to a foreign terrorist organization, or
attempts or conspires to do so, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 20 years,
or both, and, if the death of any person results, shall be imprisoned for any term of years or for life.
To violate this paragraph, a person must have knowledge that the organization is a designated
terrorist organization (as defined in subsection (g)(6)), that the organization has engaged or engages
in terrorist activity (as defined in section 212(a)(3)(B) of the Immigration and Nationality Act), or that
the organization has engaged or engages in terrorism (as defined in section 140(d)(2) of the Foreign
Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1988 and 1989).
Social media companies such as Facebook and Twitter are vulnerable to federal criminal prosecution
under 18 U.S.C. § 2339B, the material support to terrorism statute, for providing a means for
terrorists and their sympathizers to glorify and pursue their violence on social media.
If a social media provider knows that a terrorist is using its services (either direct messaging or
public posting) to coordinate or otherwise assist in terrorist attacks, and fails to subsequently
suspend such a user’s account, that provider should be criminally liable under either 18 U.S.C. §
2339A or § 2339B. Such liability is similar to a social media provider who knowingly allows a user
to share child pornography over its personal messaging service, or knowingly allows it to be
disseminated on any of its services.
Terrorist organizations often “operate under the cloak of a humanitarian or charitable exercise, or
are wrapped in the blanket of religion”. § 2339B went well beyond simply prohibiting the provision
of funds to terrorist groups. Today, it prohibits the provision (actual, attempted, or conspired) of
material support or resources to a group designated by the U.S. government as a Foreign Terrorist
Organization, knowing that such organization has either been so designated or knowing that it
either engages or has engaged in terrorism or terrorist activity.

181
THE SOCIAL MEDIA AUTHORITATIVE DICTATORSHIP OF FACEBOOK
Mark Zuckerberg and other top executives may be smug
and self-righteous, but their stance in supporting terrorist
groups whose ultimate goals are to annihilate every non-
Muslim if they could, combined with their unelected power
as lords of media, who can dictate what is ‘truth’ and what
is ‘false’ or buried, is extremely troubling. It is an authoritative
dictatorship of sorts. The common people, you and me - the
99.99% of the population did not, and could not elect these overlords. We cannot vote them out of
power, nor even effectively communicate with or protest their actions. Except for the CEO, we
largely do not even know their names!

SHOULD TERRORISTS GROUPS ACTUALLY BE SILENCED?

An even bigger question is whether we should be silencing terrorists at all. Allowing them to
communicate in the open, while targeting their more secure channels offers a window to observe
their activities, narratives, and goals. Pushing this activity underground makes it more difficult to
track. Moreover, it is often far more effective to dampen their self-glorification and ideology by
drowning out their intolerant, bigoted hate speech than by playing whack-a-mole deleting it.
Perhaps most effective of all is to use the counterintelligence technique of creating a “wilderness
of mirrors” in which terrorists and their followers and would-be recruits are no longer able to know
who or what to trust, disrupting their information environment at a far deeper level, that has lasting
impacts, on the ability of the organization to harness the digital world.
Personally, I would prefer that there be NO censorship of the media - except for such things as
child pornography, death threats, and other things of this sort which are already criminal.
Let the terrorists broadcast their depraved ideology. Then it is much more obvious to counter.
And, let me and others criticize, expose, and warn people about the threats against them.
BUT, either allow freedom of speech on both sides (which is easier and not subject to the opinions
or ignorance of unelected Twitter executives), or properly target the TERRORISTS and TERRORIST
ORGANIZATIONS (which is more difficult because there always are idiots).
Disturbingly, social media has responded to threats from the U.S. government to take action by
suspending hundreds of thousands of user accounts, effectively censoring constitutionally
protected speech.

By Rick Heizman, June 18, 2020

182
 FORTIFY RIGHTS -
‘A MAN IS KNOWN BY THE COMPANY HE KEEPS’ -
REVEALING AND EXPOSING
THE CONNECTIONS BETWEEN
FORTIFY RIGHTS AND ISLAMIC TERRORISTS

By Rick Heizman, March 13, 2020

Who is Matthew Smith - founder and CEO of a controversial, and notorious ‘so called’ Human
Rights group - meeting with? …and why?

left to right:
1. Tun Khin - born and also know as Ziaul Ghaffar, from Buthidaung, Rakhine State, Myanmar.
Founder and President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BRO-UK). Frontman for
Harakan al-Yaqin / ARSA / Mujahid groups in UK. (More about who he meets with below)
2. Samark - a Thai Muslim, and a former MP of Thailand. He is allied with, and shields and
protects Anwar, who is number 4 below
3. Matthew Smith
4. Muhammad Anwar Ruwagoom Munir Ahamed, aka Muhammad Anwar Akhtar, or simply
Anwar, born in Maungdaw, Rakhine State, Myanmar. Lives and travels often between
Bangkok, Thailand, and Saudi Arabia. Mujahid frontman allegedly involved in weapons
buying, financing, bribing Thai officials, ordering assassinations. (More about who he meets
with below)

183
 It was not a one-time meeting.

‘A man is known by the company he keeps’

can be expanded to,
‘A man may also be known by the company his friends keep.’

1. Anwar (see above) Also is the founder and leader of

Rohingya Society of Thailand - despite its innocuous name it is
a Muslim mafia-type group engaged in various nefarious
activities to finance the ARSA / Mujahid armed struggle.
2. Tun Khin (see above)
3. Muhammad Noor, Bengali Muslim living in Thailand and
Malaysia, founded R-Vision (a ‘Rohingya’ Media Network),
allegedly an active ARSA / Mujahid planner.

1. Anwar (see above)

2. Unknown
3. Alam, Bengali Muslim living in Hat Yai, Thailand. Many
allegations of being a human trafficker, and a fake passport
and visa maker. A relative of Anwar.

1. Faruq Shah, from Saudi Arabia, a top person of Arakan

Rohingya Union (ARU), Jarliya (Arabic = a community of people
fleeing persecution and seeking protection) group, and Global
Rohingya Center (GRC).

2. Anwar, (see above), in Saudi Arabia, tried to buy a huge

amount of weapons from Thailand’s weapons black market to
ship through Bangladesh to ARSA / Mujahid terrorists.

184
 1. Anwar, in Saudi Arabia
2. A Pattani Muslim man from Ubon Thani, Thailand. Alleged
to be a top person in the Thai Muslim mafia.
3. A Saudi Arabian officer
4. Samark - a Thai Muslim, and a former MP of Thailand. He
is allied with, and shields and protects Anwar

1, 2, 5, Unknown
3. Anwar, in Saudi Arabia
4. (seated) Sheikh Saleh Al-Fawzan, in Saudi Arabia.
A leading Salafi, with very extremist views. Upholds slavery,
declared that taking photos is ‘un-Islamic’, issued fatwas for
assassinations of infidels, preaches that Shiites and other
sects in Islam are heretical.

1. Tun Khin (see above)

2. Habib Ullah, from Pakistan, lives in USA, supports
Rohingya Salvation Organization, doesn’t like Atta Ullah,
Commander-in Chief of ARSA and therefore ARSA. A hardline
Jihadist.
3. Unknown

1. Tun Khin (see above)

2. Unknown
3. Sheikh Abu Anas, from Saudi Arabia, planned and
organized Rohingya Mujahidin to fight.

MATTHEW SMITH SECRETLY SUPPORTS ISLAMIC JIHAD

Matthew Smith was one of the very first people that ARSA tweeted when ARSA opened its Twitter
accounts in March, 2017 (Phil Robertson / Human Rights Watch was similarly contacted). Very
strange and suspicious. That was AFTER the emergence of ARSA following its attacks in Oct and
Nov 2016.

185
Why would a militant terrorist group contact Human Rights organizations?
Fortify Rights positions itself as self-appointed arbiter regarding human rights, democracy and the
rule of law at the heart of the sovereign internal political affairs of nations like Myanmar Thailand,
Bangladesh and Malaysia.

FORTIFY RIGHTS PARTNERS WITH QATAR -

A NATION NOTORIOUS FOR ITS GLOBAL SPONSORSHIP OF TERRORISM

Recently, Fortify Rights' founder American Matthew Smith announced a new and "exciting"
partnership with Doha Debates. Doha Debates is a project of the Qatar Foundation which in turn
was founded by the Al Thani family, the unelected rulers of Qatar. This may signal a new level of
interference in Asia's sovereign affairs and even constitute a threat to regional security. Qatar is a
notorious Middle Eastern dictatorship, abuser of human rights and a global sponsor of terrorism.
Intelligence agencies now rank Qatar as the number 1 financier of Islamic terrorist groups worldwide,
surpassing Saudi Arabia. Qatar has bought its way into controlling major media, and universities
where huge donations to finance ‘Islamic Studies’ types of departments are laced with stipulations.

Why would anyone partner with Qatar in any sort of matter, given the many examples of Qatar
acting with noble intentions while secretly using the gullibility of Westerners and Western institutions
to achieve its long term goals of strangling real freedoms and tolerance, and spreading Islam
worldwide?

Despite the relatively benign stated nature of this partnership, it is troubling because it signals a
possible vector through which money, training and even weapons can pass, behind a ‘human
rights' façade, inflaming already tense ethnic troubles in Myanmar's western Rakhine State.

At the very least, operations by Fortify Rights and Qatar's "Doha Debates" could be used to further
divide communities along ethnic lines while mounting pressure on Myanmar's government and
military by exploiting the resulting chaos. Fortify Rights is known for its extreme one-sidedness,
and antiBuddhist hate-mongering. The group has never even acknowledged the extremely brutal
executions of 100 Hindu villagers in Kha Maung Seik, Rakhine State, let alone even investigate it or
write a report about it. The group also NEVER has anything positive to say about the indigenous
peoples - the Rakhine Buddhists and ethnic minorities (Mro, Thet, Diagnet, Khami) - who are the
victims of a Saudi backed Islamic Jihad.

Fortify Rights founder Matthew Smith refused to respond to questions of how his supposed cause
of advancing human rights is served by partnering with Doha Debates funded by a dictatorship and
notorious state sponsor of terrorism. Smith regularly blocks critics on social media concerned with
the nature of his organization's activities, including many in Myanmar whom he claims he's
"helping."

186
SAUDI ARABIA IS UNARGUABLY AIDING AND ABETTING

Saudi Arabia is also involved, hosting the self-proclaimed leadership of a Saudi-backed and armed
Rohingya militant group that has launched deadly attacks against Myanmar's security forces.
The Wall Street Journal in a 2016 article titled, “Asia’s New Insurgency Burma’s abuse of the
Rohingya Muslims creates violent backlash.” claimed: “Now this immoral policy has created a
violent backlash. The world’s newest Muslim insurgency pits Saudi-backed Rohingya militants
against Burmese security forces. As government troops take revenge on civilians, they risk inspiring
more Rohingya to join the fight.”
The article also admits: “Called Harakah al-Yaqin, Arabic for “the Faith Movement,” [later renamed
ARSA] the group answers to a committee of Rohingya emigres in Mecca and a cadre of local
commanders with experience fighting as guerrillas overseas. Its recent campaign—which continued
into November with IED attacks and raids that killed several more security agents—has been
endorsed by fatwas from clerics in Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, the Emirates and elsewhere.”
Seeing past Fortify Rights’ façade and examining their funding from convicted financial criminal
George Soros' Open Society Foundations, their troubling and indefensible ties to foreign
dictatorships and state sponsors of terrorism, and alerting the public to the danger they pose to
national security, helps strip away the protective status of legitimate NGOs they hide behind,
allowing them to be held accountable and purged from the region.

Fortify Rights is in violation of US Terrorism Laws - it’s time to deal with this.

I, Rick Heizman, challenge Matthew Smith, to debate in public media anytime.

By Rick Heizman, March 13, 2020

187
 2 BURMESE ARMY DEFECTORS ADMIT WAR CRIMES
ACCORDING TO THE NEW YORK TIMES -
ALL THE NEWS THAT’S FIT TO SPIN, FALSIFY,
FOOL, AND MANIPULATE

By Rick Heizman, September 2020

The New York Times spits out another hit piece by supreme Buddhist hater Hannah Beech, that
absolutely reeks of agenda driven manipulation and treachery. The article is about 2 defectors from
the Burmese army who claim they were part of a genocidal plan to eradicate the Bengal Muslims
(‘Rohingya’) in 2017. The NYT may think it can get away with this because barely anyone on earth
knows anything or has been to villages named in the article - Taung Bazar, Ngan Chaung, Zin Paing
Nyar. So, the NYT can use the ‘exotic’ name and location to write ANYTHING - and they do, and
they get away with it. HOWEVER, I have been to those villages, and dozens more, where I went 3
times, totaling about 3 weeks, to interview hundreds of Buddhist, Hindu, ethnic minority, and
Muslim victims and eyewitnesses. I can see, taste, and smell the obvious (to me) fakery and
despicable omissions. One shudders at the extreme depth of Hannah Beech’s shear hatred of
Buddhist people, Buddhist culture and Buddhism. She fittingly can be titled ‘the bin-Laden’ of the
media.

The article is titled: ‘Kill All You See’:

In a First, Myanmar Soldiers Tell of Rohingya Slaughter
By Hannah Beech, Saw Nang and Marlise Simons - Sept. 8, 2020
I have, already, denounced and exposed several articles by Hannah Beech, and the NYT, that were
vile hate speech and hit pieces. (I grew up reading the NYT avidly - when it was a real and honest
newspaper - and I have seen it plunge into being a deplorable fake news rag).
Also prominently mentioned and quoted in the article is Matthew Smith, founder of the notoriously
biased group called Fortify Rights, and another supreme hater of Burmese and Rakhine Buddhists,
and the Bengali Hindu population.
Rather than going paragraph to paragraph and exposing the article and its writers, I will just leave
you with excerpts from 7 people (including a Muslim) that I interviewed in Taung Bazar, 3 Muslim
interviews in Ngan Chaung, and 5 captured Bengali Muslim (‘Rohingya’) militants/terrorists who
participated in the attack on Zin Paing Nyar on August 17, 2020.
THE QUESTIONS ARE: WHY IS NOT ANY OF THIS INFO IN THIS ARTICLE?
DOES HANNAH BEECH (NYT) AND MATTHEW SMITH (FORTIFY RIGHTS) BELIEVE IN ‘FAIR AND
BALANCED’ REPORTING AND INVESTIGATION?
WHY DO HANNAH AND MATTHEW CONTINUALLY TRANSFER THE GOALS OF THE MUSLIM
TERRORISTS TO THE ACCUSATIONS AGAINST THE BUDDHISTS?
WHY DO THEY PROMOTE THE IDEA THAT THE MUSLIMS ARE INNOCENT ANGELS?

189
SEVEN VILLAGERS IN TAUNG BAZAR AREA, INCLUDING ONE MUSLIM
Su Chay
from Nga Ronk Chaung Village Tract (near Taung Bazar)
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018
I am Su Chay, from Nga Ronk Chaung Tract near Taung Bazar. I work in
Village Health Development. On August 25, 2017, in the early morning
Bengali Muslims launched huge coordinated attacks. The big army base at
Taung Bazar was attacked by many hundreds of assailants. The gunfire
awakened many Buddhist villagers, and lasted for hours.
All the villagers had to flee. Bengalis chased all of us trying to kill us with swords. We only survived
because security forces arrived and shot guns in the air to frighten the Bengali mob.
But, the Bengalis dared to even come near the police outpost. If we did not have security forces we
would all be dead and even our bodies might not be found.
We did not know which way to run. We had never dreamed this would happen to us. We had never
seen or experienced this kind of thing. We were close and friendly with the Bengalis, we never
thought that they would kill us like this. Even the Bengali boy who used to come to our house tried
to kill us.
As the morning light came my village came under attack. All the Buddhists from various villages ran
in panic to the police outpost on top of a hill. The police outpost was so overwhelmed that they had
to escort groups of people to other police outposts up and down the Mayu river.
Ever since I was young I was very familiar with Bengali people. We would play and eat together - no
problem. I didn’t believe that they would attack and kill like this. Even when I was awakened by
gunfire in the distance I didn’t think it was the Bengalis.
We lived in the police outpost for 15 days. The police had to make sure to have supplies arriving to
feed hundreds of us refugees. After 15 days they escorted us to the town of Buthidaung. We had
to live in a refugee camp at a Buddhist monastery - I had nothing, we had to run so quickly from
the Bengalis. Now I know, it is impossible to coexist together.
When I finally got back to my village and my home there was nothing - no house, no shop - there
was nothing left. So then I have to start from zero again. I have no idea how to survive now, what
to do now.
That’s why I pray not to live with them anymore. I don’t want to say that, but, what they did was so
bad. When we were young we were working together, going to school together, eating together, no
problem. But, now, they are a very big problem.
I didn’t know that in the Bengali mind, there is an animal element. I live in a Bengali part of the
village.Those who attacked us are all the villagers - they are all ARSA terrorists. When I say that I
am very sad, because, Bengali people and I grew up together. Now, I can tell you what happened,
because I didn’t die. The police and the military saved my life.

190
Sein Tun Aung / San Goe Aung
from Taung Bazar Village,
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018
My name is Sein Tun Aung. On August 25, 2017, the Bengali Muslims
attacked the nearby Baung Daw Pyin police outpost and the 552 Army
headquarters. They also attacked Nga Ronk Chaung police outpost, near
the Health Department. After the attackers failed to kill all the police and
army the Bengali terrorists came back to their village mosques in the
morning for a meeting, probably to discuss what to do next. We frightened Rakhine Buddhists took
the opportunity to run to the Buddhist monastery compound. After the Muslims finished their
mosque meeting they came out and attacked us. They were shouting such things as, “We are
Rohingya! This is Rohingya country! We don’t want any Rakhine Buddhists here! We will kill you!”
As they were attacking us some of us who had sons or relatives in the army frantically called them,
pleading, “Come quickly! We will all be dead soon!” When some troops came they put all of us in
the school for safety. On our way there we saw many thousands of Bengalis coming, with swords,
knives and clubs. Soon the army officer said it is too dangerous to stay in the school. So, the army
escorted us over the mountain to the army headquarters. They gave us food and shelter. The army
saved our lives, otherwise we all would have been slaughtered.
I didn’t think this would ever happen. The Bengalis were trying to steal all the land - our land. They
would destroy everything if they could - every non-Muslim village, government and health
departments, army bases, and police stations.
We survived because the army troops arrived just in time. We had nowhere to run. The Bengalis set
landmines on the road. We walked the path near the graveyard.
When we arrived inside of the battalion base, around 500 Bengalis came and opened fire on the
base. They ran away when the army troops shot back with big guns. When they retreated, they
burned houses in the villages.
Before [when we were young] we were living together, eating together, working together, no
problem, but now it’s impossible. All the Bengalis are now ARSA terrorists. They are always trying
to kill us - in their minds. Even the ARSA militants hide their faces, wearing masks - because we
would recognize them.
When my daughter arrived in my village, with army escorts, she told me the Bengalis had even tried
to kill her. She even yelled to the nearby police to shoot the attackers, but the police were afraid to
shoot! - they were so outnumbered. But, she was lucky, just then the army troops arrived. If the
military had not arrived then all of us would have been killed. Even after the attacks were over we
were afraid to live in our village again. That is why we moved to Buthidaung, and stayed in a
monastery.
When I did get back to my home there was nothing left inside - it was a destroyed mess. The
Bengalis took anything of value, and broke everything else. They are so cruel. It’s impossible to
have any coexistence with the Bengalis - if we live with them we will all die.

191
U Maung Loon
from Taung Bazar,
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018

Before the attacks happened the Bengali Muslims were already plotting to
do some violence. Leading up to the attacks the Muslims killed a man who
had informed the police and army of the planning and plotting of violence.
Also, in another Bengali village, Yin Ma village, the Muslims killed two men
accused of being informants. The Muslims were following their plan.
First, they terrorized and killed fellow Bengalis who didn’t agree with them and gave info to the
authorities. Then, they organized the village people to attack and fight the security forces. They
attacked first, then they lied to the world media, claiming that they were the victims of the Burmese
army, and that they were forced to flee to Bangladesh.
First - they attacked us. We did not attack them. The police and army did not attack them first -
they attacked all of us first. They knew it was their fault, and then they fled to Bangladesh.
The Myanmar military and police, and the Myanmar nationality people did not force them to flee to
Bangladesh, they fled themselves.
We want the world media and the world people to know the truth. The terrorist ARSA group also
threatened other Bengali Muslims to flee to Bangladesh or else they will be killed by ARSA. That is
why all the journalists and media needs to know the truth, and to tell the world the truth.
Our villages around here were surrounded by over 10,000 Bengali Muslims. Luckily we were saved
by the army.

Buddhist and Hindu refugees fleeing Taung Bazar

192
U Nyi Nyi
from Taung Bazar Yin Ma Market
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018
I am U Nyi Nyi. I live in Taung Bazar Yin Ma Market. Around 3 am on Aug
25, 2017, we were awakened by the sounds of many many gunshots and
explosions. We did not know what was happening, but later learned that
the Muslims had surprised attacked about 30 security force outposts at
the same time in the early morning.
Around 7 am I went to a shop in my village and asked what was happening. Around our village there
were many Bengali Muslim villages, but now they were strangely quiet - I noticed that. I thought,
“Why were they so quiet?” Then a Muslim man named Islam - who I knew - showed up, but
strangely he didn't say anything. Usually we would greet each other and talk - but quickly he went
back to his village.
Then we heard that the nearby police outpost of Hpaung Taw Pyin Village was under heavy attack,
and one officer was killed already. Some security officers with us then quickly went to Hpaung Taw
Pyin Village to help their comrades. At that time then, around 9 am, we had no security forces with
us. Our village was then surrounded by so many Bengalis. All of us villagers were so afraid. We
could see that all the Bengalis had swords and even guns, and were closing in on us.
We called the security forces to come and rescue us. All of the surrounding police outposts were
under attack, but finally some security forces arrived in our village - the same ones that went to
rescue their comrades in Hpaung Taw Pyin Village. They gathered us in the school [behind him] for
protection, but we were surrounded again by the huge mobs of Bengalis. I thought all of us would
die that day.
Some government department staff members joined us villagers in the school building. The military
officer looked for a way to escape. We were surrounded by thousands of Bengalis with swords and
guns. The only way to flee was to go through the muddy and flooded rice fields. The officer led the
way, and we were protected by about 20 soldiers. About 4:30 pm we finally arrived at the big Army
base on the other side of the mountain.
When we arrived at the army base the Bengalis didn't go away - they come right up to the security
fence of the army base. We had to stay in the army base for 15 days. The army got food supplies
for us. After 15 days the military took us back to our villages.
Just near here there is a Muslim house - the family of Mohammed Tahir [also interviewed here].
They did not flee like all the other Muslims. This Muslim family didn't try to kill us. That is why they
are not afraid to stay here - because we know they are good people. But this is the only Bengali
family like this. All the other Bengali Muslims are terrorists, and they fled after they tried to slaughter
us.

193
Mohammed Tahir - Muslim
from Nari Chaung, Patu Gong Village (near Taung Bazar)
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018
[This Muslim man was rather shy on camera, so to keep him talking I began
to ask questions to him, through our Bengali language translator. He was
the one and only Muslim among the many dozens of Buddhists and Hindus
watching us spend a day interviewing and gathering evidence. He was
clearly well-like and respected by all, and friendly and genuine to all.]
My name is Mohammed Tahir and I live in Nari Chaung, Patu Gong village [near Taung Bazar].
When the incident happened on August 25, people [Bengali Muslims] were running here and there
with swords and sticks. When my father tried to persuade them to stop the violence they came to
kill my father. We protected my father and they ran away. We could not reason with them. After two
days, they fled to Bangladesh. They demanded that we flee together with them. My father said,
“We shall not go. We did not do anything wrong. Why do we need to flee?”
After all the people [Bengali Muslims] fled, the military came and provided us with needed rice and
food supplies. After 2 or 3 months, they provided supplies to us again. The military helped us to
repair the market and provided medical treatment to those who needed it. Now, we can stay well.
We could operate our shop in the market here, and can travel to Buthidaung.
Question from Rick Heizman: Ask him if he feels safe here.
Answer: Yes, I am safe here.
Question: Does he fear ARSA?
Answer: I do not have any connection to ARSA. [the question was slightly misunderstood, or
mistranslated to him - I asked if he had any fear, not connections]
Question: Does he have family?
Answer: All of my family members are still here. I have a wife and children.
Question: What did he think about what happened in the August 25, 2017 attacks?
Answer: On Friday August 25, 2017, we saw people [Bengali Muslims] running on the road with
swords and sticks. When my father tried to tell them to stop the violence ARSA members came to
kill my father. My father said if we leave him, they will kill him. So, we stayed beside our father. From
inside our house we could see people [Bengali Muslims] going around here and there. Here, I do
not have any problem. I can stay together with Rakhine Buddhists and Hindus peacefully. All are
like brothers and mothers to me.
Question: What is his job here? What does he do?
Answer: Now, I have a shop in the market, I am a shopkeeper.
Question: Is his shop okay? [not destroyed, sanctioned, or vandalized?]
Answer: Currently business is very well.
Question: Has he ever been to Bangladesh?
Answer: I have never been to Bangladesh. I did not flee to Bangladesh with the others. All of our
relatives are here. They didn’t flee to Bangladesh.

194
Pratik Kumarka - Hindu
from Taung Bazar,
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018

My Hindu name is Pratik Kumarka, and my Burmese name is Ko Maung

Aye. We Hindus lived near here, in northern Buthidaung Township.
On August 24, 2017, late at night, I heard many gunshots. The next
morning 1000s of agitated Bengali Muslims were encircling our villages and threatening to attack.
Our Hindu population here is very small. In our village we live together peacefully with Rakhine
Buddhists.
At that time I heard the Muslims yelling that they will destroy the Taung Bazar market and kill the
Rakhine Buddhists. We Hindus heard and saw the Muslims shouting like that, and getting ready to
attack.
Some Bengali Muslim women even shouted at us, “Kill the Hindus first, then slaughter the
Buddhists!”
Our village is in block 9 of this village tract [administrative terms, not at all like city blocks]. This is
where the Hindus live. Behind our village there is a large Bengali Muslim village, and in front of our
village there is a large Muslim village. We were trapped at that time, we could not go anywhere.
On August 31, 2017, we got the phone number of an Army officer and called him for help. Army
troops came and rescued us, and escorted us to here, where we are now, in Taung Bazar.
I think that the Bengali Muslim boys over 12 years old already have the mind of an Islamic terrorist.
I didn’t think that this could ever happen. Since we were young we were living together, eating
together, going to school together, growing up together.
Nowadays we are afraid to live far from Rakhine Buddhists because together we can try to protect
ourselves. We need to live very close to the Buddhists, together, because we alone are a small
minority.
In Kha Maung Seik the Bengali Muslims carried out a horrible genocide, killing 100 Hindus. Many
of those victims were our relatives. At the moment we don’t want any Bengali Muslims here. If the
Bengalis come back to this area we cannot live in safety.

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U Thet Damma
from Taung Bazar,
Buthidaung Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Taung Bazar, October 2018
(Taung Bazar Monk)

My name is Thet Damma. I have been living in this village for 22 years.
During the Bengali Muslim attack, August 25, 2017, I was here, at this
monastery. At that time the village and the monastery were being
surrounded by thousands of Bengali Muslims. All of the nearby Buddhists were afraid to stay in
their village houses and they gathered here, at the monastery for safety.
I was nearby at Pan Taw Pyin village, and I phoned an army officer, in order to get help. Then I came
back to the monastery. When the army officer [and a few troops] arrived, the Bengalis surrounding
the village didn’t move, they were just watching.
The officer told all of us “Don’t stay here in the monastery, move to the school.” He led all of us to
the school [just nearby]. Bengalis were edging in, getting closer, yelling and shouting, and trying to
stab people with their swords. Then, a bit later, he said, “We can’t stay here at the school, it is too
dangerous.”
The officer and some troops escorted us to the army base. I stayed at the base for 2 or 3 days, and
then I moved to Buthidaung, and then about 10 or 15 days later some of the villagers came back
here, and then I returned here.
Now things have calmed down, and people have returned, and are working again, but, we don’t
know what will happen in the future. If the Bengalis return we don’t know what will happen again.

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IN THIS NEXT PART NOTICE ANY MENTION OF RAPE:
IN THE ARTICLE ABOUT THE DEFECTORS, AND IN MY INTERVIEWS
3 Interviews with Bengali Muslims
from Ngan Chaung Village,
Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, Myanmar
Interviewed in Ngan Chaung, January 2018

[We interviewed several Bengali Muslims, around 2-3 hours north of

Maungdaw town. We had heard that this village had not fled to Bangladesh,
and that the village had a different and much more positive attitude than
most of the Bengali villages. So, we stopped there to talk - in Ngan Chaung
Village.
Our guide told the Bengalis, “You can say anything to us, you don't have to fear anything from us,
we are not reporting to any authority, and we will accept whatever you say. We are just looking for
truth, whatever it may be.”
To start, I told the interpreter (off-camera) to tell them that they can talk - with no questions asked,
for awhile - about the situation of the village, the Burmese Army, ARSA, their safety, or anything.]
Interviewee 1:
There are no Muslims from the surrounding Bengali villages here anymore, they left to go to
Bangladesh - but we are still here. The Burmese Army has been protecting us, [from ARSA
retaliations] and gave us food supplies, [because bridges had been bombed by ARSA]. There are
no teachers here now [since August, 2017] so the children cannot go to school.
[Questions are from Rick Heizman]
Q - What happened here on August 25, 2017, when attacks were launched all over?
A - The night of the attacks there was a lot of shooting going back and forth, all around us -
militants shooting at Security Forces - and they were shooting back. Some of our villagers
started to flee, but a Military officer said, "Don't flee! It's too dangerous! Stay here, we will
protect you, stay here!”

When the soldiers were near our village in the darkness, they shot up in the air, to flush out
the militants - that’s when some of our villagers thought they should run, but the officer
shouted, "don't run, we will not harm you."
Q - Has the Burmese Army committed atrocities here? Or has the Burmese Army been bad to
them or fair to them?
A - The military did not burn our village, so we could stay here. The military protected us, [From
ARSA, for being a peace-seeking village.]
Q - Do you know of any women in your village, or any Bengali village, who has been raped?
A - Nothing happened in my village, and for other places I don't know.
[a 2nd man there was asked the same question and responded, "I don't know of any.”]

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Q - Did ARSA come to this village to recruit men like you?
A - We didn't have ARSA militants in our village. I don't know any ARSA members or militants.
[The next Bengali Muslim man did not want his face on camera, my sense was that he was more
fearful of ARSA retaliation, which has happened quite a lot in villages which did not follow ARSA.]

Interviewee 2:
Q - Do you fear The Burmese Military, or do you fear ARSA more?
A - (in English) Our villagers do not fear the military.
[Notice - he did not say that about ARSA.]
Q - Why does your village not go to Bangladesh?
A - Other villages around here were shooting [attacking Security Forces], so they had to flee
[after the attacks failed] but our village was peaceful so that's why we didn't have to flee.
Q - Has the Army been abusive to you, or is the Army okay? Do you trust the Army, or not trust
the Army?
A - The Army protected our village that night from the militants.
[There have been many cases where the Islamic militants have savagely cut the throats of
fellow Muslims who don't agree with them. In fact, the very next evening, in Buthidaung, a
Muslim leader was brutally executed for these reasons.]
Q - Do you know of any women in this village, or any Bengali village, that has been raped?
A - (in English) No.

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[The 3rd interview was with a group of 5 men, the tallest
one in the photo was the primary speaker.]

Interviewee 3:
Q - Why did you not go to Bangladesh?
A - There were about 5000 Bengali villagers around
this cluster of villages, our village is about 500
people. Our village people stayed here, but from the surrounding villages most of them fled.
Q - Do you feel basically safe right now, being here?
A - Yes, we feel safe.
Q - Do you know of any women in your village, or other Bengali villages, that have been raped?
A - No women or girls were raped in our village, and for other places I don't know because I was
not there at other places, but I did not hear about any such problems.
[Our translator told them to say what they know, we are not reporting to any authorities, we
just want to know.]
Q - The night of August 25, you heard a lot of gunfire around when other villages were attacking
[the police posts] - what happened that night here, right here?
A - There was a lot of shooting around us, but not from our village. There was a lot of confusion,
and it was dark. Nobody knew what was happening. The Army protected us, we were not
with the militants.
Q - Do you feel that you can live here in peace?
A - Yes.

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FIVE CAPTURED MILITANT TERRORISTS WHO ALL PARTICIPATED IN THE
ATTACK ON ZIN PAING NYAR VILLAGE POLICE OUTPOST -
NOTICE THE HIGHLIGHTED ADMISSIONS OF HOUSE AND VILLAGE BURNING

Name – Ar Li Ar Mat
The Mawlawi [Imam], Har Face Mu Zar Bar from our village told all the villagers
who came and prayed in the mosque that we will attack Maungdaw, Buthidaung
and Rathedaung one day to make our Islamic state. And in order to get freedom,
all Bengalis should organize to fight and to attack the police outposts and seize
the weapons. And Mawlawi Har Face Mu Zar Bar told us again and again that
when the ARSA militants arrived with weapons, including bombs, the terrorist
attacks would start. In the meantime, all Bengalis had to be ready with knives,
sticks and other weapons whenever it became necessary to attack.

How We Prepared To Attack Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

Mawlawi Har Face Mu Zar Bar told all the villagers to meet in the mosque at 6 pm, 24. 8. 2017. And
let all the villagers know that ARSA militants had arrived. So, we will attack the police outposts early
in the morning and seize the weapons and we should have no worries because ARSA militants had
guns and handmade bombs. Also, other villagers would attack other police outposts in Maungdaw
and Buthidaung. We were told to meet them, bringing our own weapons such as knives and sticks
to the mosque, at 11 pm. So, I went to the mosque bringing my sword, at 11 pm.

How We Attacked Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

Then, Mawlawi Har Face Mu Zar Bar led us to attack the Zin Paing Nyar police post. He had
contact with other Mawlawis from the other villages. So, on the way, Mawlawi Har Face Mu Zar Bar
joined with other Mawlawis who led the other villagers from Mingalar Gyi ( 1 ) village and Mi Kyaung
Tat village. I saw one man from Mingalar Gyi (1) village, his name is Rawfis Annawa and another
man from Mi Kyaung Tat village is Anowha Faisal who joined in this terrorist group. And I think there
were about 30 people in that group. Then we headed to attack Zin Paing Nyar police outpost. At
3:45 am, 25. 8. 2017, we surrounded Zin Paing Nyar police outpost and unknown leaders of RSO
and ARSA terrorist groups attacked the police post with handmade bombs and guns. When the
police shot back, we ran back to our village. And I also went back to my house.

We Were Ordered to Burn Our Houses:

After the attack on the Zin Paing Nyar police outpost, we were told by Mawlawi Har Face Mu Zar
Bar to burn our houses by ourselves and then flee. Some people burned their houses by themselves
and fled away.

200
Name: Anowha Faisal
In my village there are 2 mosques. I usually prayed at the larger mosque. Our
mosque Mawlawis [Imam] are Zubai (about 30) son of Shawfi Ramauk, and
Gawfaur (about 55) son of Sultan. I had to attend and pray 5 times a day. The
head of our village is Dil Mahmud and the Mingala Gyi Village administrator is
Maung Maung Tin.

How I Was Recruited:

Mawlawi Zubai and Malawi Gawfaur told the villagers who attended and prayed at the mosque,
that Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung townships must be taken one day, and we will
declare this territory as an Islamic State.
We will all unite to fight, and we will attack the police outposts and the security stations, and grab
the weapons and ammunition.
The Mawlawis also incited us by telling that we should be prepared for our Jihad operation to start
when the militants from Bangladesh arrived with guns, landmines, and grenades.

Preparing and Attacking the Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

At about 6:00 pm on 24/8/2017 Mawlawi Zubai and Mawlawi Gawfaur summoned the villagers to
the mosque and told them the RSO terrorists had arrived.
“So, you have to sneak up to the police outposts, attack, and loot the weapons from them. You do
not need to worry about the attacks since the RSO terrorists have a lot of guns and handmade
bombs and mines. Under the leadership of well trained RSO terrorists, other villagers also will
attack the security and the police outposts in Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung. You will
gather at the mosque at about 11:00 pm.”
Accordingly, we arrived at the mosque at about 11:00 pm carrying with us knives, swords and
sticks. Arli Juhauks (about 30) son of Enoose, Adul Mullar (about 40) son of Bawli, and Shawbi
(about 30) son of Gula Rawshit also arrived at the mosque with knives and swords. Our villagers
were led by Mawlawi Zubai and Mawlawi Gawfaur. As per pre-arrangement of Mawlawi Zubai and
Mawlawi Gawfaur, we were combined, on the way, with other villagers of Mingala Gyi village No.1
and village No.2 led by an unknown Mawlawi. Among the other villagers Rawfis Annawa of Mingala
Gyi No.1 village, and Harmi Dulla, Amar Ran, Mahmad Sarbil and Arli Ahmad of No.2 village were
found coming into our group with swords in hands. Then, our group, comprising of about 30
people, went toward the Zin Paing Nyar police station. At about 03:45 am on 25/8/2017 our group
besieged the police station. Then our group, led by the RSO terrorists, attacked the police station
with handmade bombs and guns. The police retaliated and we ran away. Then I came back home.

After having attacked, Mawlawi Zubai and Mawlawi Gawfaur commanded us to set fire to our
houses and run away. Some us set fires and ran away.

201
Name: Rawfis Annawa
There are 4 mosques in our Mingala Gyi Village No. 1. I usually prayed at the
Arwa mosque near my home. After the death of Mawlawi [Imam] Norma,
Mawlawi Rahay Ramauk (about 50) who lives in Kyauk Pyin Sate Village came
and taught the Quran starting 4 months ago.
Mawlawi Rahay Ramauk told the villagers who came to pray at the mosque,
“We Bengali Islamic people, had to fight to occupy Maungdaw, Buthidaung
and Rathedaung townships and to declare these territories an autonomous
Islamic State one day.”
So, We all will unite and attack the police outposts and the security stations, and loot the weapons
and ammunition.
They use to organize us by telling that we should be prepared for our operation to start when the
militants in Bangladesh arrive with guns, landmines and bombs.
At about 5:00 pm on 24/8/2017 Mawlawi Rahay Ramauk summoned the villagers to the mosque
and told them that the RSO militants had arrived.

How We Prepared To Attack Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

“So, you have to move to the police outposts stealthily, in the darkness of the early morning, attack
suddenly and loot the weapons from them. You do not need to worry about the attacks since the
RSO militants have a lot of guns and handmade bombs and mines. Under the leader of well trained
RSO terrorists, other villagers also will attack security stations and the police outposts in Maungdaw,
Buthidaung and Rathedaung. You have to gather at the mosque at about 12:00 pm with swords
and clubs.”

How We Attacked Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

Then, our group comprising of about 30 people went toward the Zunpaing Nyar police outpost. At
about 03:45 am on 25/8/2017 our group besieged and attacked the police station. The unknown
RSO militants then attacked the police station with handmade bombs and guns. The police
retaliated towards us and we ran away. Then I came back home.

We Were Ordered To Burn Our Homes:

After having returned from attacking, Mawlawi Rahay Ramauk told us to burn our own houses and
run away. Some of us set fires and ran away.

202
Name - Mamed Sarbay
The mosque Mawlawi [Imam] is Hafis Muzaba (50). When our villagers go to the
mosque to pray, Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba would always talk about the plan to
seize Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung someday. We would start by
attacking the security outposts, after militants training in Bangladesh arrived,
bringing guns and bombs with them.

How We Prepared To Attack the Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

At 24.8.2017 around 6:00 PM, Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba called the villagers to the mosque and told
us that the militants from ARSA and RSO had arrived and they would attack in the early morning
and other Bengalis would also do the same to other police outposts. All of us were ordered to
gather at 11:00 PM in the mosque. So at 11:00 PM, I grabbed my sword and came to the mosque.

How We Attacked the Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

Around 03:45 AM of 25.8.2017, we started attacking the Zie Paing Nyar police outpost with swords
and ARSA/RSO fired guns and threw bombs. When police retaliated, and shot back, it was
frightening, and we hurriedly retreated, and returned back to our houses.

We Were Ordered to Burn Our Houses and Flee to Bangladesh:

After attacking, Mawlawi Hafis told us to set fire our houses and run to Bangladesh. Some of our
villagers set their homes on fire and fled the village towards Bangladesh.

Name - Hamid Dullah

At the mosque that I go to the Mawlawi [Imam] is Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba (50).
When our villagers go to pray at the mosque, Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba would
always talk to us, and prepare us to be ready to fight. The plan was that we
would take over Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Rathedaung one day, and declare
it an Islamic State. We would first attack the security outposts and this would
start after our militants came back from Bangladesh training camps, bringing
guns and bombs with them.

How We Prepared To Attack the Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

At 24.8.2017, Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba called for all the villagers to come to the mosque. He told us
that the ARSA / RSO militants had arrived and they would attack in the early morning and other
Bengalis would also do the same to other police outposts all over our soon-to-be Islamic State.

How We Attacked the Zin Paing Nyar Police Outpost:

Around 03:45 AM on 25.8.2017, ARSA / RSO militants started attacking the Zie Paing Nyar police
outpost with guns and bombs, and we attacked with our swords. When police started to retaliate
and shot back at us, we retreated and then went back to our houses.

203
We Were Ordered to Burn Our Houses and Flee to Bangladesh:
After attacking the police outpost and failing to seize the weaponry, Mawlawi Hafis Muzaba ordered
us to set fire to our houses and run to Bangladesh. Some of our villagers started the fires and most
fled the village.

CONCLUSION
In the fake news article (Kill All You See) the 2 defectors (supposedly) committed their heinous acts
in the same villages (Taung Bazar and Ngan Chuang), where I had interviewed Buddhists and
Muslims, and also in Zin Paing Nyar, where 5 captured militants are from. ALL of these interviews
and statements are in TOTAL CONTRADICTION to the accounts of the 2 defectors. They had been
held by the Arakan Army (AA) and seem to have been part of elaborate ruse by the AA to garner
international condemnation upon Myanmar’s armed forces. The defectors were carefully rehearsed
and sent to the ICC in Hague - a free ticket to a new life in the West. Hannah Beech, Matthew
Smith, and the New York Times have been so untruthful, manipulative and deceitful in their ‘reporting
and investigation’ of this conflict that it is nearly certain that this article is yet another piece of
garbage to advance their wicked agenda.

By Rick Heizman, September 9, 2020

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 THE ARAKAN ARMY, ARSA, TATMADAW:
END RESULT SCENARIOS -
IF AA WINS, IF ARSA WINS, IF TATMADAW WINS

By Rick Heizman, September 12, 2020

I’ll assume the reader knows just enough about the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)
terrorist group of the Bengali Muslims (‘Rohingya’), and the Burmese military known as the
Tatmadaw. I will, though, give you a description of the Arakan Army (AA), and also Wa State, for
reasons that will be clear as you read this. And then - the end result scenarios.

THE ARAKAN ARMY

The Arakan Army (AA) is an armed group operating in primarily Rakhine State,
in the westernmost corner of Myanmar. The group was founded in April 2009,
and is currently led by Major General Twan Mrat Naing (also spelled: Tun Myat
Naing). It currently has more than 8000 fairly well equipped soldiers (some
would claim up to 20,000, counting reserve soldiers).
The aspirations of the AA, and the Arakanese / Rakhine Buddhist people is to continue their struggle
towards liberation, freedom, and self determination, and to adopt the ‘Way of Rakhita’ - a movement
to revive their heritage and legacy as the once-powerful Arakan Buddhist Kingdom, which was
conquered by the Burmese Konbaung dynasty in 1784. AA chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing
said his troops would continue their armed struggle for the restoration of Arakan State’s sovereignty
and freedom.
The AA aims to restore the lost glory of its people, who have felt socially, political, and economically
marginalized at the hands of others, starting with the Burmese conquest in the 1700s, then the
British colonization in the 1800s, and the brief but catastrophic Japanese invasion and occupation
in 1942-1945.
After Burma became independent in 1948 (with Arakan - later Rakhine State - as a remote part of
it) the Arakanese lived and suffered through the stagnation, neglect, and authoritative dictatorships
that stymied progress and development throughout the whole country.
AA chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing has stated that the political objective of the AA is to obtain
confederate status for Rakhine State, modeled upon Wa State, under which it would have almost
complete autonomy within Myanmar, except in national defense, trade regulation and foreign
affairs. (This vision goes well beyond the federal proposals that have been discussed in the on-
again, off-again peace process, which envisage more limited local autonomy and, even then, are
unlikely to be acceptable to Naypyitaw).
The Tatmadaw is determined not to allow any other such enclaves to develop, and it is close to

205
unimaginable that they would grant the Arakan Army concessions that might help them accomplish
this objective as part of any future ceasefire. The rebels could try to achieve their goals by force,
but such a strategy would not play to their strengths. One key reason for their insurgency’s success
has been their use of asymmetric tactics and highly mobile groups of fighters. Securing and
defending a fixed enclave would require the use of more conventional forces for positional warfare,
against which the Tatmadaw’s standoff weapons and airpower would likely be decisive.

Wa State is an autonomous region within Shan State, Myanmar. It is de facto independent from
the rest of the country, and is governed by the United Wa State Party as a one-party socialist
state. The United Wa State Army (UWSA) is the ruling party of Wa State. It is an army of an
estimated 25,000 – 30,000 well equipped and well trained soldiers - a large and impressive
number considering the population of Wa State is just over 500,000.
The Wa have total control of their territory, and Myanmar government officials and the Tatmadaw
cannot enter without permission, hence it does not allow any Tatmadaw troops to guard the
border with China. The Wa have been able to achieve and sustain this status in part because
the United Wa State Army has controlled the area and had a stable ceasefire with the Tatmadaw
since 1989. It has also had long and close ties with China.
The Government of Myanmar does not officially recognize the sovereignty of Wa State, however,
it has been granted (perhaps reluctantly) a high level of autonomy by the central government.
Despite being de facto independent from Myanmar, Wa State officially recognizes Myanmar's
sovereignty over all of its territory, which may be a moot point, considering that Wa State
appears and operates as an independent country. Under the 2008 Constitution of Myanmar the
area is designated as the Wa Self-Administered Division of Shan State.
The Tatmadaw sees the enclave as an affront to the country’s sovereignty, but moving against
it would be extremely costly militarily and would likely prompt a diplomatic crisis with China.
I, Rick Heizman, have been in Wa State 4 times, which is nearly unheard of for a foreigner.
Problematic (to me) is the fact that Wa State can maintain its autonomous quasi-independence
by essentially having a very large and well-equipped militia commanded by Wa warlords, and
makes its money with gambling casinos, and by smuggling anything and everything - weapons,
heroin, methamphetamines, people, jade, teak, rubies, etc.
A land involved in everything illegal is a land ruled by drug lords, warlords, smuggling syndicates,
gambling casino mafias, and tough and authoritative commanders.
Hardly a model for Arakan to emulate.

In an interview with The Irrawaddy, Arakan Army commander-in-chief Twan Mrat Naing replied to
an interviewer's question by saying, "Whether the objective is to obtain a federal union of democracy
or the more autonomous confederate status like that of Wa State, the political objective of the
group is to obtain confederate status for Rakhine State, and we prefer confederate status like that
of Wa State, which has a larger share of power in line with the constitution."

206
 A federation grants sovereignty under the federal government, which holds the power over the
diplomatic, military, economic, and legal spheres, with the constituent units (the member states)
subordinate to the central government.
In contrast, a confederation gives the central authority influence over joint defense and foreign
policy, but member states are sovereign entities and may choose to leave the confederation at
any time.
While it is unclear how precisely the AA has defined its actual objectives under the banner of a
demand for confederate status, some of its demands are clear, in particular greater authority
over Rakhine States’s domestic affairs, with concessions for a common defense system and
cooperation on market regulation and foreign affairs.

The AA staged attacks on the Tatmadaw sporadically from 2015 - 2018, but then there was an
unprecedented and unforeseen escalation on January 4, 2019, when around 300 members of the
Arakan Army launched pre-dawn surprise attacks on four border police outposts in northern
Buthidaung Township. Thirteen members of the Border Guard Police (BGP) were killed and nine
others were injured, whilst 40 firearms and more than 10,000 rounds of ammunition were looted.
Since then there have been over 100 skirmishes, ambushes, and hostage grabbing incidents. Both
the Tatmadaw and AA have been accused of perpetrating violence and abuse against civilians,
including abductions and forced labor. It is a war, and war is nasty, and both sides are determined
to wear the opponent down, seemingly regardless of civilian casualties.

MISTAKES MADE - NEED TO BE ACKNOWLEDGED

The biggest mistake of the AA is this:

Why did they have to start this war (in 2019)?
There is a much greater enemy to deal with - and that is ARSA - which is determined to try again
and again to wage an intended genocide upon the Buddhists, Hindus and ethnic minorities of
Rakhine State, by slaughtering all of them, and/or forcing them out. Nowadays ARSA / Mujahidin

207
are gaining jihadis from Pakistan, Afghanistan, Syria, Indonesia, Malaysia, and others, and buying
and receiving more and better weapons and explosives.

Protestors in Mrauk-U shot:

On January 16, 2018, in the town of Mrauk-U, where the last royal capital of the Arakan Buddhist
Kingdom reigned, there was to be an annual event
commemorating the 233rd anniversary of the kingdom’s
dissolution. One of the speakers was to be Dr. Aye Maung,
a prominent Rakhine politician and member of the Pyithu
Hluttaw (Burmese Legislature). The organizers already had
their permit, but some local Burmese authorities cancelled
the event at the last minute, afraid that Dr. Aye Maung
would speak in a rebellious nationalistic manner, as he was
somewhat famous for doing.
A large group of angry protestors marched through the town, voicing their displeasure for several
hours. When the demonstration reached the local government office at nightfall tensions were
getting out of control. Some protesters started to break into and possibly set fire to a government
building and then suddenly shooting erupted killing 7 Rakhine protestors.

Mistakes of the Burmese authorities:

1. The authorities should have let Dr. Aye Maung speak, even if it would be rebellious and
nationalistic. Two days later everything would have been the same again.
2. Dr. Aye Maung should not have been sentenced to 20 years in prison, that will make him a
martyr for a very long time. That will come back to bedevil the Burmese authorities.
3. There needs to be real, urgent, serious, and honest talks and actions concerning power-
sharing, resource sharing, and significant development projects which in all of these three
cases would benefit the people of Rakhine State.

208
 I was there, in Mrauk-U, at that time.
I was going to meet Aye Maung, but was told that he couldn’t because he was detained. I
filmed the protests up and down the streets of Mrauk-U for an hour. When it seemed like the
protest was breaking up, and protesters were beginning to go home I stopped at a local
restaurant to eat. However, protestors started gathering again and marched to the government
building. My sense is that the troops were ordered not to shoot - the situation was already
volatile enough. But, at that point, with rocks being thrown, a soldier could have been hit in the
face and accidentally pulled the trigger, or in a fit of anger pulled the trigger, and immediately
other troops reacted.
Regardless of how it happened, it did tragically happen,
however, it should not have happened.
All night and the following day I listened to angry Rakhine people and friends talk, and talk.
Even with my long experience in Rakhine State since 1996, that day was the most significant
day for me to understand the issue that is burning between the Rakhine and the Burmese - two
blood cousins - that can get along fine, as I know, with many friends of both peoples - however,
there is the issue of authority. The Burmese are the authority of the country of Myanmar -
including Rakhine State - and the Rakhine can feel trampled upon, and wish for their own
authority, or at least, a more equal and symbiotic sharing of authority.
I would say, that day, Jan 16, 2018, was the beginning of an enormous shift, that led to the AA
becoming so popular, and the Rakhine people becoming solidly defiant.

END RESULT SCENARIOS

Let’s look at several scenarios:
1. If ARSA / Mujahidin ‘won’.
2. If the AA ‘won’, scenario 1
3. If the AA ‘won’, scenario 2
4. If the Burmese army (Tatmadaw) ‘won’
5. If neither the AA or Tatmadaw ‘won'
To ‘win’ is dependent on the applicable meaning or shade of ‘win’ or ‘won’, the terms and conditions,
which can be any number of points between complete unconditional surrender (unlikely), or some
kind of nebulous, temporary truce.
(By analyzing these scenarios, I am not suggesting that any one of them is possible, or impossible
- I am actually just exploring what the end result of any of these paths may be.)

If the Arakan Army ‘won’ - scenario 1 - emulates Wa State

1. Firstly, keep in mind, the AA is not going to defeat the Tatmadaw totally and forever.
2. Secondly, the AA is not going to capture and maintain control over southern Rakhine State
- Tandaway, Napali, Ramri Island or Chebdu island.
3. At best, the AA would control Sittwe and north of Sittwe.

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 4. If the AA and Tatmadaw came to an agreement to stop fighting it might be like this:
An agreement with terms to allow AA to have a quasi-independent ‘Arakan’ State - a
federation with the federal government or a confederate status, or a hybrid of the two -
which would technically include Rakhine State within the borders of Myanmar - although
there may or may not be Tatmadaw soldiers guarding the border with Bangladesh.
5. As a money-starved state it would be susceptible to the rise, power, and control of drug
warlords, smuggling gangs, and mafia type figures vying for power and control.
6. The State would still have to deal with the Bengali Muslim problem, threat, and curse.
7. As I stated earlier, there is great danger in emulating the Wa State formula.

If the AA ‘won’ - scenario 2 - complete independence

1. Firstly, the AA is not going to defeat the Tatmadaw totally and forever.
2. Secondly, the AA is not going to capture and maintain control over southern Rakhine State
- Tandaway, Napali, Ramri Island or Chebdu island.
3. At best, the AA would control Sittwe and north of Sittwe.
4. A new independent ‘Arakan’ country would be a very small country of 2-3 million people
(including about 600,000 - 700,000 Bengali Muslims - who have a significantly higher
birthrate) bordering on Bangladesh which has a population of 165 million people.
5. The Rakhine Buddhists would be ecstatic with their new ‘freedom’, however, they would
quickly face an insurmountable threat to their ‘freedom’ both from empowered Muslims
within and numerous terrorist groups and Muslim countries eager to destroy and seize
Arakan.
6. The Muslims would know that the Tatmadaw would not be able to defend against an invasion
of Arakan from Bangladesh.
7. The Arakan nation would not have the military power, size, aircraft and ships of the Tatmadaw
to stop a massive attack.
8. I would sadly predict, with all that I know, that Arakan would be defeated in 1-2 years.

If ARSA / Mujahidin ‘won’

1. If ARSA somehow ‘won’ it would be in the parts of northern Rakhine State that are north of
Sittwe, and may even include the ancient Buddhist royal capital of Mrauk-U, and the
Mahamuni Pagoda complex, which are the heart (Mrauk-U) and the soul (Mahamuni) of the
Rakhine Buddhist identity.
2. If ARSA ‘won’ there would be a massive ethnic cleansing and genocide as ALL Buddhists,
Hindus, and ethnic minorities were slaughtered and sent fleeing in all directions.
3. ALL ruins and structures from the history and legacy of the ancient Buddhist (and Hindu)
kingdoms would be destroyed - as similar ruins and structures were destroyed in the once
Buddhist and Hindu lands that are now known as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan.

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 4. The Buddhist legacy, history and culture of northern Rakhine State would be lost forever.
5. This scenario is conceivably possible, if ARSA had the help of massive amounts of modern
weapons and explosives, and thousands of jihadis from other Muslim countries joining the
jihad. In the Muslim world there is talk of assembling an overwhelming Muslim Army to
attack and invade - possibly the entire country of Myanmar - forcing a surrender of northern
Arakan that can be defended by a Muslim army.
6. ARSA, with the help of a Muslim army would then prepare to take central and southern
Rakhine State, and eventually more parts of Myanmar - the Muslim conquest of infidel lands
is obligatory and never-ending.

If the Burmese army (Tatmadaw) ‘won’

1. It would most likely not be a total victory with an unconditional surrender, but it would be
enough of a win to dictate some terms.
2. People in Rakhine State would be able to resume their lives and livelihoods.
3. Tourism could restart and expand, bringing money, exposure, and attention to the nearly
unknown superb attractions and culture of Arakan.
4. There would still be about 600,000 - 700,000 Bengali Muslims - with a significantly higher
birthrate - bordering on Bangladesh which has a population of 165 million people.
5. There would still be a threat of Islamic terrorism and agenda eager to destroy and seize
Arakan, but the Tatmadaw - and ideally Rakhine security forces working together - can be
strong enough to facedown any attempts to launch further terrorist attacks or invasions.
6. Development projects can continue, or restart, hopefully under better terms for the Rakhine
people.

If neither AA or Tatmadaw ‘won’

1. Another strong and likely outcome is one where neither side wins or loses, but both sides are
worn down and agree to inconclusive and nebulous terms, which may or may not hold up
over time.
2. The attention of both AA and Tatmadaw would have to (or should) turn to the conflict / war
with the Bengali Muslim Islamic terrorists - ARSA / Mujahidin - that is the biggest threat, by
far, against both the Rakhine people and culture, and the Burmese people and culture.

By Rick Heizman, Sept 12, 2020

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 MYANMAR SCORES NUMBER 1
- FIVE YEARS IN A ROW -
IN INTERNATIONAL SURVEY
OF GENEROSITY
By Rick Heizman, Nov 15, 2020

Charities Aid Foundation (CAF), a leading international charity

based in London, started a survey called the World Giving Index
around 2009 to provide insight into the scope and nature of
giving around the world. In order to ensure that giving is
understood in its various forms, the report looks at three
aspects of giving behavior.
The questions that lie at the heart of the report are:
1) Have you donated money to a charity in the last month?
(The index measures countries by proportion of population giving rather than how much they give)

2) Have you volunteered your time to an organization in the last month?

3) Have you helped a stranger, or someone you didn’t know, who needed help during the last
month?
When CAF first conceived the idea for the World Giving Index,
they wanted to encourage people across the world to start asking
these questions, and start thinking about creating the conditions
that would make the world more charitable based on these ideas:
How can we make the world a more generous place; how can we
encourage more people to give their time or money to help others,
be it by supporting organisations to do good, or by a random act
of kindness for a stranger?

The survey was carried out among 126 countries of the world,
excluding some nations that would have been impossible, very
dangerous, or beset with government interference, such as North
Korea, Somalia, and Cuba. 1.3 million people were surveyed over
a 10 year period.

SCORES - CONGRATULATIONS MYANMAR!

Surprisingly, to some who may not know the country, culture, and people, but deservedly in reality,
Myanmar scored number ONE in the world, in 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, and 2018 - FIVE YEARS IN
A ROW!

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In 2013 Myanmar scored number 2! (there was no survey carried out in 2019, and in 2020 CFA
analyzed the scores over a 10 year period - from 2009 to 2018)

TOP TEN-YEAR AGGREGATE SCORES:

In the analysis of the 10 year time frame scores, the number 1 most charitable country is the
USA, and Myanmar is a very close number 2.

The top ten-year aggregate scores and ranking:

1 - USA
2 - Myanmar
3 - New Zealand
4 - Australia
5 - Ireland
6 - Canada
7 - Untied Kingdom
8 - Netherlands
9 - Sri Lanka
10 - Indonesia
Note that giving and generosity are not necessarily tied to wealth. While most of the top ten
countries are considered wealthy countries, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia are not in
that league.

The neighboring countries of Myanmar - ten-year scores:

Sri Lanka - 9
Indonesia - 10
Thailand - 21
Malaysia - 30
Phillipines - 33
Pakistan - 69
Bangladesh - 81
India - 82
Vietnam - 84
Cambodia - 102
China - 126 (China achieved the lowest ten-year score of all 126 countries)
Laos - (not surveyed)

By Rick Heizman, Nov 15, 2020

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