AGRICOLA

[18.1] Hunc Britanniae statum, hās bellōrum vicēs mediā iam aestāte 1 trānsgressus Agricola
This of-Britain state these of-wars fortunes in-middle already summer having-crossed Agricola

invēnit, cum et mīlitēs velut omissā expedītiōne ad sēcūritātem 2 et hostēs ad occāsiōnem

found when both soldiers as-if omitted campaign to carelessness and enemies to [seeking-a]-chance

verterentur. Ordovicum3 cīvitās haud multō ante adventum eius ālam in fīnibus suīs
were-turned of-Ordovices state not much before arrival his cavalry-wing in territory their

agentem prope ūniversam obtrīverat, eōque initiō ērēcta prōvincia.

operating almost whole-of had-destroyed and-from-that beginning intensely-excited[was] province

https://www.worldhistory.org/image/6305/agricolas-campaigns/

1
On the chronology proposed by Gordon Smith and shown on the map here, Agricola arrival was in
late summer 78 but some scholars place this in 77. (see note 73 to chapter 9 above)
2
Taking secūritās in its literal sense of `without cares’. It might alternatively be understood as
`security; in the English sense, meaning that the army was in a purely defensive mood or assuming that
they were safe that year from the risk of death in battle.
3
The Ordovices were located in North Wales, between the Deceangli to the north-east and the Silures
to the south
1
[18.2] Et quibus bellum volentibus erat,4 probāre exemplum ac recentis lēgātī animum
and those-to-whom war willing was approved the-example and of-fresh governor mentality

opperīrī, cum Agricola, quamquam trānsvecta aestās, sparsī per prōvinciam numerī,
were-waiting[to-see] when Agricola although having-[passed] summer scattered across province numbers[of-troops]

praesūmpta apud mīlitem illīus annī quiēs, tarda et contrāria 5 bellum incohātūrō, et
assumed in army of-that year inactivity delay-causing and-adverse[factors] war to-one-about-to-start and

plērīsque cūstōdīrī suspecta potius vidēbātur,6 īre obviam discrīminī statuit;

to-most-pepole to-be-guarded suspected-points rather it-seemed to-go head-to-head with-crisis he decided

contractīsque legiōnum vēxillīs et modicā auxiliōrum manū, quia in aequum dēgredī

and-having-been-concentrated of-legions detachments and modest-sized of-auxiliaries band because to-flat-ground to-descend

Ordovicēs nōn audēbant, ipse ante agmen, quō7 cēterīs pār animus similī perīculō esset,
Ordovices not dared he-himself at-head-of column so-that to-rest equal courage in-similar danger there-might-be

ērēxit aciem.  [18.3] Caesāque prope ūniversā gente, nōn ignārus īnstandum fāmae ac,
led-uphill troops and-having-been-killed almost whole tribe not-unaware being-need-to-follow-up reputation and

prout prīma cessissent, terrōrem cēterīs fore, 8 Monam īnsulam, cuius possessiōne
in-line-with-how first-actions had-turned-out terror in-rest to-be-going-to-be Mona island of-which from-taking

Paulīnum rebelliōne tōtīus Britanniae suprā memorāvī, 9redigere in potestātem animō intendit.
Paulinus by-rebellion of-whole-of Britain above I-have-related to-bring into [his]power in-mind intended

[18.4] Sed, ut in subitīs cōnsiliīs, nāvēs dēerant: 10 ratiō et cōnstantia ducis trānsvēxit.
But as[is-usual] in sudden schemes ships were-wanting planning and perseverance of-general made-the-crossing

Dēpositīs omnibus sarcinīs lēctissimōs auxiliārium, quibus nōta vada 11 et patrius nandī
Having-been-laid-aside all baggage most-select of-auxiliaries to-whom known fords and ancestral of-swimming

ūsus, quō simul sēque et arma et equōs regunt, ita repente inmīsit, ut obstupefactī
practice in-which at-same-time themselves and weapons and horses they-control suddenly he-sent-in that astounded

4
i.e those who wanted war. The use of the present participle in this way was a Greek idiom probably
first introduced into Latin by Sallust and seen in clauses like Thucydides’ τῷ πλήθει οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν
ἀφίστασθαι (`the majority was not willing to revolt’).
5
The three participle phrases trānsvecta aestās, sparsī numerī and praesūmpta…quiēs should
probably be taken as joint subject of a verb erant to be understood after tarda et contrāria: `Summer
being almost over, the dispersal of troops across the province and the assumption in the army that there
would be no action that year were factors making for delay and obstruction’. Alternatively, trānsvecta,
sparsī and praesumpta could be short for trānsvecta erat, sparsī erant and praesumpta erat , and
tarda et contraria in apposition to the three statements: `Summer was almost over, troops had been
dispersed across the province and it had been assumed in the army that there would be no action that
year, factors making for delay and obstruction’
6
i.e. most people thought Agricola would just keep an eye on potential rebels rather than attacking
them immediately.
7
quō (literally `whereby’) is normally only used in place of ut if the purpose cause includes a
comparative adjective or adverb..
8
i.e Agricola was aware of the need to follow up the prestige he had just won and that cowing all the
other Britons into submission would depend on how well his initial campaign in Wales went.
9
See chapters 14 and 15 above
10
i.e. as the Mona attack was a scheme he had only just thought of,
11
The auxiliaries are normally assumed to be Batavians from the Rhine estuary, whose skill as
swimmers was well known. It this case it was probably not local knowledge of the strait between
Anglesey and the mainland but familiarity with fords in general which is referred to here.
2
hostēs, quī classem, quī nāvēs, quī mare expectābant, nihil arduum aut invictum crēdiderint
enemy who fleet who ships who [attack-by] sea were-expecting nothing difficult or unsurmountable thought

sīc ad bellum venientibus. [18.5] Ita petītā pāce ac dēditā īnsulā clārus ac magnus
thus to war to-people-coming thus having-been-sought peace and surrendered island illustrious and great

habērī Agricola, quippe cui ingredientī prōvinciam, quod tempus aliī per ostentātiōnem et
was-considered Agricola as one-to-whom when-entering province which time others through ostentation and

officiōrum ambitum trānsigunt, labor et perīculum placuisset. [18.6] Nec Agricola

of-compliments canvassing pass work and danger had-been-pleasing nor Agricola

prōsperitāte rērum in vānitātem ūsus, expedītiōnem aut victōriam vocābat victōs

success of-actions for boasting using campaign or victory was-calling the-conquered

continuisse; nē laureātīs quidem gesta prōsecūtus est,12 sed ipsā dissimulātiōne

to-have-kept-control of not with-laureled-letters even achievements he-adorned but by-the-very dissimulation

fāmae fāmam auxit,13 aestimantibus quantā futūrī spē tam magna tacuisset.
of-fame fame he-increased with-people-speculating with-how-great of-future hope so great-things he-had-kept-quiet about

Moel Siabod`Bare Hill) in the Welsh mountains south-east of Mona

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moel_Siabod

[19.1] Cēterum animōrum prōvinciae prūdēns, simulque doctus per aliēna experīmenta parum
But of-temper of-province well-aware and-at-same-time taught by others’ experience little

prōficī armīs, sī iniūriae sequerentur, causās bellōrum statuit excīdere. [19.2] Ā sē suīsque

12
It was normal for a general to announce a victory in a letter adorned with laurel-leaves.
13
i.e. people wondered how high Agricola’s aspirations for the future must be if he considered these
initial triumphs not worth celebrating.
3
to-be-achieved with-weapons if wrongs followed causes of-wars he-decided to-root-out from-himself and-own-people

ōrsus prīmum domum suam coercuit, quod plērīsque haud minus arduum est quam
starting first household own he-controlled [a-thing]which for-most-people no less hard is than

prōvinciam regere. Nihil per lībertōs servōsque pūblicae reī, nōn studiīs prīvātīs nec ex
province to-govern nothing though freedmen and-slaves for-public business not from-inclinations personal nor from

commendātiōne aut precibus centuriōnem mīlitēsve adscīre, 14 sed optimum quemque

recommendations or pleas centurion or-soldiers he-was-engaging but best-one each

fīdissimum putāre. Omnia scīre, nōn omnia exsequī. [19.3] Parvīs peccātīs veniam,
the-most-reliable he-thought everything he-knew-about not everything he-foloed-up to-small offences forgiveness

magnīs sevēritātem commodāre; nec poenā semper, sed saepius paenitentiā contentus esse;
to-large-ones severity he-brought and-not with-punishment always but more-often with-repentance satisfied he-was

officiīs et administrātiōnibus potius nōn peccātūrōs praepōnere, quam damnāre cum

to-duties and administrative-tasks rather {those}not going-to-do-he-appointed than condemnind [them]

peccāssent. [19.4] Frūmentī et tribūtōrum exāctiōnem aequālitāte mūnerum mollīre, 15

when-they-had-offended of-corn and tribute-payments collection by-equality of-burdens he-softened

circumcīsīs quae in quaestum reperta ipsō tribūtō gravius tolerābantur. Namque

having-been-lopped-off-schemes which for profit devised than-itself tribute more-resentfully were-tolerated for

per lūdibrium adsīdere clausīs horreīs et emere ultrō frūmenta ac luere pretiō
mockingly to-sit-beside closed granaries and to-buy actually corn and meet-obligations by-a-payment

cōgēbantur.16 Dīvortia itinerum17 et longinquitās regiōnum indīcēbātur, ut cīvitātēs proximīs

were-forced branch-offs from-[main]-routes and remoteness of-places was indicated so-that tribes with-neighbouring

hībernīs in remōta et āvia dēferrent, dōnec quod omnibus in prōmptū erat paucīs
winter-quarters to remote and trackless-areas were-delivering until what for-all in easy-reach used-to-be for-a-few

lucrōsum fieret.18
source-of-profit became

[20.1] Haec prīmō statim annō comprimendō ēgregiam fāmam pācī circumdedit, quae vel
These-things in-first immediately year by-suppressing outstanding reputation on-peace he-bestowed which either

incūriā vel intolerantiā19 priōrum haud minus quam bellum timēbātur. [20.2] Sed ubi aestās
through-lack-of-care or insolence of-predecessors not less than war used-to-be-feared but when summer

14
adscīre (referring to appointments to Agricola’s headquarters staff) is the first in a series of historic
infinitives ending with mollīre.
15
This presumably means that tribes were made to contribute in proportion to their actual resources.
This will have involved pressure from Agricola on the procurator, whose responsibility tax collection
was. As tribute (a general word for imperial taxes) was often paid in grain rather than coin) it is
possible that frūmentī et tribūtōrum is a hendiadys for `corn taxes’.
16
Apparently people were compelled to `buy’ grain already in the government stores and this payment
(presumably at above the actual market value of the corn) counted as their tribute payment. The grain
itself remained throughout in government possession,!
17
An obscure phrase as divortia would normally mean `forks’ in the roads, not side-tracks.
18
Instead of being told simply to bring grain to a nearby military encampment, the Britons were
directed to take it to a remote spot. Officials probably demanded bribes to waive this requirement.
19
i.e governors either ignored their juniors’ abuses or were brazen enough to commit their own.
4
advēnit,20 contractō exercitū multus in agmine, laudāre modestiam, disiectōs coercēre; loca
arrived having-been-concentrated army much in marching-pine he-praised disciploine stragglers rounded-up sitest

castrīs ipse capere, aestuāria21 ac silvās ipse praetemptāre; et nihil interim apud hostēs
for-camps himself selected estuaries and forest himself reconnoitred and no menwhile among enemy

quiētum patī, quōminus subitīs excursibus populārētur; atque ubi satis terruerat, parcendō
respite he-allowed by-which-less by-sudden forays he-could-plunder and when enough he-had-frightened by-sparing[them]

irrītāmenta pācis ostentāre. [20.3] Quibus rēbus multae cīvitātēs, quae in illum diem
incentives of-peace he-displayed through-which things many tribes which to that day

ex aequō ēgerant,22 datīs obsidibus īram posuēre et praesidiīs castellīsque circumdatae, et

independence had-maintained having-been-given hostages anger laid-aside and by-garrisons and forst were-encircled and

tantā ratiōne cūrāque ut <haec, ut> nūlla ante Britanniae nova pars, inlacessīta trānsierit. 23
with-such-great planning and-care that this, like no previously of-Britain new[ly=conquered] part unharassed came-over

Inscription of 79 A.D. on lead piping from Chester: IMP[ERATORE] VESP[ASIANO]

VIIII T[ITO] IMP[VII] CO[N]S[ULIBUS] CN[AEO] IU[LI]O AGRICOLA LEG[ATO]
AUG[USTI] PRO PR[AETORE]24

[21.1] Sequēns hiems25 salūberrimīs cōnsiliīs absūmpta. Namque ut hominēs dispersī ac

The-following winter with-most-beneficial schemes [was] taken-up for so-that peoples scattered and

20
Probably summer 79, or, on the alternative chronology, 78. Agricola probably campaigned across
northern England and into southern Scotland, Sleeman sees a possible link with the famous Chester
inscription of that year bearing Agricola’s name (see illustration) though admits that this is not proof of
Agricola’s own presence in Chester
21
The estuaries probably included that of the Tyne and the Solway Firth, between which Hadrian’s Wall
was built forty years later.
22
Literally `had acted on a basis of equality[with the Romans].’
23
The text is clearly corrupt here and the addition of ut haec is the solution accepted by the Dickinson
commentary. The meaning is then probably that the territory which now submitted to Agricola, escaped
harassment from its still independent neighbours, in contrast to those who had submitted earlier.
Alternatively, Tacitus might mean that Agricola’s combination of stick and carrot led people to
surrender before they had sustained the level of casualties others had suffered at Roman hands.
24
`In the 8th consulship of Imperator Vespasian and the seventh of Titus Imperator with Gnaeus Julius
Agricola as representative of the Emperor and proprietor.’ Governors of imperial provinces like Britain
had the title of propraetor although they were of consular rank
25
i.e. winter 79-80 or possibly 78-79.
5
rudēs eōque in bella facilēs quiētī et ōtiō per voluptātēs adsuēscerent,
primitive and-because-of-that to wars easily[entering] to-peace and leisure through pleasures might-become-accustomed

hortārī prīvātim, adiuvāre pūblicē, ut templa fora domōs 26 extruerent, laudandō prōmptōs,
he-urged privately helped publicly so-that temples forums houses they-might-build by-praising those-quick-to-act

castīgandō sēgnēs: ita honor et aemulātiō prō necessitāte erat. [21.2] Iam vērō prīncipum
by-scolding the-sluggish thus prestige and rivalry instead-of compulsion was now indeed of-chieftains

fīliōs līberālibus artibus ērudīre, et ingenia Britannōrum studiīs Gallōrum anteferre, 27 ut quī
sons in-liberal arts he-educated and talents of-Britons to-studies of-Gauls preferred so-that those-who

modo linguam Rōmānam abnuēbant, ēloquentiam concupīscerent. Inde etiam habitūs nostrī
just-before language Roman had-been-rejecting eloquence[in-it] longed-for from-then-on also of-dress our

honor et frequēns toga;28 paulātimque discessum ad dēlēnīmenta vitiōrum, porticūs et

honour and commonplace toga and-gradually resort-there-was to allurements towards-vices the-porticoes

balinea et convīviōrum ēlegantiam.29 Idque apud imperītōs hūmānitās vocābātur, cum pars
the-baths and of-banquets elegance and-this amongst the-inexperienced civilisation was-termed although part

servitūtis esset.
of-enslavement it-was

The River Tyne, the former northern limit of Brigantia, at Corbridge, which Agricola
probably reached in 79 and which served as supply base for his later campaigns

26
The construction of temples etc. had already begun before Agricola but his name is included in a
fragmentary inscription that probably adorned the basilica (public meeting hall) at Verulamium (St
Albans). See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Verulamium_Forum_inscription
27
Agricola told the Britons that their own natural ability as orators surpassed what the Gauls achieved
by hard study.
28
The toga could only be worn by Roman citizens, so members of the British elite were already being
offered citizenship in appreciable numbers, a phenomenon that perhaps started with Togidumnus.
Seneca joked in his skit on the deification of Claudius (Apoc.3.3) that he had wanted to see Greeks,
Gauls, Spaniards and Britons all wearing togas. Claudius’s own speech advocating the admission of
northern Gauls to the senate is recorded by Tacitus (Annals 11: 23-24) and also in an inscription from
Lugdunum (Lyons), (see translations at https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/ancient/tacitus-ann11a.asp
and https://cmuntz.hosted.uark.edu/texts/claudius-lyon-speech.html ). Claudius was born at Lugdunum.
29
The public porticos and the baths were seen by moralists as enervating and also as places where
partners for extra-marital affairs could easily be found.
6
 https://englandsnortheast.co.uk/north-east-roman-conquest/
[22.1] Tertius expedītiōnum ānnus30 novās gentēs aperuit, vastātīs usque ad Taum 31
Third of-campaigns year new tribes opened having-been-ravaged as-far as Taus

(aestuāriō nōmen est) nātiōnibus. Quā formīdine territī hostēs quamquam cōnflīctātum saevīs
for-estuary name it-is nations by-which fear terrified enemy although troubled by-fierce

tempestātibus exercitum lacessere nōn ausī; pōnendīsque īnsuper castellīs spatium fuit. [22.2]
storms army to- challenge not dared and-for-being-placed also forts time there-was

Adnotābant perītī nōn alium ducem opportūnitātēs locōrum 32 sapientius lēgisse. Nūllum ab
were-noting experts not other general opportunities of-places more-wisely to-have-chosen no by

Agricolā positum castellum aut vī hostium expugnātum aut pactiōne ac fugā dēsertum; 33 nam
Agricola placed fort either by-force of-enemy stormed or under-agreement or-in-flight abandoned for

adversus morās obsidiōnis34 annuīs cōpiīs firmābantur. [22.3] Ita intrepida ibi hiems, crēbrae
against delays of-siege by-year’s supplies they-were-strengthened thus untroubled there winter frequent

ēruptiōnēs et sibi quisque praesidiō, inritīs hostibus eōque dēspērantibus, quia solitī
sallies out and for-self each protection ineffective with-enemies and-therefore despairing because accustomed

plērumque damna aestātis hībernīs ēventibus pēnsāre tum aestāte atque hieme iuxtā
generally losses of-summer in-winter by-outcomes to-balance then in-summer and winter together

pellēbantur. [22.4] Nec Agricola umquam per aliōs gesta avidus intercēpit: seu centuriō seu
they were-being-routed nor Agricola ever by others things-done greedily took-credit-for whether centurion or

praefectus incorruptum factī testem habēbat. 35Apud quōsdam acerbior in convīciīs nārrābātur:
prefect incorruptible of-his-action witness he-had among some-people rather-harsh in rebukes he-was-said

ut erat comis bonīs, ita adversus malōs iniūcundus. Cēterum ex īrācundiā nihil supererat
as he-was affable to-good-people thus towards bad-ones unpleasant but from anger nothing was-left-over

sēcrētum, ut silentium eius nōn timērēs: honestius putābat offendere quam ōdisse. 36
secret so-that silence his not you-would-fear more-honourable he-thought to-give-offence than to-hate

[23] Quārta aestās37 obtinendīs quae percucurrerat īnsūmpta; ac, sī virtūs exercitūs et Rōmānī
Fourth summer in-securing what he—had-over-run taken-up and if courage of-army and of-Roman

nōminis glōria paterētur, inventus in ipsā Britanniā terminus. namque Clōta et Bodotria
of-name glory would-allow found in itself Britain frontier for Clyde and Firth of-Forth

30
80 or 79.
31
Taus is a marginal correction in the manuscript, which has Tanaus in the main text. The former is
often identified with the Tay (as in the map on pg. 1) but it is uncertain whether Agricola campaigned
so far north this year,
32
i.e. favourable sites
33
ac is often assumed here to be equivalent to `or’ rather than `and’, in which case the reference is to
the alternatives of an agreed retreat or sudden departure without any negotiations. Alternatively the
phrase could be hendiadys for `a negotiated abandonment’.
34
i.e. a lengthy siege. Each camp was provided with enough grain to last a year.
35
i.e. Agricola himself was an incorruptible witness of their bravery. A praefectus was of Equestrian
rank and led a unit of 500 auxiliary infantry or cavalry garrisoning a small castellum.
36
Agricola would reprimand someone openly rather than silently nursing a grievance against him..
37
Summer 81 or 80.
7
dīversī maris aestibus per immēnsum revectae, angustō terrārum spatiō dirimuntur: 38 quod
of-different sea by-tides though immense-distance carried-back by-narrow of-land extent are-divided which

tum praesidiīs39 firmābātur atque omnis propior sinus tenēbātur, summōtīs velut in
then wiith-garrisons began-to-be--fortified and all nearer region began-to-be-held having-been-removed as-if into

aliam īnsulam hostibus

other island enemy

Possible camps used during Agricola’s campaigns in Scotland – he will have viewed

38
The Clyde-Forth did become Roman Britain’s frontier with the commencement of construction of the
Antonine Wall in 142 A.D. but the army withdrew in 162 to Hadrian’s Wall built in the 120s between
the Solway Firth and the Tyne. The name Bodotria for the Forth may be a corruption of Celtic *bodra
(`dirty one’), a description suggested by marshes along its course (see Andrew Breeze, `Tacitus,
Ptolemy and the River Forth’, Classical Quarterly (May, 2007), https://www.jstor.org/stable/4493506
39
One of these was probably the wooden auxiliary fort near Dalkeith, six miles SE of Edinburgh. See
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elginhaugh

8
 Ireland from either Galloway or the Mull of Kintyre
https://guard-archaeology.co.uk/GALNews/?p=314

[24.1] Quīntō expedītiōnum annō40 nāvē prīmum41 trānsgressus ignōtas ad id tempus gentēs
In-fifth of-campaigns year in-ship first having-crossed unknown to that time tribes

crēbrīs simul ac prōsperīs proeliīs domuit; eamque partem Britanniae quae Hiberniam
with-frequent at-same-time and successful battles he-tamed and-that part of-Britain which Hibernia

aspicit cōpiīs īnstrūxit,42 in spem magis quam ob formīdinem, sī quidem Hibernia mediō
looks-out-on with-troops he furnished in hope more than because of-fear in-case Ireland in-middle

inter Britanniam atque Hispāniam sita et Gallicō quoque marī opportūna valentissimam
between Britain and Spain situated and for-Gallic also seas convenient strongest

imperiī partem magnīs in vicem ūsibus miscuerit. 43 [24.2] Spatium eius, sī Britanniae
of-empire part with-great mutual advantages might-link size of-it if to-Britain

compārētur, angustius, nostrī maris īnsulās superat.44 Sōlum caelumque et ingenia cultūsque
were-to-be-compared rather-small of-our sea islands surpasses soil and-climate and character and-culture

hominum haud multum ā Britanniā differunt, in melius aditūs portūsque, per commercia et
of-people not much from Britain differ for better approaches and-ports through trade and

negōtiātōrēs cognitī.45 [24.3] Agricola expulsum sēditiōne domesticā ūnum ex rēgulīs gentis
businessmen known Agricola expelled by-revolt internal one from petty-kings of-nation

excēperat ac speciē amīcitiae in occāsiōnem retinēbat. 46 Saepe ex eō audīvī legiōne ūnā

had-received and with-appearance of-friendship for [right]opportunity was-keeping often from him I-heard with-legion one

et modicīs auxiliīs dēbellārī obtinērīque Hiberniam posse; idque etiam adversus

and modest-number-of auxiliaries to-be-conquered and-held Ireland to-be-possible and-this also in-relation-to

40
In 82 or, less likely, 81.
41
The manuscripts prīmā (agreeing with nāve) but this is probably an error for the adverb prīmum.
42
Agricola might have crossed the Clyde and, as is assumed in the campaign map on pg.1, visited the
Mull of Kintyre, just twelve miles from Ireland, the shortest crossing from mainland Britain.
Alternatively, the voyage was to Galloway, twenty miles distant from the Irish coast. The latter is more
probable as Roman camps from Agricola’s time have been discovered there but not in Kintyre.
43
miscuerit is perfect subjunctive expressing possibility. Tacitus, like many other Romans of his time,
imagined that the Spanish coast extended north-westwards to the same latitude as Ireland and southern
Britain (see map, p.15). The `mutual advantages’ are probably for Roman commerce in both Spain and
Britain. The western provinces are described as the strongest part of the empire because of their large
reserves of military manpower and perhaps also because Tacitus himself may have been born in Gaul!
44
Different sources give different figures, but the area of Great Britain is about 80,800 square miles and
Ireland’s 31,500. The largest Mediterranean island, Sicily, measures just under 10,000.
45
The words in melius in this sentence do not make much sense and the text is probably corrupt. If the
words are retained, a possible translation might be `the approaches and ports, which are known from
trade etc., [sc are also little different but] a little better.’
46
See https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/books/what-did-the-romans-ever-do-for-ireland-1.4205876
on Roman-Irish relations. The author mentions a Roman trading post north of Dublin and speculates
that Agricola’s guest might have been Túathal Techtmar, whose father was a deposed High King of
Ireland and who may have invaded to try to reclaim the kingdom around this time. For further
discussion, see Raoul McLaughlin, `The Roman Plan to Conquer Ireland: Rethinking the Campaign by
Gnaeus Julius Agricola (AD 77-83)’, Classics Ireland, Vol. 21-22 (2014-2015), pp. 119-137 at
https://www.jstor.org/stable/26246065 McLaughlin argues that an invasion force was actually being
assembled when unrest among the Caledonian tribes let Agricola to switch his focus.
9
Britanniam prōfutūrum, sī Rōmāna ubīque arma et velut ē cōnspectū lībertās tollerētur. 47
Britain would-be-of-advantage if Roman everywhere arms and as-it-were from-sight liberty were-removed

Northern Ireland seen from Portpatrick in Galloway, Scotland

https://www.flickr.com/photos/janihelle/7723183756

Looking from Tor’s Head in Northern Ireland across the 12-mile strait to Scotland 48
https://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/northern-ireland-scotland-bridge-project-cmd/index.html

[25.1] Cēterum aestāte, quā sextum officiī annum incohābat, 49 amplexus50 cīvitātēs trāns
47
id refers to the sī clause at the end.
48
This picture was misidentified by CNN and included in a report on the British government’s now
abandoned plan to build a bridge or tunnel between Galloway and Dumfries to the south. Though the
latter crossing is considerably wider, it is more accessible from major transport hubs than the Kintyre-
Tors Head one
49
i.e. in 83 or 82.
50
amplector has the core meaning `embrace’ but, since Agricola had been campaigning in the region in
10
 But in-summer in-which sixth of-posting year he-began having-made-sure-of states across

Bodotriam sitās, quia mōtus ūniversārum ultrā gentium et īnfēsta hostīlī exercitū itinera
the-Forth situated because movement of-all beyond tribes and dangerous through-hostile force marches

timēbantur, portūs classe explōrāvit; quae ab Agricolā prīmum adsūmpta in partem vīrium 51
were-feared harbours with-fleet he-explored this by Agricola first made into [integral]part of-force

sequēbātur ēgregiā speciē, cum simul terrā, simul marī bellum impellerētur 52 ac saepe
followed as-extraordinary sight since at-same-time by-land at-same-time by-sea was was-being-pushed-forward and often

īsdem castrīs pedes equesque et nauticus mīles mixtī cōpiīs et laetitiā 53 sua quisque facta,
in-same camp infantryman and-cavalryman and-marine mixed with-supplies and with-joy own each deeds own

cāsūs attollerent, ac modo silvārum ac montium profunda, modo tempestātum ac flūctuum

adventures were-exaggerating and one-moment of-woods and of-mountains depths one-moment of-storms and of-waves

adversa, hinc terra et hostis, hinc victus Ōceanus mīlitārī iactantiā comparārentur. [25.2]
obstacles on-this-side land and enemy on-this conquered Ocean in-soldierly boasting were-being-compared

Britannōs quoque, ut ex captīvīs audiēbātur, vīsa classis obstupefaciēbat, tamquam apertō

Britons also as from captives was-being-heard seen fleet was-astounding as-if opened

maris suī sēcrētō ultimum victīs perfugium clauderētur. [25.3] Ad manūs et arma conversī
of-sea their secret last for-conquered refuge was-being-closed to hands and weapons having- turned

Calēdoniam incolentēs populī magnō parātū, maiōre fāmā, utī mōs est dē ignōtīs, oppugnāre
Caledonia inhabiting peoples with-great preparation with-greater rumour as custom is about unknown-things to-attack

ultrō54 castellum adortī, metum ut prōvocantēs addiderant; regrediendumque citrā 55

themselves fortress tried fear as challengers they-had-added and-necessary-to-return south-of

Bodotriam et cēdendum potius quam pellerentur ignāvī speciē prūdentium admonēbant, cum
the-Forth and necessary-to-retreat rather than be-forced-away cowards in-disguise of-sensible-people were-advising when

interim cognōscit hostēs plūribus agminibus inruptūrōs. [25.4] Ac nē superante numerō et

meanwhile he-learns enemy with-many columns about-to-burst-in and lest due-to-[their]greater number and

perītiā locōrum circumīrētur, dīvīsō et ipse in trēs partēs exercitū incessit.

knowledge of-area he-might-be-surrounded divided also himself into three parts army he-advanced

[26.1] Quod ubi cognitum hostī, mūtātō repente cōnsiliō ūniversī nōnam legiōnem ut
This when became-known to-enemy changed suddenly with-plan all ninth legion as

previous years, it probably refers here to consolidation of his control before advancing into the north.
51
The suggestion is not, of course, that Agricola was the first governor to use ships but rather the first
to use them in a combined operation with his land forces.
52
Most editors emend MSS impellitur to impellerētur in this way but Woodman prefers instead to
emend ac to ut so that cum clause is the main one and so not requiring the subjunctive whilst
attollerent and comparārentur are in a result clause: `[the fleet] was following in an extraordinary
spectacle, when war was launched simultaneously on land and sea with the result that often….
53
mixtī…laetitiā: `sharing both resources and joy’. Tacitus frequently couples a concrete with an
abstract noun in this way,
54
ultrō generally implies that the subject of the clause is taking the initiative. The Romans in general
had expected the Caledonians to remain on the defensive.
55
Literally `this side of the Forth’ since the perspective is that of the administrative centre in southern
Britain.
11
maximē invalidam nocte adgressī, inter somnum ac trepidātiōnem caesīs vigilibus
particularly weak by-night having-attacked between sleep and fear having-been-killed guards

inrūpēre. Iamque in ipsīs castrīs56 pugnābātur, cum Agricola iter hostium ab

they-burst-in and-now in itself camp fighting-was-going-on when Agricola route of-enemy from

explōrātōribus ēdoctus et vestīgiīs īnsecūtus, vēlōcissimōs equitum peditumque adsultāre

scouts having-learned and in-their-footsteps having-folllowed swiftest of-cavalry and-of-infantry to-attack

tergīs pugnantium iubet, mox ab ūniversīs adicī clāmōrem; et propinquā lūce fulsēre signa.
at-rear of-fighters orders soon by all was-being-added shouting and at following dawn gleamed standards

[26.2] Ita ancipitī malō territī Britannī; et nōnānīs rediit animus, ac secūrī prō salūte dē
Thus on-two-sides by-trouble terrified Britons and to-men-of-ninth returned courage and carefree as-regards safety for

glōriā certābant. Ultrō quīn etiam ērūpēre, et fuit atrōx in ipsīs portārum angustiīs proelium,
glory they-began-to-strive actually indeed even they-burst-out and was fierce at at-actual of-gates narrow-openings battle

dōnec pulsī hostēs, utrōque exercitū certante, hīs, ut tulisse opem, illīs, nē eguisse auxiliō
until driven-off enemy and-with-each army striving these so-that to-have-brought-help those lest to-have-needed help

vidērentur. Quod nisi palūdēs et silvae fugientēs tēxissent, dēbellātum illā victōriā foret.
they-might-seem in-fact if-not marshes and woods those-fleeing had-provided-cover ended-war that by-victory would-have-been

Remains of Roman marching camps and fortress at Ardoch in central Scotland, first
fortified under Agricola but re-occupied and remodelled in the 2nd and 3rd century

56
The location of the 9th Legion’s camp is unknown and Simon Forder, in The Romans in Scotland and
the Battle of Mons Graupius, rejects the whole story because none of the Roman marching camps so
far discovered in Scotland is the right size to accommodate a single legion. In addition, Woodman
argues that the account of the night attack on the camp reads like a series of stock incidents from
accounts of battles in earlier authors. For a summary of Forder’s book, see the review at
https://classicsforall.org.uk/reading-room/book-reviews/romans-scotland-and-battle-mons-graupius
Arguments from camp size are not very reliable because of uncertainty over the density of occupation (
see Steve Kaye’s Roman Marching Camps )
12
 https://www.historyhit.com/locations/ardoch-roman-fort/

[27.1] Cuius cōnscientiā ac fāmā ferōx exercitus nihil virtūtī suae invium et penetrandam
of-this through-awareness and fame bold army nothing for-courage own impassable and needing-to-be-penetrated

Calēdoniam inveniendumque tandem Britanniae terminum continuō proeliōrum cursū

Caledonia and-needing-to-be-found at-last of-Britain end by-continuous of-battles series

fremēbant. Atque illī modo cautī ac sapientēs prōmptī post ēventum ac magniloquī erant.
Were-clamouring and those just-before cautious and prudent eager-for-action after the-event and speaking-boldly were-

Inīquissima haec bellōrum condiciō est: prōspera omnēs sibi vindicant, adversa ūnī
Most-unfair this of-wars feature is success all for-themselves claim reverses to-one-man

imputantur. [27.2] At Britannī nōn virtūte sē victōs, sed occāsiōne et arte dūcis ratī,
are-imputed but British not by-courage selves defeated but by-chance and skill of-general having-thought

nihil ex adrogantiā remittere, quō minus iuventūtem armārent, coniugēs ac līberōs in loca
nothing from arrogance were-laying-aside whereby less the-youth they-might-arm wives and children into places

tūta trānsferrent, coetibus et sacrificiīs cōnspīrātiōnem cīvitātum sancīrent. Atque ita inrītātīs
safe transfer with-meetings and sacrifices conspiracy of-states ratify and thus with-incited

utrimque animīs discessum.57

on-both-sides minds they-departed

Probable representations of Liburnicas on Tajan’s Column in Rome

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liburnians#/media/File:058_Conrad_Cichorius,_Die_Reliefs_der_Traianssäule,_Tafel_LVIIIpg

[28.1] Eādem aestāte cohors Usipōrum58 per Germāniās cōnscrīpta et in Britanniam

57
i.e. they retruned to their bases or homes for the winter
58
The Usip(i)i or Usipites, who clashed with Julius Caesar in the 50s B.C., had shifted between various
territories along the Rhine (see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Usipetes) and at this time were probably
across the river from the dividing line near Bonna (modern Bonn) between the Roman provinces of
Germānia Inferior and Germānia Superior, which Woodman suggests may explain Tacitus’ use of
13
 Insame sumer cohort of-Usipi from-within German-regions conscripted and into Britain

trānsmissa magnum ac memorābile facinus ausa est. Occīsō centuriōne ac mīlitibus, quī ad
sent0ver great and memorable outrage dared having-been-killed centurion and [Roman]soldiers who for

trādendam disciplīnam inmixtī manipulīs exemplum et rēctōrēs habēbantur, trēs liburnicās 59

being-imparted discipline embedded in-maniples as-models and as-instructors were-being-used three liburnicas

adāctīs per vim gubernātōribus ascendēre; et ūnō rem negānte 60 suspectīs duōbus
having-been-brought by force helmsmen boarded and with-one task refusing having-been-suspected two

eōque interfectīs, nōndum vulgātō rūmōre ut mīrāculum praevehēbantur. 61 [28.2] Mox

and-therefore killed not-yet having-spread rumour like miracle began-travelling-before [people watching] soon

ad aquam atque ūtensilia raptum62 ubi dēvertīssent, cum plērīsque Britannōrum sua
for water and necessities to-seize when they-had diverted with many of-Britons own-[property]

dēfēnsantium proeliō congressī ac saepe victōrēs, aliquandō pulsī, eō ad extrēmum

defending in-battle having-met and often victorious sometimes driven-off by-that[much] to extremity

inopiae vēnēre, ut īnfirmissimōs suōrum, mox sorte ductōs vēscerentur. 63 [28.3] Atque ita
of-want they-came that weakest of-their-own soon by-lot selected they fed-upon and so

circumvectī Britanniam,64 āmissīs per īnscītiam regendī nāvibus,65 prō praedōnibus habitī,
having-sailed-around Britain having-been-lost through ignorance of-steering ships for pirates having-been-taken

prīmum ā Suēbīs, mox ā Frīsiīs interceptī sunt. Ac fuēre quōs per commercia vēnumdatōs et
first by Suebi soon by Frisians intercepted they-were and there-were those-who through trading having-been-sold and

in nostram usque rīpam mūtātiōne ementium adductōs indicium tantī cāsūs inlūstrāvit. 66

the plural Germāniās

59
A liburnica (or liburna) derived its name from the Liburnians, an Illyrian people on the coast of what
is now Croatia, renowned as seafarers and at one time as pirates. After the Romans adopted the design
they modified it, with two banks of oars instead of the original one, but it remained lighter and swifter
than a conventional bireme. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liburna They would normally each
carry 90 men, including sixty oarsmen, so three vessels would have been insufficient for the 480 men
in a cohort of auxiliaries unless it was well below the standard full-strength of 480 men..
60
The manuscript text is rēmigante but, as a skilled helmsmen would not have been used as an
oarsman, editors have suggested negante, renuente (also meaning `refusing’), regente rēmigentēs
(`controlling the oarsmen’) or rēmigī imperante (`giving orders to the oarsman’, with the singular
rēmex as a collective noun)
61
The helmsmen who refused to co-operate was presumably killed first and the others when they came
under suspicion of trying to steer towards a Roman port. The three ships were watched with amazement
either because their presence was surprising or because they were not holding their courses properly.
62
Supine expressing purpose
63
The verb vēscor, used here with the accusative, more often takes the ablative.
64
The Usipi presumably started off from the west coast, perhaps from Cumbria or Galloway, and
although Tacitus does not say whether they sailed north or south, the latter is more likely as this would
eventually have brought them to Suebian before Frisian territory and also before reaching the coastline
south of the Rhine within Roman territory. The Suebi were a confederation including the Marcomanni,
Quadi, Hermunduri, Semnones and Lombards (Langobards) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suebi In the
6th century A.D. the Lombards invaded Italy and establishing a kingdom in in what is now Lombardy,
ruled until Charlemagne’s conquests in the 8th century. The present-day Frisian dialects are the closest
relatives of English within Germanic and one of them today has official recognition in the Dutch
province of Friesland (see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frisian_languages).
65
This most likely refers to the loss of all three ships, with some survivors managing to swim ashore
but if only two helmsmen were killed it is possible that just their ships were lost and the one which still
had its helmsman reached harbour safely.
66
The 3rd cent. hstorian Cassius Dio (LXVI, 20)gives a rather different account of the incident. His
14
To our right-up-to bank though-chain of-buyers bought details of-so-great an-adventure made-famous.

Northern Europe as possibly envisaged by Tacitus –drawn by K. Miller and reproduced

in Fridtjof Nansen, In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Ancient Times, p.109 -
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/40633/40633-h/40633-h.htm
(with highlighting for Usipii, Frisii and Suebi added)

mutineers are described simply as mīlitēs and they sail from the east round to the west coast. He claims
that their voyage gave Agricola the idea of sending a ship himself to circumnavigate the island the
following year.
15
 Possible route of the Usipi mutineers, whose home territory was adjacent to that of the
Tencteri
[29.1] Initiō aestātis67Agricola domesticō vulnere ictus, annō ante nātum fīlium āmīsit. Quem
At-beginning of-summer Agricola by-family wound [was]struck year before born son he-lost which

cāsum neque ut plērīque fortium virōrum ambitiōsē, 68 neque per lāmenta rūrsus ac maerōrem
misfortune neither as many of-brave men men ostentatiously nor through lamentation conversely and mourning

muliebriter tulit, et in lūctū bellum inter remedia erat. [29.2] Igitur praemissā classe, quae
like-a-woman he-bore and in grief war among remedies was therefore having-been-sent-forward fleet which

plūribus locīs praedāta magnum et incertum terrōrem faceret, 69 expedītō exercitū,70 cui ex
in-many places having-ravaged great and random terror could-inflict with-lightly-equipped army to-which from

67
i.e summer of 84 or 83 B.C.
68
The reference is to those who make a show of their self-control amidst misfortune. Plērīque can
mean either many (as probably here) or `most’
69
Subjunctive in a relative clause of purpose.
70
expedītō here probably means `without heavy baggage (such as siege artillery)’ but it could
alternatively mean ` at the ready’.
16
Britannīs fortissimōs et longā pāce explōrātōs71 addiderat, ad montem Graupium72 pervēnit,
Britons bravest and by-long peace tested he-had-added at Mt. Graupius he-arrived

quem iam hostis īnsēderat. [29.3] Nam Britannī nihil frāctī pugnae priōris 73 ēventū et
which already enemy had-occupied for Britons not-at-all broken of-fight earlier by-result and

ultiōnem aut servitium expectantēs, tandemque doctī commūne perīculum concordiā

revenge or enslavement expecting and-at-last taught common danger by-unity

prōpulsandum, lēgātiōnibus et foederibus omnium cīvitātium vīrēs excīverant. [29.4] Iamque

needing-to-be-repulsed with-embassies and treaties of-all states strength they-had-mobilised and-now

super trīgintā mīlia armātōrum aspiciēbantur, et adhūc adfluēbat omnis iuventūs et quibus
over thirty thousands of-armed-men could-be-seen and still was-flowing-in all the-youth and those-for-whom

crūda ac viridis senectus,74 clārī bellō et sua quisque decora gestantēs, cum inter plūrēs ducēs
fresh and green [was]old-age famous in-war and own each insignia wearing when amongst several leaders

virtūte et genere praestāns nōmine Calgacus75 apud contractam multitūdinem proelium

for-courage and ancestry outstanding-man by-name Calgacus amongst assembled multitude battle

poscentem in hunc modum locūtus fertur:

demanding in this manner spoken[to-have] is-reported

71
If fortissimōs and explōrātōs both refer to the same group the meaning of the latter might be `proved
loyal ’ or (Woodman’s preference)`proved immune to the softening effect which peace often has’.
Gudeman ( Tacitus: De vita et moribus Julii Agricolae, 1899) assumes that two groups are referred to:
more recently conquered (and therefore hardier) natives and others from southern Britain which had
long been under Roman rule.
72
The location of Mons Graupius is unknown though Bennachie NW of Aberdeen is probably the most
favoured candidate because of a fort on its summit which may have been used by the Caledonians and
the discovery from the air in 1975 of a large marching camp at nearby Logie Durno (see map on pg.8
and http://www.battlefieldsofbritain.co.uk/battle_mons_graupius_ad83.html with photographs of
Bennachie and the camp and a reconstruction of the stages of the battle ). The misprint `Grampius’ in
the 15th century editio princeps of Agricola resulted in the SE Highlands being named the Grampians.
The name Graupius itself might be related to Old Welsh crup (`hump’).
73
i.e. the night attack on the 9th Legion described in c.26.
74
The phrase crūda ac viridis senectus is a quote from Virgil’s famous description of Charon, the
ferryman on the Styx in the Underworld (Aeneid 6.304)
75
Calgacus is otherwise unknown and may even be a figment of Tacitus’ imagination, as the famous
speech which follows certainly is. According to Woodman, the name might mean `swordsman’ and is
possibly related to Scottish Gaelic calgach (`prickly’, `bristly’).
17
 Bennachie in Aberdeenshire, possible site for the battle of Mount Grampius
https://www.bennachiecc.co.uk/

[30.1] "Quotiēns causās bellī et necessitātem nostram intueor, magnus mihi animus est
Whenever causes of-war and predicament our I-observe great for-me confidence there-is

hodiernum diem cōnsēnsumque vestrum initium lībertātis tōtī 76 Britanniae fore: nam et
oftoday day and-harmony your beginning of-freedom for-whole-of Britain going-to-be for both

ūniversī coistis et servitūtis expertēs, 77 et nūllae ultrā terrae ac nē mare quidem sēcūrum
all you-have-united and of-slavery without-experience and no beyond lands and not sea even secure

inminente nōbīs classe Rōmānā. Ita proelium atque arma, quae fortibus honesta, eadem etiam
threatening us fleet Roman thus battle and arms which for-brave honourable same-things also

ignāvīs tūtissima sunt.78 [30.2] Priōrēs pugnae, quibus adversus Rōmānōs variā fortūnā
for-cowards safest are earlier fights in-which against Romans with-various outcome

certātum est,79 spem ac subsidium in nostrīs manibus habēbant, quia nōbilissimī tōtīus
striven it-was hope and support in our hands had because noblest of-whole

Britanniae eōque in ipsīs penetrālibus sitī nec ūlla servientium lītora aspicientēs, oculōs
of-Britain and-therefore in actual inner-sanctuary situated and-not any of-those-in-servitude coasts looking-out-on eyes

quoque ā contāctū dominātiōnis inviolātōs habēbāmus.80 [30.3] Nōs terrārum ac lībertātis

76
tōtus is one of the UNUS NAUTA adjectives and so uses the pronominal ending –ī for the dative
singular here and –ius for the genitive singular four lines below..
77
servitūtis expertēs: Woodman notes that Tacitus here uses one of Cicero’s favourite (rhythmical
patterns before a pause): - ᵕ - - - In line with his determination to pull out all the rhetorical stops, the
same pattern is found in classe Rōmānā at the end of the sentence and in inviolātōs habēbāmus
(30.2), exercendīs reservēmur (31.12), exercitūs suī vertunt (32.1), Usipī relīquērunt (32.3) and (if
the vowel of est is predelided) in ulciscī in hōc campō est (32.4)
78
`Taking up arms and fighting, which is honourable for the brave, is at the same time safest for the
cowardly.’ With nowhere left to retreat to, there is no safety except in fighting and winning.
79
Impersonal passive, equivalent to `people strove’.
80
The argument is that in earlier fighting the Britons had the Caledonians as a source of hope and
18
also by contact of-tyranny unviolated we-used-to-have us of-lands and of-liberty

extrēmōs81 recessus ipse ac sinus fāmae82 in hunc diem dēfendit: nunc terminus Britanniae
furthest seclusion itself and folding-away of-report till this day has-defended now end of-Britain

patet, atque omne ignōtum prō magnificō est; sed nūlla iam ultrā gēns, nihil nisi flūctūs ac
lies-open and everything unknown as magnificent is[regarded] but now no beyond people nothing except waves and

et saxa, īnfēstiōrēs Rōmānī, quōrum superbiam frūstrā per obsequium ac modestiam effugiās.
and rocks [even] -more-hostile the-Romans whose arrogance in-vain by obedience and restraint you-would-try-to-escape

On the south coast of the Moray Firth83

https://myplaidheart.com/findlater-castle/

[30.4] Raptōrēs orbis, postquam cūncta84 vastantibus dēfuēre terrae, mare scrūtantur: sī
plunderers of-the-world after all-things to-those-laying-waste have-run-out lands sea they-search if

locuplēs hostis est, avārī, sī pauper, ambitiōsī, quōs nōn Oriēns, nōn Occidēns satiāverit 85: sōlī
rich enemy is greedy if poor eager-for-glory whom not the-East not the-west has-satiated alone

omnium opēs atque inopiam parī adfectū concupīscunt. Auferre trucīdāre rapere falsīs
of-all-[men] riches ad scarcity with-equal passion they-make-target robbery -massacre plunder under-false

nōminibus imperium, atque ubi sōlitūdinem faciunt, pācem appellant. 86 

names empire and when desert they-make peace they-call[it]

support because the latter were the noblest people in Britain and for that reason lived in the inner part
of the island (like the sanctuary inside a temple) where the enslaved Gauls were out of sight.tyranny.
81
i.e. the Caledonians are both the remotest people upon earth and the last refuge of liberty.
82
The basic meaning of sinus was a fold or curve so the reference might be to the fold in a cloak or
toga where valuable are kept safe. The Caledonians’ remoteness has hitherto prevented information
about them reaching outsiders. The phrase is, however, very awkward and the text may be corrupt.
83
Agricola’s army (as opposed to his fleet) almost certainly never went beyond the Moray Firth but
evidence of a Roman camp at Portmahomack suggests Septimius Severus may have gone further north
in the 3rd century A.D.(see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portmahomack#Possible_Roman_camp).
84
cuncta is object of vastantibus
85
Probably subjunctive in a relative clause of characteristic
86
The verb appellant governs imperium as well as pācem and falsīs nominibus is pural as it refers to
both these nouns but ubi..appellant is normally quoted as a stand-alone epigram. Despite the
eloquence with which Tacitus makes the Caledonians’ case, he was himself no-anti-imperialist. He
regarded it as natural and proper both that other peoples should resist conquest and that the Romans
should seek to impose it and he shared with his countrymen in general the idea that empire without
limit (Virgil’s imperium sine fīne, Aeneid 1: 279) was Rome’s entitlement.
19
 Claudius overcoming Britannia, from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias in SW Turkey87
http://aphrodisias.classics.ox.ac.uk/sebasteionreliefs.html#prettyPhoto

[31.1] "Līberōs cuique ac propinquōs suōs nātūra cārissimōs esse voluit: hī per dīlēctūs
children to-each-one and relatives their nature most-dear to-be has-ordained these through conscription

alibī servītūrī88 auferuntur; coniugēs sorōrēsque etiam sī hostīlem libīdinem effūgērunt,

elsewhere -to-be-slaves are-carried-off wives and-sisters also if of-enemy lust they-have-escaped

nōmine amīcōrum atque hospitum polluuntur.89 Bona fortūnaeque in tribūtum, ager atque
under-the-name of-friends and hosts are-dishonoured goods and-fortunes for tribute field and

annus in frūmentum, corpora ipsa ac manūs silvīs ac palūdibus ēmūniendīs 90 inter verbera et
year[ly-produce] for grain[levy] bodies actual and hands for-woods and marshes being-metalled between blows and

87
The Sebasteion, a monument to Aphrodite and the Julio-Claudian family (Sebasteion derives from
Sebastos, the Greek translation of Augustus. Claudius and Britannia, whose image is modelled on an
Amazon warrior, are identified at the base: ΤΙΒΕΡΙΟΣ ΚΛΑΥΔΙΟΣ ΚΑΙΣΑΡ – ΒΡΕΤΑΝΝΙΑ. Sara
Phang refers to the relief in her 2004 article `Intimate conquests: Roman soldiers’ slave women and
freedwomen’ Ancient World 35:207-37, cited by Woodman, pg.246..
88
The future participle is used here to express purpose. This construction is commoner in later Roman
authors and may have been influenced by the frequent use of Greek future participles in this way.
89
The distinction made is presumably between outright rape and being taken advantage of by Romans
posing as friends or hosts.
90
Presumably referring to the construction of roads through woods and marshes. The verb mūniō has
the basic meaning `fortify’ but can also mean `build a road through’. Tacitus may use the compound
verb ēmuniō to emphasise that Roman roads were frequently elevated well above the surrounding
ground level (see illustration on page 21).,
20
contumēliās conteruntur.91 [31.2] Nāta servitūtī mancipia semel vēneunt, atque ultrō ā
insults are-worn-out born to-servitude slaves once are-sold and actually by

dominīs aluntur: Britannia servitūtem suam cotīdiē emit, cotīdiē pāscit. Ac sīcut in familiā
masters are-fed Britain servitude her-own every-day purchases every-day feeds and just-as in household

recentissimus quisque92 servōrum etiam cōnservīs lūdibriō est, sīc in hōc orbis terrārum
newest each of-slaves even to-fellow-slaves object-of-ridicule is so in this of-world

vetere famulātū93 nōvī nōs et vīlēs in excidium petimur; neque enim arva nōbīs aut metalla
old slave-establishment new-ones we and worthless for destruction are-sought neither for fields to-us or mines

aut portūs sunt, quibus exercendīs94 reservēmur. [31.3] Virtūs porrō ac ferōcia subiectōrum
or harbours there-are for-which being-worked we-could-be-kept courage moreover and spirit of-subjects

ingrāta imperantibus; et longinquitās ac sēcrētum ipsum quō tūtius, eō suspectius 95. Ita
unwelcome to-overlords and remoteness and seclusion itself as safer in-proportion more-suspect thus

sublātā spē veniae tandem sūmite animum, tam quibus salūs quam quibus glōria
having-been-removed hope of-mercy finally take courage both those-to-whom safety and those-to-whom glory

cārissima est. [31.4] Brigantēs fēminā duce exūrere colōniam, 96 expugnāre castra,97 ac nisi
dearest is Brigantes with-woman as-leader burnt a-colony stormed a-camp and if-not

fēlīcitās in socordiam vertisset, exuere iugum potuēre 98: nōs integrī et indomitī et in
success into negligence had-turned to-shake-off yoke would-have-been-able we fresh and unconquered and to

lībertātem, nōn in paenitentiam bellātūrī99; prīmō statim congressū ostendāmus, quōs sibi
freedom not to repentance about-to-fight at-first at-once joining-of-battle let-us-show what for-itself

Calēdonia virōs sēposuerit.

Caledonia men has-set-apart

91
conteruntur can also mean `are expended’ so the verb also goes with bona fortūnaeque and ager et
annus.
92
recentissimus quisque ia equivalent to recentissimī omnēs
93
famulātus (-ūs m) normally denotes slavery as an abstract condition but is occasionally used in a
concrete sense.
94
exerceō an be used with arva and metalla in the sense of `working’ but is not elsewhere used with
portus as object. Tacitus was perhaps extending the meaning to cover the digging out of harbours
95
The argument is that the same inaccessibility of the Highland which kept the Caledonians safe in the
past has also made them seem more dangerous to the Romans and so less likely to be trusted if they are
brought under Roman rule.
96
The reference here must be to the revolt by the Iceni and Trinobantes under Boudicca in 60-61, in
which the Brigantes were not involved. Possibly, as the Brigantes were a very large tribe relatively
close to them, the Caledonians used this name for southern Britons in general and Tacitus was aware of
this, but it seems strange for him to add such a realistic, local touch to a speech which is otherwise
more of a literary exercise. Possibly Tacitus confused the Iceni and the Brigantes because the latter
were also ruled at one time by a woman (the pro-Roman Queen Cartimandua) and because a settlement
in their territory had a name similar to Camulodunum (Colchester), the `colony’ (veterans’ settlement)
in the south which was actually destroyed by the rebels. See Wodoman, pg.248.
97
Referring to the camp of the 9th Legion at Lindum (Lincoln), which we know from Tacitus’ own
account in the Annals was not in fact overrun. Either he was not aware of the full facts when writing
Agricola some twenty years earlier or expugnāre must mean `attack’ rather than `attack and seize’
98
potuērunt rather than potuissent because the indicative can sometimes be used with possum even in
counter-factuals.
99
bellātūrī is an emendation of lātūrī (`going to bring’) in the manuscripts.
21
 Roman road on its embankment
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2511338/Roman-Britain-brought-life-amazing-digital-reconstructions.html

[32.1] "An eandem Rōmānīs in bellō virtūtem quam in pāce lascīviam adesse crēditis?
Or same in-Romans in war courage as in peace licentiousness to-be-present you-believe

Nostrīs illī dissēnsiōnibus ac discordiīs clārī vitia hostium in glōriam exercitūs suī vertunt;
through-our they disputes and quarrels renowned faults of-their-enemy into glory of-army own they- turn quem
contractum ex dīversissimīs gentibus ut secundae rēs100 tenent, ita adversae dissolvent:
which drawn from very-different nations as success holds-together thus failure will-dissolve

nisi sī101 Gallōs et Germānōs et (pudet dictū102) Britannōrum plērōsque, licet dominātiōnī
unless Gauls and Germans and shameful to-say of-Britons many although to-tyranny

aliēnae sanguinem commodent, diūtius tamen hostēs quam servōs, fide et adfectū tenērī
foreign blood they-lend for-longer however enemies than slaves by-loyalty and affection to-be-held

putātis. [32.2] Metus ac terror est, īnfirma vincla cāritātis; quae ubi remōverīs, 103 quī
you-think fear and intimidation there-is weak bonds of-fellowship which whenever you-have-removed those-who

timēre dēsierint, ōdisse incipient. Omnia victōriae incitāmenta prō nōbīs 104 sunt: nūllae
to-fear have-ceased to-hate will-begin all of-victory encouragements for us are no

100
secundae rēs: literally `favourable situation’; rēs has to be understood again with adversae.
101
nisi sī (literally `unless if’) is equivalent to nisi forte (`unless by chance’)
102
The supine dictū really requires an adjective like pudendum but pudet (`it causes shame’) is used
through confusion with pudet dīcere.
103
The long final vowel shows that remōverīs is perfect subjunctive, used here for expressing a
generalisation, but remōveris (future perfect, `when you have removed’) would be equally possible.
104
i.e. `on our side’
22
Rōmānōs coniugēs accendunt,105 nūllī parentēs fugam exprobrātūrī sunt; aut nūlla plērīsque
Romans wives set-on-fire no parents flight going-to-reproach are either no to-many

patria aut alia est.106 Paucōs numerō, trepidōs ignōrantiā, caelum ipsum ac mare et silvās,
fatherland or another there-is few in-number fearful from-ignorance climate itself and sea and woods

ignōta omnia circumspectantēs, clausōs quōdam modō107 ac vīnctōs dī nōbīs trādidērunt.

unknown all-things looking-round-at shut-off in-a-certain way and bound gods to-us have-handed-over

Digital reconstruction of the West Gate of the Upper City at Lindum (Lincoln)
https://kuula.co/post/NNwlx

[32.3] Nē terreat vānus aspectus et aurī fulgor atque argentī, quod neque tegit neque vulnerat.
Let-not frighten empty appearance and of-gold gleam and of-silver which neither protects nor wounds

In ipsā hostium aciē inveniēmus nostrās manūs:108 adgnōscent Britannī suam causam,
In actual of-enemy battle-line we-will-find our agents will-recognise Britons own cause

recordābuntur Gallī priōrem lībertātem, tam dēserent illōs cēterī Germānī quam nūper Usipī 109
will-remember Gauls earlier freedom thus will-desert them other Germans as recently Usipi

105
A reference to the Celtic custom of having their families present to watch them fighting, a practice
which had impeded the flight of Boudicca’s army after their defeat by Suetonius Paulinus in 61..
106
i.e. the auxiliaries in Agricola’s army were either rootless mercenaries with no land to call their own
or they has a fatherland which was not Rome..
107
modō is the ablative singular of modus (-ī m), `way, means’, agreeing with quō. The Dickinson
College text’s modo (`only,’` just now’) is presumably a typo.
108
manus most often means `hand’, hence the figurative meaning `agent’, `instrument.’ However.
Tacitus could have had in mind the alternative meaning `band of men.’
109
Referring to the Usipi whose commandeering of three ships is described in chapter 28
23
relīquērunt. Nec quicquam ultrā formīdinis:110 vacua castella, senum colōniae,111 inter male
abandoned[them] nor anything beyond of-fear empty forts of-old-men colonies between grudgingly

parentēs et iniūstē imperantēs aegra mūnicipia 112 et discordantia. [32.4] Hīc dux, hīc
those-obeying and unjustly those-giving-orders weak free towns and in-disharmony here a-leader here

exercitus:113 ibi tribūta et metalla et cēterae servientium poenae, quās in aeternum perferre aut
army there tribute-payments and mines and the-other of-the-enslaved punishments which for ever to-endure or

statim ulcīscī in hōc campō est. Proinde itūrī in aciem et maiōrēs vestrōs et posterōs cōgitāte."
at-once to-avenge on this field depends accordingly about-to-go into battle both ancestors your and descendants think-of

Ready for battle beneath Mt. Graupius

(Illustration by Seán Ó’Brógáin for Campbell’s Mons Graupius, A,D. 83: Rome’s battle at the edge of the World)

110
i.e once the Romans you see before you are defeated, there is nothing else to fear.
111
At the time of the battle there was probably only one colōnia in Britannia, Camuulodūnum
(Colchester), but Tacitus was most likely thinking also of Lindum (Lincoln, which was founded in the
70s as a legionary fortress and then expanded into a veterans’ settlement shortly after Agricola’s return
to Rome. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lindum_Colonia
112
 mūnicipia were, self-governing municipalities under Roman rule, whose inhabitants were not
necessarily Roman citizens but who elected duumviri and quaestors on the Italian model, these local
magistrates then themselves becoming full citizens.. In Agricola’s time, only Verulāmium (St Albans)
was officially in this category but parallel institutions were found in a number of other British towns.
113
Dickinson has hic dux, hic exercitus (`this leader, this army’) but, to balance ibi in the next phrase,
hīc (`here’) is obviously needed,
24
[33.1] Excēpēre ōrātiōnem alacrēs, ut barbarīs mōris, fremitū cantūque et clāmōribūs dissonīs.
They-received speech enthisatically as for-barbarians of-custom with-roaring and-singing and shouts discordant

Iamque agmina et armōrum fulgōrēs114 audentissimī cuiusque prōcursū115; simul īnstruēbātur

and-now columns and of-arms flashing boldest of-each with-running-forward at-same-time was-being-drawn-up

aciēs, cum Agricola quamquam laetum et vix mūnīmentīs coercitum mīlitem accendendum
battle-line when Agricola although happy and with-difficulty within-defences confined army needing-to-be-fired-up

adhūc ratus, ita disseruit: [33.2] 'septimus annus est, commīlitōnēs, ex quō virtūte et auspiciīs
still having-thought thus spoke seventh year it-is fellow-soldiers since through-courage and on-orders

populī Rōmānī,116 fide atque operā nostrā Britanniam vīcistis. 117 Tot expedītiōnibus,
of-people Roman by-loyalty and work our Britain you-conquered in-so-many-campaigns

tot proeliīs, seu fortitūdine adversus hostēs seu patientiā ac labōre paene adversus ipsam
so-many battles whether of-bravery against enemy or of- patience and of-toil almost against itself

rērum nātūram opus fuit, neque mē mīlitum neque vōs ducis paenituit. 118 [33.3] Ergō
nature need there-was neither to-me in-soldiers nor to-you in-general came-disappointment therefore

ēgressī, ego veterum lēgātōrum, vōs priōrum exercituum terminōs, fīnem Britanniae nōn
having-surpassed I of-old governors you of-earlier armies bounds end=point of-Britain not

fāmā nec rūmōre, sed castrīs et armīs tenēmus: 119 inventa Britannia et subācta. [33.4]
through-report nor-rumour but with-camps and weapons we-hold discovered[has-been] Britain and subjugated

Equidem saepe in agmine, cum vōs palūdēs montēsve et flūmina fatīgārent, fortissimī
Indeed often on the-march when you marshes or-mountains and rivers were-tiring bravest

cuiusque vōcēs audiēbam: "quandō dabitur hostis, quandō manūs?" 120 Veniunt, ē latebrīs suīs
of-each voices I-was-hearing when will-be-given enemy when hand-to-hand-fighting they-are-coming from hideouts own

extrūsī, et vōta virtūsque in apertō,121 omniaque prōna victōribus atque eadem victīs adversa.
rooted-out and prayers and-courage in open and-all-things easy for-victors and same-things for-vanquished adverse

[33.5] Nam ut superāsse tantum itineris, ēvāsisse silvās, trānsīsse aestuāria pulchrum ac
For as to-have-overcome so-much of-journey to-have-negotiated woods to-have-crossd estuaries fine and

114
The use of fulgor in the plural is unusual and perhaps prompted by the plural agmina. Gudeman
suggests translating: `marching columns, each with flashing arms, were seen’. This looser Caledonian
arrangement contrasts with the single battle line in the Romans were normally arrayed but aciēs here
does refer to the Caledonians’ formation.
115
`as all the bravest rushed forward’.
116
The MSS have imperiī Rōmānī (`of the Roman Empire’) but this phrase is nowhere else used with
virtūte or auspiciīs. Out of several suggested emendations, the Dickinson College text accepts
Woodman’s populī Rōmānī
117
vīcistis must mean `you conquered’, not `have been conquering’, as Latin uses the present tense for
English present perfect continuous. The reference must therefore be to Agricola’s defeat of the
Ordovices and conquest of Anglesey in his first campaign (in 78 or77)
118
The impersonal verb paentitet (there is a feeling of repentance or regret) is used here with the
regular construction of accusative of the person feeling the emotion and genitive of the cause of that
feeling,
119
i.e. we now have actual control of the whole island, not just information about it.
120
Literally `hands’. This is an emendation of animus in the MSS. An alternative would be to keep
animus and add venīre: `whan will they decide to come?
121
i.e. there is now no obstacle to the fulfilment of your payers and the exercise of your courage.
25
decōrum in frontem,122 ita fugientibus perīculōsissima quae hodiē prosperrima sunt; neque
splendid forwards thus for-those-fleeing most-dangerous things-which today most-favourable nor

enim nōbīs aut locōrum eadem nōtitia aut commeātuum eadem abundantia, sed manūs et arma
for to-us either of-area same knowledge or of-provisions same abundance but hands and weapons

et in hīs omnia.123 [33.6] Quod ad mē attinet,124 iam prīdem125 mihi126 dēcrētum est neque
and in these all-things that-which to me belongs now long-ago for-me decided it-was neither

exercitūs neque ducis terga tūta esse.127 Proinde ut honesta mors turpī vītā potior, ita
of-army nor of-general backs safe to-be just as honourable death than-in-disgrace life better so

incolumitās ac decus eōdem locō sita sunt; nec inglōrium fuerit 128 in ipsō terrārum ac nātūrae
safety and honour in-same place situated are nor inglorious would-it-be at actual of-world and of-nature

fīne cecidisse.129
end to-have-fallen

Durno marching camp, north of Bennachie, possibly Agricola’s base for the battle
http://www.battlefieldsofbritain.co.uk/battle_mons_graupius_ad83.html

122
A participle like prōgredientibus (for those advancing’) needs to be understood here to match
fugientibus in the next clauses.
123
i,e. `everything depends on these’. The comparison is with the Caledonians’ familiarity with the
area.
124
i.e. `as far as I am concerned’
125
iam prīdem (often combined as a single word) is a frequent collocation
126
mihi might also be a dative of agent: `by me’.
127
i.e. `that there is no safety in retreat for either an army or its general.’
128
Perhaps better understood as a potential subjunctive rather than a future perfect as the latter implies
a stronger possibility of dying!
129
fīne cecidisse is a classic clausula, with the same structure as Cicero’s esse videātur.
26
[34.1] "Sī novae gentēs atque ignōta aciēs cōnstitisset, aliōrum exercituum exemplīs vōs
If unfamiliar tribes and unfamiliar battly-array had-taken-up-position of-other armies by-examples you

hortārer: nunc vestra decora recēnsēte, vestrōs oculōs interrogāte. Hī sunt, quōs proximō
I-would-encourage now your-own achievements consider you-own eyes ask these are those-who last

annō ūnam legiōnem fūrtō noctis adgressōs clāmōre dēbellāstis; 130 hī cēterōrum Britannōrum
year one legion by-stealth of-night having-attacked by-shouting you-defeated these of-other Britons

fugācissimī131 ideōque tam diū superstitēs. [34.2] Quōmodo silvās saltūsque penetrantibus 132
most-prone-to-flight and-therefore so long surviving in-which-manner woods and-glades penetrating

fortissimum quodque animal contrā ruēre, pavida et inertia ipsō agminis sonō pellēbantur, 133
bravest each animal against rushed fearful and spiritless-ones by-actual of-column sound were-driven-away

sīc ācerrimī Britannōrum iam prīdem cecidērunt, reliquus est numerus ignāvōrum et
thus keenest of-Britons now long-ago have-fallen left is number of-the-cowardly and

timentium. [34.3] Quōs quod tandem invēnistis, nōn restitērunt, sed dēprehēnsī sunt;
fearful these as-for-fact-that at-last you-have-found not have-resisted but trapped have-been

novissimae134 rēs et extrēmō metū torpor dēfīxēre aciem in hīs vestīgiīs, in quibus
unparalleled circumstances and from-extreme fear paralysis has-fixed battle-line on this spot on which

pulchram et spectābilem victōriam ēderētis. 135 Trānsigite cum expedītiōnibus, impōnite

splendid and notable victory you-could-exhibit have-done with campaigns place

quinquāginta136 annīs magnum diem, adprobāte reī pūblicae numquam exercituī

fifty on-years great day prove to-the-state never to-army

imputārī potuisse aut morās bellī aut causās rebellandī." 137

to-be-imputed to-have-been-able either delay of-war or causes of-rebelling

130
Contracted from dēbellāvistis. The reference is to the attack on the 9th Legon’s camp (see c.26)
131
The phrase is a confusion between omnium ..fugācissimī and cēterīs.. fugāciōrēs
132
penetrantibus is probably an ablative absolute with nōbīs understood (`as we entered’) but
alternatively could be dative as object of contrā ruēre.
133
quōmodo…pellēbantur: In the transmitted text as shown here, ruēre should probably be taken as
perfect indicative (contracted form of ruērunt), though historical infinitive (with the macron omitted)
would also be possible. The comparison is then with the Romans’ own recent experience of marching
through wooded areas and agmen is the marching column. However, it is unlikely that any animals
would have attacked a large military force and a comparison with the general case of a band (agmen)
of hunters entering a wood is more plausible. Some editors therefore emend pellēbantur to provide a
present tense verb on which ruere could depend as an infinitive. Woodman suggests pellī prōbantur:
`Just as all the bravest animals are proved to attack those penetrating their woods and groves, the
cowardly and timid ones to cower at the very sound of the column.’
134
Literally `very new’ or`very strange, and also here translatable as `extreme’
135
ēderētis is subjunctive of purpose. The language is similar to that used of gladiator or theatre shows
(spectāculum ēdere, to put on a show and Britons on the higher slopes of the hill are implicitly
compared to spectators in an amphitheatre: they will witness the Romans defeat of the Caledonian front
ranks below them. The omission of the macron on the first vowel of the verb in the Dickinson text is a
typo, accidentally producing the meaning `you could eat’!)
136
Probably a mistake for quadrāgintā as it only been forty years since Claudius’ invasion in 43.
137
i.e. that the army could not be accused of delaying the conquest nor of causing rebellion by lack of
firmness. The perfect infinitive potuisse is used as the battle will be in the past when Rome hears of it.
27
 Opposing forces at the start of the battle (Romans in red, cavalry designated by white
triangle inside rectangles, British chariots by blue triangles)
http://www.battlefieldsofbritain.co.uk/battle_mons_graupius_ad83.html

[35.1] Et adloquente adhūc Agricolā mīlitum ārdor ēminēbat, et fīnem ōrātiōnis ingēns
And while-speaking still Agricola of-soldiers ardour was-rising and end of-oration huge

alacritās cōnsecūta est, statimque ad arma discursum. [35.2] Īnstīnctōs ruentēsque ita
enthusiasm followd and-at-once to arms they-ran them-roused and-ready-to-rush so

disposuit, ut peditum auxilia, quae octo mīlium erant, mediam aciem firmārent, equitum tria
he-arranged that of-infantry auxiliaries which eight thousands were centre-of line strengthened cavalry three

mīlia cornibus adfunderentur. Legiōnēs prō vāllō stetēre, ingēns victōriae decus citrā 138
thousands on-wings were-spread-out legions in-front-of rampart stood huge for-victory distinction without-shedding

Rōmānum sanguinem bellandī, et auxilium, sī pellerentur. [35.3] Britannōrum aciēs in

Roman blood of-fighting and as-back-up if they-should-be-repulsed of-Britons battleline for

speciem simul ac terrōrem ēditiōribus locīs cōnstiterat ita, ut prīmum agmen in aequō,
appearance at-same-time as terror on-higher ground thus had-taken-up-position that first column on plain

cēterī per adclīve iugum cōnexī velut īnsurgerent; media campī covinnārius eques 139 strepitū
others along sloping hill linked-together as-if towering-up centre of-plain chariot squadron with-noise

ac discursū complēbat. [35.4] Tum Agricola superante hostium multitūdine veritus nē simul
and hurrying to-and-fro was-filling then Agricola being-greater of-enemy the-crowd fearing lest at-same-time

in frontem simul in latera suōrum pugnārētur, dīductīs ōrdinibus, quamquam porrēctior

at-front at-same-time on flanks of-his-men there-might-be-fighting moved-apart the-ranks although rather-extended

138
citrā is literally `this side of’
139
covinārius eques in a strange phrase and should perhaps be emended to covinārius et eques
(chariots and cavalry).
28
aciēs futūra erat et arcessendās plērīque legiōnēs admonēbant,140 prōmptior in spem
battle-line going-to-be was and needing-to-be-sent-for many legions were-advising readier to hope and

et firmus adversīs, dīmissō eqūō pedes ante vexilla 141 cōnstitit.

Ans firm amidst-danger having-been-sent-away horse on-foot in-front-of battle-flags he took-his-position

Vexillum of Legio II Augusta Vexillum of an auxiliary cohort

https://segedunumromanfort.org.uk/learning/make-a-roman-standard

[36.1] Ac prīmō congressū ēminus certābātur; simulque cōnstantiā, simul arte

And at-first clash at-a-distance there-was-fighting and-at-same-time with-steadfstness ame-time with-skill

Britannī ingentibus gladiīs et brevibus caetrīs142 missilia nostrōrum vītāre vel excutere, atque
Britianni with-huge swords and short round-shields missiles of-our-men were-avoiding or shaking-off and

ipsī magnam vim tēlōrum143 superfundere, dōnec Agricola quattuor Batāvōrum 144

140
If really outnumbered and fearing being out-flanked, it is surprising Agricola did not bring forward
at least part of his legionary force. It has therefore been suggested that he might have anticpatedcd a
chariot attack and thought a looser formation would allow the chariots to penetrate the Roman and then
themselves be surrounded. See http://www.battlefieldsofbritain.co.uk/battle_mons_graupius_ad83.html
141
The vexilla were normally carried behind the first rank of the battle-line so Agricola was himself
standing in the front line in the place of maximum danger.
142
A caetra was a small, round leather shield of a sort the Romans associated primarily with Spanish
tribesman. The ablative phrase ingentibus gladiīs et berevibus caetrīs is probably best understood as
descriptive (`the Britons, with their huge swords and small shields’) as swords would not be useful for
avoiding spears!
143
tēlum can refer also to an arrow but most usually a spear or javelin.
144
The Batavi were from the mouth of the Rhine in what is now the Netherlands. Eight of their cohorts
had revolted against Rome during the civil wars following the death of Nero and after wards they were
organised in four cohorts, presumably the ones fighting here.
29
they-themselves great quantity of-spears were-poring-down until Agricola four of-Batavians

cohortēs ac Tungrōrum145 duās cohortātus est ut rem ad mucrōnēs ac manūs addūcerent —

cohorts and of-Tungrians two urged that matters to sword-points and hands they-should-bring which quod

et ipsīs vetustāte mīlitiae exercitātum et hostibus inhabile parva scūta et

because also into-them-themselves by-long [experience-of-] warfare drilled-into[was] and to-enemy awkward small shields and

ēnormēs gladiōs gerentibus. (Nam Britannōrum gladiī sine mucrōne complexum armōrum et
enormous swords carrying for of-Britons swords without point clash of-arms and

in artō pugnam nōn tolerābant.) [36.2] Igitur ut Batāvī miscēre ictūs, ferīre umbōnibus, ōra
at close-quarters battle not tolerated therefore as Batavi kept-exchanging blows striking with-shield-bosses faces

fōdere, et strātīs quī in aequō adstiterant, ērigere in collēs aciem coepēre, 146
stabbing and having-been-felled those-who on level-ground had-stood were-moving ino hills battle-line began

cēterae cohortēs aemulātiōne et impetū147 cōnīsae proximōs quōsque caedere: ac plērīque

other cohorts out-of-rivalry and impulse having-strained nearest each started-killing and many

sēminecēs aut integrī festīnātiōne victōriae relinquēbantur. [36.3] Interim equitum turmae,
half-dead or unwounded in-haste of-victory were-being-left-behind meanwhile of-cavalry squadrons

<ut> fūgēre covinnāriī, peditum sē148 proeliō miscuēre.149 Et quamquam recentem terrōrem
when fled the-charioteers of-infantry themselves into-battle inserted and although fresh terror

intulerant, dēnsīs tamen hostium agminibus et inaequālibus locīs haerēbant,

they-had-instilled among-packed however of-enemy lines and uneven ground they-were-getting-stuck

minimēque equestris ea [enim]150 pugnae faciēs erat, cum aegrē in gradū stantēs 151 simul
and-not-at-all cavalry that for of-fight appeance was since with-difficulty on step standing at-same-time

equōrum corporibus impellerentur; ac saepe vagī currūs, exterritī sine rēctōribus equī, ut
of-horses onto-bodies they-were-being-pushed and often wandering chariots terrified without drivers horses as

quemque formīdō tulerat, trānsversōs aut obviōs incursābant.

145
The Tungri were a Germanic tribe who had moved across the Rhine to live south of the Batavi. See
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tungri
146
Although Agricola had supposedly spaced his men out, the Batavi seem here to be advancing in
classic Roman fashion: close formation, pushing with their shields and stabbing (not slashing) with
their short swords.
147
Probably hendiadys: `on a competitive impulse’
148
The insertion of the pronoun sē between peditum and proeliō is a deliberate use of word order to
reflect the action being described
149
interim..miscuēre: the insertion of ut makes some sense of the words but many scholars believe
there is deeper corruption in the text. Possibly Tacitus wrote something like interim equitum turmae
fugāre (`put to flight’) covinnāriōs et peditum se proeliō miscuēre (Woodman’s
suggestion).Alternatively, equitum turmae might be the Caledonian rather than the Roman cavalry
and the MSS text could be retained with different punctuation: equitum turmae fugēre; covinnāriī
peditum sē proeliō miscuēre. The charioteers would then remain the subject of the verbs intulerant
and haerēbant.
150
enim appears out of place here and some editors put this word after fūgēre instead of inseting ut
before that verb. However, the whole clause minimēque..faciēs erat may need repair, one suggestion
being minimēque aequa nostrīs iam pugnae facies erat
151
in gradū stantēs `keeping their footing’ is an emendation of MSS aegradiu aut stantēs. It is
unclear who the subject now is but, particularly if the rewording in the previous not is accepted, it is
most likely the Roman infantry.
30
Each-one fear had-carried from-side or head-on were-running-into [the men]

The Rhine frontier with location of Batavi and Tungri

Andrei nacu, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=30143245

Additional note: The official name for the town on the site of the present-day village of
Corbridge, on the Tyne 16 miles west of Newcastle was likely Corstopitum or
Coriosopitum. The name in the local Brythonic dialect seems to have been Coria, which the
Romans themselves probably used informally (cf. `Derry’ for `Londonderry’ in Northern
Ireland). Coria stood at the junction between Stanegate, the road running parallel to Hadrian’s
Wall, and Dere Street, which ran north from York (Eborācum) See
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corbridge

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