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Creating, Reconstructing, and Protecting

Historical Narratives:
Archives and the LBGT Community

Brittany Bennett Parris'

Abstract
What is the relationship between archives and the Lesbian, Bisexual,
Gay, Transgender (LBGT) community? In response to this larger question,
this paper explores the following inquiries: 1.) When sexuality and gender
identity are the foci of an archive, what is its mission and why? 2.) What role
does the archivist play in relation to the LBGT community and its historical
narratives? 3.) Who exactly are the users of LBGT archives? 4.) What internal
and external challenges do these institutions face and how are they handled?
5.) What does the future hold for these archives and the LBGT community? A
closer look at these inquiries uncovers trends and themes present in the world
of LBGT archives.

Creating, Reconstructing, and Protecting Historical


Narratives: Archives and the LBGT Community
In order to preserve, salvage, or reconstruct a history of a people, an idea,
or a movement, it is important to have access to the primary components of that
history. The careful work of archivists and archival repositories are the means
by which histories like this can be examined. One community that has found
a gateway to its history through archives is the Lesbian, Bisexual, Gay, and
Transgender (LBGT) community. As Harmon (2005) points out, "Gay history
is elusive .... What survives is a record of the past century pieced together
through books and news clippings, posters and paintings, letters between
lovers and home movies of commitment ceremonies" (p. 58). Such a statement
could extend to all of LBGT. Carmichael (1998) echoes this statement about
queer history and acknowledges the difficulties inherent in keeping a history
alive without the sources that make up that history. Fortunately, the work of
archivists can begin to address these difficulties.

Brittany Bennett Parris received her Master of Library and Information Science degree in
May 2008 from the University of South Florida, and is currently working as an archivist in
downtown Atlanta.

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What then is the nature of the relationship between archives and
LBGT individuals? This paper will explore this question and the following in
greater detail:
"* When sexuality and gender identity are the foci of an archive, what is
its mission and why? What role does the archivist play in relation to
this group of people and its historical narratives?
"• Who exactly are the users of LBGT archives?
"* What internal and external challenges do these institutions face and
how are they handled?
"* What does the future hold for queer archives and the LBGT
community?
An exploration of the myriad answers to these questions will lead to a
better understanding of the relationship between archives and the history
of a community that has and continues to face marginalization and that has
struggled to retain the chronicles of its past.

Terminology
LBGT, as previously defined, can appear in variant forms, such as GLBT,
LGBT, and so on. The term transgenderor transgenderedgenerally refers to
an individual who identifies with a gender other than the one into which the
person was born, although this is a simplified definition (Kranz & Cusick,
2005; Taylor, 2002). Oftentimes, the LBGT acronym can be expanded
to include additional terms, such as seen in LBGTQA. In this instance, the
Q stands for questioning, which can refer to persons curious about LBGT
issues or their own sexuality, and the A stands for allies, which typically
refers to heterosexual supporters of the LBGT community. The term lesbigay
sometimes occurs in the literature to describe parts of this community, but it
is less popular and not entirely inclusive (Greenblatt, 2005). Within the LBGT
community, the term queer may be used in a positive manner as a way "to
describe a range of sexualities on the spectrum of human sexuality outside
what is considered heterosexual or straight" (Linville, 2004, p. 183). Such
terms will be utilized throughout the course of this exposition, with additional
terminology being defined as the need arises.

History of Queer Archives


The creation of many queer archives began following social and political
upheaval in the 1960s. Although the Stonewall riots are probably the best
known of these climatic events, LBGT activism in America most likely started
with the formation of the Society for Human Rights in 1924 in Chicago, with
other movements following suit. Still, many view the Stonewall riots of
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1969 as the beginning of LBGT history in the United States. The Stonewall
riots, seen by many as a turning point for the LBGT community, came about
following several police raids on a gay bar by the name of Stonewall in New
York. The quantity and frequency of these raids caused the bar's patrons,
comprised largely of members from the gay and transgender communities, to
perceive the police actions as outright harassment; subsequently, the patrons
rioted in the streets and altercations occurred between the rioters and police
for many days. Since then "Stonewall" has become an icon for gay identity,
pride, liberation, and taking a stand (Lukenbill, 2002).
However, others would disagree with setting Stonewall and the 1960s as
the starting point for queer history in America. As Warren (1997) asserts, to
place the start of LBGT history at the Stonewall riots is equivalent to beginning
"a U.S. history book in 1776, omitting three centuries of colonialism and long
centuries of native culture--to say nothing of visits to the Americas by early
European and Mediterranean peoples.... Stonewall did not happen like a bolt
from the blue!" (paira. 6). It is in establishing the full, rich history of the LBGT
community that archives come into play. Arondekar's (2005) exploration of
India, sexuality, and the colonial archive shows some parallels to the issues
that are being raised within this analysis, stating that "even as the concept of
a fixed and finite archive has come under siege, there has been an explosion
of multiple/alternate archives that seek to remedy the erasures of the past" (p.
11). Indeed, alternate archives are emerging and have been emerging in order
to address the silence often encountered when seeking LBGT narratives.

Most early archives came into creation by way of grassroots-level


collecting by LBGT individuals themselves through an agglomeration of items
documenting what it meant to be a part of this community (Carmichael, 1998;
Kirste, 2007). Following the work done by individuals in the 1960s, archival
collections in the 1980s and 1990s were more concerned with reconstructing
various aspects of LBGT history. The active archival agenda of the Lesbian
Herstory Archives, founded in 1973, is one example (Marston, 1998). In order
to understand the driving forces behind such efforts, Lukenbill (2002) points
out that "group and self identity [and] self-esteem" (p. 94) stand as significant
factors that must be understood with regards to the LBGT community. The
collection and promotion of materials relevant to these identities is one way
this community can assert its worth and can claim respect. It is important to
understand just how valuable is the retention of one's history with regard to
identity. When history is lost, identity can also disappear. Warren (1997) warns
about how easy it is to lose a history: "'History' is terrifyingly vulnerable to
denial. If one grandmother sweeps a family secret under the rug, or never
shares her stories with her grandchildren, the family's picture of itself is
skewed" (para. 11). Indeed, the LBGT community can be thought of as a
family or as a network of families; the act of keeping queer archives mitigates
the "sweeping of things under rugs" that can often take place.

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Archival Missions
According to Hunter (2003), the mission of the archival process has three
parts: "To identify records and papers of enduring value; to preserve them;
[and] to make them available to patrons" (p. 3).These records in LBGT-related
archives can include letters, videos, books, home movies, personal papers, and
so on. A closer look at repositories concerned with queer communities and
resources shows demonstrations and variations of this basic understanding
of the archival mission. Although most of these archives openly share the
sense of importance and responsibility that comes with working toward the
preservation of the past, an analysis of the principles at the heart of their
individual missions illustrates some differences of opinion-starkly so, in
some cases. By examining the rationale behind the missions of several queer
archives, one hopes to shed light on the reasons why the continued existence
of said archives is crucial for the respective communities that they serve.
The mission of Cormell University's Human Sexuality Collection (HSC)
can help to answer this question. The work of the Mariposa Education and
Research Foundation led to the eventual creation of Cornell's HSC. The
MariposaArchives began as a response to the scarcity of sexuality information
available to groups such as gays and lesbians by providing resources to address
their information needs. The gift of the Mariposa Education and Research
Foundation's archives, given to Cornell in 1988, forms the foundation of the
HSC (Marston, 1998). In the 1990s, the goal of the HSC fell in line with the
underlying purpose behind Mariposa's original work:
Our goal at Cornell now is to continue Mariposa's work--to find
and preserve documents on marginalized and controversial aspects
of human sexuality. Further, we want to make these sources widely
accessible and to promote research use of them. By gathering a more
balanced historical record, we hope to allow greater understanding
of the meanings of sexuality in our culture. We want to give people
unique sources for studying the production and organization of
sexualities and other interconnected identities. (Marston, 1998, p. 138)
The hope of such goals is to promote improved knowledge of the queer
experience, both on the individual level and within the context of mainstream
society at large (Marston, 1998).
The overall mission of the HSC is to exist as a sexuality collection for
all people and not just for specific groups of the queer community. This can
be viewed as a "strategy of inclusiveness" (Marston, 1990, p. 69). The work
of David Goodstein, an alumnus of the University, demonstrates an aversion
to the imposition of access limitations for the collection that would restrict
use to only those in the LBGT community since such actions could cause
heterosexuals to "too easily dismiss it as irrelevant to themselves .... He
argued that sexuality is a central part to all of our lives" (Marston, 1990,
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p. 69).This statement highlights the need for a mainstream sexuality collection
that caters to all members of the public.
Other archives share this sense of mission, such as the ONE Institute and
Archives, located in Los Angeles. It stands as the largest and oldest example
of an archival repository for the LBGT community in America, with the
Institute being founded in 1956 (Lukenbill, 2002). A section of the mission
statement for ONE reads as follows: "We foster acceptance of sexual and
gender diversity by supporting education and research about our heritage
and experience worldwide. ONE is dedicated to collecting, preserving,
documenting, studying, and communicating our history, our challenges, and
our aspirations" (ONE National Gay & LesbianArchives, 2006, para. 1). Like
Cornell's HSC, ONE's mission demonstrates components of inclusive public
education and outreach. Lukenbill (2002) reviews other archives with similar
mission statements, such as the Canadian Lesbian and Gay Archives, as well
as the Gay and Lesbian Archives of South Africa.
The position of these archives as promoters of their resources to the
mainstream public puts them in interesting positions in relation to their
missions.This mission, which could be termed the"mission of the mainstream,"
has its educational and political value, yet others would say that it falls short
of bolstering LBGT community pride in the way that queer community-based
archives can (Marston, 1990). Collections like Cornell's HSC often carry and
promote collections related to famous gays and lesbians; in this regard and
possibly in other cases, smaller, community-centered archival institutions
often strive to fill in the gaps that mark queer history. "Community-based
archives push the boundaries of acceptance, putting history to work for us. It is
essential that in our enthusiasm to achieve mainstream recognition that we not
neglect or impoverish community controlled history projects" (Thistlethwaite,
1995, Out in the Mainstream section, para. 8).
A prime example of such a community-based archive is the Lesbian
Herstory Archives (LHA), located in New York, which was founded to
cultivate a sense of community by constructing an institution (Thistlethwaite,
1998). In 1979 LHA became the Lesbian Herstory Educational Foundation
(LHEF) when it incorporated. This move was an attestation of the institution's
commitment to outreach for its community (Thistlethwaite, 1990). In order to
draw a distinction between any changes in policy or philosophy that may have
taken place over the years since its earlier days, the organization's initial name
of LHA will be used here to refer to both LHA and LHEF.
Thistlethwaite (1995), who has volunteered at the LHA since the mid
1980s, promotes communal support through the development of archives, an
act that involves "taking charge of our histories to ensure that lesbian and gay
lives are not packaged to ease another's understanding" (p. 10). The basic
mission of the LHA can be seen in their current statement of purpose:

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The Lesbian HerstoryArchives exist to gather and preserve records of
Lesbian lives and activities so that future generations will have ready
access to materials relevant to their lives. The process of gathering
this material will also serve to uncover and collect our herstory
denied to us previously by patriarchal historians in the interests of
the culture which they serve. The existence of these Archives will
enable us to analyze and reevaluate the Lesbian experience; we also
anticipate that the existence of these archives will encourage lesbians
to record their experiences in order to formulate our living Herstory.
(LHEF, Inc., 2007, Statement of Purpose, para. 1)
In comparison to the mission of Cornell's HSC, the goals of LHA are
understandably more lesbian-centric; however, the language in the LHA
goals also takes on an air of defensiveness, or what can be better termed self-
protectiveness. A further look into their mission goals and their underlying
rationale highlights this self-protectiveness and demonstrates a sense of this
archival institution's tight-knit understanding of their "community."
This self-protectiveness can be understood better when one considers the
historical context of the institution's formation, a time in which lesbians and
other marginalized groups were facing forms of oppression and persecution
(Thistlethwaite, 1998). Joan Nestle, a co-founder of the LHA, wrote a piece
entitled "Notes on Radical Archiving from a Lesbian Feminist Standpoint,"
which sheds light on several interesting elements of the LHA's original
approach to archiving and outreach (Nestle, 1979). Foremost, what is this
notion of "radical archiving?" It certainly dismisses any notion of a passive
archivist concerned only with the safekeeping of physical documents. Nestle
(1979) explains that LHA "must serve the needs of the Lesbian people"
(p. 11), which suggests that, by the omission of non-lesbians in this statement,
it would not necessarily have to cater to the needs of others outside this group.
Nestle also calls for active political involvement by the archives in relation
to issues that lesbians must face. Here one sees the emerging notion of the
archivist as advocate, a phrase coined by Motley (1984). The archivists of
Nestle's vision must go beyond merely collecting documents and preserving
them; instead, they must also go out and fight for their constituents (Nestle,
1979).

Furthermore,Nestle calls foran archival staff comprised solely of lesbians,


an assertion that advances the pervasive qualities of the "for us by us" language
surrounding the LHA. LHA can be seen as having a mission grounded in what
might be termed a hardcore grassroots approach (Thistlethwaite, 1990, 1998).
Thistlethwaite (1990) describes LHA as "a grassroots radical alternative to
mainstream archives" (p. 62). Why this radical approach? Why would an
archive choose separatism as part of its overall identity? Carmichael (1998)
addresses these questions by explaining that "separatism preserves integrity,
ensures safety, and exercises the collective will" (p. 16).All three key elements
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of this statement--integrity, safety, and collective will-resonate with crucial
points addressed in the mission of LHA. Since mainstream academic LBGT
archives typically do not engage in. this separatism, one wonders if there
might be any sense of mistrust directed toward the more mainstream archives
by the smaller grassroots institutions. If such mistrust exists, it would likely
be because the mainstream archives are thought to be lacking in the key
benefits provided by separatism. Perhaps such mistrust would come from the
perception that these other archives lack the ability to serve both as a refuge
and as an archival repository for their users.
Beyond its mission as a repository for informational resources, the LHA
is also presented as a haven, an enclave offering a place for emotional healing
and growth (Thistlethwaite, 1990,1998). Schwarz (1992) adds to this idea of
archives as sanctuaryby stating, "LHA is both a life-giving place and a place
to commemorate lost lovers and friends. At times it can offer a substitute for
something lesbians as a group have been deprived of, the rituals of communal
sorrow when death separates us" (p. 186). In comparing the missions of
Cornell's HSC and the LHA, one can recognize the basic components of the
archival process represented in both repositories. However, the two institutions
vary greatly in their overall missions. HSC represents more of an academic
approach to queer archives for both the LBGT community and the mainstream
public; LHA represents a radical understanding of what it means to be an
archival repository existing predominantly for a select group of constituents.
Of course, other kinds of archival repositories with collections geared
toward sexual and/or gender identity exist, each with their own respective
missions. There is the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, with
a focus on collecting black gay and lesbian literature, giving it a particularly
unique position and mission. It focuses on collecting the works of low-profile
queer black writers in order to give attention to those who might otherwise
have been lost as parts of this particular historical and literary narrative; as its
mission, the Center works toward centralizing a scattered history through its
collecting practices (Wright, 2004).
As another example of a different kind of archival center with its own
mission, one that serves a different purpose, stands the Leather Archives
and Museum (LAM), which collects materials relevant to the BDSM/fetish
community. BDSM/fetish subculture is but one of the many components
belonging to some of the interwoven narratives that make up the tapestry of
LBGT history. As Executive Director Rick Storer explains, by fulfilling its
own mission, the LAM and its members "are a strong, vibrant, passionate
community that can be proud of the way we have sex, the way we live, and the
way we will pass our stories on to future generations. Without a connection to
our history, we are powerless and lost.. .just a bunch of freaks having a good
time" (Leather Archives and Museum, 2006, p. 2). As with all queer archives,

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establishing a link to the past in order to ensure the integrity of self identity and
group identity is of utmost importance. In a sense, archiving these historical
narratives brings with it a sense of validation, regardless of the institution.
Queer video archives stand as another example of archives with their own
mission. Kirste (2007) overviews the efforts of archives to collect, preserve,
and promote queer moving images, explaining that such repositories generally
share the basic mission of all archival centers. Video archives and their
missions can also come into play in larger social justice movements, such as
in the AIDS crisis of the 1980s, as explored by Juhasz (2006). This brings up
historic missions that have been part of the queer archives movement, such as
the mission to provide AIDS information in the 1980s, as seen in the Lesbian
and Gay Rights Resource Centre of New Zealand (Parkinson & Parkin, 1998).
In terms of video archives, Juhasz (2006) believes that queer moving images,
nostalgia, and hopes for the future all come together to create a mission of
"'queer archive activism'" (p. 326). This notion of the archivist as advocate
or activist comes across strongly as a common theme in the world of LBGT
archives. As Juhasz (2006) asserts, "We can use archival media to remember,
feel anew, analyze, and educate, ungluing the past from its melancholic grip,
and instead living it as a gift with others in the here and now" (p. 326). Such
a statement resonates with the restorative powers of archives as advocated by
the LHA.
Oftentimes, these larger institutions and their purposes for existing are
born out of the drive of individual collectors. Jim Kepner (1998) gives an
account of his individual experiences of collecting queer-related material,
eventually going on to work toward making his collection public. His early
efforts can be viewed as the very embodiment of a grassroots approach to
LBGT archives, efforts that combined with the need to connect to the larger
public to produce something beyond a private hoard of queer materials-in
a sense, it is a melding of some of the archival approaches looked at thus
far. Lukenbill (2002) makes an observation about the commonalities of some
archival mission statements, stating that the missions of these queer archives
"clearly reflect the need for positive identification, self-imagery, and social
and cultural recognition" (p. 96).

The Role of the Archivist


Oftentimes those who have put in the most work in preserving their history
are the individuals to whom such a history belongs-the queer community
itself. Allen (2005) observes that queer individuals are taking an active part
in the construction of archives that will work toward preserving their history.
This resonates strongly with Schellenberg's (1956) understanding of the work
and mission of archivists, stating that it "is work for posterity in the double
sense of being done for and by posterity" (p. 127). Brenda J. Marston, who

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has spent much of her career working closely with Cornell's HSC, has stated
that the aim of archivists concerned with the queer community "should be to
establish a full, complex, representative lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered
archival record, making donors happy and proud in the process. We should
get valuable collections into appropriate archives and connect donors with
archives where they feel comfortable" (1998, p. 142). While a graduate
student, Marston realized how useful archivists could be in establishing this
archival record. She felt excitement about "the idea of becoming an archivist
who could help make our [lesbian] record more complete" (Marston, 1998,
p. 137).
What does it mean to make a historical record "more complete" and how
does one go about making this so? Marston (1998) points out that it is difficult
to construct a queer history because the roles of those within it seldom are ever
"that neat or linear"'.(p. 139). The roles that she refers to are all of those held by
people within the archival realm of queer materials--constituents, archivists,
activists, historians, and so on. In order to be able to construct or reconstruct
queer historical narratives, a networking and blurring of these roles must take
place and often does: "Each of these groups contributes to creating historical
records, to finding materials that should be preserved, to placing them in an
archival home, and to interpreting and telling the stories of our lives. Queer
history is created by networks of people" (Marston, 1998, p. 139). Here again
one sees more basis for the notion of the archivist as advocate.
What exactly does activism entail? Accordingly to Motley (1984),
"Activism entails an effort to influence our lives and those of people around
us through concerted individual and group efforts to achieve specific means
toward a common good" (p. 66). When,combined with the traditional role of the
archivist, the result is a proactive archivist, concerned both with the archives
itself and with working toward the promotion of the ideals of the constituents
being served. The role that the proactive archivist plays is a role that can shift
based on the political and social environment; it can be defensive, aggressive,
supportive, outreaching, and more. It is an idea far removed from any kind of
concept of the archivist's role as that of passive organizer and gatherer, as the
role might have been thought of by Jenkinson (1922/1965). It even goes a step
farther than Schellenberg's (1956) sanctioning of the archivist as a historian.
Essentially, Motley (1984) is calling for a component of "social concern"
(p. 72) to become a duty of the archival profession. Archivists in general,
as rescuers, maintainers, and promoters of unique informational resources,
should actively make themselves aware of "the situations of those who are the
victims of discrimination, because they belong to ethnic minorities, or because
of their gender or sexual preference" (Motley, 1984, p. 70). A vested archival
interest in such groups of persons can be a pivotal step in saving their histories
and in providing information for them for many more years to come.

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In terms of the daily work that archivists must do, areas of most concern
when handling queer archival materials are the acts of arrangement and
description. Hunter (2003) explains that "arrangement is the organization of
archives or manuscripts in accord with acceptable professional principles"
(p. 5) and description "is the opportunity for the archivist to record what is
known about the collection and its arrangement in a way that will facilitate
access by researchers" (p. 6). According to Duff and Harris (2002),
'The archivist's role in relation to records is to reveal their meaning and
significance-not to participate in the construction of meanings--through
the exercise of intellectual control" (p. 264). With regard to caring for
LBGT materials, this should hold true as well; however, oftentimes it is the
inadequate construction of meanings and the leaving out of meanings within
archives that can essentially "hide" information that would be relevant
to queer lives and people. In response to some issues inherent in Duff and
Harris' (2002) statement, Deodato (2006) calls for the undertaking of a new,
postmodern perspective when it comes to the act of arranging and describing
archives. Within this perspective, archival records cannot be seen as neutral
and this lack of neutrality ties into the concept of archivist as advocate; "in the
postmodernist view, the archivist is not the mere keeper of the record, but its
co-creator" (Deodato, 2006, p. 58).

Such statements call for the professional archivist to wear both the hats of
advocate and author. Archivists must be aware of individual subjectivities and
possible outside biases that can enter into the act of arranging and describing
queer materials in order to do justice to this community's history (Deodato,
2006). With the tone of a caveat, Duff and Harris (2002) state that "the power
to describe is the power to make and remake records and to determine how
they will be used and remade in the future. Each story we tell about our
records, each description we compile, changes the meaning of records and
recreates them" (p. 272). If the archivist of LBGT materials approaches this
act carefully, then the hope is that the true meaning of the records will be
preserved and will be made available for posterity. Such a warning also speaks
to those archivists who might create a record for queer archival material in
such a way as to diminish its true meaning, to label female "lover" as female
"friend," by way of a common example. Duff and Harris (2002) recognize
the role of archivist as author thusly: "In archival description archivists tell
stories about stories; they tell stories with stories" (p. 276). Deodato (2006)
asserts that archivists must understand that the traditional approach to archival
arrangement and description, with its emphasis on provenance, original order,
and neutrality, is severely limiting to the kind of work that needs to be taking
place; in sum, he wants "to encourage archivists to recognize and embrace the
mediating role they play in shaping the historical record" (p. 62).

14
In addition to arrangement and description, archivists in charge of LBGT
repositories must also be concerned with duties related to education, outreach,
and reference services. Foremost, archivists must network with others to know
what LBGT topics are having attention paid to them and to know what is
not receiving attention. Focus must then turn toward preserving the entire
history and all of its varied elements. This requires a public presence and the
broadcasting of collection goals for repositories, which also helps archival
institutions to prevent duplicating work done by other archives (Marston,
1998). Thistlethwaite (1998) also calls for public relations, stating that
archives should work on creating a presence for themselves. Marston (1998)
drives the point across on the importance of outreach and reference for queer
archives by stating: "We really don't have a history until people start telling it"
(p. 148) and this can be accomplished through publications, speeches,
exhibits, orientations, and archival tours.
However, this history that needs telling often exists within the materials
of the queer individuals who began collecting them in the first place and
oftentimes these individuals express reluctance to part with these items (Allen,
2005).This reluctance may spring out of concerns related to individual privacy,
something that is often the case when donating materials to archives and
something that can be even trickier to navigate when dealing with potentially
controversial topics, such as sexuality and gender identity. "By constructing
policies that protect privacy, archivists can encourage donors to save and give
revealing materials. By letting researchers know what archives hold, they can
help them write about once-taboo sexual topics" (Schwarz, 1992, p. 180).
Certainly, this is where outreach and education become especially important
roles of the archivist. Marston (1998) urges archivists to talk to people about
the benefits of preserving their items and to offer them information on ways
in which these materials could be housed. Such outreach presents the perfect
chance for an educational moment to take place between potential or actual
donors and the archivist. Donor relations are imperative in the world of queer
archives. In sum, archivists of queer archives must play many roles and
perform a variety of vital functions for the sake of creating, reconstructing,
and protecting queer historical narratives.

Users of Queer Archives


Users of all queer archives can run the gamut of individual personality
types, backgrounds, sexual orientations, and gender identities. As an archive
that tries to tackle broad issues of sexuality, the user group of Cornell's HSC is
equally broad. The HSC aims to have an inclusive user base (Marston, 1990).
Important differences emerge when this user group is placed in juxtaposition
with the user group chiefly served by the LHA. LHA primarily caters to an
exclusive, lesbian-centric user group. In order to comprehend the rationale
behind this, one has to understand the context in which the LHA was first
15
forged.According to Thistlethwaite (1998), "The LHA was not constructed for
a mainstream and academic public, but for a lesbian constituency, coming out
in the 1970s" (p. 159). Perhaps to understand the rationale behind the LHA's
approach to defining a user group, one should look toward Thistlethwaite's
(1998) synopsis of the Lesbian Herstory Educational Foundation's user policy:
With the lesbian-feminist traditional "all women welcome" policy
for most LHEF-sponsored events, LHEF continues to embrace the
mission of providing 'safe,' 'comfortable,' 'connectivist' social
space for lesbians who prefer the absence of any kind of man...
. The archives continues to welcome men (and women) to use the
collection, however, by appointment outside of the hours reserved
for welcoming women only. (p. 163)
This presents the thinking behind why an archive like LHA would cater to a
somewhat exclusive user group.
Nevertheless, it still stands that users of LBGT archives can be anyone,
ranging from laypersons to undergraduates to scholars. Marston (1998) of
Cornell's HSC emphasizes the benefits of presenting materials on sexuality
to students, regardless of their own personal backgrounds. This is because
personal queer documentation, such as old novels or journals, gives these
students both a tangible and intellectual way to connect to issues of sexuality.
Moreover, when such students are themselves queer, having access to
these materials can often take on an entirely different level of meaning and
significance. Hunter-Morton (2003) shares her feelings on this matter as a
person who identifies with the LBGT community, stating that "information
about gender and sexual minorities is very important to me. It lets me know
that I am not the first person in history to be queer; it ends the isolation, silence,
and shame about who I am" (p. 215). This speaks to aforementioned notions
of self identity and group identity, as well as the restorative role that archives
can play for all users.

Challenges Faced by LBGT Archives


Like scores of other archival institutions, queer archives suffer from
a variety of common problems. These problems can range from visitor
accommodation concerns due to crowding to a lack of space for resources and
the subsequent effect that this has on providing services (Thistlethwaite, 1990).
Sometimes these somewhat common challenges are more particular, such as
the special care that must take place when handling video archival material-
the same holds true for LBGT archives. However, oftentimes video materials
important to the queer community are not very well known by those who are
not directly part of this community, meaning that they do not always receive
the kind of preservation attention that they need (Kirste, 2007). Many archives
also share the common problems of inadequate funding and small budgets.
16
Queer archival repositories are no exception to this problem with funding and
may even suffer more from it in some cases (Kirste, 2007; Lukenbill, 2002;
Marston, 1998; Thistlethwaite, 1990). Without funding, the resources and
services that LBGT archives are able to provide can founder. Funding helps
such institutions to create finding aids, publicize their collections, provide
reference and research services to visitors and remote users, and to keep up
with maintenance on the surrounding physical space (Marston, 1998). Due to
poor funding problems and budgets that often fall short, queer archives must
frequently utilize volunteer help in lieu of adequate staffing (Kirste, 2007;
Marston, 1998).
Sometimes the challenges faced by these archives can materialize in
the staff and administrative interactions that take place in such repositories.
Specifically, Marston (1990) discusses the barriers that homophobia can have
when present in the administrative levels of some institutions. Homophobia
is defined as "irrational fear of, aversion to, or discrimination against
homosexuality or homosexuals" (Merriam-Webster, 2007). Understandably,
this can present difficulties for the staff of any LBGT repository. Perhaps it
is homophobia that is the main influential force behind outside acts against
queer archives, such as arson and damage against the institutions themselves
(Parkinson & Parkin, 1998; Thistlethwaite, 1998). Like homophobia, the
presence of heterosexism can also negatively affect the archival process for
those working with LBGT materials. Heterosexism is another powerful,
damaging force that can create feelings of being marginalized for the LBGT
community. Oftentimes, people express heterosexist sentiments without
meaning to do so: "Heterosexism is the belief in the inherent superiority of
heterosexuality and its right to dominance. Unlike prejudices based on gender,
skin color, class, national origin, language, or physical ability, heterosexist
assumptions are so insidious that many of us unthinkingly collude with and
perpetuate them" (Gough & Greenblatt, 1992, p. 60). Some of the most
detrimental challenges to LBGT archives and their missions are seen in
description and inside forms of censorship, challenges that may be tinged
with the forces of homophobia and/or heterosexism, amongst other things.
Literature related to sexuality and gender identity issues exists in a variety
of archives, including traditional ones; however, this literature often remains
hidden (Thistlethwaite, 1998). Brenda Marston of Cornell University's HSC
presents many of the description hazards that queer archival materials face,
which can include inaccurate subject descriptions and veiled content (1998).
One must understand that biases surround how knowledge is organized
and classified, especially since such guidelines for description "have been the
historic product of a predominantly Western, white, Christian, heterosexual,
male worldview" (Deodato, 2006, p. 58). One need look no further than the
Library of Congress to witness examples of these biases. The Library of
CongressSubject Headings (LCSH) failed to include the term Homosexuality
until 1946 and Lesbianism until 1954; furthermore, the cross-reference See
17
also Sexual perversion accompanied these aforementioned headings up to
1972, which speaks to the clinical connotations that the term can bring with
it. It was not until 1987 that Gays appeared as a heading (Greenblatt, 1990;
Hogan & Hudson, 1998). Such practices, which could potentially be seen
as cataloging biases, can essentially render available information resources
within information centers in such a way as to make them irretrievable.
Oftentimes, this fate is shaped by the person describing the archival
content. Duff and Harris (2002) explore the relationship between description
and the values of the person engaged in describing archival materials: "The
representer's value system . . . is the final arbitrator on the content of a
representation.... When describing records archivists will remember certain
aspects and hide or forget others. They will highlight some relationships and
ignore others" (p. 275). Sometimes representations of archival documents can
silence, destroy, hide, or disguise any outright reference to queerness. Hunter-
Morton (2003) found this to be the case when she explored the archives of
the Downtown Portland Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA) and
found what she deemed to be "silences in the record around queer women's
history" (p. 216) throughout the archives. In the view of Thistlethwaite
(1998), this sense of parts of collections being "silenced" can frequently be
attributed to the "coding or softening of the language" (p. 167) that can take
place when describing archival materials, a practice which can lead to further
marginalization and invisibility of queer historical narratives. Examples of
such practices can be seen at the Schlesinger Library at Radcliffe College,
which avoids assigning lesbian-related subject headings to materials unless the
women in the document(s) in question are indeed forthright lesbians; instead,
terms such as "friendship" may appear in the descriptions of collections
that might be more aptly described by terms such as "lesbians" and the like
(Thistlethwaite, 1995). This challenge with accurate description of archival
records that could help to construct LBGT historical narratives is indeed
one with many pitfalls. As Duff and Harris (2002) warn, archivists must be
cognizant of "the dangers of story; the power of the metanarrative; and the
capacities to privilege or to marginalize, to construct knowledge, to exercise
control" (p. 277).
Certainly, it is a challenge for those who collect queer materials to describe
it for the sake of research, especially when trying to create descriptions for
materials that contain inexplicit mentions about issues of sexuality and gender
identity (Kepner, 1998). As touched upon earlier, a major concern related
to description and possible censorship is the issue of individual privacy. A
tension arises between the protection of individual privacy and the making
available of historical documents to researchers (Parkinson & Parkin, 1998;
Schwarz, 1992). A variety of issues exist for sustaining individual privacy and
confidentiality, ranging from some less than innocuous reasons for wanting
to keep things secret to avoiding the chance of accidentally outing someone.

18
"Outing" refers to the revealing of the sexuality or gender identity of one who
has yet to openly self-identify with that sexuality and/or identity. This tension
can increase within the world of queer archives due to the fact that so much
importance is placed on the construction and reconstruction of self and group
identity. However, how can such acts of construction and reconstruction take
place unless individuals have access to all aspects of the archival materials
before them?
Another set of challenges faced by archival centers has already been
hinted at in the possible tensions between mainstream archival centers with
LBGT material and grassroots community-based queer archives. This friction
brings its own sets of hurdles with it. Smaller grassroots organizations would
most likely agree with the following statement: "Mainstream institutions,
hopping on a multi-cultural bandwagon, may now present themselves as
wonderlands to their newly recognized gay and lesbian constituencies and
markets, but in doing so threaten to appropriate the work, recognition, and
funding of grass-roots institutions" (Thistlethwaite, 1998, p. 170). Perhaps
this fear of essentially being steamrolled by mainstream archives comes
from the sense that grassroots archives would then have to "turn over control
of our history and memory to a system still structured to work against us"
(Thistlethwaite, 1995, p. 10). As previously mentioned, distinctions certainly
do exist between the archival missions of these communities, and although
both types of repositories do strive to support the queer community in varying
capacities, they approach the fulfillment of this mission differently.
Although both are involved with the queer community, one might say
that a certain level of competition exists amongst these institutions. As a
counterpoint, Marston (1990) makes a statement about the opposition that
exists, a statement with which other mainstream archives would most likely be
in accordance: "While I've long applauded the work and vision of community-
run lesbian and gay archives (and the Lesbian HerstoryArchives in particular),
I also believe that traditional archives have an equal responsibility to collect
and preserve this material" (p. 65). If one views academic, mainstream
archives as potential "safe spots" for independent archives that may not do as
well on their own, then perhaps this tension can begin to be addressed.

Some Possible Solutions


Many of the problems common to queer archives and other archival
institutions can be addressed through collaboration. Collaboration and
partnerships can help with funding opportunities, locating materials for
appropriate collections, and boosting awareness of organizations (Clark, 2002;
Kirste, 2007; Marston, 1998). Using "Friends of the Archives" programs can
also help with some of these same things (Thistlethwaite, 1990). Perhaps even
partnerships between mainstream and grassroots archives could help benefit

19
the queer community more than would their separate endeavors (Marston,
1990). Another approach for getting people the resources that they desire
and for increasing publicity is to make use of public exhibits. By way of an
example, the Leather Archives and Museum (LAM), makes use of a Road
Show in order to reach their constituents (Lang, 2007).
When it comes to the problems surrounding description and access, it is
important for archivists to let go of traditional, passive, and removed ways of
thinking about describing archives. Archival standards for description must
change in such a way as to adequately represent the queer community. By way
of a solution, archivists are encouraged to create non-LCSH for describing
their materials; additionally, they are encouraged to stress the importance of
adequate subject headings for this community to those responsible for the
LCSH. Duff and Harris (2002) also articulate their understanding of how
today's archivist should approach the act of description:
Archivists, then, should come to terms with the reality of story telling
in their descriptive work. Attempting to deny it, by insisting that they
merely marshal facts rather than construct a narrative with a selection
of facts, or by insisting that they are merely a conduit for a story
which tells itself, leads to sterility and professional disingenuousness,
and makes them vulnerable to the dangers of story. For story
invites-some would say cannot avoid- moralizing judgements and
becoming itself an instrument for social control. (p. 276)

Such an understanding should be adopted by those working with LBGT


archival materials. This is somewhat of a throwback to the idea of archivist as
advocate, especially as seen within a postmodern framework as described by
Deodato (2006). Postmodern archivists understand that many narratives exist
and therefore "seek to recover the voices of the marginalized- those whose
values, experiences, and worldviews give lie to the metanarrative" (Deodato,
2006, p. 53). These endeavors fight against any sense of one blanket narrative
for all of human existence. Applications of such viewpoints to archival
description for LBGT materials can help address some of the aforementioned
challenges within this area.

Queer Archives: The Future of the Past


In the end, queer archives are primarily concerned with the future instead
of the past. They concern themselves with protecting LBGT materials for
current users and for posterity by accurately and adequately presenting the
many narratives that run throughout this community. As archivists of today
perform work for the sake of the future, they should keep in mind that all
subjects within the queer community, whether they be relatively "safe"
or controversial, should be at the forefront of considerations taken during
appraisal and acquisition (Marston, 1998). In order to aid them with some
20
of these tasks, queer archives in America can find support and networking
through the Lesbian and Gay Archives Roundtable (LAGAR) of the Society
of American Archivists (SAA) (Society of American Archivists, 2007).
Through their own work, partnerships, and involvement in larger professional
groups, LBGT-related archives can continue to document and present the
queer historical record, both for the sake of LBGT individuals and for the
education of the public at large. Those in the field of archives, libraries,
and academia "can work to build stable institutional structures, develop
cooperative professional networks, make a lasting impact on our profession,
define collecting goals wisely and establish a pattern of integrating input from
scholars and members of the queer community" (Marston, 1998, p. 140). All
of these efforts will contribute to ending the silence that surrounds so many
pieces of LBGT literature.
As these kinds of archives continue to develop and grow, many people will
take part in this development--archivists, activists, historians, advocates, gay
men,lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender individuals. The queer archives of the
future will always find a great deal of their strength in their LBGT constituency,
regardless of whether or not these archives are mainstream or independent.
The need for both kinds of institutions will remain, of course. Thistlethwaite
(1995) asserts that the need will especially remain for independent archives.
As Carmichael (1998) explains, "Until antigay discrimination is ended by
federal mandate in the United States, the need for such private collections
will no doubt remain high, even given the current academic vogue of queer
theory and lesbigay studies" (p. 16). Such a statement was true in 1998 and is
still true a decade later. No one can say with certainty how far into the future
such a statement will hold true. As the archival field looks toward the future
of queer archives, Motley's (1984) concept of archivist as advocate--or better
yet, archivist as activist-will likely continue to emerge as a significant role
that needs to be undertaken by the professionals within this field. No longer
can archivists remain neutral and distanced from the materials under their
care. The future of queer archives calls for discerning, dynamic, and engaged
professionals who are willing and able to take an active role as builders and
stewards of the narratives that make up the queer historical record.

21
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TITLE: Creating, Reconstructing, and Protecting Historical


Narratives: Archives and the LBGT Community
SOURCE: Curr Stud Libr 29 no1/2 Spr/Fall 2005

The magazine publisher is the copyright holder of this article and it


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