The Mystical Philosophical Thought of Mu

1
2
‫سلسلة مطبوعات الطريقة السمانية بام عيدان‬
The Mystical and philosophical

Thought of Mohammad b. Abd
al-Karim al-Sammān
1775 -1718
‫الفكر الصوفي والفلسفي‬

‫لمحمد بن عبد الكريم السمان‬
Dr. Abdulgalil Salih

Copyright ®2018 by Abdulgalil Abd Allah Salih.
All rights reserved by the author.
For information write to:
Abdulgalil Abd Allah Salih
abdulgalilsalih@yahoo.com
Contents
Chapter One
Ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya
Introduction 7
The Origins 19
The principles 32
The characteristics 33
Neo-Ṣūfīsm 41
Chapter Two
Sammāniyya Ṣūfī Order

The concept 47
Shaykh Muḥammad Ἀbd al-Karīm al-Sammān 53
A note on al-Sammān’s name 55
The Qadiri sanad 57
The khalwati sanad 58
The Sammāniyya’s initiation 59
Principles and conditions of initiation 61
His passing a way 65
Chapter Three
Al-Sammān’s Writings
Ràtib al-Sammān and other works 67
Chapter four
Al-Sammān’s Teachings
Sammān’s doctrine and teachings 79
Al-Sammān’s intellectual formation 80
Ṭarīqa al-Muḥammadiyya 87
the Pre-existence of Muḥammad 88
The Prophet as light 89
Comment on the name Mohammad and Aḥmad 90
The perfect man 92
The barzakh 98
The Pre-historical Manifestation of Muḥammad in Adam 101
The Post-Existence of the Spirit of Muḥammad 104
Meeting with the Prophet in a State of Awakedness 112
Meeting with the Prophet in dreams 116
Fana” and Baqa” in the Prophet 116
The Novice and the Master 125
The Principles of Ṣūfī Brotherhood 127
The actions of God 129
The divine names 132
The attributes of God 133
The essence of God 136
The Remembrance of God 139
Al-Sammān’s situation from Shari’a 147
On becoming a saint 149
Great sayings 150
Chapter Five
The Universality of the ṭarīqa

The Sudan 158
Ahmed al-Tayyib al-Bashir 159
Indonesia 165
Syeikh ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani 167
6
Siddiq b. Umar Khan 172
Shaykh Aḥmad Al-Tijani 174
Nigeria 176
Shaykh Nasir Muhammad Umar Kabara 177
Ethiopia and Eretria 183
America 184
Britain 185
Appendices 188
Sources &Bibliography 202
7
To
The soul of the revivalist, the knower

of Allah Muḥammad al-Sammān
8
Introduction
This book is dedicated to the life, philosophical thought and the mystical
teachings of the great Ṣūfī, Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Karim al-Sammān (1718-
1775), whose life and teachings deserve investigation. However, the aim of
the book is to place the focus on the founder and the pioneer of the Sam-
māniyya ṭarīqa, and in particular to look at his major doctrine, teachings,
intellectual and philosophical thoughts, as well the scholarly world that he
has grew up in. Al-Sammān and the order that has been named after him - the
Sammāniyya- have of then been called’ reformist’ and ‘ revivalist’.
The highly charismatic al-Sammān was born in Medina, to family of

Quraish. He spent much of his life in Medina, and stayed at the historic house,
owned by our master Abū-Bakr al-Siddiq, the first caliph to the prophet of
Islām. Known with the Senjariyyh school which included many rooms, at his
own time, he made it a place of residence, to the strangers, who came from
different horizons1.He died in the meant city and his grave is in the Baqi, the
oldest cemetery of the city, which indicate that, he was held in great respect,
in his native town, as it was great honour to be granted, a last resting- place-
there, so close to the graves of the prophets wives, and many celebrities of
Yore2. Al-Sammān was the guardian of the Prophet’s grave, and the author
of several works, on Ṣūfī metaphysics, but it was especially as the founder
of a new order that he became influential. He combined the Khalwatiyya, the
Qādiriyya and the Naqshbandiyya, with the North African Shadhiliyya (in all
1 Unknown a uthor. Tarajim A’ian al-Madina fi al-qarn al(12) al hijiri, Dar al-Shuruq,
1984, p- 101
2 Drewes G.W.J. A note on Muḥammad al-Sammān, his writings, and 19th century Sam-
màniyya practices, chiefly in Batavia, according to written data. In: Archipel. Volume 43,
1992. pp. 73-87.
9
of which he had ijâza), developed a new ecstatic way of dhikr, and composed
arâtib, a litany consisting of invocations and Qur’anic verses. This combina-
tion became known as, the Sammāniyya. Sammān’s silsila only acknowledges
his Khalwatiyya affiliation, through his teacher Muṣṭafā al-Bakri), it already
became a separate order, with its own lodges and local groups of followers,
during the master’s lifetime. Al-Sammān moreover enjoyed a great reputation
as a miracle-worker, which no doubt contributed to the rapid spread of the
order. ‘In the eyes of his adepts, however, he was far more than the pious cus-
todian of the Prophet’s grave. The manàqib-book composed only a few years
after his death gives ample evidence of that. It is a full-fledged hagiography,
in which none of the regular elements of the kind is lacking. It goes without
saying that the piety and austerity which he displayed at an early age were
a matter of amazement to his parents, just as recorded of many other holy
men. No less a person than the great saint ‘Άbd al-Qàdir al-Jilànï of Baghdad
(d.1166) came to see him and be gifted him with a white garb. After enter-
ing on mystical life he started teaching people of all sorts, and the gifts they
brought him he distributed among the poor. His open handedness and scorn of
worldly goods, though both of them constituents of the mystic’s general style
of life, are particularly emphasized and linked up with his mystical experi-
ences. Al-Sammān memorized the holy Qur’ān at the age of seven. And at the
age of nine became well-versed in the madhab of Imam al-Shafi, which is his
madhab. And stood for the help of the awalīya, who came to the visit of the
messenger of Allāh at the age of tenth1. His father is Shaykh Ἀbd al-Karīm
al-Qādiri, under who has memorized the Qur’ān, read the principles of sci-
ences, as well taken the Qādiriyya ṭarīqa. With Shaykh Muḥammad Sūliman
al-Kurdi he studied the fiqh. While under Shaykh Ἀbd al-Wahab al-Tintawi,
studied the science of fiqh. And from Shaykh Muḥammad al-Daqaq took
the sciences of ḥadith. It was narrated that Shaykh al-Daqaq, used to tell the
people by saying: ‘This prosperous boy- meant al-Sammān- is my esoteric
Shaykh, and I, his exoteric Shaykh ’. In addition, to the above mentioned
1 Ἀbd al-Mahmud Nūr al-Dā›imal-Kuus al-Mutra’a fi manqib al-Sada al-Arba, 2011
10
of the dignified respected Shuyukh and scholars, he (may Allāh sanctify his
blessed soul), had received knowledge from Shaykh Muḥammad al-Maghar-
bi, Shaykh Muḥammad Hayyat al-Sindi, Shaykh Ali al-Kurdi, and Shaykh
Ali Attar, and the qutb Ἀbd Allāh al-Hadad. Shaykh Muḥammad al-Sammān,
in addition to his khalwati sanad, he also wore the mantle of the Qādiriyya,
at the hand of the muḥadith, the leading ḥadith scholar, the mufti of Madina
al-Munwara, Shaykh Muḥammad Ṭahir al-Kurdi (1312.1400 A.H)1.
Al-Sammān enjoyed great reputation and respect not only from his dis-
ciples and successors but also from the common people, especially in the
Islāmic countries, mainly in Asia and the Sudan.
In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, a series of Ṣūfī reform movements
spread in Africa and the Hijaz that had the name of ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya.
These movements are associated with the term neo-Ṣūfīsm coined by Fazlur
Rahman and accepted by later scholars, as movements that incorporated rad-
ical reforms and changes to Ṣūfīsm, so that it was pretty much a “new” and
different Ṣūfīsm.
The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya is a reformist concept, and as such, it aims to

return to the way of Prophet Muḥammad, peace and blessings be upon him,
and of his companions and their successors.
Aḥmad ibn Idris, Muḥammad ibn Ali al-Sanusi, and Muḥammad ibn Abd
al-Karim al-Sammān , the last three of which were leaders of reform move-
ments in the 18th and 19th centuries associated with the name ṭarīqa Muḥam-
madiyya.
The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya articulated a reformist-activist Ṣūfī affiliation,

a direct connection to the enduring spiritual reality of the Prophet Muḥam-
mad, and a revival of legal reasoning (ijtihad). Intellectuals included the likes
of Shah Wali Allāh (India), Muḥammad Hayat al-Sindi (Arabia), Muḥammad
1 (Ibid: 23).
11
al-Hifnawi (Egypt), Muḥammad al-Sammān (Arabia), and Aḥmad al-Tijani
(Maghreb).
Al-Sammān dedicated a rather short treatise to the subject of the metaphys-

ical existence of Muḥammad entitled, al-Futuhat al-llahiyah lil-Tawajjuhat
al-Ruhiyah. Unlike his main work, al-Nafahat al-llahiyah, this treatise nei-
ther refers to any Ṣūfī sources, such as Ibn ‘Arabi’s Fusus al-Hikam and
al-Futuhat al-Makkiyah, or al-Insan al-Kamil, nor mentions any spiritual
masters. It appears that al-Sammān was aware of previous Ṣūfīs who wrote
on the pre-existence of Muḥammad, especially Ibn ‘Arabi, Sahl al-Tustari,
al-Jili, etc. Al-Sammān ‘s conviction as to the logos of Muḥammad can also
be seen in his al-Nafahat al-Ilahiyah; however, since his concern in this work
is mostly with the Sammāniyah- Khalwatiyah ṭarīqah, he does not discuss
the theory to any extent. He employs several terms denoting the function
of the logos of Muhamamd as the locus of existence. In the introduction to
the al-Nafahat al-llahiyah, for example, he bestows numerous titles upon the
Prophet:” peace be upon the servant of the essence,” “the messenger of the
Divine Name and attributes,” “the first Father,” “the real the core essence”
(Ay’an al-a’yan) and “the breath of the Merciful” (Nafs al-Rahman), whom
God transforms into light. Elsewhere, in the same work, he expresses the
same idea:”mazhar ‘ayn wujud Allāh ft al-adamiyyin” (the appearance of
the real existence of God among human beings), “dhatuhu Nuraniyah” (is
his luminous existence).
The most interesting teachings that al-Sammān stresses are those regarding
the meeting of a novice with the Prophet Muḥammad and passing away and
being possessed with the spirit of the Prophet (al-tasawwurat al-Muḥammad-
iyah).Furthermore, he maintains that ṣalāwat is an effective way to unify with
and become annihilated in the Prophet, and that this will lead the novice to
meet the Prophet, whether in dreams or awake—a spiritual experience that is
granted to the enlightened Ṣūfī. Al-Sammān sustains his argument by assert-
ing that the Prophet himself motivated his followers to recite ṣalāwat as much
12
as possible.
His opinions on the important function of the light of Muḥammad and that
of the recitation of ṣalāwat were adopted by his followers. One of them was
his student, Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan. According to him, ṣalāwat is an import-
ant means to achieve spiritual enlightenment because the Prophet Muḥam-
mad is the only mediator to God. Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan then emphasizes
that it is impossible to know the essence of God itself because He is absolute-
ly transcendent and beyond any anthropomorphic descriptions; therefore, it
is only through imagining the presence of the light of Muḥammad that one
may attain knowledge of the essence of God. The prophets and the saints who
attained sainthood by virtue of imagining(mushadatkan) the Nur Muḥammad
were categorized as saints whose rank was just below that of the Prophet him-
self, the highest rank of sanctity.
Al-Sammān maintains that, to become a member of a Ṣūfī ṭarīqah, the

novice must be initiated. In his discussion of Ṣūfī initiation, al-Sammān cites
the ideas of the Indian Ṣūfī Shaykh Muḥammad al-Ghawth (1485-1562).
According to al-Ghawth—as al-Sammān tells us—a murīd should choose,
before being initiated, the right master. If the murīd cannot yet meet the great
master directly, he can be initiated by those who have already been initiated
by that master, so that he has a spiritual chain connecting him with the lat-
ter. However, as soon as he meets the master, he must be initiated directly
by him. Al-Sammān upholds the important role of the Ṣūfī master in the
Ṣūfī ṭarīqah. As is well known, in order to build good relations between
master and novice, Ṣūfī authors drew up the principles that should govern
their interactions. Al-Sammān too pays close attention to the ethical conduct
between novice and Ṣūfī master, and those rules pertaining to Ṣūfī brother-
hood relations (suḥbah). For this, al-Sammān obviously and mainly drew on
the ‘Awarif al-Ma’arif of ‘Umar ibn Muḥammad al-Suhrawardi. Al-Sammān
does not, after all, hide his debt to al-Suhrawardi, for the latter’s name and
the work itself are mentioned explicitly in the text of al-Nafahatal-Ilahiyah.
13
Besides al-Suhrawardi, Ibn ‘Arabi is also quoted and his name and that of
his work al-Tadbirat al-Ilahiyah are explicitly referred to as well. However,
few of the principles mentioned by Ibn ‘Arabi governing the relationship be-
tween master and novice are presented in al-Sammān ‘s work. What this tells
us is that al-Sammān apparently preferred the principles of ethical conduct
between master and novice proposed by al-Suhrawardi to those of Ibn ‘Ara-
bi. As a member of the Sammāniyah-Khalwatiyah ṭarīqah, a novice must
perform spiritual exercises such as dhikr, khalwah, supplementary prayer, the
recitation of the Qur’an and especially the invocation of the Fatihah, etc.
Al-Sammān maintains that the dhikr (remembrance of God) is the daily ac-
tivity of Ṣūfīs, especially among ṭarīqah adherents. This practice, al-Sam-
mān emphasizes, is based on the verses of the Qur’an and the tradition of the
Prophet. Al-Sammān also indicates that remembering God is the continuous
activity of those who love God, for it is said that whoever loves something
will remember it continuously. Among the important dhikr that al-Sammān
emphasized was that of the seven divine names. Likewise, Khalwatiyah mas-
ters often demanded that their student invoke this dhikr (La Ilahailia Allāh,
Allāh, Huwa, Haqq, Hayy, Qayyum and Qahhar). This dhikr seems to have
been subsequently adopted by the Sammamyah. Al-Palimbani tells that he
took this kind of dhikr from al-Sammān himself.
The tradition of concentrating on the image of the maShaykh of the ṭarīqah

during the dhikr seems to be important in many orders, including the Khalwa-
tiyah. al-Sammān classifies it as one of the ways (adāb) of the dhikr. Al-Sam-
mān maintains that when a novice closes his eyes while performing the dhikr,
he must visualize in his mind’s eye that the Shaykh is present. This exercise is
important because, in the tradition of the Islāmic orders, as we have seen be-
fore, the Shaykh plays an immense role in bringing the novice to the Prophet.
The Shaykh is indeed the representative of the Prophet and this tradition is
emphasized by many Ṣūfī Shaykhs.
As the representative or the founder of the Khalwatiyah Sammāniyah ṭarīqa h,
14
to which he dedicated his al-Nafahat al-llahiyah, al-Sammān seems to have felt
that seclusion (khalwah) is a ritual of paramount importance for the Khalwatiyah
and Sammāniyah ṭarīqahs. In discussing this issue, al-Sammān relies on sev-
eral previous authorities. For example, he cites al-Suhrawardi, Ibn ‘Arabi,’Abd
al-Wahhab al-Sha’rani, ‘Ali Wafa’ and also Ibn ‘Ata’ Allāh. Last but not least,
reference is made to Khalwatiyah figures such as Ayyiib al-Salih al-Khalwati and
Muṣṭafā ibn ‘Umar al-Khalwati. Thus, it can be said that al-Sammān ‘s teachings
on khalwah are not especially original, but rather a synthesis of different Ṣūfī
viewpoints and traditions.
Al-Sammān is a qualified prolific prose- writer, a lim, and accomplished poet.

The historian Brockelmann has listed the following works of the Shaykh:
1.al-Futûḥât al-ilàhiyyafî ‹l-tawajjuhât al-rûhiyya (The divine revelations; deal-
ing with the marks of spiritual favour), on the subject of the Nūr Muḥammad the
Prophetic Light, which is generally considered the first thing created and the prin-
ciple of all creation.
2. al-Nafḥat al-Qudsiyya: this is poem.
3-al-Istightatha, (The call for help), a prayer consisting of 39 verses in the rajaz.
4-Mukhtaṣer Al-Ṭarīqat Al-Muḥammadiyya.
5-Jaliyat al-Kurbi wa Manilat al-Arb46. Which is the wide-fame invocation,
among the Sammāniyya followers. The invocation begins with:
ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU
YĀ MALJA’ ’ALQĀSIDI YĀ GHAWTHĀHU
Allāh O Allāh O Allāh: O You The shelter for those
Who ever come to you. O my succour
NAD‘ŪKA MUDTARRĪNA BISSIFĀTI
BIMAZHARI ’AL’ASMĀ BISIRRI ’ADHDHĀTI
15
We call on You and we are in real need for Your help.
We entreat to You by all attributes of Yours, by the appearances
On the ṣalāwat, prayers upon the prophet, al-Sammān has composed so a lot,
among the most famous is Ṣalāt al-Nūqtah; the centre of the existence circle prayer
، ‫ط ِة أ ْفالَ ِك َم َراقِي ال ُّش ُهو ِد‬

َ ‫الو ُجو ِد َو َح ْي‬ َ ‫اللَّ ُه َّم‬
َ ‫ص ِّل َعلَى َس ِيّ ِدنَا ُم َح َّم ٍد نُ ْق‬
ُ ِ‫ط ِة دَائِ َرة‬
O, Allāh pray for sayyidinā Muḥammad the centre of the existence circle. The
orbits wall of up lifting (steps) ladder to the (divine) witness.
ُّ ‫ـاء َحيَــاةِ ْالعَالَـ ِـم الَّـذِي ِم ْنـهُ َم ْبـدَ ُؤهُ َوإِلَ ْيـ ِه َمقَـ‬
َ‫ ِميـ ِـم ُم ْلـكِك‬، ُ‫ـره‬ ِ ‫ َحـ‬، ٍ‫ـرهَا فِــي ُك ِّل ذَ َّرة‬ ُّ ‫ـاري ِسـ‬ ِ ‫ـف الـذَّا‬
ِ ‫ت ال َّسـ‬ ِ ‫أ ِلـ‬
.. ‫وميَّتِــكَ الَّتِــي الَ تَتَنَا َهــى‬
ِ ‫ َودَا ِل دَ ْي ُم‬، ‫ضا َهــى‬ َ ُ‫الَّـذِي الَ ي‬
The (A) in ZĀT, (The selfsame) which inpenitrates its secret into each and every
atom. The (H) in Hayāt (The life) of the world which begins by Him and ends to
Him. The (M) of Mulkika (Your Dominion) of uniqueness (cannot be compared to
any other dominion). The (D) of Daymūmiyyatika (Your Eternality) endless and
eternal existence that has no end or limit1. (appendix. D).
It is said that anyone who reads this Ṣalāt will be incorporated in the path ( silk)
of the prophet and he will not be harmed in the last day even if he were in error; as
God gives him faith at his death. It is worth mentioning here that this Ṣalāt in its
verbal structure resembles that of Ibn ‘Arabi’s Al-Ṣalāt Al-Akbarriyya. This Ṣalāt
is glorified by Al-Sammān , as reading it will lead the disciple to enter the path of
the Prophet Muḥammad even if he is an error- maker.
There many great and precious sayings that attributed to Shaykh Mohammad
al-Sammān, out of these are the following:
• my sons be occupied with the recitation of the Holy Qur’ān, its

people are the people of Allāh His special servant. O my son be too se-
1 http://ar.scribd.com/doc/101770416/Grand-Shaykh -Ḥasan-Qarīb Allāh-The-
Blessed-Litanies-of-Sammānia-V-Yuecel
16
rious on its recitation. Recite the Holy Qur’ān everyday even if two hizb
not less.
• Whoever, wants to be my true son ought to place himself at the
pecks of the sha’ria, and sealing it with the seal of the ḥaqìqa, and kills it
with the sword of mujahada, to swallow the sores.
• Out of our sons, we love only the one who observing the time
of his ṣalāwat , the keeper of his awrad.
• How do a one (person) claims that he wants to follow the path of
Allāh, and he sleeps at the time of bounties, treasures, sciences’ transmis-
sion, revealing the unveil and the tajali of al-Hai al-Qaium.
The brothers are four:
1- The first of them is the Red Silver, and the perfect brother, who scarifies you
with his own soul after the money and offesprings, and care of your matter more
than his own at any cost.
2-The second: who take you as a brother with the money and offesprings, not
with his soul, he is half brother in the eyes of the great men.
3-The third: who sacrifices you only by money, this known as the quarter broth-
er.
4-The fourth: the one whose existence and non-existence is the same, greedy in
your money and jah at any time, and who dose not cause you niether a benefit of
his state hal nor benefit you with his saying maqal.
Al-Sammān had a number of disciples. O’Fahey gives us the list of the names of
those who were the students of al-Sammān. This list, says O’Fahey, is based on the
Qaft Azhar al-Mawahib al-Rabbdniyah min Afnan Riyad al-Nafhah al-Qudsiyah,
Jim Dhdi by Siddlq al-Madanl ibn ‘Umar Khan, al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a (24-27)by
‘Abd al-Mahmud Nur al-Da’im and Durrat ‘Iqdjayyid al-Zamdn by Muḥammad
Taqi al-Din.
17
Later Ṣūfī orders followed similar patterns, simultaneously creating roots in the
places of birth or burial of their founders while extending connections between
Sheikh and devoted followers through travel. The Sammāniyya Ṣūfī order is no
exception. It has created several centres across Africa, Asia , Arab world and Eu-
rope which duplicate the roles of the holy cities of Al-Madina al-Munawra and
Umm-Marrih, as symbolic roots of the ṭarīqa.
Therefore, his « way » of mysticism is unlikely to have been named after him
before the latter part of the 18th century. Perhaps one may infer from al-Jabarti’s
statement that in 1760 he was not yet known as a prominent mystic Shaykh outside
Medina, and did not make his mark in Egypt until his dhikr-meetings had won him
a certain fame there. Yet about the early sixties his reputation for saintliness and
wonder-working must have been well established in his native town. According to
his followers his coming had been predicted centuries ago, as is usual with men of
exceptional stature; in the Kitcû) Tawâ W al-Fath, a book on the hijra of the Proph-
et to Medina, written by ‘Abd al-Rahmàn al-Ghamrî al-Sammàni in 1180/1766, it
says that as early as the time of the Prophet his state of eminent divine favour was
prophesied. The new ṭarīqa spread to Egypt and the Sudan, and from there to Er-
itrea. It was also carried into Sumatra and other Jawi regions by returning pilgrims
who had been attracted to the new fraternity in Arabia.
Al-Sammān had a number of disciples. O’Fahey gives us the list of the names of
those who were the students of al-Sammān. This list, says O’Fahey, is based on the
Qift Azhar al-Mawahib al-Rabbdniyah min Afnan Riyad al-Nafhah al-Qudsiyah,
Jim Dhdi by Siddlq al-Madanl ibn ‘Umar Khan, al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a (24-27)by
‘Abd al-Mahmud Nur al-Da’im and Durrat ‘Iqdjayyid al-Zamdn by Muḥammad
Taqi al-Din. However, certainly there were other figures who are not mentioned
inthis list, such as Muḥammad Arshad al-Banjari, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Shinqlti who
came from Mauritania and died at al-Sammān ‘s zdwiyah in 1767,28 and ‘Uth-
man ibn’Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Uthman died in 1779; it is even said that the great
muhaddith Murtada al-Zabldi adopted the Sammāniyah directly from al-Sammān
himself, and certainly al-Sammān could have had other students not included in
18
the list. But from the following list given by O’Fahey, we can see how widely sep-
arated geographically al-Sammān’s disciples were. This reality makes him a true
transitional figure.
Numerous followers of Moḥammad al-Sammān ( Allāh’s mercy be on him) car-

ried the torch of Sammāniyya order to different countries of the world. The stu-
dents were advised to establish institutions in their own native places and spread
Islām and root out ignorance. Many students became eminent saints and famous
scholars .
Two of al-Sammān’s disciples spread a ṭarīqah, called al-Sammāniyah to Suma-

tra and to the Sudan. One was Àbd al- Samad al-Palimbani (c.1703-1788), who
spent most of his working life in Arabia and initiated students from Sumatra into
the Sammāniyah. The second one is Aḥmad al-Tayyib ibn al-Bashir (d. 1823),
who had been initiated by al-Sammān in Medina. The Sammāniyah, organized
on a wider geographical and societal scale with a central hierarchical authority,
expanded in the Sudan at the expense of the two older ṭarīqahs, the Qadiriyah
and the Shadhiliyah, which had been adapted to the local parochial pattern of holy
families.
We might therefore conclude by saying that al-Sammān was not only an import-
ant figure in his own age and an inspiration to later generations of Ṣūfīs, but also
a vital transmitter of the teachings of his Ṣūfī predecessors.
Abdulgalil Abd Allāh Salih

12/Safer,1438 - 12/11/2016
Al-Madina al-Mu
19
20
Chapter one
Ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya
The origins
In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, a series of Ṣūfī reform movements
spread in Africa and the Hijaz that had the name of ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya.
These movements are associated with the term neo-Ṣūfīsm coined by Fa-
zlur Rahman and accepted by later scholars, as movements that incorporated
radical reforms and changes to Ṣūfīsm, so that it was pretty much a “new”
and different Ṣūfīsm. These movements do not seem to break from earlier
Ṣūfīsm in any way; they only emphasize certain parts of Ṣūfīsm more than
others, and as reform movements they discouraged certain practices of pop-
ular Ṣūfīsm. But before we come to it, we will look into the history of the
concept of a “Muhammedan Way” in Ṣūfīsm and of the most common fea-
tures of the Muhammedan Ways that appeared in the 18th/19th centuries1.The
ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya is a reformist concept, and as such, it aims to return
to the way of Prophet Muḥammad, peace and blessings be upon him, and of
his companions and their successors. Most features of such a Way, therefore,
1 Occidental Exile. Reterived on 22/10/2016 from https://occidentalexile.wordpress.
com/2010/05/17/on-the-origins-of-tariqa-Muḥammadiyya/
21
originate with the Prophet himself, and there is no need to go into them in
detail. We will instead focus more on the more original or unique concepts
found in the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya movements that make them distinctive
from other movements. For example, the Aḥmadiyya Muḥammadiyya ṭarīqa
of Aḥmad ibn Idris and his successor Muḥammad ibn Ali al-Sanusi empha-
sized Ijtihad and a criticism of blind following of the madhaahib. Since this
is a very important feature of the ṭarīqa, we will discuss its relation with the
other concepts of the ṭarīqa, but we will focus more on such issues as waking
vision of the Prophet and the methods to achieve that.
What is ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya?
Al-Sanusi, Ibn Idris principal student, gives a clear statement of what he

meant by ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya quoting the Meccan scholar Abu’l-Baqa al-
Ajimi (d.1702),
This ṭarīqa is founded on an inner submergence accompanied

by a visible manifestation when you see the prophet, may God bless
and grant him peace, himself. This is the outcome when you try to
follow him in your words and deeds, when you busy your tongue
with saying the tasliya (“May God bless and grant him peace”) and
repeating it at every moment in public and private until the glori-
fication of the prophet, namely the tasliya overwhelms your heart
and permeates your deepest self, so that you quiver when you hear
him mentioned and the vision of him takes hold of your heart and
you see his form before your inner eye. Then God will bestow upon
you His clemency outwardly and inwardly. Therefore, you will see
a vision of the prophet in many of your dreams while a sleep as a
first step; secondly unexpectedly while dozing. Finally, you will see
him awake1.
1 Rex S. O›Fahey. Enigmatic Saint: Ahmad Ibn Idris and the Idrisi Tradition. Northwestern
University Press, 1990, p4.
22
The idea of Muslims seeing the Prophet Muḥammad in their dreams and
while awake, even after his death, goes back to authentic ḥadiths. It was
something reported of many companions and their successors, such as the
Prophet’s young cousin Ibn Abbas and the pious Umayyad caliph Umar II.
Al-Suyuti and other scholars have written books on the subject, giving evi-
dence from the Qur’ān and Sunna and examples from the Companions, the
first generations of Muslims, and of famous pious Muslims throughout the
ages. The most relevant example from our pious ancestors, however, comes
from the famous ḥadith collector, Imam al-Bayhaqi (d. 458 AH/ 1066 CE).
Al-Bayhaqi wrote a book called al-I’tiqad, or The Book of Doctrines Accord-
ing to the School of the Predecessors (al-Salaf), Which is the School of Ahl
al-Sunna wal-Jamaa’a. In this book he said,
The Prophets, upon them be peace, had their souls returned
to them after they died, and they are alive with their Lord. And
our Prophet (pbuh) saw a group of them and led them in prayer,
and he told us, and what he says is truth, that our prayers are
presented to him, and that our greetings reach him, and that God
forbade the earth from eating the bodies of the Prophets. And I
have written a book proving that they are alive. Oh God, let us
live according to the sunna of this noble Prophet, and let us die
on his millah (i.e while following his faith and creed), and bring
us together with him in this life and the next, for you are capable
of all things1.
The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya articulated a reformist-activist Ṣūfī affiliation,

a direct connection to the enduring spiritual reality of the Prophet Muḥam-
mad, and a revival of legal reasoning (ijtihad). Intellectuals included the likes
of Shah Wali Allāh (India), Muḥammad Hayat al-Sindi (Arabia), Muḥammad
al-Hifnawi (Egypt), Muḥammad al-Sammān (Arabia), and Aḥmad al-Tijani
1 Occidental Exile. Retrieved on 22/10/2016 from https://occidentalexile.wordpress.

23
(Maghreb)1.
Al-Qushashi seems to have been the common ancestor of all the future
Muḥammadan Ways. For example, we see that Abd al-Karim al-Sammān,
founder of the first ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya (later known as the Sammāniyya),
has chains that go back to al-Qushashi. By default, this would be the same
for Aḥmad al-Tijani’s ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya (later known as the Tijani-
yya), because it branched off from the Sammāniyya. Al-Qushashi’s successor
Ibrahim al-Kurani wrote a book called Ithaaf al-Dhaki at the request of his
Indonesian disciples2.
The phrase used above by this great pious predecessor is ijma’ baynana
wa baynahu. The word ijma’ has two meanings: 1) to bring together, as in a
meeting or congregation and 2) to unite. Here, al-Bayhaqi is using this phrase
to ask God to allow him to meet the Prophet in this life and in the next. Aḥ-
mad ibn Idris will use a strikingly similar prayer in his most famous prayer,
the Azeemiyya prayer, which has spread far and wide in the Muslim world.
The difference is that in this prayer, Ibn Idris will use the word ijma’ with
both its meanings in mind: allow me to meet him, and unite me with him.
And while al-Bayhaqi asks to meet the Prophet in this world and in the next,
Aḥmad ibn Idris emphasized this world more. Thus he prays: And join me
to/with him [the Prophet], just as You joined the Ruh with the nafs, Out-
wardly (zaahiran) and inwardly (baatinan), in wakefulness and in sleep….
In this world before the next, oh God the Great!
In order to understand the historical context for the emergence of the Tijani-
yya, it is useful to trace the development of the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya idea
until its flowering in the end of the eighteenth century with the appearance
of several ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya “movements” (besides the Tijaniyya, the
Khalwatiyya in Egypt or the followers of Aḥmad Ibn Idris in the Hijaz, for
1 Jacob Mundy. John O. Hunwick’s Legacy: A series of panels at the 2016 African Studies
Association annual meeting. A available at https://networks.h-net.org/node/25688/discus-
sions/155130/john-o-hunwick%E2%80%99s-legacy-series-panels-2016-african-studies.
2 https://www.slidedoc.us/tariqa-muhamadiya
24
example). To summarize the essential elements, the ṭarīqa Muḥammadi-
yya came to mean: emphasis on the external Sunna of the Prophet, use of
concept of the ḥaqìqa Muḥammadiyya, experience of the waking vision of
the Prophet and restriction of the disciple to one transcendent ṭarīqa. Ac-
cording to American University in Cairo Professor Mark Sedgwick, these
ideas, though not always found together, seem to have been evidenced much
prior to the eighteenth century in such thinkers as Ibn ‘Arabi (d. 1240) and
Abd al-Karim al-Jili (d. 1402), Aḥmad Imad al-din al-Wasiti (d. 1311) and
Muḥammad ibn ‘Ali al-Birgawi (d. 1573), and in the context of Moroccan
Ṣūfīsm with some of the branches of the Shadhili order such as the Jazuliyya.
It is thus possible to trace the development of the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya phe-
nomenon until its more or less final version that culminated at the end of the
eighteenth century. Ibn ‘Arabi and his student al-Jili did not themselves use
the term ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya but they were famous for elaborating the idea
of the Muḥammadan Light (Nur Muḥammadi), the Muḥammadan Spirit (Ruh
Muḥammadi) and the Muḥammadan Reality (ḥaqìqa Muḥammadiyya). Ibn
‘Arabi and al-Jili advocated a form of spiritual concentration on the Prophet’s
dhat or essential reality, which was endowed with a singular power to reflect
fully the Divine Countenance. Al-Wasiti was a Shadhili Ṣūfī and student of
Ibn Taymiyya who paid lip-service to Ibn Taymiyya’s rejection of the idea
of the ḥaqìqa Muḥammadiyya, but who nonetheless emphasized the Muḥam-
madan Spirit (ruh), which continued to remain present to provide guidance
to the community. He himself left his own Shadhili ṭarīqa affiliation in pref-
erence for the all-assuming “ ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya:” following the spiritual
path of the Prophet. The Ottoman Turk Muḥammad al-Birgawi wrote a book
called al-ṭarīqa al-Muḥammadiyya wa al-sira al-Aḥmadiyya in which he con-
demned the perceived excesses of popular Ṣūfīsm and argued that the only
legitimate Ṣūfī order was the Muḥammadan Path, the ṭarīqa Muḥammadi-
yya, to which the entire Muslim community should belong. The Shadhili-Ja-
zuli Shaykh ‘Abdullah al-Ghazwani (d. 1529) also wrote on the idea of the
ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya as an alternative term to refer to the madhhab al-sun-
25
na al-Muḥammadiyya (the school of the Muḥammadan Sunna). Al-Ghazwani
combined Ibn ‘Arabi’s and al-Jili’s ideas of the saint’s absorption (or annihi-
lation) in the Muḥammadan essence (dhat) with an emphasis on the necessity
of the saint’s involvement in society, although his use of the term ṭarīqa
Muḥammadiyya has more to do with the latter emphasis than the former.
Scholars closer to Shaykh Tijani’s time who expressed the ideas of the
ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya in an increasingly comprehensive manner includ-
ed Abd al-Aziz al-Dabbagh (d. 1719), Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi (d. 1731),
Muṣṭafā Kamal al-din al-Bakrī (d. 1749), the Shaykh al-Azhar Muḥam-
mad al-Hifni (or Hifnawi, d. 1767), Muḥammad al-Sammān (d. 1775) and
Mahmud al-Kurdi (d. 1780). Al-Dabbagh emphasized the ability of the saint
to attain direct contact with the essence (dhat) of the Prophet in a waking
vision, and added that a scholar who had attained this vision was permitted
to transcend the madhhab (school of jurisprudence) in the interpretation of
the Shari’a. Al-Nabulsi is credited with rescuing the term ṭarīqa Muḥam-
madiyya from the anti- Ṣūfī implications of al-Birgawi’s work. The famous
Damascene Qadiri and Naqshabandi scholar was a proponent of Ibn ‘Ara-
bi who emphasized the spiritual component of the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya
(including visionary contact with the Prophet) as well as the importance of
the external Sunna of the Prophet. He also spoke against the excesses of
popular Ṣūfīsm, but warned against the practice of takfir (excommunica-
tion) that had become the vogue of Birgawi’s followers, the Kadizadelites.
The Khalwati Shaykh al-Bakrī was the student of al-Nabulsi, and although
his use of the term ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya is not known, he experienced vi-
sionary spiritual initiation, spoke against some aspects of popular Ṣūfīsm and
required the disciple’s exclusive affiliation with one Ṣūfī order. Al-Bakrī in
turn initiated al-Hifni as well as al-Sammān .
Al-Sammān wrote a book explaining the notion of the ṭarīqa Muḥam-

madiyya, as previously discussed, involving all the elements mentioned
above, except that he, like Shaykh Tijani, did not specifically reject the
madhahib nor did he de-emphasize the role of the spiritual guide. Mah-
26
mud al-Kurdi (d. 1780) received the Khalwatiyya from al-Hifni and
from al-Bakrī himself, and although he was not such a prolific writer as
al-Sammān , he was known to have experienced the waking vision of
the Prophet and to have emphasized Ṣūfīsm’s relationship to the Shari’a.
The end of the eighteenth century also witnessed the popularization of the
ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya in India. The Naqshabandi Ṣūfī Muḥammad Na-
sir ‘Andalib (d. 1758), a spiritual descendent of Aḥmad Sirhindi (d. 1624),
reportedly received the fundamentals of the idea from a vision of Hasan
ibn ‘Ali, an idea he later transmitted to his successor, Mir Dard (d. 1785).
There exist no known contacts between the Indian and Arab versions of
the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya, but Mark Sedgwick concludes that the Indian
rendition, emerging slightly after its Arab counterpart, “could hardly have
arisen independently.” Due to the fact the Arab manifestation of the ṭarīqa
Muḥammadiyya is more easily traceable and was perhaps more influential,
what concerns us here is the phenomenon as it developed in the Middle East.
In the Middle East proper, the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya thus sprang from
such diverse sources as Ibn ‘Arabi, al-Wasiti, al-Birgawi, al-Dabbagh and
al-Nabulsi to culminate in the end of the eighteenth century with the Khalwati
masters such as al-Kurdi and al-Sammān. Ibn ‘Arabi writes in his Futuhat
al-Makiyya, “Know that you do not have [this perfection] and you do not
have this constitution which belongs to Muḥammad, peace and blessings be
upon him, and that no matter how much the Real discloses Himself to you in
the mirror of your heart, your heart will only show you what is according to
its own constitution and the form of its shape … So cling to faith and follow
him Place him before you like the mirror in which you see your form and the
form of others. If you do this, you will know that God must disclose Himself
to Muḥammad in his mirror.” See Valerie Hoffman, “Annihilation in the Mes-
senger of God: the Development of a Ṣūfī Practice1,”
Seeing the Prophet awake remained a very rare thing that was rarely talked
about, until Ibn Arabi mentioned it. Ibn Arabi (1165-1240 CE), is credited
with having preserved Ṣūfīsm by compiling and writing about all known Ṣūfī
practices, so that none of them are ever lost. One such practice that Ibn Arabi
discussed was the method at which one arrives at waking vision of the Proph-
1 http://www.tijani.org/tracing-the-emergence-of-the-tariqa-Muḥammadiyya-movement/
27
et: constant repetition of the tasliya, or salaat ‘ala al-nabi, such as “O God
bless Muḥammad and his family” or any other form of it. He says:
He [the devotee] confines himself to this

dhikr [the tasliya] and is patient until he [the Prophet] ap-
pears to him. I never met anyone at this rank except an old
blacksmith in Ishbiliyya who was known as “God, bless
Muḥammad” (Allaahumma, salli ‘alaa Muḥammad). He
was not known by any other name…He doesn’t talk to
anyone except out of necessity. If anyone comes asking
him to make something for him from iron, he asks as pay
only that the customer bless Muḥammad. No man, boy, or
woman came to him without blessing Muḥammad until he
left….Whatever is revealed to the one who does this dhikr
is true and immune from error, for nothing comes to him
except through the Messenger..
Another aspect of Ṣūfīsm that the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya emphasized was

fanaa’ fil-Rasul, or Annihilation in the Messenger of God. For them, this was
the best way to reach fanaa’ in God, and Western scholars claim that this idea
originated with Ibn Arabi although it is likely much older. According to Ibn
Arabi, the Messenger of God was “the perfect link between God and human-
ity”1:
Whether what was going on with Ṣūfīsm in the eighteenth century was
‘neo-Ṣūfīsm’ or a ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya movement or something else, it is
generally agreed that this was the most important Ṣūfī movement of the last
three or four hundred years. It is also agreed that the most notable of the
Ṣūfī orders involved were the Tijaniyya of Aḥmad al-Tijani (1745–1815), the
Samaniyya of Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Sammān (1718–75), pos-
sibly the Khalwatiyya deriving from Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī (1687–1748) and
28
Muḥammad al-Hifni (1688–1767), and certainly the three major orders de-
riving from Aḥmad ibn Idris (1750–1837): the Sanusiyya of Muḥammad ibn
‘Ali al-Sanusi (1787–1859), the Khatmiyya of Muḥammad Uthman al-Mir-
ghani (1794–1852), and the Rashidi Aḥmadiyya, or Rashidiyya of Ibrahim
al-Rashid (1813–74)1.This movement, I argue in chapter two,was character-
ized by a new emphasis on a spiritual method for reaching God through a
waking vision of the Prophet Muḥammad,by a campaign against established
Islāmic authority as represented by the madhhabs (schools of law), and by a
rejection of certain aspects of Ṣūfīsm as then practiced2. The ṭarīqa Muḥam-
madiyya may properly be described as a reform movement, but it differed
fundamentally from the major reform movements of the nineteenth century.
It had nothing to do with secular nationalism, and—unlike Salafism—ignored
entirely the problem of growing European power that preoccupied many in
Cairo and Istanbul. Unlike Salafism, it owes nothing to European thought. In
these respects, the tarìqa Muḥammadiyya movement has much in common
with Wahhabism, but unlike Wahhabism the tarìqa Muḥammadiyya move-
ment did not focus on a single aspect of Islām. Islām contains both external
and spiritual aspects, and it was on the external—on ritual and law—that
Wahhabism focused, to the exclusion of the spiritual. The tarìqa Muḥam-
madiyya emphasized the spiritual more than the external, though it did not
ignore the external3. What was new about the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya was
that the path to God by union with the Prophet replaced the more normal
path of fana” in the murshid. The Prophet, seen as the unique perfect human
(al-insan al-kamil) by virtue of being the unique human incarnation of God’s
attributes, was the ideal route to God himself. Related characteristic is that
these ṭarīqas were all established on the direct instructions of the Prophet
(or in one case of his grandson), transmitted during a vision4. During the thir-

com/2010/05/17/on-the-origins-of-tariqa-Muḥammadiyya/p-13
2 ibid
3 P-27
4 P-47
29
teenth century, pre-existing views of the Prophet Muḥammad were developed
and formalized by the greatest of all Sunni Ṣūfī theorists, Muhayi’l-Din ibn
al-’Arabi (1165–1240). For Ibn al-’Arabi, the Prophet was the one and only
complete (that is, perfect) man, al-insan al-kamil, in whom were actualized
all of God’s attributes. Ibn al-’Arabi argued that the ˙ḥaqìqa Muḥammadiyya,
the essential reality of the Prophet, existed through all eternity. The Proph-
et thus became, in the words of Valerie Hoffman, “the perfect link between
God and humanity,” as, in the words of Ibn al-’Arabi no matter how much
the Real [God] discloses himself to you in the mirror of your heart, your
heart will only show you what is according to its own [defective] consti-
tution . . . The manifestation of the Real in the mirror of Muḥammad is the
most perfect, most balanced, and most beautiful manifestation, because of
his mirror’s particular qualities [of perfection]. When you perceive Him in
the mirror of Muḥammad, you will have perceived from Him a perfection
that you could not perceive by looking at your own mirror. Ibn al-’Arabi did
not speak either of visualization of the Prophet or of union with him, but did
strongly recommend tasliyya, a constant dhikr of blessing the Prophet (“salli
‘ala Muḥammad”), mentioning a saintly blacksmith in Seville to whom the
Prophet “appeared” and, it seems, remained visible, as a result of this dhikr.
He added that “whatever is revealed to the one who does this dhikr [e.g. the
saintly blacksmith] is true and immune from error, for nothing comes to him
except through the Messenger [the Prophet].” Ibn al-’Arabi’s conception of
the ˙ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya was decisively rejected by his greatest critic, Ibn
Taymiyya, and has remained controversial ever since, accepted by most Ṣūfīs
but condemned by those who take Ibn Taymiyya’s line. Ibn Taymiyya was a
literalist above all else, and had no patience with anything that could not be
justified from the primary sources of Islām, the Qur’ān and the Sunna—or,
rather, the ˙ḥadith that documented the Sunna. By the same token, anything
that could be documented in these sources was, for Ibn Taymiyya, incontro-
vertible. No rulings were exempt from revision on this basis, which in prac-
30
tice usually meant on the basis of the ˙ḥadith1Though speaking of both these
orders with respect, al-Wàsiti also contrasted them with the tarìqa Muḥam-
madiyya that he himself was following. This tarìqa, however, never became
an order in an organizational sense, since al-Wàsiti never opened his own
zàwiyya, declining to give in to a desire to do so that came—he feared—from
his nafs (lower self ). Ibn al-’Arabi’s approach to God through the ˙Haqìqa
Muḥammadiyya is visible in the fourteenth century in the writings of ‘Abd
al-Karìm al-Jìli (1365–1408), who added to it the practical method of vi-
sualizing the Prophet or his tomb in the passage quoted in chapter one; but
there are then no further traces of it for three centuries. It reappears at the
start of the eighteenth century, when it spread widely throughout the Islāmic
world through a very successful book written in about 1717, Aḥmad ibn al-
Mubàrak al-Lamati’s al-ibrìz fikalàm sayyidi ‘Abd al-’Azìz. This book records
the teachings of ‘Abdal-’Azìz al-Dabbàgh, the Shaykh of Ibn Idrìs’s Shaykh
al-Tàzi. According to al-Dabbàgh: If he [a murīd] attains the witness [vision]
of the Prophet while awake he is secure from Satan’s deceit, because he is
united with (li ijtima’hima’ ) the mercy of God, which is our Lord and prophet
and master, Muḥammad. Then his meeting with the noble body [dhat, of the
Prophet] is the cause of his knowledge of the Real [God] and his witness of
His eternal essence . . .His mind is [then] constantly occupied with the noble
Prophet, such that the Prophet never leaves his thoughts. Other matters he is
busy with do not cause him to stop thinking of the Prophet. People see him
eating, but his thoughts are with the Prophet; people see him drinking, but his
thoughts are with the Prophet. Even when he is asleep, his thoughts are with
the Prophet.
But for Ṣūfīs, the Prophet continues to live as an active agent in every his-
torical epoch. He intercedes for the faithful in heaven, but he also appears
to his most devout followers, that is, to saints or Ṣūfī masters, in dreams and
even occasionally in wakeful moments. He lives also through the institutional
1 Ibid-47
31
trajectories, or ṭarīqas, i.e., the brotherhoods, that Ṣūfī masters or Shaykhs
direct. He is as available to the ordinary believer as he is to the advanced
saint. Ṣūfīs of all generations have held this view of the living Prophet, yet
the nineteenth century witnessed a more explicit, and more openly public,
awareness of the Prophet as the crucial link between God and humankind.
It has been etched in the phrase al-triqa al-Muḥammadiyya. What underlies
al triqa al-Muḥammadiyya cases is not just loyalty to the Prophet but con-
nection to his reality (al triqa al-Muḥammadiyya) and to his light (alnur al
Muḥammadı). There is no denial of the mystery and meaning of Prophetic
mediation, such as Wahhabi teaching would require, but there is also no sub-
stitution of the Prophet for God, which would entail blatant kufr, or unbelief1.
As for the tarīqa Muḥammadiyya – which derives from his name Muḥam-
mad, peace and blessings upon him – the master of masters, Abū Sālim al-
’Ayyāshī, God’s mercy upon him, declared in this connection: [this Muḥam-
madan Way] is specific in that it draws inspiration from the Prophet, even
though all ways lead to him and benefit from his assistance; it consists of the
one who is following it [...] applying himself constantly to the recitation of
the tasliya until it predominates over his heart, and that the reverence which
he experiences for him [i.e. the Prophet] sweeps through his consciousness to
the point that when he hears his name mentioned, he starts to tremble and his
heart becomes dominated by his state of contemplation, and he appears pres-
ent to him in his interior vision. Then God gives blessings to him in profusion,
inwardly and outwardly, and allows no other creature to have power over him
other than the Prophet; he sees him, whether waking or sleeping, and he asks
of him whatever he wishes.
1 ROBERT W. HEFNER. THE NEW CAMBRIDGEHISTORY OFISLAM.VOL-

UME6Muslims and Modernity
Culture and Society since1800.THE NEW CAMBRIDGE University Press, 2011p.273.
32
Various versions and quotations of this text exist, so many in fact that it
has held the attention of both Muslim authors and Islāmicists alike. Could it
be that the ideas that are found therein are particularly innovative? Certainly
not. Incidentally, Sanūsī himself attributes this definition of the Muḥammad-
an Way to Shaykh Abū Sālim al-’Ayyāshī (d.1090/1679), who lived in the
seventeenth century, and which therefore proves that the concept of the tarīqa
Muḥammadiyya owes nothing to the “reformers” of eighteenth-century Af-
rican Ṣūfīsm. Furthermore, we can confirm that this text appears word for
word at the beginning of the ‘Iqd al-jawhar al-thamīn by Murtadā al-Zabīdī
(d.1205/1790); he himself refers neither to ‘Ayyāshī nor to Hasan al-’Ujaymī
(d.1113/1702), who Sanūsī mentions at the beginning of the Salsabīl, and
from whom he appears to have taken this long extract on the matter of the
tarīqa Muḥammadiyya.
Whatever the reason, and whoever the real author of this statement might
be, this latter – as well as Muḥammad Sanūsī who transcribed his words –
was well aware that the concept of tarīqa Muḥammadiyya belongs to the an-
cestral inheritance of ṭasawwuf. In the lines which follow this extract, he uses
some major figures of Egyptian Ṣūfīsm as examples of those who practised
this “Muḥammadan Way”, notably Aḥmad al-Zawāwī (d.923/1517) and ‘Alī
Nūr al-Dīn Shūnī (d.944/1537). Sha’rānī (d.973/1565), who kept company
with both of them, was most impressed by the intense devotion which they
dedicated to the Prophet. Aḥmad Zawāwī, he says, recited the tasliya forty
thousand times a day and told him in this connection:
Our Way consists of constantly reciting the tasliya until the Prophet takes
hold of us in the state of wakefulness, and we become his companions in the
same way as the original Companions (Sahāba), and we are in a position to
ask him about questions of religion and those ḥadiths considered weak by our
learned scholars, so that we might strive according to his word. And for the
one for whom this doesn’t happen, it is because he is not one of those who
practise the tasliya assiduously.
33
It is acknowledged that this description summarises the essence of the text
from the Salsabīl mentioned earlier. Sha’rānī points out that Nūr al-Dīn Shūnī
(d.944/1537) recited the tasliya ten thousand times a day; he is the origin in
Egypt of the institution of laylat al-mahyā, or “night of wakefulness” – usu-
ally Friday night – during which a group of believers would dedicate them-
selves to the recitation of the prayer over the Prophet. According to Najm
al-Dīn Ghazzī, Shūnī established this practice in the Al-Azhar Mosque in ah
897 and within less than a century it had spread to most regions of the Mus-
lim world, especially Syria. However, as Meier quite rightly emphasises, it is
difficult to determine with certainty the origin of this institution in the various
Muslim countries where the Prophet’s influence has continued to expand over
the course of the centuries, assuming some very diverse forms according to
time and place. Likewise, in the Maghreb during the same era the recitation of
the Dalā’il al-khayrāt by Jazūlī (d.869/1465) gave rise to weekly gatherings
dedicated to the collective reading of this compendium of blessings on the
Prophet.
The principles
Certain principles which are at the root of the Muḥammadan Way bear a
resemblance to those which underlie the doctrine of fanā’ fī l-rasūl, in the
way in which Ibn Idrīs and his successors were to develop it. The author of
the Sulūk advocates the strictest conformity to the prophetic model, empha-
sising that such conformity should be as much interior as exterior; he also
recommends to the novice that he “attach himself” (ta’alluq) to the spiritual
Presence (rūhāniyya) of the Envoy until he is in a position to visualise this
Presence, which “will then accompany him throughout his initiatic journey1.
1 “At the distance of two bows’ length or even closer”

The figure of the Prophet in the work of ‘Abdal Karīm Jīlī. Available at http://www.ibnara-
bisociety.org/articles/qab-qawsayn-1.html#ftnref73
34
The characteristics
Sammāniyyia, Tijaniyya and Muḥammadiyya Naqshbandiyya. All of these

ṭarīqas incorporated different degrees of the following characters: a) spiritual
union with the Prophet b) a preference for primary sources over the Madhhab
and c) a preference for a single ṭarīqa over multiple ṭarīqas. The concept of
“neo-Ṣūfīsm” is adopted by O’Fahey, Vikor and Karrar in the 1990s, as an an-
alytical concept to the politically active turuq. This concept of “neo- Ṣūfīsm”
is very clear in the study of Aḥmad ibn Idris. It is important to mention some
aspects of the revivalist spirit that could be expressed in the thoughts of Aḥ-
mad ibn Idris (d.1837), whose concern was not confined to teaching awrad
(litanies), to urge people to enter retreats and isolate themselves from man-
kind. Aḥmad ibn Idris (who taught and influenced the leaders of most activist
Ṣūfī orders in the nineteenth century Africa), think that such practices might
be an advantage for the personal development of individual disciples, but are
not suitable for the higher purpose at which he was aiming i.e. the unity of the
world of Muslims and their unification in the world of Islām. It is concluded
that this relation between neo-Ṣūfīsm and the search for a more observance
of ḥaqìqa and Shari’a in the practice represents a principal factor that made
some sections of urban literate population join Ṣūfīsm in its new version1.
al-Nur Muhammadi
Perhaps no doctrine is more central and critical to a right understanding of

Islam and the role of the Prophet than the concept of Nur Mohammadiyya.
Ironically, no concept in Islam is more shrouded in mystery and lack of un-
derstanding than this one. Few know the general importance of the concept
and fewer still its mystical significance. Literally translated the term means
the Light of Mohammad but it has also been referred to as the First Light,
Prophetic Light and sometimes as the Ancient Word or Kalma i Qadim. This
1Amani M. Obeid. Middle Class and Sufism: The Case Study of the Sammaniyya Order
Branch of Shaikh Al Bur’ai.. A Dissertation submitted for the fulfillment of the require-
ments of the PhD Degree in Political Science, University of Khartoum. 2008 p- 37
35
concept developed as early as 300 years after the death of the Prophet by mys-
tics like Sahl al-Tustari and al-Hallaj, later became a central feature of classi-
cal Islamic philosophy under the authorship of Ibn Arabi perhaps the greatest
of Islamic mystics and theologians. By understanding it in its totality and its
varied implications we can do much to understand the role of the Prophet in
Islam and prophetic revelation in general. By truly grasping its significance
we can take a few baby steps in helping to heal the cultural and religious di-
vide not only between Islam and other traditions but also within the Islamic
community itself. Oxford Islamic studies. com defines Muhammadan light as
follows:
Muhammadan light; also called al-nur al-muhamma-

di. In the emanation scheme of cosmology characteristic of Sufi
and Shii metaphysics, refers to the pre-cosmic soul of Muham-
mad, which is equivalent to the active intellect of Neoplatonism
and associated with the perfect person (al-insan al-kamil) and
Muhammadan truth (haqiqah muhammadiyyah). Represents the
first creation (or emanation) of God, the self-manifestation of
divine consciousness. All prophets preceding Muhammad de-
rived their prophetic ability from the Muhammadan light. The
doctrine appears in the writings of such early Sufi writers as Sahl
al-Tustari and Hakim al-Tirmidhi and was later developed by
Ibn al-Arabi and his school. The concept plays an important role
in both Sufi and Shii concepts of sainthood (walayah)1.
Before this realm was created, everything was in the darkness of absence.
God Almighty ended the darkness with His grace and benevolence; and He
created the first creature that would be the nucleus for all beings. That crea-
ture was the light of Muhammad. It is necessary to study the hadith, “The first
thing Allah created is my light.” because we often see and hear some wrong
interpretations and groundless objections regarding it. As it is known, all of
1http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e1780
36
the traits of living beings are recorded in their genetic codes. That recording
is a divine program written by the pen of destiny. You cannot find the shape
of the tree, the hardness of the trunk, the greenness of the leaf, the taste of the
fruit in the code in the seed. All of those traits are recorded in the DNA in the
form of base order, but that program is neither hard nor soft, neither green
nor red. They are all present in the form of a plan and program in the code,
but it is in vain to try to find all of the traits of the tree exactly in that code.
A person who thinks that all of the creatures were created from the light of
Muhammad without taking that point into consideration will try to establish
a similarity between the light of Muhammad and stars, forests and seas; and
he is mistaken.
The plans that we make are like that, too; aren’t they? All of the parts of a
house are present in the plan but you cannot cook in the kitchen in the plan.
“Just as among the Names there is a Greatest Name, so too among the im-
presses of those Names there is a greatest impress, and that is man” (Sözler:
Words ) The greatest name contains all of the names; similarly, man, who is
the greatest impress, contain the names that are manifest in the whole realm
of beings. Based on the rule, “when something is mentioned in the absolute
form, it denotes perfection”, when man is mentioned, Hazrat Muahammad
(pbuh), who is the most advanced individual of the realm of humanity and
who is the sun of the sky of prophethood, comes to mind.
All of the divine names were manifested in the light of Muhammad first. For
instance, he has the manifestation of the name al-Muhyi (the Giver of Life)
and he has life. All of the lives to be created in the other phases are all the
manifestations of this name, which became manifest in him first. That lumi-
nous life is the beginning point and seed of all lives. However, it is obvious
that it will be wrong to establish a relationship between all kinds of life and
the clean and perfect spirit of the Messenger of Allah (pbuh).
Another example: to preserve is a divine deed. The name al-Hafiz (the Pre-
37
server) is also manifest in the light of Muhammad and then it became like a
seed for the “preserved tablet”, “nuclei”, “eggs”, “sperms”, and finally ”mem-
ories”. “Wisdom requires that the tree of creation also, be formed from a seed.
And such a seed that contains the essentials and principles of other worlds
besides the corporeal world.” (Sözler: Words)
According to Muhyiddin Arabi, who is the founder of Wahdah al-Wujud

(Oneness of Being) school, all of the forms of the beings to be created un-
til the eternity were present in the knowledge of Allah in the form of, so to
speak, a luminous nucleus. Muhyiddin Arabi names this first level of appear-
ance that contained all of the forms of the beings concisely using phrases like
“haqiqah al-muhammadiyya” (the reality of Muhammad), “alam al-wahda”
(the realm of the unicity), “wujud al-ijmali” (the concise being) and “nur al
Muhammadi” (the light of Muhammad).
Accordingly, the light of Muhammad is the common name of all of the

forms of the beings, and they were transferred to the circle of power from the
circle of knowledge1.
It is related that Jabir ibn Àbd Allah said to the Prophet : “O Messenger
of Allah, may my father and mother be sacrificed for you, tell me of the first
thing Allah created before all things.” He said: “O Jabir, the first thing Allah
created was the light of your Prophet from His light, and that light remained
(lit. “turned”) in the midst of His Power for as long as He wished, and there
was not, at that time, a Tablet or a Pen or a Paradise or a Fire or an angel or
a heaven or an earth. And when Allah wished to create creation, he divided
that Light into four parts and from the first made the Pen, from the second
the Tablet, from the third the Throne, [and from the fourth everything else].”
The judgments on this narration vary greatly among the scholars. Their
words are listed below under the alphabetical listing of their names.
1http://questionsonislam.com/question/what-does-nur-al-muhammadi-light-muhammad-
mean
38
Àbd al-Haqq al-Dihlawi (d. 1052) the Indian hadith scholar cites it as ev-
idence in Madarij al-nubuwwa (in Persian, 2:2 of the Maktaba al-nuriyya
edition in Sakhore) and says it is is sahih (sound and authentic).
Àbidin (Ahmad al-Shami d. 1320), the son of the Hanafi scholar Ibn
Àbidin, cites the hadith as evidence in his commentary on Ibn Hajar al-Hayt-
ami’s poem al-Ni`mat al-kubra àla al-àlamin. Nabahani cites it in his Jawa-
hir al-bihar (3:354).
Àjluni (Ismaìl ibn Muhammad d. 1162) in his Kashf al-khafa’ (1:265 of

the Maktabat al-Ghazali edition in Beirut) narrates the hadith in its entirety
from Qastallani in his Mawahib.
Alusi (al-Sayyid Mahmud) in his commentary of Qur’an entitled Ruh al-

maàni (17:105 of the Beirut edition) said: “The Prophet’s being a mercy to
all is linked to the fact that he is the intermediary of the divine outpouring
over all contingencies [i.e. all created things without exception], from the
very beginnings (wasitat al-fayd al-ilahi àla al-mumkinat àla hasab al-qa-
wabil), and that is why his light was the first of all things created, as stated in
the report that “The first thing Allah created was the light of your Prophet, O
Jabir,” and also cited is: “Allah is the Giver and I am the Distributor.” [See
al-Qasim #261.] The Sufis -- may Allah sanctify their secrets -- have more to
say on that chapter.” Alusi also cites the hadith of Jabir as evidence in another
passage of Ruh al-maàni (8:71).
Bakri (Sayyid Abu al-Hasan Ahmad ibn Àbd Allah, d. 3rd c.) in his book
al-Anwar fi mawlid al-nabi Muhammad àlayhi al-salat wa al-salam (p.
5 of the Najaf edition) cites the following hadith from Àli: “Allah was and
there was nothing with Him, and the first thing which He created was the light
of His Beloved, before He created water, or the Throne, or the Footstool, or
the Tablet, or the Pen, or Paradise, or the Fire, or the Veils and the Clouds, or
Adam and Eve, by four thousand years.”
39
Gilani (Shaykh Àbd al-Qadir, d. 561) in his book Sirr al-asrar fi ma yahta-
ju ilayh al-abrar (p. 12-14 of the Lahore edition) said: “Know that since Allah
first created the soul of Muhammad from the light of His beauty, as He said:
I created Muhammad from the light of My Face, and as the Prophet said: The
first thing Allah created is my soul, and the first thing Allah created is the Pen,
and the first thing Allah created is the intellect -- what is meant by all this is
one and the same thing, and that is the haqiqa muhammadiyya. However, it
was named a light because it is completely purified from darkness, as Allah
said: There has come to you from Allah a Light and a manifest Book. It was
also named an intellect because it is the cause for the transmission of knowl-
edge, and the pen is its medium in the world of letters. The Muhammadan
soul (al-ruh al-muhammadiyya) is therefore the quintessence of all created
things and the first of them and their origin, as the Prophet said: I am from
Allah and the believers are from me, and Allah created all souls from me in
the spiritual world and He did so in the best form. It is the name of the totality
of mankind in that primordial world, and after its creation by four thousand
years, Allah created the Throne from the light of Muhammad himself , and
from it the rest of creation.” This book has now been translated by Shaykh
Tosun Bayrak al-Jerrahi as The Secret of Secrets (Cambridge: Islamic Texts
Society, 1994).
Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari (Muhammad ibn Muhammad d. 736) in his book

al-Madkhal (2:34 of the Dar al-kitab al-àrabi in Beirut) cites it from al-Khat-
ib Abu al-Rabi` Muhammad ibn al-Layth’s book Shifa’ al-sudur in which the
latter says: “The first thing Allah created is the light of Muhammad , and
that light came and prostrated before Allah. Allah divided it into four parts
and created from the first part the Throne, from the second the Pen, from the
third the Tablet, and then similarly He subdivided the fourth part into parts
and created the rest of creation. Therefore the light of the Throne is from the
light of Muhammad , the light of the Pen is from the light of Muhammad
, the light of the Tablet is from the light of Muhammad , the light of day, the
40
light of knowledge, the light of the sun and the moon, and the light of vision
and sight are all from the light of Muhammad .”
Jili (Àbd al-Karim, b. 766) in his Namus al-a`zam wa al-qamus al-aqdam

fi ma`rifat qadar al-bani cites it as evidence. Nabahani relates it in his
Jawahir al-bihar .
Maliki al-Hasani (Muhammad ibn Àlawi) in his commentary on Àli al-Qa-

ri’s book of the Mawlid entitled Hashiyat al-Mawrid al-rawi fi al-mawlid
al-nabawi (p. 40) said: “The chain of Jabir is sound without contest, but the
scholars have differed concerning the text of the hadith due to its peculiarity.
Bayhaqi also narrated the hadith with some differences.” Then he quoted sev-
eral narrations establishing the light of the Prophet.
Nabahani (Yusuf ibn Ismaìl) cites it as evidence in al-Anwar al-muham-

madiyya (p. 13), in his Jawahir al-bihar (p. 1125 or 4:220 of the Baba edition
in Cairo), and in his Hujjat Allah àla al-àlamin (p. 28).
Nabulusi (Àbd al-Ghani d. 1143) says in his Hadiqa al-nadiyya (2:375 of

the Maktaba al-nuriyya edition in Faysalabad): “The Prophet is the universal
leader of all, and how could he not be when all things were created out of his
light as has been stated in the sound hadith.”
Nisaburi (Nizamuddin ibn Hasan, d. 728) cites it as evidence in elucidation

of the verse: “And I was ordered to be the first of the Muslims” (39:12) in his
Tafsir entitled Ghara’ib al-Qur’an (8:66 of the Baba edition in Cairo).
Qastallani (Ahmad ibn Muhammad, d. 923) narrates it in his al-Mawahib

al-laduniyya (1:55 of the edition accompanied by Zarqani’s commentary).
Rifaì (Yusuf al-Sayyid Hashim) cites it as evidence in Adillat ahl al-sun-

na wa al-jamaà al-musamma al-radd al-muhkam al-mani` (p. 22): Àbd
al-Razzaq narrated it.
41
Suyuti in al-Hawi li al-fatawi, in the explanation of Surat al-Muddaththir:
“It has no reliable chain”; and in Takhrij ahadith sharh al-mawaqif: “I did not
find it in that wording.”
This prophetic light which for Islamic mystics was the Nur
Mohammadiyya or Light of Mohammad was the self same light which pre-
cedes everything that was created. As Attar says in his direct style
The origin of the soul is the absolute light, nothing else,That means
it was the Light of Mohammad nothing else.
While Salh al Tustari may have been the first to speak of this early Light mys-
ticism in terms of the Prophetic ideal it continued onward for 2 or 3 centuries
until Ibn Arabi and his followers fully articulated it and systematized it. The
early mystic and martyr of love al Hallaj reaffirms the Prophet as the very cause
and goal of creation. Creation itself is without purpose but for the manifesting
of the Light of prophecy. This was given even more weight and authority in
early Islamic mysticism when according to Schimmel it was couched in a Had-
ith qudsi, laulaka ma khalaqtu’laflaka- “if thou hadst not been but for thee, I
wouldn’t have created the heavens.” Here the prophet himself is credited with
the words which point to his special position in creation, “The first thing God
creates was my spirit, I was a prophet when Adam was still between clay and
water.”
The Prophetic Light, is in fact nothing other that the First Light of God’s
creation emanation or (tajalli), and since the Prophet existed before that actual
physical appearance of his corporeal frame we equate His Being with the first
Principle of the Light of Lights the Ancient Name Kalmai Qadim. Not only did
Mohammad exist in his pre-eternal form as Light but every
prophet, saint and mystic was formed and created out of this Light. In fact,
it was for this alone that creation came into being and through this light alone
must it return. Light is the mediator between us and the Absolute and the saints
42
are his manifestations of this or his symbols meditating our return through this
light. If we understand this we see no difference between any of God’s saints,
prophets, mystics and spiritual masters regardless of tradition, lineage or reli-
gion. As the great Kabir as eloquently said, “From One light all creation sprang
forth, from this same light all creation was born, who then is good who then is
bad.” Through this First eternal Light we have been created, by this First Light
we shall all return and through this Light we come to understand ourselves,
prophecy and the unique Name of God Al-rahim which is the Face of God’s
FACE. It should not be surprising that the most famous prayer ascribed to Mo-
hammad is a prayer for Light. Abu Talib al Makki quoted it; Ghazzali taught
it and the eighteenth century Indian mystic Mir Dard wrote it down as his last
orison before his death.
O god give me light in my heart and light in my tongue and light in my
hearing and light in my sight and light in my feeling and light

in all my body and light before me and light behind me. Give me,
I pray light on my right hand and light on my left hand and light
above me and light beneath me. O Lord, increase light within me
and give me light and illuminates me.
Mystically speaking all creation is nothing but an expression of this everlast-

ing Light and its essence is none other than Al rahim the mercy of love1.
Neo- Ṣūfīsm
The term neo-Ṣūfīsm consists of two words neo and Ṣūfīsm. Neo means
something new or updated. While Ṣūfīsm means the common name for various
streams Ṣūfīs in Islām. (Dictionary Indonesian: 2005; 779.1097). Thus, neo-
Ṣūfīsm can be defined as a new form of Ṣūfīsm or renewal of Ṣūfīsm in Islām.
Neo-Ṣūfīsm briefly can be said as a reassertion of Islāmic values intact, namely
berkeseimbangan life in all aspects of life and in terms of human expression
1The prophetic LIght. Unknown author.
43
(Azra; 1999; 25). For this reason too it can be said, that the so-called neo-
Ṣūfīsm was not entirely new, but rather be considered as Ṣūfīsm is actualized in
private and public life in accordance with the present conditions
It has also been stated that neo-Ṣūfīsm is used by scholars to describe a set
of Islāmic renewal movements in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The
activist sense of renewal and reform of Ṣūfīsm developed over a long period.
Fazlur Rahman was the first to label these tendencies “neo-Ṣūfī”. The term
began to mean a cluster of developments and organisations. This led to various
interpretations of the concept, no consensus on the use has been reached (Voll,
2008:318). Alexander Knysh (2002) argues that the concept of neo-Ṣūfīsm was
created by Western colonialists to refer to a reformed Ṣūfīsm that emphasised
political activism and the enforcement of the Shari’a . This reformed brand of
Islāmic mysticism had been relieved of the ecstatic elements of Ṣūfīsm and was
more orientated toward a set of moral and practical practices. Neo- Ṣūfīsm can
be characterised as having a more positive attitude toward direct involvement
in world affairs, in contrast to the more traditional Ṣūfīsm (Knysh,2002:142).
Neo-Ṣūfīs were contrasted with traditional Ṣūfīs by their concern for “the so-
cio -moral reconstruction of Muslim society”, their preoccupation with ḥa-
dith studies (studies of the sayings of Muḥammad) and a negative view of Ibn
al-‘Arabi (O’Fahey &Radtke,1993:71). What seems to be the neo- Ṣūfī con-
sensus is that at the end of the 18th and beginning of the19th century a new ‘
reformist ’ Ṣūfī order arose that differed considerably from the pre- existing
Ṣūfī brotherhoods (O’ Fahey& Radtke,1993:56)1
“Neo-Ṣūfīsm” - a movement said to be characterized by a rejection of the

ecstatic and metaphysical side of Ṣūfīsm in favour of strict adherence to the
sharîà, and by a striving for union with the spirit of the Prophet instead of
union with God - are the North African mystics Aḥmad al-Tijani (1737-1815)
and Aḥmad ibn Idris (1760-1837)2.
1 Marina Palacios. Master International Studies Leiden, September 2, 2016. Neo- Su-
fism:ExaminingtheRootsoftheIslamicreform Movement called“Neo-Sufism”
2http://oman.uinjkt.ac.id/2007/06/origins-and-development-of-sufi-orders.html
44
It is important to note that as narrowly legalistic movements like Wahha-
bism were trying to revive the glory days of Islāmic states, so too were the
“Neo-Ṣūfī” orders through purification of the Ṣūfī tradition. Julia Day How-
ell, an authority on Ṣūfīsm, accurately draws on the correlation between
Neo- Ṣūfī movements and earlier revivalist groups in their efforts to link the
Ṣūfī tradition with the shari’a (Islāmic law). Howell explains that, like its
revivalist counterparts, the Neo- Ṣūfī movement emphasised a reinstitution
of Islāmic law based on early scriptural sources; increased social activism to
promote Ṣūfīsm to the greater masses; and a renewed interest in reasserting
the traditions of the Prophet1.
The most important characteristic of these Ṣūfī Turuq is the Ṣūfī-Scholar

“orthodox” compromise. Also they are influenced by Hijaz. Most of these
Ṣūfī orders are originated from Hijaz and they are scholars in Shari’a scienc-
es such as Tafsyir, Figh (jurisprudence) and ḥadith (Prophetic tradition). This
is beside their knowledge of Ṣūfī Sciences.
What is distinctive about the 18th century neo-Ṣūfī brotherhoods is their
outward-looking reformist orientation contrasted with the older quietist mys-
tical tradition.
The general characteristics of these centralized Ṣūfī turuq are the following:
1) Emphasis on moral and social teachings.
2) “Union” with the spirit of the Prophet, with a general emphasis on “The
Muḥammadan way or ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya”.
3) Legitimation of the position of the order’s founder through his having re-
ceived prayers, litanies and his authority generally directly from the Prophet.
4) Creation of mass organizations hierarchically structured under the au-
thority of the founder and sometimes his family.
5) Renewed emphasis on ḥadith studies.
1http://www.abc.net.au/religion/articles/2014/09/02/4079314.htm confronting Moderni-
ty: Why the Revival of Islamic Sufism Matters Shaheen Whyte ABC Religion and Ethics
2 Sep 2014
45
6) Rejection of taqlid, and the assertion of the right to exercise ijtihad.
7) The will to take political and sometimes militant measures in defense of
Islām1.
The founders of such ṭarīqas in Sudan are either Sudanese who studied in
Hijaz and got authenticity there such as Aḥmad Al Tayyib Al Bashir founder
of the Sammāniyya order in Sudan and Al Majdhub of the Majdhubiyya order
or from Hijazi origin such as Muhamad ‘Uthman Al-Mirghani who descends
from a Hijazi family and they still have strong ties with Hijaz. All of these
founders are considered to be scholars.
Coming to Sudan, these Ṣūfī turuq have been subjected to a process of

localization. In other words in order to find ground in Sudanese masses they
had to adapt to the prevailing figure of Ṣūfī Shaikh as Wali (saint) who is able
to perform karamat (miracles doing)2.
Neo-Ṣūfī orders thus exhibit most if not all of the following properties:
1-Charismatic founder of the modern age, who claims a privileged status as

inheritor or gatherer of the spiritual power of older saints; veneration for the
latter is largely subsumed within his own, thus providing him with the spiri-
tual authority to revive reform, and adapt the ṭarīqa to contemporary times.
2-Founder’s claim of direct spiritual dispensation from much older saints

(often the Prophet or his immediate family), thereby validating formation of
the order. Downplaying the medieval silsila is the mystical equivalent to the
reformists return to the early Islāmic community.
3-Spiritual and social unity: complete submission to the central rather than
local Shaikh, veneration reserved almost exclusively for the founding saint,
and the Prophet. Social unity is maintained through centralized social orga-
1 Ibid 39
2Amani M. Obeid. Middle Class and Sufism: The Case Study of the Sammaniyya Order
Branch of Shaikh Al Bur’ai. A Dissertation submitted for the fulfillment of the requirements
of the PhD Degree in Political Science, University of Khartoum. 2008 p- 39
46
nization, and uniform codes, of behavior, defining a sharp social boundary
between members and non-members; intolerance of multiple or nominal af-
filiation.
4-Pan-Islāmic revivalist discourse used in active proselytizing, aimed par-

ticularly at the educated classes, and implicitly competing with other reform
movements.
5-Clear affirmation of the centrality of Islāmic law (Shari’a) for the Ṣūfī
life, though sometimes rejecting traditional schools of law (Madhahib) and
sometimes affirming ijtihad.
One of the clearest characteristics of the neo- Ṣūfī phenomenon is the status
assigned to the Prophet in Ṣūfī tradition. According to Hoffman, scholars have
long noted that Prophet Muḥammad assumed increasing importance in Ṣūfī
thought and practice over the centuries. For Ṣūfīs, belief in Muḥammad’s
perfection often went beyond the standard affirmation of his immunity from
error, and sometimes went so far as the assertions of the Spanish Arab Qadi
‘Iyad (d.1149/50) that Muḥammad had assumed all the qualities embodied
in the Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God. Devotion to the Prophet became
a central motif of popular Islāmic piety. Visions of the Prophet have always
been part of Islāmic tradition, but it has been argued that these were still rela-
tively rare in the 15th century, though they had become a necessary attribute
of those who aspired to sainthood by the late 18th and early 19th centuries.
According to Hoffman many scholars consider, annihilation in the Messen-
ger of God (fana fi-el-rasul) or union with the Prophet is a distinctly “neo-
Ṣūfī” development, as evidenced particularly in the Tijaniyya, Sanusiyya, and
Mirghaniyya orders. These scholars see the idea of spiritual union with the
Prophet as a replacement for the earlier ideal of annihilation in God. The
researcher in a former work has clarified this concept of annihilation in the
Prophet in the writings of the founder of the Sammāniyya order, Mohamed
Ibn Abdel Karim Al-Sammān, El Obeid stated that, “Like many of the eigh-
47
teenth and nineteenth century orders, the Sammāniyya doctrine is centred
around the concept of the Muḥammadan Reality. The Prophet is the mediator
between Allāh and Human beings. The Prophet’s love is the base of faith, the
door of knowledge and the secret of power. Out of the Prophet’s Light, the
creatures have been created; out of his generosity fayd , people and trees live.
By the Prophet’s love, the slave obtains his needs and diminishes in his Great
Light, reaching his ultimate goal. Thus could be said is the ultimate goal of
the Ṣūfī, is reaching the Prophet.
48
Chapter Two
Sammāniyya Ṣūfī Order

The concept
The Sammāniyya is one of the most famous, Ṣūfī orders in the Islāmic
world. To historians the first impulse for change, came through the Sammāni-
yya, whose origins lay in the tradition of the khalwatiyya Ṣūfī order, which
may be traced back to the fourteen century. The founder of the Sammāniyya
Muḥammad b. Άbd al-Karim al-Sammān (1132/1718 to 1189/1775), was a
student of a Syrian Khalwati, Muṣṭafā Kamāl al-Dīn al-Bakrī (1099/1688 to
1162/1748-9), who lived for long periods of his life in Damascus, Jerusa-
lem, and Cairo. On al-Bakrī’s death, his students set up their own indepen-
dent branches. Among these students was al-Sammān, who established new
Khalwati branch, known as the Sammāniyya.
To Oxford Islāmic Studies website the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa is “ Activist,

reformist branch of the revivalist Khalwati ṭarīqa. Founded by Muḥammad
b. Άbd al-Karim al-Sammāni in the eighteenth century. Committed to for-
mal Islāmic law. Opposed to the traditional veneration of saints. Provided an
organizational framework and inspiration for more militant revivalist move-
ments. Spread into Sumatra, Indonesia, Egypt, and Sudan in the eighteenth
century and became a major order in the Malay Peninsula, and throughout
49
Africa in the nineteenth century. In Southeast Asia, writings by Shaykhs of
this order provided inspiration for nineteenth-and twentieth-century jihads
against the Dutch colonial occupiers. Famous adherents include Muḥam-
mad Aḥmad Ibn Άbd allāh (the Sudanese Mahdi), who used the ṭarīqa’s
teachings to denounce the corruption of faith in Sudan and to declare him-
self the expected Mahdi (messiah). In Sudan, a widespread network among
the local population permitted it to become the basis for local organization
and opposition to Egyptian rule, along with the Khatmi and Majdhubi or-
ders1. Another branch of the Khalwatiyya, which had significant impacts on
the Nilotic Sudan, was that of Muḥammad b. al-Karim al-Sammān, a stu-
dent of the Egyptian Khalwati Shaykh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī (1687-1749). The
Sammāniyya tradition is generally described as an offshot of the revived
Khalawtiyya affiliation, associated with Muṣṭafā b.Kamāl al-Dīn al-Bakrī
(d.1749). The Sammāniyya ṭarīqa did develop into an independent order.
The order subsequently spread to Egypt, the Sudan, Nigeria, and south-east
.Asia2
The Khalwatis, and especially the Sammāniyah branch, were strong in the
Hijazi ports and in Yemen. Muḥammad ibn Abd al-Karim al-Sammān (d.
1775) founded the branch in Mecca; it soon spread to Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia,
and Southeast Asia. Its members were mostly non-Hijazis. The Khalwatis
were renowned for asceticism, secrecy, and emphasis upon teaching. There
were at least 1,800 members in the Hijaz, and it was upon them that the or-
der depended for money, since it had no pious foundations. In the 1880s its
leaders in Jidda and in Mecca held the positions of head of the Ṣūfīs of those
two towns and thereby conferred prestige upon the order. The Sammān is re-
mained influential in Medina in the early twentieth century. Muhamma d Abu
al-Hasan al-Sammān , the mayor of Medina in 1910, was a descendant of the
branch’s founder and was the local head of the Sammānis3.
1 http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com.
2 O’fahey (1994:91).
3 WILLIAM OGHSENWALD. RELIGION, SOCIETY AND THE STATE IN ARABIA
50
Syeikh Muḥammad bin Abd Karim al-Madani al-Syafi’i al-Sammān (1130-
1189 H /1718-1775 M ) was born in Madinah into a Quraisy family. Syeikh
Muḥammad Sammān taught in Sanjariyyah, spending almost his entire life
in Madinah, and lived in a historic house belonging to Saiyidina Abu Bakar
As-Siddiq. Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān was not only renowned for being
the founder of the Samaniyyah spiritual order, but even more than that he
was famous for being a scholar in pther branches of Islāmic knowledge. He
studied the knowledge of Islāmic Sacred Law under five eminent scholars of
fiqh: Muḥammad al-Daqqaq, Sayyid ‘Ali Al-‘Aththar, ‘Ali al-Kurdi, ‘Abd
Wahab Al-Thanthawi d Makkah and Said Hilal Al-Makki. He was also a stu-
dent of Muḥammad Hayyat, a famous al-muhaddits of the time in Haramain.
It has been noted that Muḥammad Hayyat was an adherent of the Naqsy-
abandiyyah spiritual order. Apart from Muḥammad Sammān, another stu-
dent of Syeikh Muḥammad Hayyat was Muḥammad bin Abdul Wahhab who
was well-known as the founder of the Wahhabiyah creed who became very
outspoken and zealous in opposing the knowledge and practice of the peo-
ple of ṭasawwuf and ṭarīqat. He was also the staunch opponent of anything
that he considered to be a form of innovation (bida’ah) or polytheism (sy-
irik), even though his opinions were directly contradicted the methodology
of the established scholars and the opinions of the jumhur scholars of Islām.
Apart from Syeikh Muḥammad Hayyat, other renowned teachers of Sye-

ikh Muḥammad Sammān included Muḥammad Sulaiman al-Kurdi (1125-
1194/1713-1780), Abu Thahir al-Kurani, ‘Abdullah al-Bashri and Muṣṭafā
bin Kamal al-Din al-Bakrī . One of Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān’s famous
teachers, Muṣṭafā bin Kamaluddin al-Bakrī , was also noted by the scholars
in various classical works, referring to him as Syeikh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī .
He was the teacher of Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān in the field of ṭasawwuf
and tauhid. Syeikh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī was the teacher who had the great-
THE HIJAZ UNDER OTTOMAN CONTROL, 1840-1908. Ohio State University Press.
1984, p- 90.
51
est impact or influence on the personality of Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān.
Syeikh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī originated from Damascus. He was a prolific
writer, and was the syeikh of the Khalawatiyyah spiritual order. He lived in
Madinah and passed away in Cairo in 1749. Apart from Syeikh Muṣṭafā al-
Bakrī who was Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān’s teacher in the Khalawatiyyah
spiritual order, the latter also had another teacher and spiritual guide in the
Khalawatiyyah spiritual order, namely Syeikh Muḥammad Salim Al-Hifna-
wi, followed by Syeikh Muhamamd Al-Kurdi1.
In addition, Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān also continued his studies un-

der a scholar from Nablus, Syeikh Abdul Ghani bin Ismail Al-Nablusi
(1050-1143H/1641-1731AD). He was an expert and renowned scholar in various
fields, particularly in Islāmic knowledge. Syeikh Abdul Ghani Al-Nablusi was
also one of the famous sunniy scholars of the time. Apart from that, he was also
a famous scholar of ṭasawwuf and was the spiritual guide of the Naqsyabandi-
yah, Qādiriyyah and Syaziliyyah spiritual orders. He was originally from Tu-
nisia, and became the defender of controversial scholars Syeikh Ibn Al-’Arabi
and Syeikh Abdul karim Al-Jili, especially in the question of wahdatul wujud.
Syeikh Abdul Ghani an-Nablusi was the teacher of Syeikh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī
, and was believed to have received the ijāzah for the Naqsyabandiy spiritual
order from Syeikh Aḥmad bin Ibrahim bin ‘Allan an-Naqsyabandi. He was a
student of Syeikh Tajuddin Zakariyya al-Hindi al-Naqsyabandi. [Syeikh Ta-
juddin Zakariyya was the student of Syeikh Muḥammad Baqibillah who was
also the teacher of Syeikh Aḥmad Al-Faruqi, and this was before Syeikh Za-
kariyya migrated to Yemen and later resided in Makkah. One famous student
of Syeikh Zakariyya was Syeikh Aḥmad bin Ibrahim bin ‘Allan, known as “Ibn
‘Allan”, a scholar and prolific writer. He had written about and lectured on the
work Latha’if Al-Minan composed by Ibn ‘Athaillah, and had also lectured
on the work Al-Hikam written by Sidi Abi Madyan As-Syazili , as well as on
other texts for his teacher, Syeikh Tajuddin Zakariyya an-Naqsyabandi. The
1https://www.facebook.com/notes/al-khalidi-sufi-order/repudiation-and-refutation-of-
those-who-reject-prophet-khidr-as-such-as-the-wahh/10152838143962247/
52
lineage of Syeikh Tajuddin Zakariyya Al-Hindi al-Naqsyabandi traced back to
Amirul Muminin Saiyidina Othman bin ‘Affan, and was of Arab-Kurdi parent-
age. (Martin Van Bruinessen and Brockelmann: GAL 11, 345-8; S11, 473-6)]
Syeikh Abdul Ghani An-Nablusi, apart from lecturing on the works of Ibn
‘Arabi, also lectured on the works of the scholars of ṭasawwuf such as Syeikh
Abdul Karim Al-Jili. Syeikh Abdul Karim Al-Jili’s ancestry on his mother’s
side was linked directly to Syeikh Abdul Qadir Al-Jailani. Al-Jili was born
200 years after the death of Syeikh Abdul Qadir Al-Jailani. Al-Jili’s famous
work was Al-Insan-Al-Kamil. An-Nablusi also lectured on the works of Ibn
Faridh and the An-Naqsyabandiyyah text composed by Syeikh Tajuddin Za-
kariyya. An-Nablusi’s work, titled Tuhfah-al-Mursalah, mostly discussed
the question of wahdatul-wujud, and was explained in the work written by
Syeikh Fadhlullah Al-Burhanpuri. According to the research in intellec-
tual genealogy, the Western scholar Brockelmann has stated that An-Nab-
lusi had written 145 works encompassing various branches of knowledge.
Apart from the founders of spiritual orders who comprised the auliya, gen-
erally Allāh the Exalted has bestowed upon them the light of irsyad from
a young age, showing signs that were not just extraordinary, but Allāh has
also made them stand out with their characteristics which were different to
other ordinary children. For example, they would display excellent moral-
ity and extraordinary intelligence not found in ordinary children, and were
sincere and honest and able to perform acts of worship even before reaching
puberty, whereas such things would be difficult for adults to carry out. That
is what Allāh has determined for His servants as mentioned in the work
Manāqib Syaikh Al-Waliy Al-Syahir Muhamad Sammān - Syirkah Makta-
bah al-Madinah “Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān was a prominent personali-
ty in the spiritual path who was renowned for his asceticism(zuhud), piety,
marvels (karamat) and for various phenomenon attributed to him. His ex-
traordinary personality was detected before he reached the age of puberty. In
other words, ever since he was a little child, Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān had
already manifested many marvellous traits in his character and conduct. Sye-
53
ikh Muḥammad Sammān’s parents were extremely particular and concerned
about matters relating to his food, drink, attire, sleep and religious educa-
tion. On one occasion, his parents served some food for Syeikh Muḥammad
Sammān on the table, and some time later his parents found that the food
had remained untouched, and this happened several times. His parents thus
became concerned with the behaviour of Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān, and
so reported the matter to the teacher who was educating him. The teacher thus
replied: “Do not worry, your son will be a wali (lover or friend of Allāh).”
If Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān slept on a soft and plump pillow, he would of-
ten groan restlessly like a sick person. While his parents were still asleep, Sye-
ikh Muḥammad Sammān would make his ablution and perform prayers during
the night, even though at the time it was still during the cold season. Syeikh
Muḥammad Sammān would continue praying until it was nearly dawn, and
after performing the obligatory dawn prayer, he would continue reading the
ràtib until the sun rose. He would then perform the recommended isyra’ prayer
followed by the dhuha prayer. Every day he would engage in additional fasting
and abundant spiritual practices (riadhah). This activity routine was carried
out by Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān from the time before he reached puberty.
Since childhood, he would study religion under various scholars around Ma-
dinah. At the age of eight, he had already memorised the Qur’an. On one
occasion, his parents had bought for him a religious head cover with gold em-
broidery, but he removed the gold. When he was asked by his father why, he
replied, “The Prophet forbade Muslim men from wearing gold.” Such was the
conduct of Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān as a child, indicating signs of saint-
hood. He was very fond of performing uzlah and spiritual seclusion (khalwat)
as well as visiting graveyards. Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān performed these
activities until he reached puberty.
During his teenage years, he had already become a religious teacher at

a madrasah in Sanjariyah, Madinah which was attended by numerous stu-
dents from various faraway countries. While he was teaching, he still con-
54
tinued to acquire knowledge from his teacher, Sulaiman Al-Kurdi Al-Sya-
fie, who was also the teacher of a group of Malay-Indonesian students in
the 18th century. Because of this, Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān became
a scholar and adherent of the Syafie school of thought. (Ràtib Saman and
Hikayat Syeikh Muḥammad Saman - an extract and research of the text -
knowledge of the arts and faculty of the arts, Universiti Indonesia, 1992,
page 369). Thus, Syeikh Muḥammad Sammān was a Ṣūfī who was knowl-
edgeable in the Sacred law (syari’ah) and the spiritual path (ṭarīqat) and
merged both syari’ah and ṭarīqat (al-jami baina al-syariah wa al-thariqah).
Further to the question of Khidr a.s., according to the views, opinions and
rulings of the greatest jama’ah whose truth is acknowledged and believed,
that is, the ahli sunnah wal jama’ah, as well as according to the opinions of
authentic scholars who adhere to the principles of the ahli sunnah wal ja-
ma’ah, the consensus among them is that the question of Khidr a.s. is a matter
of khilafiyyah. Therefore, it is better for a person to follow the guidelines
or interpretation of the imam al-mujtahidin. As it is well understood, for a
person who knows that he lacks, or who is known to lack, the qualifications
in deduction, i.e., the process of deriving certain rules from texts (istinbath)
in order to issue a fatwa or opinion or make an ijtihad, whereby the result of
istinbath leads to an opinion which is then adhered to, clearly such a person
who lacks the necessary qualifications or the ability to fulfill the prerequisites
for istinbath or al-ijtihad must then follow the views of a particular school of
thought (taqleed)1.
Shaykh Muḥammad Ἀbd al-Karīm al-Sammān1719 - 1775
The highly charismatic al-Sammān was born in Medina, to family of

Quraish. He spent much of his life in Medina, and stayed at the historic
house, owned by our master Abū-Bakr al-Siddiq, the first caliph to the
prophet (PBUH) to the prophet of Islām. Known with the Senjariyyh school
which included many rooms, at his own time, he made it a place of resi-
1https://www.facebook.com/notes/al-khalidi-sufi-order/repudiation-and-refutation-of-
those-who-reject-prophet-khidr-as-such-as-the-wahh/10152838143962247/
55
dence, to the strangers, who came from different horisions1. He died in the
meant city and his grave is in the Baqi, the oldest cemetery of the city, which
indicate that, he was held in great respect, in his native town, as it was great
honour to be granted, a last resting- place- there, so close to the graves of the
prophets wives, and many celebrities of Yore.2
The highly charismatic Muḥammad bin ‘Abd al-Karim al-Sammān

(d.1189/1775) who was the guardian of the Prophet’s grave in Medina and
the author of several works on Sūfi metaphysics. Al-Sammān became in-
fluential especially after he founded a new Sufī order (ṭariqah). Bruines-
sen notes that al-Sammān combined the practices and dhikr of the Khal-
watiyyah, the Qadīriyyah and the Naqshbandiyyah orders with the North
African Shadhiliyyah [in all of which he had “authorization” (ijāzah)]. He
later developed a new ecstatic way of dhikr (remembrance) by composing a
special ràtib, which is a litany consisting of invocations and Qur’ānic vers-
es. This combination became known as the Sammāniyyah order ( ṭarīqah
Samāniyyah)3.
Sammān’s silsila only acknowledges his Khalwatiyya affiliation, through

his teacher Muṣṭafā al- Bakri), it already became a separate order, with its
own lodges and local groups of followers, during the master’s lifetime.
Al-Sammān moreover enjoyed a great reputation as a miracle-worker, which
no doubt contributed to the rapid spread of the order. ‘In the eyes of his ad-
epts, however, he was far more than the pious custodian of the Prophet’s
grave. The manàqib-book composed only a few years after his death gives
ample evidence of that. It is a full-fledged hagiography, in which none of the
1 Unknown author. Tarajim A’ian al-Madina fi al-qarn al(12) al-hijiri, Dar al-Shuruq,
1984, p- 101
2 Drewes G.W.J. A note on Muḥammad al-Sammān, his writings, and 19th century Sammàni-
yya practices, chiefly in Batavia, according to written data. In: Archipel. Volume 43, 1992.
pp. 73-87.
3 BIOGRAPHY OF AL-FALIMBĀNĪ. a available at http://studentsrepo.um.edu.
my/5612/5/05_Chapter_Three__Biography.pdf
56
regular elements of the kind is lacking. It goes without saying that the piety
and austerity which he displayed at an early age were a matter of amazement
to his parents, just as recorded of many other holy men. No less a person
than the great saint ‘Άbd al-Qàdir al-Jilànï of Baghdad (d.1166) came to
see him and be gifted him with a white garb. After entering on mystical life
he started teaching people of all sorts, and the gifts they brought him he dis-
tributed among the poor. His open handedness and scorn of worldly goods,
though both of them constituents of the mystic’s general style of life, are
particularly emphasized and linked up with his mystical experiences. His
spirit had ascended to the seventh heaven, where he had asked the Prophet
the meaning of his prayer « Make me live and die a poor man, and gather
me with the sighing poor on the Day of Resurrection ». It was on this oc-
casion that the Prophet confirmed him in his dignity of special worship of
which he was considered by his adepts to be the final incumbent (khatim al-
wilàyat al-khassa)1. Abdul-Mutalib (1995:108) Muḥammad Nafis believes
that Muḥammad “Άbd al-Karim al-Sammān was a pole (Qutb) of his time.
This means, for him that the position of “Άbd al- Karim al-Sammāni is the
highest rank in a hierarchical structure of saints”. Muḥammad as-Sammān
(1718-1775) was a famous àlim and mystic, teaching in Madina. He was
initiated into various other ṭūruq besides the Khalwatiyya (notably the Qādi-
riyya, Naqshbandiyya, and Shadhiliyya), and combined elements from all of
these into his own distinctive Khalwatiyya branch, which is usually called
Sammāniyya (see Grandin 1985:173-5).
A note on al-Sammān ‘s name
Several views have been said, concerning the name al-Sammān of which
the Sammāniyya has been derived. The name went synonymous with the
butter selling. While in fact, and as the story life of the Shaykh has told, and
been recorded, by his students, on his manāqib, the name has no relation
from far or near, with practicing that such type of trade. According to Le
1 (Ibid).
57
Chatelier, Shaykh Sammān (1717-1775) got his name one day when he and
his followers were without food. Sammān let down a pail into a well, which
came up filled with butter. With this, he managed to feed himself and his
disciples, who gave him the name of Sammān (butter merchant)1.
For we found many of his students as well murīds have strove in the in-
terpretation of the name, focusing on what suit the status of their Shaykh2.
One of those of his student who comes to comment on the name al Sam-
mān is Muḥammad al-Jifri on his commentary on Jaliat al-Karb he says:
(---- for this he has gone fame with al-Sammāni , for he (causes) the fattiness
of the souls of his murīds. By his (al-Jifri) saying that Shaykh al-Sammān
used to nurture the souls of the murīds with the adhkār, and the beneficial
of ulum till they get fatten3. Moreover, and out of the so many biography
writers, who comes to comment on the name (al-Sammān), is Shaykh Ἀbd
al-Mahmoud w.Nūr al-Dā’im (1843-1915). However, in his book al-Ku’ūs
al-Mutra’a fi Manāqib al-Sada al-Arba’a, wrote (2011:202) ‘Al-Sammān in
al-Mawahib al-Sama’adaniyya of Shaykh Ṣeḍiq b.Omer Khan, is the one
who takes out the meanings and secrets, from the forms of utterances and
books, as al-samn is taken out by butter – maker from the butter’. He went
to add: ‘al-Sammān is the one by his madad, the lean hearts get fattened’
also he said, ‘al-Sammān is the seller of the butter of gnosis’4. In his own
poems and letters, however, he consistently calls himself ‘al-Sammān : Let
us quote his statement:
I am al-Qadiri al-Sammān and my name is Muḥammad. My popularity is

widespread among people. I am the pole of this time and forever.
1Niki R.Keddie. Scholars, Saints,& Sufis, Muslim Religious Instituations in the ME since
1500. University of California, 1975, p- 302.
2 Raba Ali Osman. (1994) Tarikh At-Tarriqah al-Sammāniyyah wa Intishārah fi al-Sudan, fi
al-Fitrah (1766-1898), Unpublished MA thesis, University of Khartoum, Faculty of Educa-
tion, Department of History. P:32.
3 Ibid: 32.
4 (Ibid.203)
58
The Qadiri sanad
Al-Sammān took the Qadiriyah ṭarīqah via Muḥammad Tahir al-Madani

in 1760 in Mecca and Muḥammad Tahir took it from Shaykh Muḥammad
‘Aqilah ibn Aḥmad ibn Sa’Id, both of whom were residents of Mecca. It is
tempting to assume here that the Muḥammad Abu Tahir referred to here was
the son of Ibrahim al-Kurani (1615-1690), for, as had been pointed out by
van Bruinessen, Muḥammad Tahir replaced his father Ibrahim al-Kuranl as
supreme master of the Medinan Shaykhs of his day. Al-Kuranl had in turn
replaced the great Palestinian Shaykh, Aḥmad al-Qushashi. It appears that
Ibrahim al-Kurani belonged to and had authority for several ṭarīqahs such
as the Naqshbandiyah, the Khalwatlyah, the Qadirlyah, the Shattanyah and
others. After his death in 1690, his son, Muḥammad Abu Tahir, who was then
20 years old, succeeded him as the ṭarīqah’s Shaykh.
When Muḥammad Tahir passed away in 1733, al-Sammān was only about
13years old. And, just as we questioned the likelihood of al-Sammān ‘s ability
to absorb Ibn ‘Arabi’s teachings while receiving instruction from al-Nabulu-
si, it seems equally doubtful that al-Sammān could have earned the ijāzah
(license) of the Qadiriyah tanqah at such a young age. Even though this was
not unheard of in the Ṣūfī tradition, the fact is, as has been pointed by Drew-
es, that al-Sammān started to be active in the mastership of the ṭarīqah in
his old age. It was apparently only after his father passed away that he was
appointed as a Shaykh. Muḥammad Tahir was the teacher of several great
scholars, among them Shah Wall Allāh, Sulayman al-Kurdi and Muḥammad
Hayat al-Sindi. Thus, it is possible that al-Sammān learned the Qadiriyah
via the students of Abu Tahir’s with whom he had studied, such as Sulayman
al-Kurdi and Muḥammad Hayat al-Sindi1.
1 Abdul.Mutalib. The Mystical Thought of Muḥammad Nafis al-Banjari. Unpublished MA thesis, McGill
University. Montreal. Canada, 2007, 44-46
59
The khalwati sanad
M. al-Sammân initially was a deputy of Muṣṭafā Kamâl al-Dîn al-Bakrî, a

native of Damascus, who was a prolific writer on mystical subjects, and ac-
tive chiefly at Jerusalem, Stamboul and Cairo. M. al-Bakrī « opposed monist
views altogether » and, being a Khalwati, his order too was « basically the
ṭarīqa of al-Junayd » (E.I.2, IV:992). He founded the Bakriyya branch of the
Karàbâshiyya, which in its turn had sprung from the Sha’bàniyya branch of
the Khalwatiyya. That is to say, he « sought a more closely linked grouping
by binding various (Khalwati) groups together in his own Bakriyya. Howev-
er, the bond was personal, and his disciples set up their own orders after his
death ». One of these disciples was M. al-Sammàn. He must have joined the
Bakriyya at an early age, for he was only thirty years old when al-Bakrī died
(1749). His full name is Shaykh Musfa al-Bakrī b. Kamal al-Din b. ‘ Kamal
al-Din b’ ‘Abd al-Qadir Mulry al-Din al-siddiqr al-Hanafi al-Dimasiqi. He
was born in Dhu al-Qa’da 1099 /1688 in Damascus. His father, Shaykh Ka-
mal al-Din, died whe he was six months old. He then was brought up by his
uncle, Aḥmad b. Kamal al-Din b. ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Siddiqi. He studied and ex-
celled in various Islāmic sciences. He also studied a various number of ṭarīqa
of which the most important was tartqa khalwatiyya’ Shaykh Bakri pursued
ṭarīqa Khalwatiyya from Shaykh’Abd al-Latif b. Hisham ai-Din ai-Halabi
al-Khalwati from whom the former received the ijaza. He frequently travelled
to countries such as Bayt al-Muqaddas (Palestine), Egypt, and Baghdad’ He
had many pupils and khaltiah, in many countries. The most important were
Shaykh Muḥammad Sammān al-Madani and Shaykh Muḥammad b. Salim
at-ftitni of Eglpt (d.1764). Shaykh Bakri died on 18 Rabi’ al-Thani 1162/8
April 1747. On Musfafa al-Bakrī 1.
1 see C. Brockelmann, « Al-Bakri» The Encyclopaedia of Islam,New Edition, Vol› 1
(Leiden: E›J. Brill & London: Lucac
& Co, 1960), 965-966; and F. de Jong, «Khalwatiyya,» The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Y ol. 4
(197 8), pp.991›-993.
60
In the eyes of his adepts, however, he was far more than the pious custo-
dian of the Prophet’s grave. The manàqib-book composed only a few years
after his death gives ample evidence of that. It is a full-fledged hagiography,
in which none of the regular elements of the kind is lacking. It goes without
saying that the piety and austerity which he displayed at an early age were
a matter of amazement to his parents, just as recorded of many other holy-
men. No less a person than the great saint ‘Abd al-Qàdir al-Jilànï of Baghdad.
1166) came to see him and be gifted him with a white garb. After entering on
mystical life he started teaching people of all sorts, and the gifts they brought
him he distributed among the poor. His openhandedness and scorn of worldly
goods, though both of them constituents of the mystic’s general style of life,
are particularly emphasized and linked up with his mystical experiences. His
spirit had ascended to the seventh heaven, where he had asked the Prophet the
meaning of his prayer « Make me live and die a poor man, and gather me with
the sighing poor on the Day of Resurrection. It was on this occasion that the
Prophet confirmed him in his dignity of special warship, of which he was con-
sidered by his adepts to be the final incumbent (khatim al-wilàyat al-khassa)1.
The Sammāniyya’s initiation
The method is where the initiate puts his two hands together, with the right
one on the top. The master then places his hand on top of the hands of the
initiate to symbolize the function of spiritual leadership. The master advises
repentance (tawbah) for the initiate by saying, Tub ila Allāh, bi-tawbatin na-
suha (Repent unto God sincerely). The master advises the initiate to return to
God’s will by repenting sincerely. This is called the renewing of repentance.
The initiate recites istighfdr, asking God to forgive his sins. The master ac-
cepts the oath from the initiate, declaring and leading him to recite the kali-
mah tayyibah(la ilaha ilia Allāh) three times. Next, the master places a hat
1992..p- 16
61
or a piece of clothing on the initiate to symbolize the latter’s change of status
and his new stage in life. The master then asks him to shake hands with the
people in the congregation to symbolize his new membership with them and
their acceptance of him. Their connection with the master is inseparable, like
the connections between the parts of the body and the body itself. Finally, the
master advises him to observe religious prescriptions. (Al-Sammān relates
that this method is also suggested by Shaykh Muḥammad al-Ghawth).
The initiate places his hand under the hand of the master if they are alone; if
someone else is also present; his hand is put under that of the initiate. If there
are many people, the hand of the master is extended over the hands of the
initiates. The master then recites, “I ask God to protect me from the cursed Sa-
tan, in the name of God the most beneficent and merciful. Those who pledge
allegiance to you, they pledge allegiance to God. The hand of God is on top of
their hands. Whoever ridicules it, he ridicules himself. And whoever accom-
plishes what he pledges to God, he will receive abundant reward.” They recite
this verse to symbolize the initiate’s reception into the ṭarīqah. Then, the mas-
ter asks the initiate to say alone or together with others, “I agree that Allāh
is my God, that Islām is my religion, that Muḥammad is my Prophet, that
the Qur’an is my imam, that the Ka’bah is my qiblah, and that the honoured
Shaykh is my master, educator and proof. The Ṣūfīs are our brothers. Only in
obedience to God we unify, and by disobedience to God we split up.” Then,
the master asks everybody to recite three times, “I ask Almighty God—there
is no God but He—to forgive my sin, and I repent from my sin. The master re-
cites lailaha ilia Allāh, then the initiate repeats the formula three times while
closing his eyes and concentrating his heart on the glory of the unity of God.
Then the master prays, “0 God! Take from him and accept from him. Open
to him the doors of good thing as you open them to your prophets, saints and
your pious servants.” Finally, the initiate is advised to shake hands with the
others in the congregation to symbolize their acceptance of him. Once again,
the master advises the initiate to observe religious prescriptions. It must be
62
noted that these three ways of initiation were not invented by al-Sammān
himself, but rather formed part of the prescription by al-Qushashi in his Simt
al-Majid. The latter maintains that the third method was very popular in Arab
countries. Thus, these three methods of initiation are not particular to Khal-
watiyah or Sammāniyah ṭarīqahs1.
Principles and conditions of initiation
Referring to the Al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyyah (Divine Victon’es) of Muḥammad

b.’Abd al-Kaiim al-Sammān, K.H. Hasyim Asy’ari demonstrates that there
are eight requirements incumbent upon anyone wishing to follow the true
path:1) “good intention’’, meaning that one must possess a sincere intention,
as well as true “worship” (ubadiyyah) before one embarks upon the Ṣūfī path;
2) “true honesty” (sidq al-shirif), meaning that the student must acknowledge
his teacher’s exceptional ability which will help in bringing the student clos-
er to the presence of God 3)”adequate etiquette” meaning that those who
follow a Ṣūfī path must adopt a moral code or an etiquette which accords
well with religious teachings for instance by showing kindness to people of a
lower status representing all people equally, behaving justly towards oneself,
and abstaining from helping others out of pure self-interest;4) “cleanliness”
meaning that one must follow the paradigm set by the prophet Muḥammad
and implement it in one’s daily life; 5) “preserving honesty’’ meaning that the
followers of the ṭarīqah should respect their teachers in this and the next life
and their brethren in Islām, be steadfast in the face of hostility from others,
respect those of higher social status and love those of a lower status;
6) “worthy attitude” a requirement which calls upon.
The followers of the tariqh to be good servant to their teachers for who
Muslims and Allāh by implementing all of commands and by keeping away
from what is prohibited an attitude which K.R. Rasyim Asyari states will lead
1 Abdul.Mutalib. The Mystical Thought of Muḥammad Nafis al-Banjari. Unpublished MA

thesis, McGill University. Montreal. Canada, 2007, p- 188
63
one to the ultimate aims of Ṣūfīsm and Islām) “raising the spirit (raraf-him-
mah), since people enter the parh (the Ṣūfī path) in order to obtain special
knowledge (marifa) about Allāh and for the betterment of their soul not for
worldly gains) “perseverance in reaching one’s goals”, a requirement which
calls upon students to maintain their effort to reach the special knowledge
about Allāh—for Only by so persevering will they ultimately attain success1.
Types of disciples
According to al-Sammān, there are two kinds of discipleship upon initiation

into the ṭarīqah: the formal (al-suri) and the meaningful (al-ma’nawi).This
idea was not original to him, but rather was taken from his predecessors, name-
ly Shaykh Muḥammad al-Ghawth and perhaps also Aḥmad al-Qushashi. If a
murīd wants to start on the spiritual path, he must be initiated into the ṭarīqah
through one or both of these kinds of initiation. The first category of initiation
involves the murīd taking an oath of initiation from a Ṣūfī master (the ṭarīqah
master), after which he obeys what the master suggests and advises and prac-
tices his teachings on religion. Al-Sammān seems to suggest that the second
category is the better one because here, the murīd is not only initiated into the
path but is also involved in companionship(suḥbah) by which he dedicates
himself to the master (khidmah). Only through companionship and dedication
are the meaning and fruits of the initiation easily obtained. It is only by this
second type that the murīd can inherit the spiritual perfection of the master,
just as children inherit something from their biological fathers, or just as in-
heritance is bestowed upon the younger by their elders. In discussing Ṣūfī
initiation, al-Sammān cites elsewhere the ideas of the Indian Ṣūfī Shaykh
Muḥammad al-Ghawth (1485-1562). Apparently, al-Ghawth’s personality
and methods of teaching were very attractive and so acquired great influence.
1 LathifulKhuluq.KYAIHallHASYIMASY’ARI’SRELIGIOUSTHOUGHTANDPOLIT-
ICALACTIVITIES(1871-1947). A thesis submitted to the Institute of Islamic Studies
Faculty of Graduate Studiesand Research, McGili University Inpartial Fulfilment of the
requirement for the degree of Master Of Arts Institute OfIslamic Studies McGill University,
Montreal Canada July1997. p.54
64
He studied Sanskrit and wrote the Khdlidi-i Makhazin (Key to Treasure),-
combining Ṣūfī doctrine with astrological theories, and the Bahr al-Hayah,
on the methods of self-discipline and breath control as practiced by the yogis.
According to al-Ghawth—as al-Sammān tells us—before being initiated, a
mund should choose the right master. If the murīd cannot yet meet the great
master directly, he can be initiated by those who have already been initiated
by the master so that he has a spiritual chain connecting him with the latter.
However, as soon as he meets the master, he must be initiated directly by him.
The temporary initiation by the representative is analogous to the function of
tayammum which is a temporary ablution. Tayammum is fine in the absence
of water, but when water is available, full ablution must be performed. After
being initiated, a murīd cannot retreat from his decision since the initiation is
always valid, except in certain cases such as the death of the master or other
unsolved obstacles. The validity of initiation cannot be cancelled; in this way,
it resembles the validity of an oath (bay’ah) by a certain Arab to the Prophet.
When this Arab asked the Prophet to cancel it, the Prophet did not do so. This
does not mean that the Arab was an infidel but only a grave sinner(fasiq),
since his oath with the Prophet remained valid. The same is true of initiation
into the ṭarīqah, which is considered valid forever.
Even though a murīd may be initiated into hundreds of different ṭarīqahs,

he must really belong to only one of them, and this is usually the one into
which he was first initiated, since it is always valid. It must be noted that
al-Sammān did not condemn the practice of belonging to various ṭarīqahs,
a tendency which was later rejected by certain Ṣūfīs1. Al-Sammān states that
a disciple can be initiated by taking the baiy’a ( spiritual contract) from one-
hundred Shaikhs, but he would only be a follower ( murīd) of one Shaikh.
Here the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa as compared to Khatmiyya and Tijaniyya is
somewhat an open ṭarīqa. By the ability of the murīd ( disciple) of taking
Ṣūfī knowledge or path from so many Shaikhs, the Sammāni murīd acquires
1 Ibid, 183
65
dynamism and independence. However, this independence is not absolute as
it is counterbalanced by the tendency towards centralism. This is very clear in
Al-Sammān’s argument: that, the first Baiy’a ( spiritual contract) is the most
decisive and that’s a disciple can change his Shaikh only if he died or trav-
elled. In the text of al-baiy’a, he regrets absolute submission to the Shaikh.
Al-baiy’a is read as follows:
I accept that Allāh is my God, Islām is my religion,

Muḥammad is my prophet, Qur’ān is my guider, K’aa-
ba is my direction, disciples are my brothers and the
Shaikh is my guide and instructor. Rightness unites us
and error disunites us1.
Al-Sammān’s offsprings
Al-Sammān has been blessed by many noble, righteous sons, who came to
successes him, they were:
1-Sayidi Shaykh Ά-Karīm, most properly initiated by his father.
2- Sayidi Shaykh abū.El-Ḥasan, born in the first of the 13th century of
hijra, initiated under Sayidi Shaykh Ḥasib al-Kubawi al-Maghrabi, the stu-
dent of Sayidi Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b.al-Bashȋr.
3- Sayidi Shaykh Muḥammad b.Shaykh abū-El-Ḥasan (1246-1266 A.H),
initiated in 1261 A.H, under his father’s student Sayidi Shaykh Muḥammad
Ṣāliḥ al-Halabi, he was not exceeded twelve years, at the time of his father’s
death.
4- Sayidi Shaykh abū-El-Ḥasan b.Shaykh Muḥammad b.Shaykh abū.

El-Ḥasan (1265-1291 A.H).
5- Sayidi Shaykh Muḥammad b.abu.El-Ḥasan (1284-1266 A.H).

6- Sayidi Shaykh Aḥmad b.Shaykh Muḥammad (1304-1366 A.H).
7- Sayidi Shaykh Hashim b.Shaykh Aḥmad (d. 1396 A.H).
1 Ibid, 91
66
8- Sayidi Shaykh Dr-Ṭariq b.Shaykh Hashim (d.1992)1
His passing a way
Shaykh Muḥammad al-Sammān has passed away in the year 1775 and
came to be buried in al-Baqi cemetrey in al-Madina al-Munawara.
Figure 3- 2 al-Baqī’ cemetery in al-Madina al-Munawara where al-Sam-

mān was buried.
1 Ḥasan, al-Fatiḥ, Qarīb Allāh.(2004. P. 98.Al-Dur al-Dīni wa al-Gitimai wa al-Fikeri

(ll’ṭarīqaal-Sammāniyyah).Muhanad printing. Khartoum.
67
68
Chapter Three
Al-Sammān’s Writings
As the 19th-century Hijazi mystic and teacher who spearheaded the Ṣūfī
revival in the Islāmic world, through his students and his writings, Moḥam-
mad b.Abdul-Karim al-Sammān influence is charted from Madina al-Mun-
wara to reach Africa, Asia, America and Europe.
The Ṣūfī writings of Shaykh Muḥammad al-Sammān have contributed

immensely towards the development of ṭasawwuf in the nooks and crannies
of Islāmic world and even beyond. Some of these writings are still studied
among many Muslim students especially in the traditional Islāmic learning .
Al-Sammān is a qualified prolific prose- writer, a lim, and accomplished

poet. The historian Brockelmann has listed the following works of the
Shaykh:
1.al-Futûḥât al-ilàhiyyafî ‘l-tawajjuhât al-rûhiyya (The divine revela-
tions; dealing with the marks of spiritual favour), on the subject of the Nūr
Muḥammad the Prophetic Light, which is generally considered the first
thing created and the principle of all creation.
2. al-Nafḥat al-Qudsiyya: this is poem.
69
3-al-Istightatha, (The call for help), a prayer consisting of 39 verses in
the rajaz.
4-Mukhtaṣer Al-Ṭarīqat Al-Muḥammadiyya.
5-Jaliyat al-Kurbi wa Manilat al-Arb1. Which is the wide-fame invoca-
tion, among the Sammāniyya followers. The invocation begins with:
ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU
YĀ MALJA’ ’ALQĀSIDI YĀ GHAWTHĀHU
Allāh O Allāh O Allāh: O You The shelter for those
Who ever come to you. O my succour
NAD‘ŪKA MUDTARRĪNA BISSIFĀTI
BIMAZHARI ’AL’ASMĀ BISIRRI ’ADHDHĀTI
We call on You and we are in real need for Your help.
We entreat to You by all attributes of Yours, by the appearances2
On the ṣalāwat, prayers upon the prophet, al-Sammān has composed so a
lot, among the most famous is Ṣalāt al-Nūqtah; the centre of the existence
circle prayer (appendix. D).
4. Ighahat al-Lahfan waMu’anasat al-Walhan wa-al-Futuhdt al-Ilahvyah
fi al-Tawjihat al-Ruhiyah lil-Hadrah Muḥammadiyah. Khartoum: Aḥmad
al-Badawi al-Sammān i,1955, 20 pp.
5.al-Insan al-Kamil. Cited in Nur al-Da’im, al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a.
6.al-Is’ai fi Mawlid Sayyid al-Ashrf. This may be a précis of no. 10 below;
it includes a brief hagiography of the author. MS: Khartoum (NRO, Misc.,
l/35), undated, 7ff.
7.al-Istighathah. GAL S. II, 535
8. Jdliyat al-Kurab wa Munilat al-’Arab (Tawassui). See ‘Abd al-Mah-
1 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_1992_
num_43_1_2807.
2 http://ar.scribd.com/doc/101770416/Grand-Shaykh -Ḥasan-Qarīb Allāh-The-Blessed-Lita-
nies-of-Sammānia-V-Yuecel
70
mud ibn Nur al-Da’im, Nafts al-Qasab wa-Shifa” al-Wasab.
9.Kashfal-Asrarft- Ma Yata’allaq bi-al-Ism al-Qahhar. MS: Cairo (Dk)
687 (ṭasawwuf.(Publ. as Hadhihi Risalah ft-Ma Yata’allaq bi-Ismihi (al-Qa-
hhar) wa-Wasiyatihi lil-lkhwanwa-al-Tadhakur. Cairo: Aḥmad al-Badawi
al-Sammāni, and., 32pp.
10.Al-Mawahib al-Aqdasiyah fi Sharh al-Minhah al-Muḥammadiyah. Cit-
ed in Nur al-Da’im ,al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a, 28.
11.Mawlid al-Nabi Publ. Cairo: Muḥammad ‘Isa al-Babi al-Halabi, 2nd
pr., 1394/1974, 16pp; n.p., n.d., 41 pp.
12. Miftah al-Qulub ftal-Ṣalāt ‘aid al-Rasul. [On prayer] in Nur al-Da’im,
al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a, 28.
13. Al-Minhah al-Muḥammadiyah. Cited in Nur al-Da’im, al-Ku’us
al-Muttarra’a, Mukhtasar al-Tafiqah al-Muḥammadiyah. According to
O’Fahey, this is probably a précis of Muḥammad al-Birkawfs (d.1573; GAL
II, 585), al- ṭarīqah al-Muḥammadiyah wa- al-Sirah al-Aḥmadyyah.
14. Al-Nafahat al-Ilahiyahft Kayftyat Suluk al- ṭarīqah al-Muḥammadi-
yah. MS. London BL), Or. 12694.
15. Al-Nafahat al-Aqdasiyah (or al-Qasidah al-’Ayniyah). Cited in Nur
al-Da’im, al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a.
16. Al-Nasihah al-’Alawiyah lil-Sadat al-Ahdaliyah. Cited in Siyar al-Sa-
likin III, p 179.O’Fahey mentions that the Ahdal were and are still a well-
known scholarly family of Zabld, Yemen). Cited also in Nur al-Da’im, al-
Ku’us al-Muttarra’a,
17. Al.Nuqta Dd’irat al-Wujud. Cited in Nur al-Da’im, al-Ku’us al-Mut-
tarra’a,
18. b. al-Qasidah al-’Ayniyah.
19 .Tuhfat al-Qawm /!” Muhimmat al-Ru’ya wa- al-Nawm. Cited in Nur
al-Da’im, al-Ku’usal-Muttarra’a.
20.›Unwdn al-jatwdhi [sha’n al-khalwah. Cited in Nur al-Da’im, al-Ku’us
al-Muttarra’a,
21.. Cited in Nur al-Da’im, al-Ku’us al-Muttarra’a al-Wasilah fi-
71
al-da’awatwa-al-adhkār, to this list, we may add the following:
Risdlat Asrar al-’Ibadat. Cited in Siyar al-Sdlikvn of al-Palimbani, Vol.

3,181.From O’Fahey’s list, it may be supposed that items nos. 1, 2 and 3,
owing to their titles, are identical. It seems also that the item no. 3 may
contain two different treatises. In Siyar al-Salikin (Vol. Ill, p 179), we find
seven titles of al-Sammān’s works which are included in O’Fahey’s list,
although it does conflate nos. 1 and 3from the latter in the title al-Futuhdt
al-Ilahiyah fi Wajhat al-Ruhiyah lil-Hadrah al-Muḥammadiyah. Muḥam-
mad Nafis al-Banjan mentions four of al-Sammān ‘s works which are in-
cluded in O’Fahey’s list, namely, nos. 3 (only the first part of the title of no.
3 in O’Fahey’s list).
Tawajjuhāt al-rūhiyya
We come now to the text of the Tawajjuhāt al-rūhiyya by Sammān, a brief

treatise of no more than seven folios comprising three chapters. The first,
and by far the most dense, tackles in detail the question of attachment (ta’al-
luq) to the Prophet. The author distinguishes two complementary forms of
attachment: the formal (sūrī), consisting of a full and complete conformity
with the prophetic model; and the subtle (ma’nawī) which comprises two
stages: on the one hand, the novice is invited to visualise the corporeal form
of the Prophet, while on the other, he must always keep in mind the Proph-
et’s unsurpassable perfection until he is able “to annihilate himself in the
Muḥammadan Light”. There is then a long explanation on the notion of the
Muḥammadan Reality. In the second chapter the author describes some of
his own visionary experiences, whilst in the third and final chapter he re-
turns to the theme of the sublime perfection of the Prophet as seen from the
side of his physical appearance, his actions and his words. As Radtke suc-
cinctly remarks, it is the concept of tarīqa Muḥammadiyya which is at the
heart of the work. Sammān is trying, in effect, to define the methods which
allow the murīd to attain to the close companionship (suḥba) of the Prophet,
72
in such a way that he can commune with him at any moment. Thus we are
presented here with a particularly detailed reflection, though somewhat unti-
dy, on the concept of the Muḥammadan Way. All in all, this is an innovative
text... except that Muḥammad Sammān is not the real author of it. Of the
three chapters of this treatise, only the second can be attributed to him, being
autobiographical and, incidentally, extremely brief.
Hoffman mentions at the end of her article that she had found no evidence
that Jīlī’s Qāb qawsayn had been distributed widely enough to establish
a link with the eighteenth-century master of African Ṣūfīsm. Muḥammad
Sammān’s treatise, without ever acknowledging it, reproduces the most sig-
nificant passages from the Qāb qawsayn that concentrate on the various
methods of attachment to the Prophet, demonstrating that this link exists. It
is important to clarify in this connection that Muḥammad Sammān was born
and lived in Medina. In his Jawāhir al-bihār Nabhānī states that, out of the
three manuscripts of the Qāb qawsayn in his possession, one came from the
library in Medina1.
Ṣalāt Al-Nuqta
One of the known Ṣalāt is Ṣalāt Al-Nuqta which is made by Al-Sammān .

It is said that anyone who reads this Ṣalāt will be incorporated in the path (
silk) of the prophet and he will not be harmed in the last day even if he were
in error; as God gives him faith at his death. It is worth mentioning here
that this Ṣalāt in its verbal structure resembles that of Ibn ‘Arabi’s Al-Ṣalāt
Al-Akbarriyya. This Ṣalāt is glorified by Al-Sammān , as reading it will lead
the disciple to enter the path of the Prophet Muḥammad even if he is an
error- maker2.
ُّ ‫ط ِة أ ْفالَ ِك َم َراقِي ال‬

، ‫ش ُهو ِد‬ َ ‫الو ُجو ِد َو َح ْي‬ َ ‫س ِيّ ِدنَا ُم َح َّم ٍد نُ ْق‬
ُ ِ‫ط ِة دَائِ َرة‬ َ ‫علَى‬ َ ‫اللَّ ُه َّم‬
َ ‫ص ِّل‬
1 “At the distance of two bows’ length or even closer” The figure of the Prophet in the work
of ‘Abdal Karīm Jīlī. A available at http://www.ibnarabisociety.org/articles/qab-qawsayn-1.
html#ftnref73
2 Amani, M, El-obeid. The Sammaniyya, doctrine & politics, 1997, p- 91.
73
’ Allāhumma salli ‘alā sayyidinā Muḥammadin nuqtati dā’irati ’alwujū-
di wa haytati ’aflāki marāqī ’ashshuhūd,
O, Allāh pray for sayyidinā Muḥammad the centre of the existance circle.
The orbits wall of up lifting (steps) ladder to the (divine) witness.
ُّ ‫ـاء َحيَــاةِ ْالعَالَـ ِـم الَّـذِي ِم ْنـهُ َم ْبـدَ ُؤهُ َوإِلَ ْيـ ِه َمقَـ‬
‫ ِميـ ِـم‬، ُ‫ـره‬ ِ ‫ َحـ‬، ٍ‫ـرهَا فِــي ُك ِّل ذَ َّرة‬ ُّ ‫ـاري ِسـ‬
ِ ‫سـ‬ ِ ‫ـف الـذَّا‬
َّ ‫ت ال‬ ِ ‫أ ِلـ‬
ِ ‫ َودَا ِل دَ ْي ُم‬، ‫ضا َهــى‬َ ُ‫ُم ْلـكِكَ الَّـذِي الَ ي‬
’alif ’adhdhāti ’assārī sirruhā fī kulli dharrah, hā’i hayāti ’al‘ālami ’al-
ladhī minhu mabda’uhu wa ’ilayhi maqarruhu, mīmi mulkika ’alladhī lā
yudāhā, wa dāli daymūmiyyatika ’allatī lā tatanāhā..
The (A) in ZĀT, (The selfsame) which inpenitrates its secret into each and
every atom. The (H) in Hayāt (The life) of the world which begins by Him
and ends to Him. The (M) of Mulkika (Your Dominion) of uniqueness (can
not be compared to any other dominion). The (D) of Daymūmiyyatika (Your
Eternality) endless and eternal existance that has no end or limit.
َ‫ـوركَ فَـ َكان‬

ِ ‫ـن نُـ‬ ِ ‫صـةً ِلت َ َج ِلّيَــا‬
ْ ‫ َوأب َْر ْزت َـهُ ِبــكَ ِمـ‬، َ‫ت ذَاتِــك‬ َّ َ‫ـرةِ ال ُحــبّ ِ فَـ َكانَ ِمن‬
َ ‫ضـ‬
ْ ‫ـن َح‬ ْ ‫ـن‬
ْ ‫أظ َه ْرت َـهُ ِمـ‬ ْ ‫َمـ‬
، َ‫صفَاتِــك‬ ِ ‫ـرةِ أ ْسـ َمائِكَ َو‬َ ‫ضـ‬ ْ ‫ـر فِــي َح‬ِ ‫ـرآة ً ِل َج َما ِلــكَ البَا ِهـ‬
ْ ‫ِمـ‬
man ’azhartahu min hadrati ’alhubbi fakāna minassatan litajalliyā-

ti dhātika, wa ’abraztahu bika min nūrika fakāna mir’ātan lijamālika
’albāhiri fī hadrati ’asmā’ika wa sifātik,
The one You appeared Him from the presence of love and You made Him
the platform of Your selfsame revealation. And You brought Him out by You
from Your light and made Him a mirror (react) of Your wonderful beautiful-
ness in the presence of Your Names and Attributes
ِ ‫علَــى َج ِميــعِ ْالعَ َوا ِلــم الَّـذِي ك ََّو ْنــتَ ِم ْنـهُ َج ِميـ َع الكَائِنَــا‬
‫ت فَـ ُك ٌّل ِم ْن َهــا‬ ُ ‫ق نُـ‬
َ ُ‫ـوره‬ ِ ‫ـم ِس ال َك َمــا ِل ال ُم ْشـ‬
ِ ‫ـر‬ ْ ‫شـ‬َ
. ‫بِـ ِه قَائِـ ٌم‬
shamsi ’alkamāli ’almushriqi nūruhu ‘alā jamī‘i ’al‘awālim ’alladhī
74
.kawwanta minhu jamī‘ ’alkā’ināti fakullun minhā bihi qā’im
The sun of perfection that shines by its light over the whole world. From
which (light) You made (create) all the beings. So every thing is stands (ex-
ists) by Him
‫ظـ ِـم‬ ِ ‫صت َـهُ بِــأ َ ْن َكانَ ِم ْفتَــا َح ِخزَ انَ ـ ِة ُح ِبّــكَ ْال َمحْ بُــو‬
َ ‫ب األ َ ْع‬ َّ ‫ َو َخ‬، َ‫ـاط قُ ْربِــك‬
ْ ‫ص‬ ِ ‫سـ‬َ ِ‫علَــى ب‬ َ ُ‫ـن أجْ لَ ْس ـتَه‬ ْ ‫َمـ‬
‫ـر ْال ُم ْكتَتَـ ِـم‬ َّ ‫ـر‬
ِ ‫الظا ِهـ‬ ّ ِ ‫سـ‬ّ ِ ‫َوال‬
man ’ajlastahu ‘alā bisāti qurbika, wa khassastahu bi’an kāna miftāha

khizānati hubbika ’almahbūbi ’al’a‘zami ’assirri ’azzāhir ’almuktatam
The One You sat Him on the mat of Your nearness and elect Him to be the
key for the safe of Your love. The Supreme Beloved One. The Open and
Discreeted (unfolded) Secret. (appendix)
Ràtib al-Sammān
Ràtib al-Sammān is a well - known mystical litany ( ràtib) composed

by the founder of the Sammāniyya mystical order, the Medinan scholar
Muḥammad al-Sammān (1718-1775). The booklet started by mentioning
that believers should follow the prophet in devotion and in good manners
(adāb) and that the etiquette of a mystical ritual was to behave humbly, not
to move widely and to use a modest voice1.
It should be added, however, that owing to M. al-Sammān’s idea of dhikr

tumultuous scenes were to be expected. Fact is that there is diversity of
opinion in the Khalwatiyya about the names of Allāh not transmitted by the
Shaykh to the pupil, ranging from the view that any name is allowed, as well
as any sound or noise, to the view that only dhikr of a clearly pronounced
« Allāh » is permissible. M. al-Sammàn held the former view, and from his
exposition in his Nafahat al-ilahiyya Abd al-Samad took the directions for
dhikr specified in the 2nd and 3d fasl of the 6th chapter of his Hidayat alsa-
1 Nico. J. G. Kaptein. Islam, Colonialism and the Modern Age in the Netherlands East
Indies. Abiography of Sayyid ‘Uthman (1822-1914). Brill, Leiden, Boston, 2014, p- 214.
75
likln (Cairo, 1924 : 85-93) <26)1.
The merits of dhikr, culminating in an enumeration of the 35 virtues which

render it superior to any other way of devotion, which is borrowed from
al-MarsafTs Manhaj al-sàlik ilà ashraf al-mashlik, « The Ṣūfī›s way to
the noblest of paths » (G.A.L., II : 332, S II :460). This is followed by a
discussion of the respective merits of voiced and inward dhikr, the former
most effective with beginners, who will get more profit from one hour of it
than from a month of inward dhikr, the latter being that of the ‘àrifîn, « the
knowers », whose minds are engrossed with the contemplation of Allāh and
His manifestations, because they have attained the maqam al-shuhûd, « the
station of witnessing ». The saying of M. al-Sammàn quoted in this connec-
tion runs as follows, Madàr al-’àrifîn al-fikr wa ‘l-jawalàn, « What matters
with the knowers is continuous
occupation with thinking of Him », rendered into Malay by perédaran

orang yang ‘arifitu menfikirkan akan Allāh dengan hati. The 20 directions
summed up in the second fasl do not apply to them; they bear on those com-
ing into the former category only.
Within this he further distinguishes between those who perform dhikr den-
gan ikhtiarnya and those who do not. The point is that only the 17 direc-
tions bearing on doings and behaviour (adāb dhikr) before and during the
exercise apply to those who do not, whereas all of them apply to those who
perform dhikr dengan ikhtiarnya, i.e., with the definite intent of awaiting
the outcome (warid), as they are looking forward to the enlightenment of
their hearts and an immediate change for the better of their inner self more
efficacious than might be achieved by their own efforts in thirty years. After
concluding their dhikr they proceed with carrying into effect the remaining
three prescripts: to keep their intent in mind; hold their breath, and not drink
1992. p79
76
water, because this would extinguish the inward glow resulting from their
dhikr and make their longing for Allāh evanesce. On the other hand, those
participating in the performance without ikhtiar should resignedly await
whatever the outcome of their dhikr (taslim bagi wàrid), but then it may
happen that Allāh Allāh passes their lips, or hu hu hu, or la la la,oraaa, or
ah ah ah, or ha ha ha, or hi hi hi, or some inarticulate sound, or that they fall
to violent agitation, being overwhelmed with dhikr.
Finally, in the third fasl, Abd al-Samad describes the usual technique
dhikr: how to make the words là ilàha ilia ‘llàh pervade the entire body
from below the navel to the heart via knees and shoulders, and what to
concentrate upon at the successive stages of this exercise, namely, 1°, Là
ma›bûda illà ‹llàh; 2°, Là mawjûda illâ ‘llàh; 3°, Là matlùba ilia ‘llah; 4°,
Huwa; ilia ‘llah, that is : « No worship but of Allāh ! No Being save Allāh;
No longing save for Allāh; He! Allāh only! », which is the usual gradation
in dhikr practice1.From the above summary it is apparent why dhikr in the
Sammâniyya way is apt to give rise to uproarious and disorderly scenes, the
more so if participation in the exercise is not confined to serious adepts and
votaries but is extended to outside people who are intent on making fun.
Then the borderline between religious exercise and public entertainment
is easily overstepped, and scenes such as described by Snouck Hurgronje
are the natural outcome. Of themselves the recited texts do not give rise to
undue commotion2.
The Hidàyat al-sàlikin is silent about the verses and chapters of the Qor’”
an and the invocations of Allāh, which are essential elements of the ràtib.
They were summarily enumerated by Van Ronkel (1913 : 216-’7), and

more explicitly by M. Chatib Quzwain (1985 : 27; 132). The recital opens
with 67 (al-Mulk, « The Kingdom »), the chief subject of which is Allāh’s
sura omnipotence. This is followed by the first sura (al-Fatiha, « The open-
1 Ibid, 80
2 Ibid, 80
77
ing one »), which is the Muslim short prayer par excellence, to be repeated
28 times, followed by the last verses (128-’9) of sura 9 (al-Tawba. « Repen-
tance »), which speak of Allāh and the Prophet. Then the exercise passes on
to invocations: YàLatif! (« Oh Gentle One »), to be repeated 129 times, fol-
lowed by the relevant verse sura 42 : 19, « Allāh is gentle with His servants,
providing for whomsoever He pleaseth; He is the Strong, the Sublime », to
be repeated 20 times. Then another invocation (in Arabic) referring to this
verse, three times, followed by Yà Hayy!Yà Qayyum! («Oh Living One! Oh
Eternal One!» Qor’àn 2:255;3:2), to be repeated 100 times. After this inter-
mezzo the recital of the Qor’àn goes on, turning to the short suras 93-114.
Ch. 93-111 are recited only once, 112 thrice, 113 and 114 once. After the last
named two, known as al-mu’awwidhatàni,« the two invocations against evil
», the recital of the Qor’àn winds up with verses 163, 255 and 284-’6 of sura
2, which proclaim Allāh’s unicity, followed by a prayer for forgiveness and
mercy. The recital is brought to a close by a summing up of Allāh’s most
beautiful names (al-asmà’ al-husnà), a poem in honour of the Prophet, and
prayers. In sum, the verses and chapters chosen for community recital main-
ly are such as proclaim Allāh’s unicity, His everlastingness, sovereignty
and omnipotence, but also His clemency and gentleness, to which mankind
may faithfully appeal. In the above mention is made of Snouck Hurgronje’s
description of the ràtib Sammàn in his classic work on the Acehnese. But
he has also written an equally brilliant but less known book on the Gayô
country, and this section cannot be concluded without reference to what he
has recorded there on the use of this ràtib among the Gayôs, who are the
neighbours of the Acehnese and have adopted a lot of things from these. The
ràtib Sammân is sometimes performed there on the occasion of the commu-
nal setting up of boulders on the graves of the deceased, which ceremony is
always performed for many all at once. The boulders are transported to the
graveyard in procession, and these operations are sometimes followed by
a ceremonial meal enlivened by a performance of the ràtib Sammàn or the
dabus entertainment. Furthermore, Snouck Hurgronje mentions the bersa-
78
man as practised at the time in Gayo Luôs. This is not a religious ceremony
at all; it is described as an amusing play rehearsed by young people in the
nights of the fasting-month and presented on the festal day at the end of the
month. Though still reminiscent of the pious recital initiated by the Medina
mystic by its name, it consisted of purely mundane pantun, catches, riddles
and allusions, sung to one another by two parties, in the Acehnese language1
1 Ibid, p- 81
79
80
Chapter Four
Al-Sammān’s Teachings
The development of the Sammāniyah ṭarīqah and al-Sammān’s influence

on popular religion will be touched on his mystical thoughts, teachings and
those on ritual and devotion. He is said to have been an adherent of the theory
of the unity of existence (wahdat al-vmjud), and it is probable that he pre-
ceded his student, al-Palimbani, in adopting the concept of the seven grades
of existence, an idea which remains popular in Southeast Asia to this day.
Al-Sammān ‘s concept of the light of Muḥammad is also explored. Accord-
ing to this notion, the Prophet is supposed to have had a pre-existence, his
own historical existence and also a post-existence. Al-Sammān’s metaphys-
ical doctrines need to be examined in this connection. The investigation will
also try to show al-Sammān ‘s relations to or reliance upon previous Ṣūfīs.
How did al-Sammān adopt their ideas? By al-Sammān ‘s reckoning, did this
happen through direct reading or direct spiritual contact with these authors,
or through indirect knowledge such as via reading previous Ṣūfī texts or via
his own Ṣūfī masters? This analysis will reveal the historical background of
al-Sammān’s thought and will examine the originality of his thinking Al-Sam-
mān ‘s thinking on ritual and devotion is no doubt very significant. In fact, he
is believed to have personally founded the Sammāniyah ṭarīqah. Al-Sammān
81
therefore had a distinctive doctrine of devotional and ritual practice. These
theories and practices merit our attention.
As a Ṣūfī who has combined between the Shari’a and the tarīqa, al-Sam-
mān spiritual experience has come forth with sort of teachings, views and
beliefs, crown all the mystic knowledge that he attained during his long
fruitful saintly life. In fact these come to reflect philosophical as well theo-
logical understanding to several concepts and ideas, latter debated by theo-
logians as well the enlightened people of ṭasawwuf. Among the most famous
teachings of al-Sammān are the following: NūrMuḥammad, is one secret of
all secrets of God. Nūr Muḥammad was the first to come before the other in-
tangible, while his form is the nature or essence of this natural form. More-
over Shaykh has views on Wahdat al-wujud, and insan kamil, the perfect
man. ‘al-Sammàn emphasized his ṭarìqa’s objective as being the attainment
of the ḥaqìqa Muḥammadiyya by means of attachment to the Prophet, to
be achieved through (1) following the Qur’ān and Sunna, with or without a
madhab, with a Shaykh or through shath; (2) following the Prophet through
“love, contemplation and gnosis”; (3) istiḥdàr (recall) of the vision and per-
son of the Prophet while continuously praying on the Prophet; and finally,
(4) istiḥdàr of the ḥaqìqa of the Prophet’1.
Sammān’s doctrine and teachings
One of the main principles of Al-Sammān doctrine is that he is the Seal

of Muḥammadan Willaya (saintship). Here Al-Sammān order resembles
the Khatmiyya and Tijaniyya which entails their superiority over other Ṣūfī
ṭarīqas. However, the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa did not in practice reject free move-
ment between Ṣūfī orders. This fact was utilized by Al-Bur’ai to address the
different Ṣūfī orders, as we shall see in the following sections. Al-Sammān’s
intellectual formation was influenced by Ibn ‘Arabi (d.638/1240). Al-Sam-
1 MARK SEDGWICK, SAINTS AND SONS THE MAKING AND REMAKING OF THE
RASH^DI A\MADI SUFI ORDER, 1799-2000, Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Nether-
lands, 2005, p: 57.
82
mān stated that: “My approach is that of Ibn ‘Arabi and my ṭarīqa is Qadiri”.
The influence of Ibn ‘Arabi on Al-Sammān could be attributed to the intel-
lectual sphere which prevailed in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century
Ṣūfī orders. Trimingham see in such orders a complex relationship to the mys-
tical and philosophical tradition of Ibn ‘Arabi. Moreover, Al-Sammān was a
product of the wave of Ṣūfī-‘Ulama compromise that prevailed in the eigh-
teenth century Hijaz. He was described as a revivalist teacher who was con-
temporary with Abd Allāh al-Mahjoub al-Mirghani (father of Muḥammad
‘Uthman, founder of the Khatmiyya ṭarīqa in the Sudan). They were consid-
ered as part of the wider revivalist intellectual group. Concerning Al-Sammān
teachings, the writer will concentrate on his celebrated RiṢalāt:Al-Nafahat
al-Ilahiyya fi Kayfiyyat Siluk Al ṭarīqa Al-Muḥammadiyya. This is because it
represents the backbone of Al-Sammān teachings, as it summarizes most of
the arguments of Al-Sammān and his instructions to the Sammāni disciples.
In this document, Al-Sammān made emphasis on repentance(tawba) and pu-
rification of the disciple from sins. Al-Sammān assigned three prerequisites
to repentance (tawba): (i) remembering the ugliness of the sin, (ii)remem-
bering the firmness of God’s punishment. (iii) remembering one’s weakness
before God. The common feature of the Ṣūfī doctrine is centered around the
following: After the initial confession of sin and repentance from all deeds
that would compromise the journey to God, the Ṣūfī’s major preoccupation
is with crushing one’s passions, fighting, as the Ṣūfīs say, against one’s own
soul. According to ḥadith, the Prophet said, “We have return from the lesser
jihad (warfare) to the greater jihad (i.e. self-discipline). This greater jihad is
the struggle to purify the soul of all forms of evil and negligence, for, in the
words of one modern Ṣūfī, “It is the soul that veils us from the vision of the
truth and incites us to acts of disobedience and attachment to lust and material
things. By such things be become heavy and cannot enter the world of spirit
to see the beauty and light of truth”. For Al-Sammān Jihad is the self-disci-
pline inside the path (tariq). Self-disciplines a core point in the Sammāniyya
doctrine. Al-Sammān denied the argument of fatalists who advocate that all
83
deeds of a person are pre-ordained by God. He argues that: “God ( Allāh)
makes his slaves fulfill their obligations. In order to do that Allāh gave them
part of his will and area of voluntary freedom through which they either fulfill
or not fulfill these obligations. This point of voluntary freedom was devel-
oped in the Sammāniyya doctrine into an individualist spirit. Al Bur’ai de-
veloped the concept of the self-discipline to be the core of his doctrine, as we
shall see in his poetry. Al-Sammān emphasized tarbiyya (instruction) rather
than karama, though he did not deny secret knowledge. It is found that unlike
Al-Sammān , Al-Bur’ai developed the concept of karama to be core concept
in his doctrine, being himself a karama maker or miracle doer. It is clear that
the formula of the spiritual contract between the disciple and his Shaikh does
not stress absolute submission of the disciple to the Shaikh; as committing er-
ror by the Shaikh will unite the spiritual contract. Here the Sammāniyya order
keeps a space for reason and freedom for the disciple. Al Sammān thinks that
there are pre-requisite for dhikr, such as repentance (al-twba), self-discipline
by spiritual exercise, isolation from people and lessening food and water.
When the disciple has no Shaikh to initiate him, Al-Sammān provided steps
for entering khalwa independently. Such steps are: ablution, praying and re-
citing al-Fatiha and some of the Qur’ān verses. These steps indicate a degree
of independence, the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa assigns to the disciple, as doing
such steps needs no Shaikh1.
Another element of independence and individualism of the disciple is the

concept of the Perfect Man, which glorifies the Prophet, is dominant in the
Sammāniyya order and represents the essence of the individualism in the
Sammāniyya ṭarīqa. Al-Sammān states that: If you pray on the Prophet
(PBUH), notice that He is praying and not you. Because all things were cre-
ated from His light. You should pray on Him until you are taken by Him. At
that level you became a Perfect Man that inherited the Muḥammad Reality.
Like many of the eighteenth and nineteenth century orders, the Sammāniyya
doctrine is centered on the concept of the Muḥammadan Reality. The Prophet
1 Amani, Moḥammad Obeid. The Sammaniyya branch of Shaykh Al-Burai – p-106-7
84
is the mediator between Allāh and human beings. The Prophet’s love is the
base of faith, the door of knowledge and secret of power. Out of the Prophet’s
light, the creatures have been created, and out of his generosity, (fayd), people
and trees live. By the Prophet’s love, the slave obtains his needs and dimin-
ishes in his Great light, reaching his ultimate goal. Thus it could be said the
ultimate goal of the Ṣūfī, is reaching the Prophet. Al-Sammān has a complete
manuscript on “Al Insan al Kamil” or the Perfect Man. The researcher thinks
that this importance of the concept of the Perfect Man in the Sammāniyya
ṭarīqa influenced the historical development of the ṭarīqa in the Sudan. This
concept of could be part of the definition of the Ṣūfī. The Ṣūfī is he who tra-
verses the path of love and devotion towards the Absolutely Real. He believes
that knowledge of the Real is accessible only to the Perfect Man and that the
imperfect man is blind to this knowledge by reason of his very imperfection.
The Ṣūfī considers ‘normal’ man in his imperfection to be suffering from an
illness which causes his perception and discernment to be constantly in error.
Thus, ordinary men distort their conception of Reality by their very imperfec-
tion and unconsciously go astray. According to Al-Sammān, the Prophet was
created from Light of Al Dhat alIlahiyya and sums its deeds, effects, influenc-
es and sequences. Moreover, Al-Sammān states: “That the Prophet’s status is
that between the Absolute Reality and the realities of the created beings. For
this reason, his status is above all creatures and under Allāh alone”.
According to El Obied, there are two basic concepts dominating Al-Sam-

mān ’s doctrine: the first one is the reality of the Prophet, which is reached by
following his Shari’a. The second one is the secret of the reality of the Proph-
et which is reached by crossing the Sea of Love. Anyone who follows the Pro-
phetic tradition esoterically and exoterically, will cross the Sea of Love to find
himself within in the Prophet’s majesty. Here one can find the influence of
Ibn ‘Arabi’s doctrine of the Perfect Man (Al-Insan al-Kamil) which is a form
of the Greek idea of Logos. Ibn ‘Arabi’s Logos represents the agent through
which Allāh can emerge from His absoluteness, His unknowableness into
manifestation. The Prophet thus becomes the agent of Allāh’s manifestation
85
in the world.
Muḥammad being the seal of the prophets is seen as the most complete of
these manifestations. This complete expression of Allāh through man is the
heart of the idea of the Perfect Man, a microcosmic being who unites the
Creator and created attributes of the Essence, is at once the image of Allāh
and the archetype of the universe. Having approaching the Prophet’s ideal as
the ultimate goal of the disciple,is a realization implicitly entails social equity
and respect of the human being regardless of race, sex or religion. The influ-
ence of Ibn ‘Arabi is very clear in the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa whose doctrine is
centered on the Muḥammadan reality. Tied to the idea of the Muḥammadan
Reality, for Ibn ‘Arabi is the concept of the perfect human being. The dif-
ference between the two figures of the perfect man and the Muḥammadan
Reality is often hard to distinguish since they perform the same intermediary
functions between God and creations. Another important point of the Sam-
māniyya doctrine is that Al-Sammān did not confine himself to only one
School of jurisprudence (Madhhab). He followed the teachings of the Prophet
that are found in Qur’ān and the Sunna. This is by fulfilling it through the
four Madhab (Shafi’, Maliki, Hanafi and Hanbali). He put more emphasis on
Ijtihad which indicates the independent and individualist nature of Sammān
is.For Al-Sammān the following of the ideal of the Prophet could not be
attained unless through a guide (Shaikh) or through attraction by God (Jazb
Ilahi.(Also it could be attained by recalling (Istihdar) the vision, feeling, pi-
ety, politeness, greatness and majesty of the Prophet’s personality. Thus, the
disciple who says prayers and blessings to Prophet Muḥammad, even in pre-
tence, continuously while recalling his vision will soon be very near to Him.
The levels of praying to the Prophet are: praying with the tongue, with the
heart, with the spirit (Ruh) and secretly.Those who bestow blessings on the
Prophet will gain Paradise, and those who bestow blessings on Him with
hearts, spirits and secret will gain a nearer place to Allāh. Shaikh Al Bur’ai
developed two major elements: 1) Self-discipline and 2) The importance of
86
praying on the Prophet to be the core of his doctrine.
In addition, a few remarks should be made about the contents of two

short tracts in cod. or Leiden 7330 (Van Ronkel, 1921: 288-’9), namely, ff.
19r-24r,dealing with wahdat al-wujud, and ff. 51v-58r., dealing with nur
Muḥammad .At the end of the former it says that it was taken from a book
on the subject by M. al-Sammân’s son ‘Abd al-Karim, but there is no such
indication concerning the latter, and in view of its content it is most unlikely
that this tract should have any connection with n° 1 of the above list of M.
al-Sammân’s writings (23). What is found here is a piece of phantasmagori-
cal cosmology of the kind also known from elsewhere, such as, for example,
the Suluk Daka (cod.or. Leiden 2017:15), and the speculations mentioned
by Kraemer (1921: 86-’8) as taught by Sunan Tandes, and a few years ago
referred to in Archipel. The tract on wahdat al-wujud is of a quite different
character. It opens with the admonition that the student oima’rifa should ob-
serve the following three duties:
1. Taslim, that is to say, absolute surrender to the master, which equally typ-
ifies man’s position towards Allāh;
2. Tawajjuh, i.e., permanent mindfulness of the master in whatever one does;
3. Rida, i.e., absolute acceptance of whatever the master orders or dispenses.
These three precepts are equally essential in man’s relation to Allāh. All
along one should follow the master in knowledge of self, for he who knows
himself knows his Lord. This knowledge of self is threefold: it concerns one’s
acts, attributes and essence, which altogether are null and void before those
of Allāh, beside whom nothing whatever has Being. Anyone not professing
this tawhld is an unbeliever. There is nothing specifically Sammàni in this, as
I believe1.
1992.p- 78
87
Al-Sammān’s intellectual formation and basic teachings
Al-Sammān ‘s intellectual formation was influences by Ibn ‘Arabi

(d.638/1240). He stated that: My approach is that of Ibn ‘Arabi and my
ṭarīqa is Qadiri.
This influence of Ibn ‘Arabi on Al-Sammān could be attributed to the

intellectual sphere which prevailed in the eighteenth and early nineteenth
century Ṣūfī orders. Trimingham sees in such orders a complex relationships
to the mystical and philosophical tradition of Ibn ‘Arabi. Moreover, Al-Sam-
mān was a product of the wave of Ṣūfī-Ulama compromise that prevailed in
the early nineteenth century Hijaz. He was described as a revivalist teacher
who was contemporary with Abd Allāh Al-Mahjoub Al-Mirghani (father of
Muḥammad ‘Uthman of the Khatmiyya ṭarīqa in the Sudan). They were
considered as part of the wider revivalist intellectual group1.
In Ṣūfī orders, the religious and spiritual status is acquired by the founding
father is very important. This because the founder is the one who authenti-
cates the origin of the ṭarīqa. More above, he is the one who formulates the
basics ritual and litanies of the ṭarīqa (Assas wa Awrad al- ṭarīqa). The first
Shaikh usually is regarded as the patron saint whose baraka will descend to
his successors2. The founder’s thought remains the ideological backbone of
the ṭarīqa in spite of the developments that could be added to those thoughts
by his disciples. However, the importance of the founder to the followers of
Ṣūfī turuq is not absolute, as it is governed by the local conditions and the
social realities in which the ṭarīqa functions. for example, the Qādiriyya
ṭarīqa in Baghdad was founded by Abdel-Qadir Al-Jailani (d.1166 A.D),
who emphazied that fighting in a Jihad against self-desires, is greater and
more important than military Jihad. In spite of the prevalence of this teach-
1 Amani Moḥammad El.Obeid. The Sammāniyya tariqa in the Sudan, unpublished M.Sc.
in political Science, University of Khartoum, faculty of Economic and Social Studies, 1997,
p. 86.
2 J.Spencer Trimingham. Islam in Sudan. OUP, London 1949, p-196.
88
ing of Al-Jailani in the Qādiriyya order in Iraq and when introduced in India,
Turkey, North Africa, and West Africa, the Qādiriyya order established local
orgnizations that had full autonomy. These local orgnizations had a nominal
relationships to the centre in Baghdad. This nature of the early stage of the
development of the Qādiriyya kept alive even when the ṭarīqa entered Su-
dan in 1577. Trimingham described it as cellular1.
In the nineteenth century, Ṣūfī orders developed a tendency towards inde-

pendence i.e a Ṣūfī- scholar disciple could add to the original doctrine of the
order or builds his own doctrine. This could lead to a new branch of the order
or a new independent order such as the Ismailiyya order in Western Sudan
which developed as a branch of the Khatmiyya order. In such cases the main
doctrine and rituals of the first founder of the ṭarīqa maintain their validity.
For this reason, to this day the rituals and doctrine developed by Muḥammad
b. Abd Al-Karim Al-Sammān ( founder of the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa) have
their importance for the Sammāniyya order2.
Ṭarīqa al-Muḥammadiyya
The nomenclature Muḥammadi is not associated with al-Sammān’s ṭarīqa

but is found in the titles of two of his books, Mukhtasaral- ṭarīqa al-Muḥam-
madiyya and his Al-min˙a al-Muḥammadi, listed in R. S. O’Fahey, The Writ-
ings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 (Leiden: Brill, 1994), p. 93. Both
forms of emphasis on the Prophet are also found. Al-Sammān emphasized
his ṭarīqa’s objective as being the attainment of the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya
by means of attachment to the Prophet, to be achieved through (1) following
the Qur’ān and Sunna, with or without a madhhab, with a Shaykh or through
shath; (2) following the Prophet through “love, contemplation and gnosis”;
(3) istihdar (recall) of the
p. 73.
2 Ibid, 73-74
89
vision and person of the Prophet while continuously praying on the Prophet;
and finally, (4) istihdar of the ˙ḥaqìqa of the Prophet. Amani M.El-Obeid,
‘The Doctrine of the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa and Nineteenth-Century Suda-
nese Politics,’ unpublished paper delivered at a conference on Ṣūfīsm Stud-
ies in Sudan, Khartoum, 28–31 October 1995. Radtke, however, reports that
al-Sammān saw taqlid to a madhhab as “self-evident truth”(‘ Ṣūfīsm,’ p.
328), but this is hardly compatible with placing the Qur’ān and Sunna before
the madhhabs, and permitting their following without a madhhab. More re-
search, however, is needed in this area, as in others1.
Al-Sammān ’s view on the Pre-existence of Muḥammad
Al-Sammān dedicated a rather short treatise to the subject of the metaphys-

ical existence of Muḥammad, entitled al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyah lil-Tawajjuhat
al-Ruhiyah. Unlike his main work, al-Nafahat al-Ilahiyah, this treatise nei-
ther refers to any Ṣūfī sources, such as Ibn Arabis Fusus al-Hikam or Fu-
tuhat al-Makkiyah, or al-Jili’s al-Insanal-Kamil, nor mentions any spiritual
masters. It seems that al-Sammān was inspired by a work by his predecessor
Burhanpuri, Tuhfah al-Mursalah ila Ruh al-Nabi, which is dedicated to the
Prophet. Al-Sammān ‘s Futuhat al-Ilahiyah lil-Tawajjuhat al-Ruhiyah seems
to be devoted to the Prophet too, although, unlike the Tuhfat al-Mursalah
which is more oriented to the topic of the Divine existence, al-Sammān ‘s
work seems to focus more on the cult of the Prophet, as can be seen from the
second part of its title, al-Tawajjuhdt Ruhiyah, rather than on the metaphys-
ical logos of Muḥammad itself. Hence, for al-Sammān , the practical role of
Muḥammad as logos is very important, and indeed may have influenced Ṣūfīs
for whom meeting the Prophet in one’s physical body and in a conscious state
was a fundamental doctrine, especially the Sanusiyah, the Tijaniyya, the Id-
risyyah and others. Al-Sammān ‘s views on the logos of Muḥammad can be
also seen in his Nafahat al-Ilahiyah; however, since his concern in this work
1 Mark J. Sedgwick. Sons saints and Sons: The Making and Remaking of the Rashidi
Ahmadi. Brill, 2005, p-57
90
is mostly with the Sammāniyah-Khalwatiyah ṭarīqah, he does not discuss the
theory to any extent1.
The Prophet as light
It is in fact a tradition among Ṣūfīs who believe in this theory to send

their salutations to the Prophet in a language that reflects their belief in the
reality of Muḥammad. This is already reflected in al-Nafahat al-llahiyah,
where al-Sammān’s salutation is composed in a language that indicates his
conviction. He employs several terms denoting the function of the logos of
Muḥammad as the locus of existence. In the introduction to al-Nafahat al-lla-
hiyah, for example, he bestows numerous titles upon the Prophet; “ peace be
upon the servant of the essence, the messenger of the Divine Name and Attri-
butes, the first father, the real, the core essence (a’yan al-a’yan), and the Nafs
al-Rahman (Breath of the Merciful), whom God makes into light.” Elsewhere
in the same work, al-Sammān expresses the same idea: “the appearance of
the real existence of God among human beings (mazhar’ayn wujud Allāh
fial-adamiyin) is His luminous existence (dhatuhu nuraniyah). It appears that
al-Sammān was aware of earlier Ṣūfīs who wrote on the pre-existence of
Muḥammad2.
Al-Sammān maintains that the luminous light of God is only granted to

the Prophet Muḥammad; that is why only Muḥammad deserves to be given
the title “light,” a title that God never bestowed on other prophets. Even if
the thousands of prophets and saints manifest themselves in various realities
so that one of them becomes the real light, the title of light can nevertheless
only be given to Muḥammad and all the attributes (of light) only given to
him. Muḥammad Nafis al-Banjari clarifies the reason behind why God gave
the title (nur) to Muḥammad, despite the fact that it is a name of His essence:
this is because the Prophet is nothing other than Him (God). The existential
thesis, McGill University. Montreal. Canada, 2007, p-99
2 Ibid. 100
91
relationship between the Prophet and God is analogized with the relationship
between the sunshine and the sun. The sunshine shows the existence of the
sun, but it is not the sun itself. The absence of the sunshine shows that the sun
does not exist. Thus, the sunshine itself is not the sun, but not something else1.
In the awrad of the Sammaniyya mainly the litany of happiness of Shaykh

Ahmad al-Tayyib the murids in the morning and evening wird they enchant:
Muhammad is a human being, but not like humankind;

He is a ruby, while people are as stones.
Al-Sammān’s comment on Moḥammad and Aḥmad name
In his al-Futuhat al-llahiyah, al-Sammān never employs the term nur
Muḥammad; on the contrary, the term is more popular with ‘Ayn al-Qudah
al-Hamadhani who often introduces it into his Tamhidat. Al-Jili offers a
better comparison in his oilman al-Kamil and only mentions the term nur
Muḥammad once. But, unlike ‘Ayn al-Qudah, al-Jili’s addresses several
complicated issues such as the first intellect, the universal spirit, and also
specific descriptions such as the Muḥammadan form in which Adam was
shaped, the Muḥammadan spirit, and the Muḥammadan thought (by which
God created the angel of the heaven and earth). Al-Sammān in fact makes
only two designations that relate to the concept of light; namely,nuruhu and
the Aḥmadian light (al-nur al-Aḥmadi). It is clear in the first designation that
he is not explicitly mentioning Muḥammad, but simply using the possessive
pronoun of the third person—the hu in nuruhu—to allude to him;whereas,
in the second designation he mentions another Qur’anic name of Muḥam-
mad’s, namely, Aḥmad (al-nur al-Aḥmadi). Thus, it is clear that he never
connects the term light with the name Muḥammad; although he does use the
word ḥaqìqah in connection with Muḥammadiyah. This is not a coincidence
in my opinion, but rather fits in with al-Sammān’s belief in the everlasting
name of the Prophet, namely, Aḥmad. The name Muḥammad interestingly is
considered by some Ṣūfīs as the pre-historic name of the Prophet, whereas
Aḥmad is the name he bears now and will bear for all eternity. Muḥammad
Nafis al-Banjari tells us that al-Sammān believed that the name Aḥmad is an
element of the Prophet understood insofar as he inheres in everything in this
world and universe, just as water is absorbed into plants and trees. The letter
alif means to penetrate or to be absorbed so that the secret of God’s essence
1 Ibid , 101
92
runs through every atom, while the letter ḥa means to live (ḥayya) which
means that the lives of everything in the world derive from him (Muḥam-
mad). Such an explanation seems very similar to that of Aḥmad Sirhindi
(1563-1624). He maintains that after the Prophet’s death, his human individ-
uation disappeared. Its symbol, the first mim, disappeared along with it and
was replaced by an alif standing for divinity. Muḥammad came in this way
to be Aḥmad. He was transformed into a purely spiritual being.
In his Ṣalāt upon the prophet which known as ‘al-Nuqta’ al-Sammān says:
“

َ ‫ص ِّل‬
O, Allāh pray for sayyidinā Muḥammad the centre of the existence circle.
ُّ ‫ـاء َحيَــا ِة ْالعَالَـ ِـم الَّـذِي ِم ْن ـهُ َم ْب ـدَ ُؤهُ َو ِإلَ ْي ـ ِه َمقَـ‬
‫ ِميـ ِـم‬، ُ‫ـره‬ ِ ‫ َحـ‬، ٍ‫ـرهَا ِفــي ُك ِّل ذَ َّرة‬ ُّ ‫ـاري ِسـ‬
ِ ‫سـ‬ ِ ‫ـف ال ـذَّا‬
ِ ‫ َودَا ِل دَ ْي ُم‬، ‫ضا َهــى‬َ ُ‫ُم ْل ـكِكَ الَّ ـذِي الَ ي‬
and ends to Him. The (M) of Mulkika (Your Dominion) of uniqueness (can-
Eternality) endless and eternal existence that has no end or limit1.
The name Aḥmad is actually found in the Qur’an (61:6), although it is also
possible that Aḥmad Sirhindi was inspired by ‘Ayn al-Qudah al-Hamadhani.
In his Tamhidat, ‘Ayn al-Qudah relates the saying of the Prophet that affirms
“my name on the earth is Muḥammad, while my heavenly name is Aḥ-
mad.”The death of the prophet, according to ‘Ayn al-Qudah, must be seen as
ending his historical appearance as Muḥammad. To support this idea, ‘Ayn
al-Qudah cites the verse of the Qur’an that states that Muḥammad is only a
messenger of God like the previous messengers of God, and he will die like
1 http://ar.scribd.com/doc/101770416/Grand-Shaykh -Ḥasan-Qarīb Allāh-The-Blessed-Lit-

anies-of-Sammānia-V-Yuecel
93
all the others (Q:3:144). The heavenly name of the Prophet, Aḥmad, is also
discussed by the great Ash’an theologian Fakhr al-Din al-Razi.Al-Razi cites
precisely the same hadlth as the one mentioned by ‘Ayn al-Qudah above
which states, “I am Aḥmad in Heaven, but Muhamamd on the Earth.” But
al-Razi explains this in another way: the Prophet is called Aḥmad because
he is the only man who praised God to an appropriate extent. Al-Razi men-
tions other names of the Prophet, namely, al-Hamd (praising), al-Hamid (he
who is praising), and al-Mahmud (he who is praised). Al-Sammān seems to
have adopted this idea, but probably took it from ‘Abd al-Ghaniai-Nabulusi
who may in turn have been inspired by Aḥmad Sirhindi1.
The reality of Muḥammad Al-Sammān employs several other terms to

identify the metaphysical existence of the Prophet: the reality of realities
(ḥaqìqat al-haqa’iq), the universal spirit {al-ruh al-kulli), the Muḥammad-
an reality (al-ḥaqìqah al-Muḥammadiyah), etc.
The perfect man
Moreover, the concept of the perfect man which dominant in the Sam-
māniyya ṭarīqa is the essence of acquiring individualism:
If you pray on the prophet ( PBUH), notice that he is praying

and not you. Because all things were created from His light. You
should pray on Him until you are taken by Him. At that level
you became Perfect Man that inherited the Muḥammadan Real-
ity2.
Like many of the eighteenth and nineteenth century orders, the Sammāni-
yya doctrine is centred round the concept of the Muḥammadan Reality. The
prophet is the mediator between Allāh and human beings; the prophet’s
love is the base of faith, the door of knowledge and the secret of power. Out
of the prophet’s light, the creatures have been created; and out of his gener-
1 Ibid, 103
2 Amani Muḥammad. The Sammaniyya doctrine and politics 1997. p- 90
94
osity, fayd, peoples and trees live. By the prophet’s love, the slave obtains
his needs and diminishes in his Great light, reaching his ultimate goal. Thus
it could be said the ultimate goal of the Ṣūfī, is reaching the prophet. The
prophet is conceived as a light (Nūr) that descends from the Hadra Wahidi-
yya to the Hadra Ahadiyya. His light is the origin of all lights acquired by
the prophets or Awliyya1.
There are two basic concepts dominating al-Sammāni’s doctrine: The first
one is the reality of the prophet which is reached by following his Shari’a
. The second one is the secret of the reality of the prophet which is reached
by crossing the sea of love. Anyone who follows the prophetic tradition
esoterically and exoterically will cross the sea of love to find himself within
the prophet’s majesty. Here one can find the influence of Ibn Arabi’s doc-
trine of the perfect man (Al-Insan Al-kamil) which is form of the Greek idea
of Logos. Ibn Arabi’s Logos represents the agent through which Allāh can
emerge from His absoluteness, His unknowableness into manifestations.
The prophet thus becomes the agent of Allāh’s manifestation in the world.
Muḥammad being the seal of the prophets is seen as the most complete of
these manifestations. This complete expression of Allāh through man is the
heart of the idea of the perfect man, a microcosmic being who unites the
Creator and created attributes of the Essence, is at once the image of Allāh
and archetype of the universe. Having approaching the prophet’s ideal as
the ultimate goal of the disciple, is a realization of the personality of the
prophet. This realization implicitly entails social quality and respect of the
human being regardless of race, sex or religion. This is shown in Ibn Arabi’s
statement:
My heart is capable of every form, a cloister
for the Monk, a fane for the idols, a pasture
1 Amani Moḥammad El.Obeid. The Sammāniyya tariqa in the Sudan, unpublished M.Sc. in
political Science, University of Khartoum, faculty of Economic and Social Studies, 1997, p.
92.
95
for gazelles, the pilgrims’ Ka’aba, the Tables
of Torah, the Qur’ān. Love is the faith I had:
wherever turn His camels still the one true faith is mine.
The perfect man is closely related to the concepts which Ibn Arabi devel-
oped of the “Light of Muḥammad” (Al-Nūr Muḥammadi) of the Reality of
Muḥammad (Al-ḥaqìqa al- Muḥammadiyya). Ibn Arabi says that this idea
is:
The creative animating and rational principles of the universe, the first
Intellect, he is the reality of realities whose manifestations is in the perfect
man. Every prophet is a logos whose individual Logi are united in the idea
of Muḥammad. The Perfect is he in whom all the attributes of macrocosm
are reflected. The reality of Muḥammad is the creative principle of universe
and the perfect man its cause1.
According to al-Sammāni, being attached to the prophet’s majesty is di-
vided into two types:
1) Visual attachment.
2) Spiritual attachment.
The visual attachment itself is divided into two parts: 1) Following the
teachings of the prophet that are found in Qur’ān and the Sunna. This is by
fulfilling it through the four Madhahib (Shafi, Maliki, Hanafi and Hanbali).
Al-Sammān did not confine himself to only one Madhab. He put more em-
phasis on ijtihad. For him following of the ideal of the prophet could not be
attained unless through guide (Shaikh) or through attraction by God (Jazhb
IIahi).
ii) Following the prophet through love and contemplation or artistic tem-
perament. The spiritual attachment is divided into two parts:
1 Ibid:94
96
a) Recall (Istiḥdar) of the prophet’s vision and feeling piety, politeness,
greatness and majesty of the of the prophet’s personality.
b) Recall (Istaḥdar) and of his complete and fine reality. According to

al-Sammān the prophet was created from the light of al-Dhat al-Ilahiyya
and sums its deeds, effects, influence and sequences. Moreover, al-Sammān
states: “that the prophet’s status is that between the Absolute Reality and the
realities of the created beings. For this reason, his status is above all crea-
tures and under Allāh alone”1.
According to al-Sammān, the Muḥammadan Reality can be realized via

three levels, which are i) The physical level; ii) The spiritual level; the con-
ceptual (al-Ma’na) level. In every new and higher level, the apparition is a
more complete one and fine. Prophet Muḥammad’s appearance differs from
one level to the other. His appearance on earth differs from his appearance
in heaven, and his appearance in heaven differs from his appearance on the
Right side of the Throne and the latter differs from his appearance before
Allāh where the concept of place and form have no existence. One aspect
of the Muḥammadan reality is that his light apparition is turned into space
and this is his highest status before Allāh. Al-Sammān’s doctrine of al-Nūr
al- Muḥammadi is very clear in hisṢalat al-Minḥa al- Muḥammadiyya fi
Al.Ṣalāt ‘Ala Khair al-Bariyya.
Abd al-Mahmoud Nūr al-Da’im (d-1915) in his explanation of Sammāni’s
doctrine concerning the Muḥammadan Reality, stated :
His light is like the sun. However, the

sun’s light spreads only over parts of the
earth, but his light spreads over all the
world at the same time.
He explained further that the prophet’s light is like a mirror that reflects
light all over the world. His Dhat, (Essence) is reflected in it. Therefore what
1 Ibid: 97.
97
is seen by various people at different places is the image of His Dhat. Those
who are preferred by Allāh see his Dhat directly. The prophet’s image ap-
pears in two hundreds and forty-eight thousands forms.
For al-Sammān, the disciple who says prayers and blessings to Prophet
Muḥammad, even in presence, continuously while recalling his vision will
soon be very near to him. The levels of praying to the prophet are: praying
with tongue, with heart, with the spirit (Ruh) and secretly. Those who be-
stows blessings on the prophet will gain paradise, and those who bestows on
Him with hearts, spirits and secret will gain a nearer to Allāh.
Therefore the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa from the outset has a dualism of ortho-
doxy and Ṣūfīs m. This dualistic nature in the local Sudanese society shaped
the development of the Sammāniyya ṭarīqa in Sudan1.
Al-Sammān says:” The Muḥammadan reality has an appearance that suits

(it) in each world. Nay his appearance (pbuh) in the physical world is like his
appearance in the spirit’s world. Nay his appearance in the world of spirits
like his appearance in the world of subtle (ma’na). For the world of ma’na
is gentle and wide. Nay his appearance on Earth, like his appearance in the
Heaven. Nay his appearance in the Heaven like his appearance on the right
side of the Throne. Nay his appearance on the right of the Throne, like his
appearance on the Presence of Allāh, for there is no WHERE nor HOW. The
more the status is so high his appearance be PERFECT and COMPLETE of
the previous one. And for each appearance is its majesty and reverence that
the place tends to accept (This hiba and the majesty increase whenever the
status increases in highest of its previous one) till it ends to a place where is
no one tolerates nor affords of the prophets, angels, and awaliyya. And this
is the meaning of his saying (pbuh)2 : “ I have a time with my Lord that no a
sent messanger nor a close angel that suffices me”
1 Ibid: 98.
2 Ahmed al-Tayib al-Bashir.Kitab al-Hikam al’Musa;ma al-Nafas al-Rahmani fi all’tur
al-ensani. Cairo, 3006, p- 38-39.
98
‫وال نبي مرسل لي وقت مع ربي ال يسعني فيه ملك مقرب‬
Here, it appears again that he employed the terms given by Ibn ‘Arabi.
Al-Sammān does not clarify what he means by the above terms, namely,
whether they are synonymous, identical or different. It is wrong, however, to
assume that al-Sammān did not know or was confused about the theory of
the logos of Muḥammad. As I mentioned earlier, his treatise is more focused
on the ritual approach to Muḥammad rather than on giving a detailed anal-
ysis of the metaphysical theory of his logos. It is however possible for us to
investigate his own ideas on the subject through the works of his disciple
‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbanl. Al-Palimbam explains in his writings the dif-
ference between the reality of Muḥammad and nur Muḥammad, noting that
the former is like God’ s universal knowledge about his essence, attributes
and all existence; whereas, the light of Muḥammad is the source of all the
spirit dwelling in man and other creatures1.
Al-Sammān emphasizes that the reality of Muḥammad (al-ḥaqìqah

al-Muḥammadiyah) proceeds from the level of ahadiyah to that of wahidiyah.
As we have already discussed above, at the level of ahadiyah, God is hid-
den, which means that He is absolutely transcendent since his divine names
and attributes are still hidden. At the second level of wahdah, God manifests
himself in his divine names and attributes, but this manifestation is still in a
universal or global way; it only becomes particular at the level of wahidiyah.
From the above, we can see that it is not clear at which level the reality of
Muḥammad starts to appear. Al-Sammān does not comment explicitly on this
issue, but only says that this reality comes into existence at some point be-
tween ahadiyah and wahidiyah. He may be suggesting that this already exist-
ed in potentiality at the level of ahadiyah and then only appears in wahdah as
the Universal Spirit, and then multiplies at the level of wahidiyah. Again,we
may refer to al-Palimbani, who explains clearly that the reality of Muḥammad
appears at the stage of wahdah, namely, the second of the seven stages of ex-
1 Ibid, 104
99
istence;whereas, the light of Muḥammad is the realm of spirit. It is plausible
that al-Palimbani took this interpretation from al-Sammān , but not certain,
since a Malay treatise dealing with this theory also expresses views com-
patible with those of al-Palimbani. Wahdah is known as the grade of reality
that is Muḥammad. Ahadiyah is the stage of the reality of man and the fixed
prototypes. These fixed essences are the ideal prototypes of the four exterior
worlds. Al-Palimbani once again explains the difference between the reality
of Muḥammad and nur Muḥammad. The reality of Muḥammad, according
to him, is like God’s universal knowledge about his essence, attributes and
all existences which lie at the second stage of the martabat tujuh (the seven
grades of existence), namely, wahdah; whereas, the light of Muḥammad is
the source of all spirit in man and other creatures and lies at the fourth stage
of this scheme (‘alam al-arwah)1
Shaikh Sammān said Nur Muḥammad is one of the secrets of the all mys-
tery of God and gave the station. Nur Muḥammad was the first time before
the others come into shape, while its form is the essence nature or essence of
this form. Nur Muḥammad is the base of the formation of the universe, and
indeed of all creatures his form generation happen.2
The barzakh
Al-Sammān also comments that the creation of the logos of Muḥammad

did play an important role in creation. The Prophet in fact is the mediator of
creation, as is explained in the following quotation:
The Prophet is the mediator between God and his servants. For that reason,
the Prophet says: I come from God, and the believers come from me. All
the other prophets and messengers of God had already witnessed the Proph-
et (Muḥammad) because their perfection in reality belongs to him (Muḥam-
mad). Compared to their nobility, they knew that the Prophet is much higher
1 Ibid, 106
2 https://bayualhafs44.wordpress.com/201207/05//the-sufi-orders-part-two/
100
than they are . . . . He is the leader of all the prophets and the saints, both
materially and spiritually Know!
When the Prophet descends from the presence of the One (al-hadrah
al-ahadiyah) to the presence of the Oneness (the presence of wahdah), he
manifests in various realities like the appearance of the name into the being
named or like attributes being attributed. The true meaning of these sentenc-
es is very deep so that nobody knew this but him (Muḥammad) . . . if for
instance, one thousand prophets or saints manifest luminous realities until
every one of them becomes the real light, then he has in addition the title
“light;” unfortunately the title “light” only can be addressed to him, while all
the attributes (of light) are only given to him. That is why God gives him the
title “light” which He gives to nobody else.
Al-Sammān emphasizes that Muḥammad continues to be supremely im-

portant because he is al-barzakh (the mediator) between God and His crea-
tures. The Akbarian term for this is al-barzakh al-a’la (the highest mediator).
According to Ibn’Arabi, al-barzakh al-a’la is the mediator between absolute
existence (al-wiy’ud almutlaq)and absolute non-existence (al-’adorn al-mut-
laq). The barzakh al-a’la has two dimensions, one dimension relating to ex-
istence and the other to non-existence. Thus, al-barzakh al-a’la becomes ab-
solute possibility (al-imkan al-mutlaq)1.
Here, we can see that al-Sammān may have been inspired by al-Jili and
Ibn ‘Arabi. According to al-Jili, the Muḥammadian spirit is like the atom (al-
jawhar alfard). Al-Jili gives different titles to the pre-existence of Muḥam-
mad, which are apparently rational ones. With respect to its created being,
it is called the highest pen and with regard to its absolute created being, it is
called the first intellect, while, with respect to its relation to the perfect man,
it is called the Muḥammadan spirit.
Al-Sammān too equates the reality of Muḥammad with the atom,” and
1 Ibid,107
101
like al-Jli, also calls it al-ruh al-kauli; whereas Ibn ‘Arabi called it by both
the terms: al-nafs alkullTand al-ruh al-kulll It seems that al-ruh al-kulli and
al-nafs al-kulli are synonymous in this tradition. It is called al-ruh al-kulli
(universal spirit) due to its function as the father of all other spirits. Our spirit
comes from the spirit of Muḥammad. He is the father of the spirit and Adam
is the father of our bodies. Al-Sammān maintains that the reality of Muḥam-
mad manifests itself according the object in which it inheres. For instance, its
manifestation in the sky is different from how it is manifested on the earth. Its
manifestation in animate beings is different from how it appears in inanimate
ones. Its manifestation in the ‘alam al-mithal is different from how it presents
itself in the ‘alam al-arwah. Its manifestation in the Throne is different from
how it manifests itself in the Chair, and so on. This shows us that the light
of Muḥammad is a flexible entity that can manifest itself in every nature.
And, the nature of everything is also prepared to receive this manifestation.
Al-Sammān explains more clearly Know! That the Prophet is the universal
spirit which penetrates in every single old or instantaneous existence . . . . The
Prophet is emanated from the light of the divine Essence encompassing all
divine attributes, all divine actions, all divine effects, all divine names1.
In addition to being the essence of all created things, the Prophet is the reali-
ty of the realities. For this reason, the Prophet is also described as functioning
in the role of the harzakh (intermediary) between the true reality (al-ḥaqìqah.
alhaqqiyah) and the created reality (al-ḥaqìqah al-khalqiyah). This means
that he is the mediator between God and His creatures. On the occasions of
the Prophet’s ascensions, the isra” and mi’raj, the Prophet’s lofty position of
was demonstrated by his position above the Throne (al-’Arsh). This indicates,
says al-Sammān, that the Prophet has the highest rank before God. Again,
al-Sammān’s statements on this matter are instructive:
You have known that the throne (al-’Arsh) is the utmost of (the highest of)
creatures, if the Prophet’s position is above the Throne, this means that the
1 Ibid, 108
102
entirety of all creatures (including the Throne) are under him. That is why the
Prophet is the harzakh (the intermediary) in the sense that he exists directly
from God (al-Haqq).And all creatures do exist from him (the Prophet). For
this reason, the Prophet says, “I come from God and the believers comes from
me.” If you really understand what I say, the Muḥammadan Perfection will be
very easy for you.
The above statement above was not new to Ṣūfīs circles, since Ibn al-’Arabi
and al-Jili had already explored this idea. Al-Sammān ‘s contribution how-
ever can be better understood if we quote the explanation of his best student,
Siddiq ibn ‘Umar Khan:
Know my dearest brother who wants to understand the origin of existence

in its realization, that when God wanted to manifest Himself into existence,
encompassing His divine Names and Attributes, He created the light of the
Prophet from the light of his Essence, gave him a seat in the proximity of
the First Presence, and appointed him to be responsible in the duty of the
universal message. The light of Muḥammad remained in that place for its
eternal servitude. He was (the light of) Glorified God when there was not yet
the earth, the sky, clouds and warmth. Then, from that light, God created the
prophets. He had created the angels two thousand years before Almighty God
created Adam. When these angels heard Adam’s praise from God, they shook
their wings, glorifying God, while others prostrated themselves forever1.
The Pre-historical Manifestation of Muḥammad in Adam
Al-Sammān too held the opinion that Muḥammad had already been the
Prophet before the existence of Adam, even before the existence of water and
earth. This idea seems to be consistent with his interpretation of the angels’
prostration to Adam, an event described in the Qur’an. For al-Sammān how-
ever, this prostration was not addressed to Adam, but rather to Muḥammad
during his pre-historic existence. This interpretation is strange however, since;
1 Ibid 109
103
according to Muslim tradition, the angels’ prostration to Adam is seen from
a variety of different perspectives. The question of why the angels should
prostrate to Adam—when Adam himself was merely a human, undeserving
of such courtesy—is discussed at length by Muslim scholars. According to
the orthodox tradition, spelled out by al-Tabari (d. 923), Fakhr al-Din al-Razi,
Ibn Kathir (d. 1373), Ibn al-Jawzi (d.120l) and others, however, the fact that
the angels prostrated to Adam was not in order to worship him (ta’abbud), as
people do in praying, but rather out of respect for him (). Therefore, Adam
is still seen as the real Adam or as simply takrima man. The heterodox inter-
pretation of al-Hallaj, however, insists that Adam did not deserve such high
respect. Therefore, the angels who prostrated to Adam are in the wrong and
guilty of polytheism. On the contrary, Iblis and his confederates who refused
to do so, are considered true believers (ahl al-tawhxd) since they refused to
worship or respect anyone other than God. Al-Hallaj’s interpretation seems
to have inspired al-Jili s view that, although he was condemned, Iblis’s argu-
ment that the element of fire in him outranked the earthly element in Adam
was a good and rational one. Iblis did not to prostrate himself before Adam
because God had already instructed him only to do so before Him. Iblis failed
to understand that to obey God’s command is a form of obedience too; this is
why Iblis will remain close to God on the Day of Judgment. Al-Jili, howev-
er, does not go as far as al-Hallaj who praised Iblis for his uncompromising
monotheism. In contrast, there is another interpretation which is considered
just as blasphemous by the orthodox who admitted the angels’ prostration to
Adam only as a symbol of respect. This alternate interpretation insists that the
reason why God asked the angels to prostrate to Adam is because the Divine
Attributes manifested themselves in Adam. Thus, their prostration to Adam is
also addressed to God Himself, an idea which was adopted by Ibn Furak (d.
1015) and condemned by Ibn Hazm as blasphemous. Therefore, their prostra-
tion can be considered as a sort of worship. It is possible that this interpreta-
tion is derived from Jewish and Christian apocryphal sources. Al-Sammān ‘s
interpretation, on the other hand, is completely different from the foregoing.
104
Adam, in his view, does not deserve the prostration of the angels as long as
he is pure Adam, or Adam as he is. The truth is, however, that the angels›pros-
tration was not given to Adam, but rather to Adam seen as the manifestation
of Muḥammad. Al-Sammān further emphasizes that all the Arabic letters in
the name of Muḥammad are manifested in Adam’s body. He explains this as
follows:
The prostration of the angels to Adam is a symbol of the respect shown by

the lower to the higher in status because the name of the Prophet is manifested
in Adam. The head of Adam is the mim of Muḥammad. His two hands are the
ḥa. And his heart is the mim. His legs are the dal1.
It must be noted that his description of the name Muḥammad manifested in

the body of Adam was already explained by earlier Ṣūfīs such as al-Ghazali,
who, however, had doubts as to its esoteric significance. It is quite possible
that al-Sammān might know this from al-Ghazali.
It seems that certain other early Ṣūfīs were the ones who inspired al-Sam-
mān .Al-Makki in his Qat al-Qulub, shows that there is reason to support
al-Sammān’s position, in view of al-Tustaris statement that God created
Muḥammad for His own sake, and Adam for the sake of Muḥammad. In his
Tafsir, al-Tustari explains that God created the name of the Prophet Muḥam-
mad and that of Adam from the letters that constitute His own great name:
namely alif, lam and ha ( Allāh). Al-Tustari student al-Hallaj reiterated his
teacher’s position that the form of Adam was in fact the form of Muḥammad
and that his spirit too was the spirit of Muḥammad. Najmai-Din al-Razi (d.
1256) also emphasized this idea in great detail in his Kitdb Mandrdtal-Sd’inn
wa-Maqdmat al-Tairin. He analogizes the existential relationship of Adam
to Muḥammad as that of a seashell to a pearl; thus, Adam is depicted only as
a seashell, while Muḥammad is the pearl. Furthermore, he clarifies that the
reason for this is based on a ḥadith which states that when Adam was creat-
1 Ibid, 112
105
ed, God was manifested in him with His attributes. Al-Jili even declared that
Adam himself was created from a part of the Muḥammadan form.
Aḥmad Zayni Dahlan, the Mufti of Mecca, gives us another account from a
ḥadith which sustains al-Sammān ‘s theory on the manifestation of Muḥam-
mad in Adam. When Adam ate the forbidden fruit, he looked for intercession
in the form of remission of his sin. When Adam saw the name Muḥammad
written on the throne in the rooms of paradise and on the robes of the an-
gels, he grew curious to know who this Muḥammad was. God told him that
Muḥammad was one of his descendants. Then Adam prayed, “0 God by the
virtue of the honour of this son (Muḥammad), love the father (Adam).” It is
clear then that Muḥammad was already present in the life of Adam1.
Based on the foregoing statements, al-Sammān ‘s interpretation that the

angels’ prostration was directed not to Adam, but rather to Adam seen as
the manifestation of Muhamamad is consequently understandable. It is likely
that al-Sammān himself who explicitly encouraged this interpretation. Per-
haps al-Sammān might have thought that it was logically right to interpret
it in such a way because, if it is in Adam that Muhamamad was manifested,
this leads to the logical conclusion that the angels’ prostration was in reality
addressed to Muhamamad, not to Adam. However it appears that ‘All Wafa’
(d. 1363) inspired al-Sammān as well, to judge from the following verse on
the manifestation of Muḥammad in Adam and Ibrahim; If the Satan had seen
the luminous light of Muḥammad in the face of Adam, he would have been
the first to prostrate to Adam. If Namrud had seen the majesty of his beauty
(Muḥammad), he and Ibrahim would have worshipped the almighty God to-
gether. This interpretation therefore is not so different from that of Ibn Fiirak,
because for the theosophical Ṣūfīs the most perfect of God’s manifestations
was in the form of Muḥammad, because Muḥammad was the full manifesta-
tion of the divine names and attributes. However, this interpretation too seems
to deviate from mainstream thought in Islām. The notion that it was in Adam’s
1 Ibid113
106
body that the name of the Prophet Muhamamad was manifested is a sensitive
issue in Islām as a monotheistic religion. Al-Ghazali reminded Muslims to
be careful about interpreting the manifestation of the name of Muḥammad in
Adam. He accused the Batiniyah sect of doing so in accordance with their es-
oteric teachings which, in his view, contradicted the true religion. But it is not
clear to us how the Batiniyah interpreted it since al-Ghazali himself did not
in fact reveal this. Thus, we are not sure whether al-Sammān ‘s interpretation
was inspired by this group or not. Nor does al-Sammān derive this interpre-
tation from the conventional views of experts on Qur’anic exegesis. In his
Tafsir al-Kabir, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, like al-Tabari, Ibn Kathir and Ibn Jawzi,
makes no mention of this interpretation. Al-Sammān ‘s idea not only suggests
the superiority of Muḥammad over Adam, but also that Adam himself is of
no account when Muḥammad’s name is manifested in him. Fakhr al-Din al-
Razi however would agree with al-Sammān on the superiority of Muḥammad
over other prophets, and not the reverse. Adam, for Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, was
the actual Adam to whom the angels prostrated, an event that al-Razi uses to
support the Sunni position on the superiority of man over angels. As a man,
Adam is superior to the angels since he is composed of two elements: the spir-
itual, which comes from the realm of spirit and luminous light, and the cor-
poreal, which comes from the corporeal realm (‘alam al-qjsad). The angels,
on the other hand, are composed of luminous light only. Man also is superior
to angels because he faces the terrible challenge to purify himself. We find no
trace either of the manifestation of the letters of Muḥammad’s name in Adam
in the works of the much earlier theologian, Muḥammad al-Maturidi (d. 944).
The angels’ prostration to Adam is a symbol of the superiority of Adam over
them. And, like other thinkers, he also emphasizes that prostration does not
mean worshipping, but rather respect or simply the right direction (in the
sense that Adam is like the Ka’bah).1
1 Ibid, 116
107
The Post-Existence of the Spirit of Muḥammad and the Possibility of
Meeting the Prophet
As we learn from al-Sammān ‘s treatise al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyah, one of his

key teachings was that a man can meet the Prophet while awake. This was not
a new idea, but was in fact already popular before al-Sammān , especially af-
ter the start of post-classical era. Some Ṣūfīs of this era, as Tor Andrae points
out, came to believe that all prophets are still alive in their tombs. The Prophet
Muḥammad was thus believed to be still alive in both spirit and body; thus, he
could go anywhere he wanted on earth and in the heavens and could be seen
anywhere, just as the sun can be seen from anywhere on earth. The question
is, however: Where in fact did these Ṣūfīs actually meet the Prophet, that is,
in which cosmological realm? In order to answer this question, we must first
understand how they viewed the afterlife of the Prophet Muḥammad and oth-
er prophets. We should also look at how they understood the concept of the
human spirit and its relation to the body after death in general.
The Qur’an for its part does not explicitly state that the prophets are still
alive in their tombs. Some Muslim scholars argue that if the martyrs are de-
scribed as alive in their tombs in the Qur’an (Q: 3:129), the prophets too must
still be alive because the prophets are higher in status than the martyrs. In
addition, there is a ḥadith in the al-Ru’ya chapter of Muslim’s Sahih which
can be understood literally to support those who believe in the possibility of
meeting the Prophet while awake. This ḥadith states: “whoever sees me in a
dream, he will see me while awake, or as if he saw me in a state of awaked-
ness because Satan cannot resemble me.” One commentator of the Sahih,
al-Nawawi, maintains however that this ḥadith was meant to guarantee to the
Prophet’s contemporaries that they would be able, upon immigrating to Me-
dina, to see the Prophet. It also appears that al-Nawawi maintained that it was
impossible to see the Prophet in a state of awakedness after the latter’s death,
except in Paradise. Al-Nawawis position is not unusual and classical Ṣūfī
thought is largely silent on this phenomenon. The Qut al-Quluh of al-Makki,
108
the Kashf al-Mahjuh of Hujviri, and other standard works such as al-Kala-
badh is al-Ta’arruf never mention it. Thus, it is a concept generally foreign to
Ṣūfī thought. Nor is it surprising to see that the ability to see the Prophet while
awake is fiercely attacked by the Maliki Mufti of Medina, Shaykh Muḥammad
al-Shinqiti. With regard to fully conscious physical contact with the Prophet
after his death in particular, he said that if the event really could take place, it
would have occurred to the family of the Prophet and his closest Companions,
and would have been recorded, at least, in the lives of the people who were his-
torically and psychologically closest to the Prophet. For example, despite the
fact that the Prophet’s daughter Fatimah was despondent after the Prophet’s
death and had chosen to live nearby his tomb, she never experienced meeting
the Prophet in a state of awakedness. Again, the Companions of the Prophet
were at times in serious need of the presence of the Prophet, especially when
faced with serious disputes about religious and worldly affairs, but the Proph-
et never appeared to assist them. That is why, when ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab
faced difficulty in leading the ummah, he used to wish that he could ask the
Prophet to help him solve his problem. Al-Shinqiti however tells us, based on
the account of Ibn Hamzah, that one of the important Companions was able to
see the image of the Prophet though only in a mirror. This is what happened
to Ibn ‘Abbas, who dreamt about the Prophet; after awakening from sleep,
he then remembered this ḥadith. After this, he met the wives of the Prophets,
and perhaps it was Maymunah who showed him that the mirror belonged to
the Prophet. What Ibn ‘Abbas saw in that mirror was not his own image, but
rather that of the Prophet.
With regard to the meeting of Ṣūfī with the Prophet, we need also to investi-
gate how Muslim scholars saw the existence of the spirit of the Prophet after
his death. But before moving on to this issue, we should first investigate how
Muslim scholars viewed the existence of the spirit and its relation to the body
after death. To this end, the work of Ibn Qayyim al-jawzlyah (1292-1350) is
very useful.
109
In his book, al-RuhfiKalam ‘aid. Arwah al-Amwat wa-al-Ahya” bi-al-
Dald’il min al-Kitab waal-Sunnah wa-al-Athar wa al-Aqwal al-Vlama\
which can be considered a virtual encyclopedia on ruh (spirit) in Islām, Ibn
Qayyim al-jawziyah argues that, unlike the sense organs, the spirit is seen as
a sort of subtle and luminous substance that is living and moving, and that
penetrates every organ of the body, being absorbed into the veins where the
blood flows in the living man. The spirit can also move beyond the body, but
unlike the movement of the physical body, the spirit ascends, descends and
moves across distances very easily. The nature of the spirit is not the same as
the nature of the body: “You may find two spirits together and close to each
other even if they are far away in term of space. Similarly, two spirits may be
angry and upset with each other even though they are near.”
It is important to note that Ibn Qayyim believes that the spirit is also dead
because it may be considered a created thing. The death of spirit happens
when it separates from the body; but the death of spirit does not mean it be-
comes non-existence, it continues to exist. The spirit exists after its separation
from the body and both spirit and body enjoy rewards or suffer punishment.
However, the relationship between the spirit and body up to this point is only
temporary and less complete than what it will be on the Day of Resurrection,
when God will return the spirits completely to the bodies of human beings
and resurrect them from their graves. Ibn Qayyim disagrees with the opinions
of Ibn Hazm and Ibn Mundit who say that only the spirit enjoys and suffers in
the grave. He affirms, however, that Muslims, Jews and Christians all agree
about the resurrection of spirits and bodies on the Day of Judgment1.
Ibn Qayyim discusses and approves the possibility of the meeting between
the spirits of the dead and the living. However, Ibn Qayyim stresses that this
event may only happen in a dream, and that this dream should be considered
a true dream. God creates two deaths for each individual: the first is the less-
er (i.e., temporary) death (al-wafah al-sughra); and the second greater (i.e.,
1 Ibid, 120
110
permanent)death (al-wafah al-kubra). Like al-Tustari and Izz al-Din ibn Abi-
Salam, Ibn Qayyim believes that God also gives man two spirits: the first is
the spirit that God fastens to his body until death, whereas the second is the
spirit that God releases from the body during sleep and that returns at the time
of awakening. When a living man sleeps, he is temporarily dead; therefore,
his spirit can meet the dead.
This meeting is like that between the living themselves. According to

Ibn Qayyim, many scholars believe that the spirits of the dead and the living
meet each other at the time of sleeping and ask each other about their situ-
ations and exchange information about themselves. The dead may tell the
living something that the latter do not know about themselves such as about
a debt or unknown wealth, or even about the reward and punishment they
may expect. Ibn Qayyim puts forward a number of examples of such meet-
ings, even including the experiences of those who had the extraordinary ex-
perience of meeting the Prophet in a dream, such as in the case of Mazahim
the slave of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-’Aziz. Ibn Qayyim even accepts the dream of
the opponent of Ibn Taymiyah who saw the latter and asked him about some
difficult issues and received the right answers. The capacity of the spirit of
the living is not limited to seeing the spirits of the dead only among family,
friends and others; rather it can also ascend to heaven and witness God and
see Paradise. Ibn Qayyim tells us that ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib said that, during
sleep, the spirit ascends to heaven; whatever he sees there is truth, but what
he sees in the air is from Satan. However, some earlier scholars (salaf) said
that it is in the air that spirits meet each other during sleep and that this is
mediated by the angel of Dreams.
The question then is whether these Ṣūfīs believed that they could meet the
Prophet in his real and intact form—in both body and spirit like a flesh and
blood person—or in his imaginal form. It is a likely that they did not mean
that they had met the Prophet in his flesh and blood form, but rather in his
transcendent essence with his spirit in another realm, not in this worldly
111
realm. I do not agree with the interpretation of certain scholars who con-
firm that these Ṣūfīs, who claimed to have met the Prophet while awake,
believed that they had met him in flesh and blood. In order to correctly un-
derstand these Ṣūfīs’ experiences and statements, we must also refer to their
cosmology. The concept of two different worlds, namely, a mundane world
and a transcendent one, is also known in Ṣūfīsm.
The idea of the realms of al-mulk and al-malakut is very popular in Ṣūfīsm,
and these Ṣūfīs described their meeting with the Prophet in a state of awaked-
ness based onthese concepts. These cosmological notions were already ex-
pressed by earlier Ṣūfīs,such as al-Makkl in his Qut al-Qulub and then elab-
orated by Abu Hamid al-Ghazali.
As al-Ghazali tells us in his Mishkat al-Anwar, there are different levels of

worlds; the’alam al-mulk, which means the corporeal, sensible, or inferior
world, and the ‘alamal-malakut, which means the spiritual, intelligible and
superior world. Al-Makki had already clarified how these two realms can be
perceived; through reason in the case of the visible world (al-mulk), and in
the case of the realm of al-malakut, through faith alone. Many events cannot
be perceived by the ordinary senses because they happen in the realm of mal-
akut; for example, the tortured dead feel their punishment in the grave. Fur-
thermore, al-Ghazali confirms the validity of the vision in the angelic world.
The quality of a vision of the visible world (‘alam alshahadah)is much lower
than that of the angelic world because the forms that appear in the visible
world may represent either the real or wrong forms, which sometimes com-
pletely contradict its real quality, whereas the form that appears in the angelic
world (‘alam al-malakut) always retains its true quality. For instance, if Satan
is seen within the boundaries of the angelic realm (‘akm al-malakut), he must
appear in an ugly form, such as a pig or a dog. By the same token, when the
Prophet saw the Angel Gabriel in the ‘alarn al-malakut, he saw him in the
form of a beautiful man1.However, al-Ghazali reminds us not to confuse these
1 Ibid, 128
112
two realms (the ‘alam almulkand the ‘alamal-malakut ), especially when one
experiences them in one’s spiritual life. These two realms are misunderstood
by people to be unified with each other; as though there existed a union (it-
tihad) between, especially as many mistakenly think that there is no other
realm than this worldly or this sensible realm. The truth is that both in fact
have their own independent realities as well as a connection. Thus, it appears
that for al- Ghazali these two realms cannot ever achieve unification because
each has its own unique nature, the former is transcendent; while the latter is
imminent and profane.With regard to Ṣūfī visions of the form of the Proph-
et, there are two opinions:the first only admits the possibility of seeing the
Prophet in his imaginal form.Another opinion admits that the real form of
the Prophet can be seen. The former is the opinion of al-Ghazall, who asserts
that it is not the body and the spirit of the Prophet that they see, but rather his
imaginal form. For example, when someone asserts that he saw God, he did
not see the essence of God, but rather saw something that can be perceived
by the senses like light. Therefore, it was not the form of the Prophet buried
in Medina who was seen, but only a figure in the realm of the imagination.
The second opinion is adopted by Ibn ‘Arabi. Even though Ibn Arabi agrees
with al-Ghazali on the impossibility of seeing the spirit of Muḥammad, he
nevertheless argues that the physical figure of the Prophet can be seen as
well.Ibn ‘Arabi does not deny the possibility of seeing the physical figure
of the Prophet in a dream; what he denies is seeing the spirit of the Prophet
and his subtleties. Ashe relates in the Fusus al-Hikam, when the spirit of the
Prophet enters into a person’s dream, it is transfigured into the real physical
form of the Prophet buried in Medina. Moreover, as he points out, because
Satan cannot imitate the form of the Prophet’s physical body, whoever sees
the latter, really sees the Prophet (or his transfigured spirit). He can receive
religious instructions from the Prophet, just as others did when he was still
alive in this world. Moreover, Ibn ‘Arabi and al-Jili hint at the possibility of
the manifestation of the spirit of the Prophet to his living followers. If some-
body purifies his heart by spiritual exercises, it is possible that the form of the
113
Prophet may manifest itself to him; therefore, some people may see him in
that form. Al-Jili states that he saw the Prophet when he manifested himself in
the person of his teacher al-Jabarti. Al-Jili also gives an account of how, when
Abu-Bakr al-Shibli was possessed by the spirit of the Prophet, he declared to
his students that he was the messenger of God. His students did not contradict
him because they knew that the Prophet had manifested himself in al-Shibi1.
Al-Sammān’s Meeting with the Prophet in a State of Awakedness
For Ṣūfīs, the meeting with the Prophet while awake is the most tremendous
experience that a human being can hope for. Al-Sammān claims that he him-
self and Shaykh Aḥmad al-Qushashi experienced this event. For al-Sammān,
since the Prophet is the mediator between God and his servants, the meeting
with the physical body of the Prophet while awake is an event that every Mus-
lim must strive to experience. According to him, a believer can converse with
the Prophet and ask him anything, and the Prophet will answer, all in a state
of awakedness. Al-Sammān does not doubt that the deserving Ṣūfīs will gaze
at the very face of the Prophet when fully awake and in real time. The above
theory is not new, but rather, as we have found in al-Suyuti is Hawf, and as
we have discussed it in detail before, this story was already widespread ear-
lier, especially among previous post-classical Ṣūfīs. This may be seen from
various elements of al-Sammān ‘s vision of the event. Thus, in his encounter
with the Prophet, the grave of the Prophet seems very significant. He claims
in al-Futuhat al-llahiyah that he met the Prophet when he was sitting near the
minbar of the mosque of Medina, one of Islām’s holiest shrines; it is here that
the tomb of the Prophet is found. Al-Sammān said that a ḥadith of the Proph-
et described this area as the garden of and encourages pilgrims from all over
the world to visit the grave of the Prophet.Al-Sammān reminds those who
fail to visit the tomb of the Prophet that: “it is to be regretted if, after coming
such every distance, you do not thank God for the great guidance that you
obtain through the Prophet.” Al-Sammān ‘s position seems to be in line with
1 Ibid, 132
114
that of his teacher al-Kurdi, who defended the popular tradition of visiting the
tomb of the Prophet,despite the fact that the practice was fiercely attacked by
the Wahhabiyah. From Abd Allāh al-Samhudi.(d.911 H), who devotes a five
volumes Wafa’ al-wafa bi-akhbar Ddr al-Mustafa to extolling the religious
value of the house of the Prophet on the basis of the Qur’an and ḥadith and
the opinions of various Muslims scholars, we learn how one should behave
correctly when visiting the tomb of the Prophet. It is apparent that most of the
scholars from whom he draws his information seems to conform with al-Sam-
mān ‘s position that the more visiting is done to the prophet’s tomb, the better.
The exception is for Ibn Rushd, who maintains that visiting the tomb of the
Prophet every day and performing prayer there is not recommended because
such actions will automatically make the tomb become like a mosque,which
is prohibited by the Prophet himself. It is a common position among Maliki
scholars that frequent visits to the tomb of the Prophet are not to be tolerated.
Such an action is defined by them as non- recommended, whereas it is recom-
mended according to the rest of the three madhhabs. Thus, it is understand-
able why al-Sammān , who subscribed to the Shafiit madhhab, would have
encouraged his disciples to visit the tomb of the Prophet as much as possible.
It must be noted that previous Ṣūfīs had in fact similar opinions on the spir-
itual value of visiting the tomb of the Prophet. In order to gain such spiritual
value, one should have a spiritual connection with the Prophet, and one of
the best ways to achieve this according to al-Ghazall, is to visit his tomb and
make an effort to have a psychological connection with the Prophet. Certain-
ly, one will receive the warmest acceptance from the Prophet, who in fact
knows who has left his family and travelled a vast distance full of the emotion
of love and longing, with the object of visiting him. He must keep in mind
that the Prophet is aware of his presence, his prayers and his visit to the tomb.
Thus, in order to have a spiritual connection to the Prophet, it is efficient to vi-
sualize the physical body of the Prophet in one’s mind as if his body were still
in his tomb and alive. Similarly, when one leaves the prophet’s tomb, just as
one feels sad on separating from one’s loved ones. One should feel very sad to
115
be absent from Prophet’s audience. By using this method of visualization, the
visitor will realize how important the Prophet is to his spiritual experience1
Interestingly, the details of al-Sammān ‘s meeting with the Prophet are pre-
cisely the same as those experienced by Yahya al-Suhrawardi in his meeting
with Plato, who was gradually transformed from a bright light into a physical
body. Al- Sammān too, on first beholding the reality of Muḥammad, saw the
“Aḥmadian light come out. This light stretched from up to the pulpit of the
Prophet, and was gradually transformed into the noble form of Muḥammad
(al-surah al-sharifah).”From his statement, it appears that it is the reality of
Muḥammad that produced the “Aḥmadian light.” Then, the light transformed
into the honorable form of the Prophet. Here, he does not say al-dhat al-sharif
(the noble essence), which might imply that he did not follow al-Suyuti. Thus,
we may assume that he did not see the real essence of the Prophet, but rather
only his form. Nevertheless, it is not clear whether he too thought that he saw
the Prophet’s form within the boundary of the imaginal world, as in al-Ghaza-
li’s version. However, I suggest that he was more in line with Ibn ‘Arabi.
Thus, he might have believed that he really saw the actual form
of the Prophet. As I said before, Ibn ‘Arabi maintained that nobody can
see the spirit of the Prophet, but the spirit will eventually transform into the
form of the buried body of the Prophet in Medina. Thus, al-Sammān does not
agree with al-Ghazali that nobody can see the physical form of the Prophet2.
Al-Sammān does not go into any detail about what he did in the presence
of the Prophet; he does not tell us if he spoke, shook his hand, or asked about
the authenticity of the ḥadiths, or about any mystical or legal issues. This
did not stop his hagiographers from insisting that al-Sammān was instructed
by the Prophet to disseminate esoteric teachings. There are none of his own
statements that the Prophet instructed him about mystical and legal issues.
1 Ibid, 136
2 Ibid, 138
116
However, he inspired the later Sammāniyah to transcend the boundaries of
madhhab. For instance, a century later, his Sudanese followers claimed to
communicate directly with the Prophet to ask about mystical and legal issues.
The members of the Sudanese Sammāniyah were able to claim that they tran-
scended the madhhab by communicating directly with the Prophet via dreams
or visions1.
Meeting with the Prophet in dreams
Thus, it is understandable that the second type of vision involves seeing the
Prophet in a dream. Al-Sammān considers this important as well, but less so
than meeting the Prophet while awake. It is understandable that al-Sammān
should address this type of vision because this is the kind of encounter that
the Prophet himself referred to. The Prophet said that whoever sees him in a
dream really sees him, since Satan cannot resemble him in appearance. Ac-
cording to the Ṣūfī point of view, Satan is a lower spirit consisting of a sort
of subtle corporeal element and has the potential to transform or to penetrate
into coarse earthly corporeal elements. The reason why Satan cannot imitate
the Prophet’s form is due to the fact that the physical body of the Prophet
was purified by the angels when he was a child. From that time onwards, the
Prophet no longer had any earthly elements that Satan could penetrate.
Even though the meeting with the Prophet is usually regarded as a sort of
dream, Islām, and particularly Ṣūfīsm, recognize that some dreams contain
the divine truth.
In fact, a ḥadith that is very popular in Ṣūfī literature affirms that the dream
of the true believer contains one forty-sixth or perhaps one forty-seventh of
real prophethood. Before receiving the revelation from God, the Prophet him-
self had the same true dream for six months. The belief is that a tiny part of
prophethood remains to be given by God to the believers. Ibn ‘Arabi says
that the value of the dream in the Islāmic tradition is so high that the Prophet
1 Ibid, 144
117
Muḥammad asked his Companions every morning whether they had dreamt
or not. A dream, however, must be interpreted, and the most important time
to interpret a dream is in the morning. According to Ibn Sirin (654-728), who
was renowned for his interpretation of dreams and for the reliability of his in-
formation regarding the ḥadiths, morning is the best time to interpret a dream,
because this is the time when the mind is still fresh and has not yet become
burdened with the tasks and affairs of the day. He insists that this is the reason
why the Prophet said that his community is blessed in the morning. The early
Ṣūfīs, such as al-Makki and others, for the most part believe that by virtue of
the ṣalāwat, a Muslim can see the Prophet in a dream. In the Awarifal-Ma’arif
of ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi, the dream of meeting the Prophet comes not only
as a reward for the recitation of the ṣalāwat, but also as a means for religious
instructions or for other purposes. The early Ṣūfī figure al-Kalabadhi gives
us an account of some stiffs’ experiences of seeing the Prophet in dreams but
does not say that they were granted such experiences due to having recited
the ṣalāwat. Some Ṣūfīs may have dreamt of the Prophet regularly, such as
Abu- Bakr Muḥammad al- Katani, who dreamt of the Prophet twice a week
on Mondays and Thursdays1.
Fana” and Baqa” in the Prophet
The third vision is not a real meeting or a real vision, but rather an exercise
in imagining the presence of the Prophet. Al-Sammān counsels his novices
to perform this type of vision all the time or at least during the recitation of
the ṣalāwat. Even though this is considered to be the lowest level of Ṣūfī
experience with the reality of Muḥammad, it seems that this type of vision
was considered a vital step towards attaining the experience of the first or
second levels. Through visualizing the presence of the Prophet all the time,
al-Sammān stresses that one may attain the levels of “passing away” or fond’
and then “persistence” or baqti’ in the Prophet Muḥammad. Al-Sammān can
be considered one of the pioneers of the theory of fond’ in the Prophet. The
1 Ibid, 147
118
Ṣūfīs of the classical era introduced the theory of fond’ in God, but not in the
Prophet. This idea can conceivably be traced to Ibn ‘Arab’s theory on the
Vice-regent of God, but this Vice-regent is considered as only one entity that
may manifest itself in different persons and at any time. Al-Jili too— although
he may be said to have inspired the theory of “union” with the Prophet—
never used the terms fond’ or baqd’ in connection with the Prophet. He did
introduce the idea of the manifestation of the reality of Muḥammad in the
figures of certain people. Al-Jili might have been inspired by ‘Ayn al-Qudah
al-Hamadhani who claimed that when the Ṣūfīs are in ecstasy or shatahdt,
it is the nur Muḥammad that possesses them. Al-Sammān , however, seems
to have taken this idea from al-Jili, for he employs the term al-tasawwurdi
al-Muḥammadiyah, a term also employed by al-Jili. But while al-tasawwurdt
al-Muḥammadiyah literally means “the Muḥammadian forms,” this does not
necessarily signify the physical form of the Prophet. Al-Jili clarifies this by
saying that “it is not the physical figure of the Prophet which is manifested,
but rather the spirit of the Prophet. When the spirit of the Prophet manifest it-
self in somebody, his spirit withdraws, while the spirit of the Prophet remains
in him.” Al-Jili seems to follow Ibn ‘Arabfs lead in insisting on the impos-
sibility of seeing the spirit of the Prophet. The spirit of the Prophet can only
be seen in the form of the Prophet or in another similar figure in the ‘dlam
almithal.
Al-Sammān ‘s teaching on the Prophet thus seems to implement al-Jili’s

teaching on al-tasawwurat al-Muḥammadiyah. This is made even more obvi-
ous by the fact that al-Sammān himself mentions in his Nafahat al-llahiyah
that he wrote a treatise on this subject with the title RiṢalāt al-Tasawwurdt
al-Nabawiyah1.
Al-Sammān encourages the novices to love the Prophet as he does,
“I feel a strong love for the Prophet even in my bones, my spirit, my hair
1 Ibid, 149
119
and my eyes, like cold water refreshes in terribly hot temperatures.”. It is
worthwhile noting that insistence on loving the Prophet is a universal teach-
ing in Ṣūfīsm that can be traced back to the earliest writings on mysticism
in Islām down to the present day. However, the description of how this love
affects the physical organism varies widely; even though it is agreed that it
should dominate a surfs entire self. Al-Sammān ‘s ideas seem to be repeated
phrase by phrase by later Ṣūfī who had direct or indirect intellectual con-
nection with him. For instance, a disciple of Aḥmad al-Tijani, ‘Umar al-Futi,
who also claimed to have encountered the Prophet while awake, expressed
the same mode of love, “God gives me love for the Prophet with a love which
touches my heart, my intimate existence (ego), my spirit, my flesh, my blood,
my ears, my veins, my skin, my language, my hair and all of my organs.
In order to be in fond’ with the Prophet, a novice must always strive to have
the image of the Prophet before his eyes. Here, al-Sammān employs the ex-
pression “istihdar al-Nabi,” which means to “make present” or “to visualize”
the Prophet as though he were physically present to the novice. A novice must
imagine that the Prophet is near him at all times. If a novice cannot visualize
the Prophet all the time, he should at least do so during his recitation of the
ṣalāwat to the Prophet. One must imagine says al-Sammān, that the light
of Muḥammad penetrates all his physical organs: his blood, his limbs, his
skin, etc. If somebody attains baqa” in the Prophet, he no longer exists, but
the Prophet is in him. For this reason, al-Sammān notes, “when you recite
ṣalāwat, remember that it is not you who recites it, but rather the Prophet
himself. Every atom, including your organs, is created from him (his light).”
Al-Sammān seems to have been inspired by other Ṣūfīs who developed a

method for imagining the Prophet. According to Shaykh Amin al-Kurdi, this
ritual was suggested by Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, who advised the Muslims to
imagine the presence and personality (figure) of the Prophet in their hearts
whenever they sent the ṣalāwat in their praying. Sha’rani confirms that one of
his own teachers, ‘Ali ibn Wafa’, the founder of a branch of the Shadhiliyah
120
known as the Wafa’iyah, insisted on the possibility of visualizing the real
images of the prophets Moses and Jesus simply by calling out their names1.
Al-Sammān had clearly anticipated this technique, which can be seen

from the fact that he also emphasizes that one should visualize the Prophet
in both his physical form (suratcm) and his hidden reality (m’nan), namely
as the logos.Even though he does not mention explicitly that the physical
form of the Prophet must be imagined according to the description of the ḥa-
dith, however, it is obvious he implies this. In insisting on the importance of
visualizing the presence of the Prophet in his al-Futuhat al-Ilahiyah, he not
only discusses the spiritual dimension of the Prophet as the logos but also
two other dimensions, namely his physical form and the glimpse we have of
the noble character of the Prophet according to the ḥadiths. It is likely that
he attempts to emphasize that all of these dimensions should be imagined
together while visualizing the Prophet. Al-Sammān seems to be aware that,
in order to visualize the Prophet correctly, one should know these three di-
mensions of the Prophet. And perhaps only by recognizing the existences
of these three dimensions as inherent in the person of the Prophet, one can
visualize the Prophet as if he were vividly and perfectly present in one’s
mind. Based on such an approach, it may be safely assumed that despite the
fact that at one level Islām vigorously prohibits any kind of real iconization
of the Prophet Muḥammad, a sort of mental icon of the Prophet is not only
tolerated but also considered as a necessity by some Ṣūfīs. I believe that
their flexibility toward a sort of mental icon was not really new, in the sense
that it can be traced back to the attitude of the Prophet Muḥammad himself
who asked his followers to save the icons of Abraham, Yesus and Maryam
when they destroyed all the statutes around the Ka’aba. Surprisingly, the
reason given by these Ṣūfīs for the necessity of this mental icon is the same
as that offered by other religious traditions which tolerate actual icons. It
seems that they agree that some sort of icon is a kind of efficient “short cut”
1 Ibid, 151
121
to visualizing their religious figures. We do not need to discuss the Prophet
as the logos according to al-Sammān again, so let us now investigate how
al-Sammān elaborates on two other dimensions briefly in his al-Futuhat
al-Ilahiyah: the physical appearance and the behaviour of the Prophet. With
regard to the physical appearance of the Prophet, the Prophet was described
as the most beautiful man. And the most interesting thing to be mentioned
here is how al-Sammān remarks that the beauty of the Prophet is much bet-
ter than that of the Prophet Yusuf. The length of the Prophet’s body was not
extremely tall, but more than medium. His skin color was not dark, but not
extremely light. His hairs grew up under his ears. He had only twenty grey
heirs and a thick and beautiful dark beard. He had well-arranged teeth. He
had a wide forehead. Again the Prophet’s body was illuminated by a sort of
transcendental light as if it were a light from the full-moon. It was report-
ed in a hadlth that the wife of the Prophet discovered how the face of the
Prophet lit up when the candle in her hand fell down to the floor. Whenever
the Prophet perspired, his sweat became luminous. At the same time, the
Prophet was described as the most humble man on earth. It was he who first
greeted whomsoever he met. He always walked behind his companions. If
he looked at something, he looked at it thoroughly.
However, he turned his face more toward the sky than the earth. He led an
ascetic life. He was always in sorrow and deep thought, and was continuously
silent. He did not talk if it were not necessary. However, when he explained
something, he explained it clearly. He never complained about food. He never
got mad for his own sake but only that of God. His way to laugh was to smile1.
Possession by the Spirit of Muḥammad and God’s Manifestation in Him

We mentioned earlier that a Ṣūfīs attainment of the stations of fond’ and baqa
»in the Prophet was very important for al-Sammān. It seems that this was not
only amatter of speculation for him, but a reflection of a real spiritual experi-
ence. It can be assumed that al-Sammān had already experienced this station
1 Ibid, 155
122
before he succeeded in meeting with the Prophet in a state of consciousness,
which he relates in his al-Futuhat al-llahiyah. None of al-Sammān’s writings
tell, however, of how he managed to “pass away” in the Prophet. It is the
Ràtib al-Sammān which relates his statements as recorded by his best student,
Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan, who reveals that al-Sammān was believed to have
been possessed by the spirit of the Prophet. Al-Sammān ‘s experience gets
some confirmation thanks to al-Jili s theory of al- tasavmurat al-Muḥammad-
iyah. In other words, he exhibited signs of having attained fond’ and baqa”
in the Prophet. Al-Sammān uttered several statements that resemble those of
al-Shibli (d. 945) when the latter was possessed by the spirit of the Prophet.
Al-Sammān’s possession by the spirit of Muḥammad was perceived by

his followers not simply in the sense of Muḥammad’s identity as a man and
prophet, but in the sense of the reality of Muḥammad—something quite dif-
ferent from the historical Prophet. In this sense, it is better to describe this
spirit of Muḥammad as the Mirror of God. It seems that, for al-Sammān and
other Ṣūfīs, the Prophet functioned not only as the mediator of God, but
also as the best manifestation of God. Al-Sammān believes that the Prophet
was “the appearance of the real essence of God in mankind.” Certainly, this
corresponds to a view of Ibn ‘Arabi’s from his Tadbit al-Ilahiyah, which is
much cited by al-Sammān. Ibn ‘Arabi describes the reality of Muḥammad as
the Mirror of the Truth (God). However, Ibn ‘Arabi reminds us that the term
“Mirror” must not be understood in a literal sense, but metaphorically, since
God is freed of any anthropomorphic attributes.
Al-Sammān’s statement that Muḥammad is the appearance of God in man-

kind may be interpreted as the divine theophany in Muḥammad. Thus, it is
understandable that al-Sammān should insist on the significance of the Ṣūfīs
encounter with the Prophet. The theosopical Ṣūfīs believe that to see the
Prophet means to see God. For instance, in Tamhidat, ‘Ayn al-Qudah cites the
hadiih “whoever sees me, he sees God.” This is because the Prophet is the
manifestation of the divine names and attributes. Most Ṣūfīs believed that
123
man cannot see God in this worldly life, like Ibn ‘Arabi and his opinion was
not a new one. Al-Kalabadhi mentions in his al-Ta’arruf that Ṣūfī Shaykhs
such as al-Junayd and Abu Sa’id al- Kharraj denied the claims of those who
see God in this worldly life. Unlike the rationalists (the Mu’tazilah and the
philosophers) who denied the ability of man to see God both in this worldly
life and on the Day of Judgment, it is clear that the position of these Ṣūfīs
in line with the Ash’aris. With regard to the story of the Prophet’s vision
of God during his ascension, it is clear that the great Ash’ari thinkers, like
al-Baqillani, likewise considered it possible that the Prophet could have seen
God with his own eyes, as Ibn ‘Abbas insisted in spite of the denials of the
Prophet’s wife ‘A’ishah. The Sunnis preferred to rely on Ibn ‘Abbas because
he was considered more knowledgeable than ‘A’ishah. It appears too that Ibn
‘Arab follows Ibn ‘Abbas because he believes that the Prophet’s ascension
was with his body and spirit. However, ‘Ayn al-Qudah al-Hamadhani, for his
part, took a more moderate position on the dispute between Ibn ‘Abbas and
‘A’ishah. According to him, both were right. What ‘A’ishah means is that the
Prophet did not see the essence of God, whereas Ibn ‘Abbas was trying to say
that the Prophet saw God in the similitude realm {‘alam al-mithal), namely,
as light—one of the names of God1.
For al-Sammān, as we mentioned before, ṣalāwat is an effective way to

meet the Prophet, in a dream or in a state of awakedness, a spiritual expe-
rience granted to the enlightened sun”. Al-Sammān sustained his argument
by asserting that the Prophet himself urged his followers to recite ṣalāwat as
much as possible. Al-Sammān nevertheless does not specify how many times
ṣalāwat should be recited or how many ṣalāwat he himself recited. It seems
that the value of the recitation of the ṣalāwat lies more in the Ṣūfīs’s ability
to concentrate on the Prophet, so that he can completely annihilate himself
in the reality of Muḥammad, rather than in mere verbal recitation without
spiritual sense. Even though al-Sammān does not introduce special ṣalāwat
1 Ibid, 164
124
in his Futuhat al-Ilahiyah, it is said that he in fact composed ṣalāwat which
are recited by his followers as their daily ritual. His prayer is a bit longer than
the usual simple ones and reflects his teaching on the pre-and postexistence of
Muḥammad. In his ṣalāwat, to repeat, al-Sammān expresses that the reality
of Muḥammad is the source of existence and interprets this through the word
“Aḥmad.” The alif means that Muḥammad (or the reality of Muḥammad)
exists in every atom. The ḥa means that Muḥammad is the source of life
from the beginning to the end. The mim means that he is the sovereign of the
divine kingdom. And the dal means that he is the eternity without ending.
Thus, the ṣalāwat is simply to glorify the logos of Muḥammad According to
al-Sammān’s student, Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan, ṣalāwat is an important means
to achieving spiritual enlightenment because the Prophet Muḥammad is the
only mediator to God. ‘Umar Khan emphasizes that it is impossible to know
the essence of God itself because He is absolutely transcendent and beyond
any anthropomorphic descriptions; therefore, it is only through imagining the
presence of the light of Muḥammad that one may attain knowledge of the
essence of God. The prophets and the saints who attainted sainthood by the
virtue of imagining (jawi, mushadatkan) the nur Muḥammad were catego-
rized as saints under the part of the Prophet Muḥammad, the highest rank of
sainthood1. Doing so are clearly spelled out in Nafis al-Banjaris quotation
from al-Sammān’s Ighathat al-Lahfan. Let us quote the pertinent statement:
The way to send ṣalāwat to the Prophet is to sit and, while still ritually
clean, turn your face toward the qiblah because you, at this moment, beseech
him, and moreover imagine him in front of you. When you say these ṣalāwat,
you should imagine (concentrate on) the Essence (the Divine Essence). At
that moment, you ask Almighty God by saying Allāhumma. And when you
say sallaytu, you should remember that the one who says these ṣalāwat is
none other than the secret of his light which penetrates and is absorbed in
everything that was endowed by the Prophet, because God creates everything
1 Ibid, 170
125
from his light (nur Muḥammad). For this reason, you should continuously re-
cite ṣalāwat with perfect concentration (jawi, hadirkan). This means that you
spend your time in loving the Prophet. Because of this, God opens the most
beautiful thing to you; that is, the reality of Muḥammad (peace be upon him).
Thus, the recitation of the ṣalāwat must adhere to five conditions:
1. Sitting down (the manner of sitting down is not specified here);
2. being ritually pure; having performed wudu’;
3. Facing the qiblah;
4. Concentrating on God;
5. Making an effort to imagine that the light of Muḥammad comes to pene-

trate all parts of one’s body; It is clear from the five conditions listed above,
that the recitation of the ṣalāwat is not done in a conventional way, but rather
in a way that appears to be similar to that of the practice of dhikr, except that
it excludes the ritual of imagining the figure of the master. It seems, however,
that the recitation of salwat is not performed together with the dhikr of the
divine names, but independently. Perhaps the most remarkable condition is
the fifth one, in which the light of Muḥammad is given an important role. As
we have noted before, to imagine the figure of the Prophet when saluting him
in prayer was already discussed by Abu Hamid al- Ghazali, but al-Ghazali did
not make reference to the presence of the light of Muḥammad. For al-Sam-
mān, the light of Muḥammad must be imagined to be present and to penetrate
the entire body of the reciter. This teaching shows us that al-Sammān be-
lieved in the transmission of the light of Muḥammad. Here, he seems to be in
line with the thinking of ‘Ayn al-Qudah al-Hamadhani about the transmission
of nur Muḥammad.
The question that arises, however, is whether this devotional ritual to the
Prophet is a feature of the Khalwatiyah and the Qadiriyah ṭarīqahs in which
al-Sammān had some authority in his capacity as master, or of the Naqsh-
126
bandiyah and Shadhiliyah ṭarīqahs. In his al-Nafahat al-llahiyah, al-Sammān
does not mention the recitation of the ṣalāwat as a part of Khalwatiyah ritual.
Thus, we may rightly think that the recitation of the ṣalāwat may not have
formed part of it, let alone the recitation of the ṣalāwat while imagining the
Prophet. It may therefore have been unique to the Sammamyah, as described
by Nafis al-Banjari. Furthermore, it seems to be taken from the Shadhiliyah
tradition. Even if we agree, based on the general characteristics of the ṭarīqa-
hs as described by al-Sanusi, that the recitation of the ṣalāwat is supposedly
a part of Khalwatiyah ṭarīqah ritual, this may well be a later development,
since Sanusi wrote his Sababil more than half a century after al-Sammān 1.
The Novice and the Master
On directing our discussion to the ritual aspect of al-Sammān ‘s teaching,

it is necessary for us to deal with the role of the master in Ṣūfīsm as he saw
it. In the Ṣūfī ṭarīqah, the help of a spiritual master is imperative: it is im-
possible to attain spiritual enlightenment without guidance from a Shaykh
of the ṭarīqah. Thus, a master is not only regarded as the source of mystical
knowledge which can sometimes be acquired by reading Ṣūfī writings them-
selves, but also the indispensable key to spiritual illumination. It is through
their masters that Ṣūfīs may connect with the Prophet Muḥammad and God.
In order to build a good relationship between master and novice, Ṣūfī authors
drew upon important principles that should guide conduct between them.
Al-Sammān too pays close attention to the ethical conduct between novice
and Ṣūfī master, and the rules pertaining to Ṣūfī brotherhood relations (suḥ-
bah). From his al-Nafahat al-llahiyah, we learn that al-Sammān mainly drew
on the ‘Awarifal-Ma’arifof al-Suhrawardi. Yet, even though most of the lat-
ter’s statements were borrowed word for word without modification, there is
a process of selection at work when it comes to how the quotations sometimes
jump from one point to another. One is inclined to think that this may have
been done deliberately by al-Sammān in order to avoid the accusation of
1 Ibid, 173
127
plagiarism, but it is more likely that al-Sammān was thereby expressing his
own ideas on the subject. Al-Sammān does not, after all, hide his debt to al-
Suhrawardi, for the latter’s name and the book title (‘Awarif al-Ma’arif (are
mentioned explicitly in the Nafahat al-Ilahiyah. Besides al-Suhrawardi, Ibn
Arabi is also quoted, and his name and that of his book are explicitly men-
tioned as well. However, most of al-Tadbirat al-Ilahiyah the principles men-
tioned by Ibn Arabi governing the relationship between master and novice are
not repeated in al-Sammān ‘s work1.
What this tells us is that al-Sammān probably preferred the principles of

ethical conduct between master and novice as proposed by al-Suhrawardi to
those of Ibn ‘Arabi. His reason for this seems to be that al-Suhraward’s teach-
ings in this subject are more flexible than those of Ibn ‘Arabi. For the latter,
the master-novice relationship is regulated down to the smallest details, so
that there is little chance for novices to build a more flexible suḥbah relation-
ship with their masters. Ibn Arabi’s theory of the master-student relationship
in fact reflects the general trend in post-classical Ṣūfīsm. Among the strict
rules set by Ibn ‘Arabi are the following:that the novice must not eat together
or even in the same room with the master,that the novice must not walk in
front of the master except at night, that the novice is not allowed to stare at
the face of the master, that the novice is advised not to be continuously in
conference with the master, that the novice is not allowed to do anything
for anybody else—including his own parents—without the permission of the
master. Moreover, if the master wants to eat and wants to be served, the nov-
ice must attend to his needs and must be always behind the door so that the
master can find him, just as he should come as soon as the master calls him,
and if not called, he should just leave him alone. Ibn ‘Arabi also gives many
other details, too numerous to mention here2.

2 Ibid, 176
128
The Principles of Ṣūfī” Brotherhood (suḥbah)
Al-Sammān paid special attention to the suḥbah. The general meaning of

this term is a social and friendly relationship between people. The classical
Ṣūfīs transmitted Ṣūfī learning and tradition through the suḥbah. But, the
concept of suḥbah that al-Sammān emphasizes here is somewhat different
from that of the suḥbah of the classical Ṣūfīs, where the Ṣūfī-disciple rela-
tionship seems to have been less hierarchical. The version that al-Sammān
stresses here is the relationship between master and novice, in which the mas-
ter exercises a double function, namely that of instructor and educator, as
well as the relationship between fellow Ṣūfīs or between the novices them-
selves. We have already mentioned more than once that the position of the
classical Ṣūfīs on the role of master is adopted by al-Sammān . The standard
ethics of suḥbah are in fact found in the classic al-Luma’ of al-Sarraj; how-
ever, it seems that al-Sammān does not borrow directly from al-Sarraj, but
rather from al-Suhrawardi. It is worthwhile mentioning that the strict ethical
rules of conduct between disciple and master had not yet been formulated by
the time of early Ṣūfīs such as al-Muhasibi and al-Tirmidhi, who are not sup-
posed to have had important masters. Suḥbah with fellow Ṣūfīs, for al-Sam-
mān , is more risky than suḥbah with secular rulers. Wrong interaction with
rulers may lead to worldly punishment; but wrong interaction with fuqara’
( Ṣūfīs) can lead to punishment in the hereafter. Similarly, suḥbah with Ṣūfī
masters is more risky than with the fellow Ṣūfīs because, if a novice makes
an error that is not forgiven by his master, the goal of the Ṣūfī path will not
be achieved by the novice.
However, al-Sammān emphasizes that suḥbah with the spiritual master and
his companions is more important because, by virtue of engaging in suḥbah
with them, students receive sympathy from them and the heart of the master
becomes opened to them. By engaging in suḥbah with Ṣūfī masters and their
fellows, students may be able to witness the mystical station experienced by
the masters, an event which is instructive. Occasionally, some masters are
controlled by the divine attribute al-Jalal, and thus utter ecstatic statements,
129
or they may be controlled by the divine attribute al-Jamdi. It is impossible
to judge Ṣūfī masters because their stations can change from one to anoth-
er without it being very noticeable. It seems that al-Sammān is speaking
here about himself, for this was his own experience1. His ecstatic statements,
which were compiled by his best student Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan, seem to
have taken place during suḥbah with his students.In Ṣūfī companionship, the
aspirant has to forgive the mistakes and errors of his brothers in the ṭarīqah, to
advise them if necessary and keep their secrets. The Caliph ‘Umar was happy
whenever someone criticized him for his mistakes. The aspirant also has to
dedicate or devote his life to his brothers, and to be patient with them. He must
be aware that he should live in a communal spirit, and thus he must adapt to
communal ways. Individualism is discouraged. The essence of Ṣūfīsm is to
dedicate oneself to one’s brothers and to suffer any pains they may bring.
In brotherhood, there must be no claim of individual property. Ibrahim ibn
Shaybanonce said, “Do not make friends with somebody who says ‘this is my
sandal’.” Al-Qushayri relates al-Sarraj’s report about Aḥmad al-Ghalanashi,
who told him that one day he met a group of Ṣūfīs, and when he asked them
where their clothing was,they lost all respect for him. The perfect example
of altruism is found in the life of Ibrahim ibn Adham. He worked on a farm
and shared what he grew with his Ṣūfī brothers. He therefore applied three
conditions to those who wanted to make friends with him: l) to be dedicated
to him; 2) to be patient with any suffering he causes; and 3) to share together
whatever they received as gifts from God.Therefore, the aspirant must share
what he has and never demand things from his fellows. Al-Sammān insists
on the importance of altruism, and in this regard,cites Abu ‘Uthman al-Hiris
statement, as follows:
The rule of suḥbah is that you share your money with them;
you must not be greedy with theirs. You should be fair to them,
but you should not ask them to be fair with you. You should
accommodate yourself to them, and do not ask that they should
accommodate themselves to you. You should not underestimate
the good things they do for you, and do not exaggerate what you
have done for them.

130
Al-Sammān also advised the aspirant to build friendlier relations with the
senior (high-level) Ṣūfīs than with the junior ones (the beginners). Here,
al-Sammān stresses that making an effort to build a brotherly relation with
respectful men will confer nobility, while relations with deviating men, will
draw one into deviation. Conversely, the seniors too must have sympathy for
juniors. Ibrahim ibn Adham is the best example of this attitude. Sometimes,
when his younger friends ate and slept before him, he did not get upset, but
rather forgave them. Moreover, the aspirant must avoid those who only ex-
pect worldly things from a relationship. Problems in relationships arise most-
ly among worldly people because they build relations on the basis of money;
whereas, the Ṣūfīs, because they prefer to live in an ascetic way and are pious,
build relationships on the foundation of God. Therefore, they like and dislike
for the sake of God, not for themselves. The aspirant should show politeness
and be subtle. He must never be violent in any way with his fellows. In sup-
port of this principle, al-Sammān cites Abu ‘Ali al-Ruzbadi who says, “An
assault on those who are higher in status is stupid and shameless, and on those
who are at same level with you is impoliteness, and on those who are lower
than you is weakness1”
The actions of God
According to al- Nabulusi, ordinary believers only attain the level of wit-
nesses of the action of God. They witness that there is no initiator of any kind
of action other than God. Nothing (or no one) produces an effect in action,
wither experimentally or intelligibly, except for God alone. Nafis al-Banjari
calls this stage tawhid alafalat this stage, a Ṣūfī should contemplate in his
heart that all actions and deeds are the actions of God. It is in fact difficult for
Muslim theologians and the theosophical Ṣūfīs to explain this concept. One
important question arises from this—a question that dealt with the core theo-
logical debate on “predestination.” If every action belongs to God, how can
bad actions be attributed to Him? This question had in fact already been dis-
cussed by the classical Muslim theologians, and need not to be discussed again
1 Ibid 183
131
in any detail here. What is of interest, on the other hand, is how al- Sammān,
his teachers and disciples stood on this issue. Let us first quote what Nafis
al-Banjari says on this subject:
The way to see every action as coming from God is to observe

(shuhudkan) and contemplate, either through your physical eyes or
your inner heart,that all action, in reality, emerges from God. These
actions can be referred to something else, either to human beings
or other creatures, solely in a metaphorical sense. This is because
all actions, whether yours or others,and whether directly emerging
(from you) or indirectly, are, in reality,from God. Direct action
means that these actions happen through the power of a mortal be-
ing: e.g, the movement of a pen in the hand of the writer. Whereas
the derived {tawhiud) action designates what emerges from direct
action, for example a stone moving from the hand of the one who
throw it.... If you always remain in your contemplation (shuhud),
in the sense that you see that every action comes from God, you
make such contemplation your habit as well. You, then, will be
very strong and established in this station. In this respect, you are
in the theophany of God: you and God see each other As a result,
there is nothing inward and outward.... As a result all actions and
deeds of creatures become nothing in respect to the action of God.
All the universe, in reality,regardless of being bad or good, is the
action of God1.
From the above statements, it may be assumed that Sammān’s students all
considered action as belonging to God alone. Nafis’ view is certainly in the
line withal-Nabulusi, who writes:
Everything you witness is the action of the one actor. He Him-

self makes the action without the assistance or participation of
1 Ibid 282
132
others. However, the one actor is veiled from the bounds of ex-
perience and reason. If the veils no longer exist, you see the real
actor. You are no longer in doubt....The actor who makes the
action appear is al-Wujud a\-Haqq , there is no God but Him1.
Al-Sammān seems to have had the same opinion, although he, like the
Ash’aris, believed that man has a capacity—given by God—to exercise an
option of obeying and fulfilling the divine laws and avoiding sin. Let us quote
his statement:
If one says all actions are the creations of God, then how is it
possible for man to make an effort to struggle (to obey God) if
he has no action. My response is that whenever God creates the
divine laws and burdens man to fulfill them, it is because He
creates the capacity of option (ikhtiyar) in man so that he can
comply with them; otherwise there is no reward and punishment
for good and bad. Thus, if one knows that he must obey God,
he must right away comply to do so (obedience). He must not
say, “If God makes it possible for me to obey, I will accomplish
it,” or “if God makes it impossible for me to do so, I will not do
it.” This argument comes from the whispers of Satan. Because
when God burdens him to comply with something, there is no
excuse for abandoning it. God Himself is the best proof. If [man]
does not comply with what God asks him to accomplish, God
will place the happy and the miserable ones in their appropriate
places. If the predestined happy man makes a move (towards
obedience), the divine eternal assistance will bring him nearer to
eternal happiness. On the other hand, if the predestined misera-
ble man makes a move (toward disobedience), the whispers of
Satan will come to him and hinder him from attaining the higher
spiritual station. However, all these things happen through des-
1 Ibid, 283
133
tiny (taqdir)—the will of God. But nobody should be satisfied
with committing sins. And nobody should refer to the law of
destiny (alqada’wa-al-qadar), whenever he commits sins, but
rather repent and ask forgiveness from Almighty God1.
The divine names
The principle of the oneness of God has always been the foundation of
theosophical Ṣūfīsm. Al-Qaysari for one maintains that the divine names are
the exterior of the divine qualities, and the divine qualities are the exterior
of the divine essence. Thus, a divine quality ontologically precedes a divine
name. The phenomenal world and every event that occurs in this world are
actualizations of a divine name; that is to say, a self-manifestation of the Ab-
solute through a definitive relative aspect called a Divine Name. That Adam
was created from the image of God means that he was created from the divine
presence. It must be noted that as al-Jili saw the perfect and complete manifes-
tation of God as only occurring in the human being. From this perspective, it
is understandable that these Ṣūfīs do not see man as responsible for his own
actions; it is God Himself who makes these actions in man. Among the di-
vine names, there are two comprehensive ones: al-qayyum and albaqi. These
were seen as significant in the Sammāniyah-Khalwatiyah order. The role of
these names was developed by ‘Abdullah al-Hijazi al-Sharqawi, the student
of al-Hifni. Nafis al-Banjari explains the issue in these words:
Brothers, if you attain this station, you are in a state of tajalli with
God; other appearances (segala yang dhahir) become nothing in the
Oneness of God’s being. Shaykh ‘Abd Allāh al-Hijazi al-Sharqawi al-
Misn, my beloved teacher, says in his book Wird Sharayn, “If tajalli
occurs, God Himself appears along with His attributes to His creatures.
The servants of God then see all creatures in relation to God. Since the
existence of creatures depends on God, even the beings of creatures
1 Ibid, 287
134
(makhluq) do not exist themselves. Also, one cannot distinguish or dif-
ferentiate because all appearances of the phenomenal world depend
on Him, particularly on His name al-qayyum, “the most independent”
(maha berdiri sendiri) and His divine name al-baqi, “the most everlast-
ing” (kekal). There is no independent being or existence without the
existence of God. As a result, the servant of God will see and consider
all names of creatures in the reality of God (hakekat). In this context,
God says in the Qur’an, “ wherever you turn your faces, you will find
the face of God.” The perfect meaning of this verse that “wherever you
turn your faces, your hearts and your spirits, you only find the being
or the existence of God1.
The divine names are then manifested in the phenomenal world in accor-
:dance with their own limited reality. Nafis continue
If you see a generous man, you will see that this generosity only
comes from God. The appearance of the quality of this man is only the
appearance of God’s name al-karim, “the most generous.” If you see a
patient man, you will see that this patience comes from the divine name
al-sabur “the most patient.” The appearance of this man, in fact only
comes from the name of God, The names “patient” and “generous” are
the names of God. Everybody with such qualities refers to God, so that
you only see the appearance of God2.
The attributes of God
The adherents of Ibn ‘Arabi’s teachings do not uphold the independence of

the divine attributes from the divine existence. God’s attributes, according
to these Ṣūfīs, are identical with the essence of God externally, but are su-
per-added to it in the mind. Here, the teachings of Ibn ‘Arabi approach more
closely those of the Muslim philosophers and the Mu’tazilis. Philosophers,
1 Ibid 289
2 Ibid, 290
135
like Ibn Sina, for example, apart from describing God as a pure intelligence,
good, generous, wise and so on, acknowledge that God also has a number of
negative as well as relative attributes. This is a concept comparatively famil-
iar to Muslim theologians. God is living, knowing, willing and powerful. Ibn
‘Arabi argues that these attributes are not super-added into the divine essence,
but rather identical. The Mu’tazili ‘Abdal-Jabbar (d.1025) also described God
as knowing, powerful, living, existent; He is endowed with these attributes,
but not by virtue of knowledge, power, life and existence, but by virtue of His
essence. Al-Sammān too adopts Ibn ‘Arabi’s theory of the divine attributes.
This can beseen from the explanation of his close student, Siddiq ibn ‘Umar
Khan as quoted by Nafis al-Banjari in his Durr al-Nafis. It must be noted,
however, that al-Palimbani does not follow al-Sammān , but rather al-Ghaza-
li’s theory which is typically Ash’ari. For al-Palimbani, God’s attributes are
super-added onto His Essence. God is living with the quality of life, knowing
by the quality of knowing, seeing by the quality of sight, and speaking with
the quality of talking. Moreover, al-Palimabani blames the Mu’tazilis who
say that God lives, knows, sees and talks solely with His essence. Nafis al-
Banjari, on the other hand, tells us that al-Sammān followed Ibn’Arabi:
According to the Ṣūfī ‘ulama’ (the men who know God truly,
may God sanctify their secrets), every quality of God is attribut-
ed to the existence of God, not separated from the existence of
God. God thus, hears, speaks, sees and knows by His own ex-
istence, not by something else. Our Ṣūfī master, the man who
knows God— Shaykh Siddlq ibn ‘Umar Khan—a disciple of
the divine pole Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Karlm al-Sammān
(may god grant His mercy to both of them), explains that the
effective way to contemplate on this station [to contemplate the
fact that attributes of God are not separate from His existence]
is by the way of revealing (kashf) and contemplating (musha-
hadah). Since they are always in theophany, God has re-veiled
136
the veil of His attributes to them. They, as a result, merely find
that all these attributes stand on the existence of God. They also
support their opinion by the logical argument that if these attri-
butes are not identical with the attributed existence (God’s es-
sence), God then becomes unknown, because He needs some-
thing that can introduce Him. God is free from such a condition.
God, however, is more knowledgeable than other knowers.....
These attributes (of God’s), however, do not have their separate
existence; they are contained in the existence of God. They are
therefore eternal like the eternity of God. This doctrine is our
main belief, by which we can attain epiphany and theophany.
If we attain this station, we do not see these attributes as being
different from the attributed existence (God)1.
The Sammāniyah employed their understanding of the attributes of God in

their notion of tawhid al-sifat. Tawhid al-sifat is to affirm that all attributes
are, in essence, God’s attributes, not those of His creatures. All attributes of
human beings or creatures are only manifestations of the attributes of God.
All attributes belong to God alone; human beings or creatures do not actually
have attributes. To support this idea, Nafis al-Banjari, for instance, quotes a
ḥadith which states that God will be the eyes, mouth and hands of a pious
servant. This does not mean that God has actual organs like those of human
beings, but rather that human beings share in certain qualities with God. The
attributes of sight, hearing, life, etc., which are found in God’s creatures, for
example, truly belong to God. Man only borrows them from God and pos-
sesses them only in a metaphorical sense. Let us quote Nafis al-Banjari:
In this station, you believe in the oneness of God in the term

of His attributes. These attributes depend on the essence of
God (dhat Tuhan). This means that all attributes (qualities) of
creatures, whether in their own essence or in relation with oth-
1 Ibid 294
137
ers, are nothing in relation to the attributes of God. The way
to contemplate this station is to see, prove and believe that all
attributes depend on the attributes of God, such as powerful,
intending, knowing, living, observing. All of them are the at-
tributes of God. These attributes, however, can be related to
His creatures in a metaphorical sense. If you see these attri-
butes in the personalities of human beings or other creatures,
they, in fact, are not real attributes, but rather solely the man-
ifestation of God’s attributes. The creatures do not have real
attributes, except as the manifestation of God’s attributes. A
ḥadith qudsi says, “If My servant approaches Me with supple-
mentary prayer, I will love him. I will be with him in all his
actions. I am his ears when he listens. I am his mouth when
he speaks. I am his eyes when he sees. I am his hand when he
touches. Moreover, I am his feet when he walks and his heart
when he feels1.”
The essence of God
When al-Ghazali discussed ma’rifah (gnosis), he asserted that the essence

of God is extremely difficult to understand. This is perhaps reflected in a ḥa-
dith to the effect that the Prophet prohibited Muslims from thinking about the
essence of God, but allowed them to think about God’s creation. The Sam-
māniyah, as represented in this case by Nafis al-Banjari, maintains that God’s
essence is not corporeal, nor a substance, nor an accident, nor united with
something (ittihad), nor inherent in something (hului). God is not limited by
space or time. He is completely dissimilar to everything. God does not have
a companion. He does not beget, nor is He begotten. Everything needs Him.
God’s essence cannot be approached by human beings. “Nobody—neither
angels nor prophets, can attain the essence of God.” This confirms the earlier
ḥadith forbidding a contemplation of the essence of God and another similar
1 Ibid, 295
138
ḥadith, according to which, the Prophet said that all people are ignorant about
the essence of God. In short, Nafis concludes that knowledge of the essence
of God is not available to anybody. The only person who can attain knowl-
edge of God’s essence is the Prophet Muḥammad, for no other creature has
been created by God from His own essence, except for the Prophet. All other
prophets and saints, therefore, are lower in status than the Prophet Muḥam-
mad. This is the highest station of the ontological tawhid. This tawhid belong
to the most advanced (or the most special) Ṣūfīs (al-khawass). At this level of
tawhid, a Ṣūfī must contemplate only the essence of God. A Ṣūfī must believe
that the only existence is the existence of God. The phenomenal world has no
actual existence, its existence is derived from the existence of God. And yet,
this does not mean that the existences of God and the phenomenal world are
identical. The real existence is God’s existence. All existence, other than God,
is imaginary or metaphorical, as Nafis al-Banjari explains:
The way to believe in the unity of the essence of God is to

see with your physical eyes and with your inner heart that
there is no existence except the existence of God. In this
sense, our essence and the essence of the creatures pass away
into the essence of God. Other existences cannot exist—ei-
ther by themselves or by other things—except through the
existence of God. They do not depend on themselves. Other
existences, therefore, if they are referred to God, are imag-
inary, fancy and nothing. According to our master Shaykh
Siddiq ibn ‘Umar Khan (may God have mercy on him), all
existences, but for the existence of God, are like existences
that we see while dreaming, except that, they are not real, for,
when we wake up, they disappear. Other existences, there-
fore, are like that. When we die, for example, we will disap-
pear. Then we will be aware that there is no real existence
except the existence of God, because the time of waking is
139
the time when we die. This is commensurate with the tra-
dition of the Prophet Muḥammad that all human beings are
sleeping; the wake up when they die. The concept of death,
according to the Ṣūfīs, consists of two meanings. The first is
the physical death when the spirit separates from the body,
while the second is the relative death in the Prophet’s tradi-
tion, “Die before you die.” Whoever wants to see a dead man
who walks on earth should see Abu Bakr. He was regarded
as dead because of the death of his passions and because he
was convinced of the nothingness of other existences. In a
sense, he regarded other existences as nothingness or mere
imagination, not as real existences1
In order to attain this station, there are two ways to contemplate tawhid al-
dhat:
a. Via the theophany of the multiplicity in unity (shuhudal-kithrahfi-

al-wahdah)
By this concept, Ṣūfīs regard the plurality and the multiplicity of existence
the shadow of God. Every possible existence that appears, though apparent-
ly different from the existence of God, is in reality the manifestation of the
existence of God. It is like the wave and its foam, both of which are water.
The universe or the phenomenal world are the shadow or the mirror of God.
Another example describes this universe as being like ice, and God the water
of which it is made; the name “ice” is lent to the congealed mass, but its true
name is water.
b. Via the theophany of unity in multiplicity (shuhud al-wahdahfi

al-kathrah)
Ṣūfīs regards the reality of God as manifesting itself in the mirror of various
1 Ibid 296
140
creatures, or in other words, one looks at the One through the multiplicity of
His creatures. The example that is offered is again the wave with its foam as
the manifestation of water. The real existence in fact is water; when it moves,
it becomes wave and foam; when it is extended over a large area, it becomes
the sea. The reality of all this, however, remains water. God can be analogized
with this example because the universe itself has no existence1.
The Remembrance of God
Remembering God (dhikr) Al-Sammān also indicates that remembering

God is the continuous activity of those who love God, for it is said that who-
ever loves something, will remember it continuously. The lover never forgets
his beloved whether near or far, joined or separated. For this reason, al-Sam-
mān cites Ibn ‘Abbas’ opinion that all religious devotions are supposed to be
done at specific times, except the dhikr which one should do without limit. In
this regard, God says, “Remember and glorify God abundantly in the morn-
ing and at noon (Q: 76:25).”As al-Sammān puts it, God remembers those
who remember Him. God’s occasion to remember man is much greater than
man’s remembering God.
Whether dhikr should be performed out loud or silently—an issue debated

by many Ṣūfīs—is an important topic for al-Sammān. Most later Naqshbandi
masters preferred silent dhikr, although al-Sammān ‘s opinion seems to be
closer to that of al-Sha’rani who considers both silent dhikr and voiced dhikr
to have important functions. Al-Sha’rani suggests combining both voiced
dhikr and dhikr in the heart.
According to al-Palimbani, al-Sha’rani maintains that, at the beginning, and

especially for the mubtadi’ (beginner), dhikr must be done in a loud voice,
but, as the murīd gets used to it, he can perform dhikr with his voice and in his
heart altogether at the same time. The murīd must continuously perform this
dhikr so that God becomes ever present in his heart. Furthermore, al-Sha’rani
1 Ibid, 297
141
emphasizes that the murīd must not perform other additional prayers or rec-
itations of the Qur’an, but rather only keep performing the dhikr, while other
additional prayers and the recitation of the Qur’an are only recommended for
higher level Ṣūfīs (al-kummal). Dhikr with voice, for al-Sammān, stems from
the original founder of the ṭarīqah, namely the Prophet Muḥammad himself,
through ‘All ibn Abi Talib, whom he taught to say the invocation la ilaha ilia
Allāh:
The Prophet said to ‘Ali, “Oh ‘Ali, if you want to achieve what
prophethood does, you must remember God in retreat (khalwah).”
‘Ali said, “This is the benefit of the dhikr that most people do.”
The Prophet said to ‘Ali, “The Day of Judgment will not come
as long as somebody utters Allāh Allāh.” Then ‘Ali asked the
Prophet, “How do I remember God, Oh Messenger of God?” The
Prophet (peace be upon him) said, “Close your eyes and be silent
until I speak three times and you listen to me. Then you speak
three times while I listen to you.” The Prophet then said la ilaha
ilia. Allāh three times, negating to the left side and affirming to
the right side, and closing his eyes, raising his voice, while ‘Ali
was listening to him. Then ‘Ali uttered la ilaha ilia Allāh three
times, negating to the left side and affirming to the right side, clos-
ing his eyes and raising his voice, while the Prophet was listening
to him. God then opened his heart (‘Airs) and he saw what he (the
Prophet) saw. This is what God revealed to Gabriel and Gabriel
revealed to Muḥammad.1
Al- Sammān tells us that dancing and standing took place in gatherings for
dhikr and singing held in the presence of some of the great Shaykhs, such as
Izz al-Din ibn’ Abd al-Salam. Al-Sammān also holds the opinion that most
Sufi dancing and singing is a reflection of mystical ecstasy. Clearly therefore,
as we mentioned earlier, the Naqshbandiyah-Mujaddidiyah had no influence
1 Ibid, 190
142
on al-Sammān in this matter; indeed, it is apparent that he was inspired by
early Ṣūfīs such as al-Makki, Abd al-Rahman al-Sulami (d.1021), al-Ghazali
and ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi. It must not be forgotten, however, that al-Sammān
may have been inspired by some ṭarīqahs that approved of and practiced
soma’. Whether or not dance and song were actually practiced in the Sam-
māniyah ṭarīqah, is debatable. However, in spite of the fact that al-Sammān
tolerated them,there is no evidence that they formed part of the ṭarīqah ritu-
als. The adherents of this ṭarīqah seem to have been sober and—since they
preferred to perform the dhikr by sitting down and not standing up, as certain
other ṭarīqahs do—it is less likely that dance formed part of the ritual. Hu-
gronje indicated that there was a strange popular dance in Acheh that seemed
to have Sammāniyah attributes; this dance however, performed to a mundane
poem (pantun), had nothing to do with Sammāniyah religious rituals at all. It
is necessary for us, in order to answer our question, to investigate how pres-
ent-day adherents of the ṭarīqah perform the dhikr.Abu Hamid’s dissertation
shows us how the Sammāniyah dhikr is performed by its adherents in South
Sulawesi. Here, dhikr is performed in a loud voice, with body movements and
with the congregation in attendance, in contrast to the adherents of the Khal-
watiyah of Yusuf al-Makassarfs ṭarīqah, who perform dhikr silently, either
alone or with the congregation1.
In performing the dhikr, there are twenty principles which must be observed.
Five must be observed before performing the dhikr, twelve during the dhikr,
and three after the dhikr. It must be noted that these twenty principles are writ-
ten in apoem composed by al-Sammān ‘s master Muṣṭafā ibn Kamal al-Din
al-Bakrī which al-Sammān quotes in his al-Nafahat al-Ilahiyah. These prin-
ciples are also adopted by al-Palimbanl in his Hiddyat al-Sdlikin.It is note-
worthy that these principles do not appear to be typical of the Khalwatiyah,
and seem to be found in other ṭarīqahs as well. For example, they are also
found in the ṭarīqah of ‘Abd al-Ra’uf al-Singkeli. In his treatise, Tanbih al-
Mashi al-Mansub ila Tariqi al-Qushashi, ‘Abd al-Ra’uf also mentions these
1 Ibid, 193
143
twenty principles. As we learn from this treatise, ‘Abd al-Ra’uf was initiated
by al-Qushashi into the Shattarliyah and the Qadiriyah ṭarīqahs. However,he
does not specify to which ṭarīqah these twenty principles applied. It is possi-
ble that the Khalwatiyah of Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī took these twenty principles
either indirectly from al-Qushashi, or directly from al-Bakrī’s Khalwatiyah
master. But, to ascertain this, we need more convincing evidence, and unfor-
tunately we do not have enough information. The link between al-Bakrī and
al-Qushashi would be tenuous, since they lived almost a hundred years apart,
but we may guess that al- Bakri had intellectual connections with al-Qushashi
via al-Nabulusi. In addition, due to the fact that these twenty principles are
not typically Khalwati, al-Palimbam was inclined to extend their function to
those not initiated into this order. The five principles that take place before the
dhikr are as follows:
1. The first and most important thing that should be done is to repent of ev-
ery sin and useless thing that is of no benefit to life in the hereafter.
2. One must take a bath or perform ablution.
3. The aspirant is also supposed to stay in one place while performing the
dhikr, he must not move about. This is to achieve simultaneous agreement
between the tongue and the heart.
4. When the aspirant starts to perform the dhikr, in his heart, he should ask
for the assistance of the will {himmah) of his master.
5. The aspirant must believe that, when he asks for assistance from his mas-
ter, he is actually asking for assistance from the Prophet Muḥammad, since
the master is the representative of the Prophet.
The twelve principles to be observed during the dhikr are given as follows:
1. One must sit down in a clean spot. It is better for the aspirant to sit down
as in prayer, since this will benefit his heart. For the more advanced, however,
sitting down cross-legged is better.
2. The aspirant puts his two hands on his knees.
3. The aspirant perfumes the spot where he performs the dhikr.
144
4. The aspirant wears lawful and perfumed clothing. It should be noted that,
both in dhikr and otherwise, al-Sammān always emphasizes the spiritual im-
portance of cleanliness for the aspirant. Al-Sammān quotes a ḥadith that
states that cleanliness is part of the true faith and the foundation of religion.
5. The aspirant chooses a dark spot.
6. The aspirant closes his eyes.
7. The aspirant pictures the image of his master.

8. The aspirant performs the dhikr seriously; he must be equally serious
about the dhikr whether in solitude or in front of others.
9. The aspirant performs the dhikr with sincerity; namely, his intention is for
God Almighty alone.
10. He chooses the dhikr containing the words “there is no God but God,”
uttered loudly.
11. The aspirant must introduce the meaning of the invocation of the dhikr
into his heart. For example, when the aspirant mentions the words la ildha
ilia Allāh, his human attributes and affections disappear; his heart is cleansed
of them. And, when his tongue repeats la ildha ilia Allāh, his heart says, “la
matluba ilia Allāh”(there is none needed but God), and at this time, all af-
fections (also the satanic and carnal souls) disappear. Finally, when he utters
la ildha ilia Allāh, his heart says la mawjuda ilia Allāh (there is no existent
but God); at this moment, all things other than God are denied, since their
existence depends on God’s power1.
12. The aspirant should attempt to deny all existents other than God in his
heart. He should feel that the words ilia Allāh have penetrated into all parts
of his body. There are certain principles after the dhikr to be observed as well.
1. After finishing the dhikr, it is better for the aspirant to remain silent in
the same position for a while in the hope that the fruits of the dhikr may be
bestowed on him by the grace of God. At this moment, his heart can be pu-
1 Ibid, 195
145
rified to the same extent as the performance of mujahadah (striving), which
sometimes takes thirty years to purify the heart.
2. The aspirant controls his breath. This will help his heart cut itself off from
carnal and satanic affections (khitr al-nafs wa-al-shaytant). For a while, after
finishing dhikr, the aspirant should not drink water because this can cool the
heat produced by the dhikr and make the longing for God disappear.
For Al-Sammān a Ṣūfī beginner should start by purification (tasfiyya) and

seclusion (takhliyya) in order to gain the sweet joy (tahliyya). By purification
(tasfiya), Al-Sammān means purifying the soul by self-discipline until the
soul becomes transparent ( safiyya). At that point, the heart of the Ṣūfī turns
into light and becomes completely pre-occupied with reaching God1.
By seclusion (takhliyya), Al-Sammān means the concentration of the Ṣūfī’s

interest on developing in the path. This (takhaliyya) is maintained through
two means:
1.The dhikr with kalimat al-tawhid
The invocation of dhikr is la ilaha ilia Allāh. When the words la ilaha axe
uttered, everything other than God must be emptied from the heart, and when
the words illa Allāh are uttered, they must be connected to the heart in order
to strengthen the affirmation of the unity of God. During this affirmation, the
meaning of this invocation should be felt to pervade the whole body. The
invocation that there is no God but God has two aspects: negation and con-
firmation. These two aspects must also be felt to pervade through physical
movement. The earlier masters of the Khalwatiyah offered a simple method
for performing this invocation. Their way consisted of two physical move-
ments: first, the dhikr is started on the right side of the body, and when the
aspirant invokes it, he must prolong the words of negation, la ilaha, to negate
p. 88.
146
all created beings; second, he then must thrust the words of affirmation, ilia
Allāh, into his heart under his breast to stress the existence of God.
Al-Sammān , however, is inclined to depart from the above method,intro-

ducing other methods instead. The first is rather simple: the aspirant must sit
down facing the qibiah, then start the dhikr with a physical movement that
must begin from below the navel with the invocation of the negation, la ilaha,
while emptying everything other than God from his heart. Then, the aspirant
brings or strikes ilia Allāh into his fleshly heart, while moving his head to the
left side with ilia Allāh, and, at the same time, keeping the meaning of the
invocation present in his heart. It must be noted here how the concentration of
the physical movement starts from under the navel; this method seems to be
popular in other ṭarīqahs as well. The second way is different from the first
and slightly more complicated.Here too the aspirant must sit down facing the
qibiah while remembering the glory of Almighty God, whom he invokes until
he feels as thought he has disappeared into the divine glory and beauty. Again,
the face of the Shaykh must be present or imagined when the aspirant starts
the dhikr. He starts from the left hand side,turning his head down in order to
feel humiliated, and, stressing the negation la from the left knee to the right,
he then raises it to the right shoulder while uttering the word ilaha. Finally, he
pushes the confirmation of the existence of God, ‘ilia Allāh, into the fleshy
heart. In the right knee, la ma’buda ilia Allāh (there is no being worshipped
but God) is uttered, while in left knee, la maqsuda ilia Allāh (there is no
goal but God) is invoked. And, in the right shoulder, la mawjuda ilia Allāh
is recited.
Al-Sammān also includes the use of breath control in dhikr. This teaching is
expressed clearly by his student al-Palimbani, who, referring to al-Sammān ,
says, “As the aspirant continues to invoke hu la ilia Allāh, he at the same time
controls his breath.” However, he does not give a detailed explanation of how to
control one’s breath in dhikr. Breath control in dhikr is a well-known and com-
mon method for many ṭarīqahs. This method is often regarded as the influence
147
of the yogi on the ṭarīqah, but some Ṣūfī, especially the Naqshbandiyah, main-
tain that it was imparted by the Prophet Khidr to Khwaja ‘Abd al-Khaliq Ghuj-
duwani. Breath control is indispensable for rendering the dhikr effective. Some
scholars are inclined to deny outside influences on the practice of breath control
in Ṣūfī ritual, insisting that it was the mystic’s experience itself that led to this
method. Perhaps we should remember that Massignon, although he admitted
foreign influences on Ṣūfī dhikr with regard to some aspects of its technique
considered breath control in Ṣūfīsm as an independent phenomenon, and said
that it has parallels in Hinduism (Pantanjali) and Catholicism (De Loyola). In
this respect, he states, “Any mystic(either Muslim, Christian or Hindu), who is
an ascetic, knows that he has a body to conquer, and any human body breathes
as long it is still alive.” Thus, it is natural that breath control was used. Further-
more, al-Sammān seems to agree with certain groups of Ṣūfīs who preferred
to prolong the element of la ilaha in order to emphasize the non-existence of
other gods, and then stress the element of ilia Allāh in confirmation of the
uniqueness of God. In this regard, we find that he is consistent with the earlier
Khalwatlyah. As we learned from al-Qushashi, the prolongation of la ilaha in
order to stress the negation of all things other than God is in fact the method
that was approved by the earlier masters of the Khalwatiyah, such as Dede
‘Umar (d. 1487) and even as far back as al-Rushani al-Tabnzi (from his Shaykh
Yahya al-Bakuni) and ultimately ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi. Al-Sammān advises
aspirants to go on practicing the dhikr until they attain permanent tranquility
in it. The basic level of the dhikr is when the performer of the dhikr, while
repeating la ilaha ilia Allāh, encounters mundane existence trying to distract
him from God, and he expels it from his heart. To negate everything other than
God in one’s heart is the core of the dhikr. Al-Sammān cites certain Qur’anic
verses to suggest that the murīd negate everything other than God during them
recitation. Al-Sammān cites a verse that is very popular among the mystics,
“Do you see the man who replaces God with his carnal soul?” (Q: 17:22). God
even answers this question himself by saying, “Do not take another god with
Allāh” (Q: 17:39).Rejecting others than God includes denying a place to money
148
and wealth in one’s heart. This is why the Prophet says of the misfortunes of
the one who worships the dinar and the dirham, that even though they do not
bow and prostrate before them, they do incline their hearts to them. Therefore
the statement that there is no God but God is not valid unless one first negates
everything but God alone. Then, al-Sammān insists on the realization that the
words “there is no God but God” cannot be expressed by the tongue but only
by the heart. Al-Sammān maintains that bo thal-Ghazali and Ibn ‘Ata’ Allāh
recommended the invocation of la ilaha ilia Allāhduring khalwah, whereas
Ibn ‘Arabi preferred the word Allāh instead. Al-Sammān does not express a
particular preference for either of these two invocations1.
In addition, it is also this term that a much later author, Muḥammad b. ‘Abd
al-Karīm al-Sammān (1189/1775), uses in a pamphlet entitled al-Futūhāt
al-ilāhiyya fī l-tawajjuhāt al-rūhiyya li l-hadra al-Muḥammadiyya, which
Radtke has emphasised the importance of, specifically pointing to the emer-
gence of the concept of tarīqa Muḥammadiyya, an expression which accord-
ing to him appears for the first time in the sixteenth century through the pen of
Muḥammad Birkawī (d.981/1573)2.
Al-Sammān’s situation from Shari’a
Sharia for Ṣūfī Muslims is the base of their belief, laws and practice.
Haqiqa is the essence, the fundamental truth that leads, through worship, de-
votion and the love and fear of Allāh, to the knowledge and recognition of
the Divine, Allāh. It paves the way to harmonious living in this world and to
eternal bliss in Paradise. Thus to describe Ṣūfīsm simply as mysticism and
Ṣūfīs only as
mystics is to deny both their base and their legitimacy. The haqiqa of the
Ṣūfī Muslim cannot exist without the Qur’an and the Sunna (Prophetic tra-

2 http://www.ibnarabisociety.org/articles/qab-qawsayn-1.html
149
ditions)1 . The ṭarīqa’s followers should uphold, through knowledge and
action, all the commandments of the Law (+), al-Hifni recalled al-Bakri’s
guidance in this respect, according to which Ṣūfīsm without the sharia was
atheism (Al Haqiqabedun sharia – zindaka)
AI-Malïbarï says that the path which leads to God consists of three parts:
shari’a, ṭarīqa and haqiqa. Sharia is like a boat, ṭarīqa the sea and haqiqa
a great pearl of highest price. Sharï’a is to accept the religion of the Creator
and to act in accordance with His clear orders and prohibitions; tarïqa means
to follow the safest way, like piety (al-wara’), and ascetic practice (riyida),
while haqiqa is the arrival of the traveller at his destination and his wit-
nessing of the light of theophany (tajal1ï).Whoever wants the pearl should
ride a boat and plunge into the sea. ṭarīqa and , haqiqa without shari’a will
not yield the desired resull. The poet further says that one should embellish
oneself with the practice of the shari’a to enlighten the heart and erase the
darkness in order to soften the heart to accept the ṭarīqa 2.
“You have to held fast with the Book (holy Qur’ān) and Sunnah, and abid-
ing with them, for they are the straight deen of Allāh, and His straight path.
Whoever, abide by become safe and protected. And whoever, turn away of
them gone stray and regret. Thus, make them a ruler upon you. And back to
them in all your matters”3. Inciting his murīds to abide by the Shari’a , he
further says:”Whoever, wants/likes to be my truly son, he ought to placed
himself upon/on the top peaks of the Shari’a , and sealed with the seal of
ḥaqìqa, and has to kill it with the sword of mujahad, and swallwo the mar-
arat. And whoever, saw to his ownself an accepted act fails on the eye of
1 http://islamicbooks7.com/products/The-Bequest-%3A-al%252dWasiyya-,by%3A-
al%252dShaykh-Abd-al%252dMahmud-al%252dHafyan-of-Tabat.html
2 SRIMULYATI. SUFISM IN INDONESIA: AN ANALYSIS OF NAWAWï AL-BANTE-
NI’S SALALIM AL-FUJ;ALA’. A Thesis Submitted to the FacuIty of Graduates Studies
and Research in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Master of Art.
Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University Montreal, P.Q. Canada September, 1992.p 7
3 Moḥammad al-Samman. al-Nafahat al-illahiyya, p-160
150
Allāh (SWT) care”.1
On becoming a saint
Quoting Abdal-Karim al-Sammān, Nafis says to become a saint a Ṣūfī

should subject himself to certain disciplines as regards solitude, hunger, si-
lence and awaking. Further a Ṣūfī should pass through stations such as mu-
jahada and muraqaba2.
The Shaykh holds a view on who the true guide ought to be, he says: ‘the
true master makes his pupils rise, from love of the world to disinclination for
it; from ignorance to knowledge; from desire to contentment, and from dislike
of worship to fervent devotion’. Quoting Nafis, that Άbd al-Karim al-Sam-
mān, says ‘to become a saint, a Ṣūfī should subject himself to certain disci-
plines as regards solitude, hunger, silence and awaking. Further, a Ṣūfī should
have passed through stations such as mujahada and Muragaba”3. It was also
attributed to him, the saying: ‘The real Shaikh is not one who adopts harsh
training with his disciples and followers, but he who develops them while are
continuing their daily worldly and commercial activities’4. Also of his sayings:
‘Anyone who is initiated into my order will get worldly prosperity and accep-
tance in the Last Day even if he did not conduct jihadal-nafs (self-discipline)’5.
1 Hassan al-Fathih.Ba’th al-Nahada al-Ruhiyya. P-311

2 Abdul-Muthalib. The Mystical Thought of Moḥammad Nafis Al-Banjari.MA University
of McGill, Montreal. Canada. 1995, p- 10.
3 Ibid.
4 Amani Moḥammad El-Obeid. The Sammāniyya tariqa, the doctrine and politics, un-
published M.sc in political Science, University of Khartoum, faculty of Economic, 1997,
p;79.
5 Ibid:79
151
Great sayings
A number of sayings are attribute to him in which he proved the highest

mystical rank possible….His way is to eradicate the idolatry of the self, to
recognize in all that happens, whether of good or of evil, the will of God,
and to live in submission to his will according to the Holy Law….
• my sons be occupied with the recitation of the Holy Qur’ān,

its people are the people of Allāh His special servant. O my son be
too serious on its recitation. Recite the Holy Qur’ān everyday even if
two ḥizb not less.
• Whoever, wants to be my true son ought to place himself at
the pecks of the sha’ria, and sealing it with the seal of the ḥaqìqa, and
kills it with the sword of mujahada, to swallow the sores.
• Out of our sons, we love only the one who observing the time
of his ṣalāwat , the keeper of his awrad.
• How do a one (person) claims that he wants to follow the path
of Allāh, and he sleeps at the time of bounties, treasures, sciences’
transmission, revealing the unveil and the tajali of al-Hai al-Qaium.
 Whoever, claims that Allāh Has a limit, and being
reach to, or and then reaches to, and the lawful deeds has been
dropped on him, and he is not addressed by, with the existence
of sound mind, and the attainment has given him that, he is to
sagar (hell).
 Out of our sons, we love only the one who observes the
time of his ṣalāwat , the keeper of his awrad.
 If I don’t like the play for everyone of Allāh creation,
how do I accept it to the son of my heart.
 How do a one (person) claims that he wants to fol-
low the path of Allāh, and he sleeps at the time of bounties,
treasures, sciences’ transmission, revealing the unveil and the
tajali of al-Hai al-Qaium.
152
 Be aware of the bad companions, we are at a time in
which the advice has gone less, till you don’t see an adviser
that render you with assistance. And whoever you turn to pro-
vide a delight, provide you evils and moodiness, and whoever
you want to elevate, wants to put you down, and whoever you
offer him with the good insults you. And whoever you sympa-
thize with, be able to throw you on the thorns and the edges of
the spears. And whoever you offer benefit to, harm you. And
the one who you reach with visit, cut you off, and the one who
you feed, prohibit you, and the one who you nurture, says:” I
who nurtured you”, and the one who you put on the lead, he
delayed you, and the one who you go sincere with, cheats you,
and the one who you smile to, refrain form you.
 The Shuyukh have no any favour on me, but the mes-
senger of Allāh (pbuh), for he ensures my nurture. Only I
took (the bia’a) from them (Shuyukh), following the tariq of
the quum.
 O my son if you want to understand the secret of the
Qur’an put aside your false claims and kill your precious self,
and place it under your feet, and know you are handful of dust,
and confess of your plenty of sins, and fear your piety may
back to you, if you do not do that, the door of understanding
is locked before you. By the majesty of my Lord every letter
(ḥarf ) from the Qur’an, the two Thaqalayn (jinn and man-
kind) failed to understand, and if the whole creation assemble
to know Ya ‫ يا‬or Jeem ‫ جيم‬by their sole mind they fail. The sole
letter (ḥarf ) of the Qur’an less of what be explained twenty
thousand side and less on that in the tafsir the meaning of al-
’Azīz ‫ العزيــز‬The Almighty, the Self Sufficient, al-dīn speech.
 O my son stick firm with humiliation zul and control
of ego inkesar for here are folk, who seek Allāh’s attainment
153
not with the much amount of devotion nor fasting nor Ṣalāt
nor observing nights with devotion qiam, nay they attain Him
and lay their journey between His own hands only through the
greatness of humiliation and inkesar, hold on them (humilia-
tion and inkesr), for they are the nearest path for His attain-
ment.
The brothers are four:
 1- The first of them is the Red Silver, and the perfect brother,
who scarifies you with his own soul after the money and offesprings,
and care of your matter more than his own at any cost.
 2-The second: who take you as a brother with the money and
offesprings, not with his soul, he is half brother in the eyes of the great
men.
 3-The third: who sacrifices you only by money, this known as

the quarter brother.
 4-The fourth: the one whose existence and non-existence is

the same, greedy in your money and jah at any time, and who dose
not cause you niether a benefit of his state hal nor benefit you with his
saying maqal.
Of his speech (may Allāh be pleased with him’: ‘And whoever wants the
attainment to Allāh, ought to come to us, and whoever enters our zāwiya,
counted on us’. ‘My sons, you have to stay late at night, for the one who
in the state of wakening, is better than the one who in the state of sleeping,
even if he isn’t busy with dhikr’. ‘And whoever took my ṭarīqa, and read
my wasilah, and my prayer Nuqtat Dairat al-Wjuud, the centre circle of the
existence, I will place him in the way of the messenger of Allāh (pbuh), and
his end will be successful’1.(May Allāh be pleased with him), used to starve
1 Ἀbdulgalil Abdallah Salih. The Sammaniyya: doctrine, history & Future, Sudan
154
himself, and he may fell fainted as the result of pain. His father used to say,
to him, while he was in such state: ‘Are you starving?’ He used to answer
‘No’, but I have an example, in the messenger of Allāh.
printing currency, 2015.
155
156
Chapter Five
The Universality of the ṭarīqa
Most Ṣūfī orders have from their inception been transnational (if that
term is appropriate before the advent of the nation state) and have consti-
tuted networks of communication connecting different cultural areas of the
Muslim world. Studies of early modern scholarly networks (e.g. Voll 1980,
Azra 1992) have indicated the prominent role of the orders in these networks.
Modern communications and the emergence of significant Muslim diasporas
throughout the world have introduced new modalities of transnationalism.
The Mouride movement of Senegal represents one special type of a travelling
Ṣūfī order, in which membership in the order, trade and international migra-
tion are intimately connected (Cruise O’Brien 1971, 1988, Copans 2000).
In the South Asian and Turkish immigrant communities of Western Europe
and Australia, one finds ‘transplanted’ Ṣūfī networks that are extensions of
networks in the home countries. A rather different and more dynamic type is
that of the Naqshbandiyya Haqqaniyya, in which the murshid and his chief
khalifas are highly mobile and supervise communities of followers around
the globe, between which there appear to be considerable differences in Ṣūfī
practice (Atay 1996, various other studies in progress). The rapid geographi-
cal expansion of the Fethullah Gülen branch of the Nurcu movement, though
not a Ṣūfī order strictly speaking, represents a highly successful adaptation
157
of a Ṣūfīsm-inspired movement to the opening of the former socialist bloc1.
Later Ṣūfī orders followed similar patterns, simultaneously creating roots

in the places of birth or burial of their founders while extending connections
between Sheikh and devoted followers through travel. The Sammāniyya Ṣūfī
order is no exception. It has created several centres across Africa, Asia , Arab
world and Europe which duplicate the roles of the holy cities of Al-Madina
al-Munawra and Umm-Marrih in its Sudanese enviroment, as symbolic roots
of the ṭarīqa.
Therefore, his « way » of mysticism is unlikely to have been named after

him before the latter part of the 18th century. Perhaps one may infer from
al-Jabarti’s statement that in 1760 he was not yet known as a prominent mys-
tic Shaykh outside Medina, and did not make his mark in Egypt until his
dhikr-meetings had won him a certain fame there. Yet about the early sixties
his reputation for saintliness and wonder-working must have been well estab-
lished in his native town. According to his followers his coming had been
predicted centuries ago, as is usual with men of exceptional stature; in the
Kitcû) Tawâ W al-Fath, a book on the hijra of the Prophet to Medina, written
by ‘Abd al-Rahmàn al-Ghamrî al-Sammàni in 1180/1766, it says that as early
as the time of the Prophet his state of eminent divine favour was prophesied.
The new ṭarīqa spread to Egypt and the Sudan, and from there to Eritrea. It
was also carried into Sumatra and other Jawi regions by returning pilgrims
who had been attracted to the new fraternity in Arabia.
O’Fahey says, was in some ways a transitional figure-similar to al-Qushashi

and al-Kuram, as a Medinan son” who had students from different Muslims
countries. His followers, who were widely separated geographically speak-
1Azyumardi Azra, Martin van Businessmen, Julia Howell. Sufism and the ‘Modern’ in
Islam. An international conference organised by Griffith University (Brisbane), the Interna-
tional Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World (ISIM, Leiden), and the Centre
for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM, Jakarta)
Jakarta, 4-7 September 2003. Available at http://www.hum.uu.nl/medewerkers/m.vanbru-
inessen/conferences/sufism_and_the_modern.html.
158
ing, were united by a shared devotion to the use of the same prayers and
litanies. Al-Sammān had a number of disciples. O’Fahey gives us the list of
the names of those who were the students of al-Sammān. This list, says O’Fa-
hey, is based on the Qaft Azhar al-Mawahib al-Rabbdniyah min Afnan Riyad
al-Nafhah al-Qudsiyah, Jim Dhdi by Siddlq al-Madanl ibn ‘Umar Khan, al-
Ku’us al-Muttarra’a (24-27)by ‘Abd al-Mahmud Nur al-Da’im and Durrat
‘Iqdjayyid al-Zaman by Muḥammad Taqi al-Din. However, certainly there
were other figures who are not mentioned in this list, such as Muḥammad Ar-
shad al-Banjari, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Shinqlti who came from Mauritania and
died at al-Sammān ‘s zdwiyah in 1767,28 and ‘Uthman ibn’Abd al-Rahman
ibn ‘Uthman died in 1779; it is even said that the great muhaddith Murtada
al-Zabidi adopted the Sammāniyah directly from al-Sammān himself, and
certainly al-Sammān could have had other students not included in the list.
But from the following list given by O’Fahey, we can see how widely sepa-
rated geographically al-Sammān’s disciples were. This reality makes him a
true transitional figure.
Numerous followers of Moḥammad al-Sammān ( Allāh’s mercy be on

him) carried the torch of Sammāniyya order to different countries of the
world. The students were advised to establish institutions in their own na-
tive places and spread Islām and root out ignorance. Many students became
eminent saints and famous scholars. The Sammāniyah, organized on a wid-
er geographical and societal scale with a central hierarchical authority, ex-
panded in the Sudan at the expense of the two older ṭarīqahs, the Qadiriyah
and the Shadhiliyah, which had been adapted to the local parochial pattern
of holy families1.
1 http://islamicus.org/khalwatiyah/
159
List of al-Sammāni ‘s students
Sudan
1-Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib al-Bashīr.
2- Aḥmad Muḥammad al-Baqqari.
3-Shaikh Hamad (Taqali).
4-Shaikh Zayn al-Abidin (Sinnar)
5-Jawdat al-Sulaymi. The last three students, Abd al-Mahmoud Nūr al-
Dā’im saw their ijazās written by al-Sammān’s handwriting.
Egypt
1-Hamad al-’Abidi.
2-Hassan al-Qaum.
3-Shaikh Ibrāhīm al.Goulyobawi and his son Shaikh Madani
4- Muḥammad al-Kurdi.
Hijaz
1- Muḥammad al-Giffri b.Hussien al-’Alawi.
2-’Abd al-Karìm b. Muḥammad b.’Abd al-Karìm al-Sammāni .

3- Muḥammad al-Zayn b. Hussein.
4-Siddiq b. Umar Khan al-Umari al-Faruqi (Jeddah)
5- Abd Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Madani.
Yemen
1-Shaikh al-Salih al-Sunni.
Morocco
1-Shaikh Abd Abdr -Rahaman Abū-Zaid al-Taduli (who introduced Aḥ-
mad b.Issa al-Ansari into the Sammāniyya through a khalwati ijazā. (see Abd
160
al-Mahmoud Nūr al-Dā’im kuus --- ,op, cit.,p.27).
2-Shaikh al-Ghorashi.
3-Al-’Arabi al-Dirqa 4-Abu.Abd Allāh b. Muḥammad b.Talib Ibn-Suda
(d.1193 A.H. in Fez), he is student of Aḥmad b. al-Mubarak al-Silqalmashi
al-Lumet who wrote al-Dhahab al-Ibriez).
Syria
1-’Uthman al-Aqibi.
2-’Uthman b.Abd al-Rahman al-Jawi.
Indonesia
1-Shaikh Abd al-Rahman al-Jawi.
Afghanistan
1-Saa’d al-Din Al-Kabli.
However, al-Sammān ‘s teachings were spread by a group of highly influen-

tial and distinguished students, among whom were: Shaykh Aḥmad al-Tayyib
b. al-Bashir, abdal-Sammad al-Palembani, Sediq b. Omar Khan etc.
Two of al-Sammān’s disciples spread a ṭarīqah, called Sammāniyah to

Sumatra and to the Sudan. One was Àbd al-Samad al-Palimbani (c. 1703-
1788), who spent most of his working life in Arabia and initiated students
from Sumatra into the Sammāniyah. The Sammāniyah was introduced into
the Sudan by Aḥmad al-Tayyib ibn al-Bashir (d. 1823), who had been initiat-
ed by al-Sammān in Medina.
The Sudan
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, other well-estab-

lished transregional orders entered Sudan from abroad, notably the Tijani-
yya and Sammāniyya 1. Al-Sammān influenced Ṣūfīsm greatly in the Sudan.
1 Kathryn. M.Coughline in her reference gude book, Muslims Cultures Today GREEN-
161
He advocated for the Khalwati tradition, which called for all members of
this Ṣūfī order-no matter where they lived geographically-to be united un-
der in this tradition under the founder’s family name, and by the use of the
same prayers and rituals. This “network” of Ṣūfīsts became known as the
Sammāniyya. Sammāniyya’s Shuyukh have set the Qur’ān’s fire, built the
mosques, zāwiyas, khalawas, and Islām ic institutes, and their students have
followed the same trace, across the country and outside1.
The rapid spread of the Sammāniyya and its contribution to the religious,
literary, social and political fields in Sudan accomplished with the emer-
gence of Shaykh Ahmed al-Tayyib b. al-Bashir, a religious revivalist and in-
disputably the greatest Sammāni in the history of Sudan. The Sammāniyya
is of the most prominent and striking features of Islām in Sudan is the Ṣūfī
tradition, especially as embodied in Ṣūfī orders, among these the Sammāni-
yya. The ṭarīqa represents one of the most important Ṣūfī ṭurūq in modern
Sudan. The importance of the Sammāniyya lies in the fact it is one of the
Ṣūfī ṭurūq that shaped the nature of Islām in Sudan. Moreover, it reflects
the process of Sudanization of an orthodox Ṣūfī-Ulamà” ṭarīqa that was
founded in Hijaz2. It has brought to Sudan by the renowned Shaykh Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib b.al-Bahir (1742 -1824), in the second half of the 18th century.
The ṭarīqa is not just the most popular and influential in Sudan but also
in most of African continent, mainly Nigeria. By the passing of the time,
the Sammāniyya has gained several centres in different parts of the Sudan.
These centres had and still have varied spiritual, social and reforming tasks.
They have the responsibility of the educational and ethical aims, for those
who under the dominance of its banner. However, the great students have
taken the Ṣūfī pledge from Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib, and then each went to
the place that he chose, and taking from the masīd an institution, to Allāh’s
call, and distribution of knowledge, via opening khawlas for the memori-
WOOD PRESS, Westport, Connecticut • London, 2006, p.191.
1 Emily, Dyar. The Character of Islam in Africa. Final December 9, 2010-HIST 261-Dr. Carmichael-Wiki.
2 Amani Mohammad El-Obeid .The Sammāniyya tariqa in the Sudan: Doctrine and Poli-
tics, unpublished M.Sc. in political Science, University of Khartoum, 1997, p:i.
162
zation of the Qur’ān. Thus, thousands of centres represented al-Sammān
involved in propagation his teachings and doctrine, have appeared, as en-
lightening centres, helping in the spread of the word of Allāh, and strengthen
the bonds of faith, among the believers. He and his pupils were of immense
importance to the spread of Sammāniyya influence in Africa, Europe and
the Islām ic world. In time al-Ṭayyib founded his own branch of the Samm-
maniyya known as the” Tayyibiyya (154:p.86).
According to O’Fahey the Sāmmaniyya has left behind a significant impact

in Nilotic Sudan, he comments: ‘Another branch of the Khalwatiyya, which
had significant impacts on the Nilotic Sudan, was that of Muḥammad b. al-
Karim al-Sammān, a student of the Egyptian Khalwati Shaykh Muṣṭafā al-
Bakrī. The Sammāniyya was spread into the Sudan by Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b. al-
Bashīr” (1742-1824). He was initiated into the Way on several visits to Mecca
and travelled widely in the Sudan to form the basis for the new ṭarīqa. This,
then, was a clear manifestation of ṭarīqa -Way as a more active principle than
had prevailed in the Sudan earlier. It is not clear; however, to what degree an
organization beyond that of a series of initiations existed at this time. Yet its
influence remained strong; the Sudanese Mahdi started his career as a Shaykh
of the Sammāniyya, and—notwithstanding the difference in content—the
movement he built was clearly influenced by the ṭarīqa model’1
Ahmed al-Tayyib al-Bashir 1742 - 1824
Shaykh al-Ṭayyib was born into one of the most prominent and long-estab-
lished clans of religious notables, and learned men in Sudan. His predeces-
sors mainly his grandfather was a Qadiri in ṭarīqa , and student of Ḥasan w
Hasuna. He is known as one of the most prolific Ṣūfī revivalist, in the history
of Islām in Sudan. His biography informs that ‘He is Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b.
Mawlai al-Bashȋr b. Mālik, b. al-ustaz Muḥammad Surūr, the Abbasi, the
Sammāni in his ṭarīqa, and Māliki in madhab’. Master Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib was
1 http://www.webafriqa.net/library/levtzion_pouwels/history_islam_africa/sufi_brother-
hoods_africa.html#n41.
163
born at Umm Marrih, north of Omdurman in (1155-1742/3 -1239-1824 AH).
His mother was Ruqayya bt. Rahama b. Muḥammad Surūr; his father, who
was also his mother’s cousin, was al-Bashȋr b. Mālik b. Muḥammad Surūr.
His pedigree shows that, he had a common ancestry, with the Arakiyyun
holy clan1. He studied at the mosque of his ancestor, Muḥammad w.Surūr
{v.k-al-Tabaqat, 344}, then at the mosque of Walad Anis al-Awabi and Aḥ-
mad al-Fazzari at Um-Ṭalha2. After memorizing the Qur’ān, at the mosque
of his ancestor, Muḥammad w Surūr, Aḥmad studied under Wald Anas al-Aw-
dabi, a student of Shaykh Khojali, on the island of Islanj, north of Omdur-
man. He then asked the famous Qādiri Shaykh , Άbd al-Baqī’ al-Nayyal, to
initiate him in Qādiriyya. Al-Nayyal is reported to have communicated with,
the spirit of Ḥasan w. Hassuna, who commanded him not, to admit Aḥmed3.
Therefore Shaikh Abd al-Baqi told his disciples that Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib would
get his initiation in Hijaz (Madina). This incident could be explained with-
in the context of the development of Ṣūfī orders in the Sudan. The Ṣūfī or-
ders available then were not able to satisfy the scholarly ambitions of Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib al-Bashīr” Aḥmad was also student of Aḥmad al-Fazari al-Faradi
of Um-Ṭalha in Gezira. He then decided to return to Umm-Marrih, where he
studied of his own, devoting much of his time, to the Mukhtaṣar of Khalil, and
a major commentary upon it by Barham Al-Damari (d.805/1402). So for him
there was a necessity for a new revivalist spirit which was not found in Sin-
nar. For this reason after travelled to many Ṣūfī Shaikhs, and did not manage
to fit into their Qadiri branches, he returned to his village Um-Marrih where
he continued to perform Ṣalāt on the prophet (twelve thousands times a day)
until he claimed that he saw the prophet in full consciousness. Here Aḥmad
Al-Ṭayyib developed a new trend in the Ṣūfī orders in the Sudan in the late
period of the Funj Sultante that is performing Ṣalāt on the prophet as a means
1 Ἀbd al-Mahmud Nūr al-Dā’im. Al-K uus al-Mutara fi Manqib al-Sada’a al-Arba, 2008,
p.109.
2 S, R, O’fahey. Arabic Literature of Africa. Volume 1. The writings of Eastern
Sudanic Africa to C.1900. E.J. Brill, Leiden. The Netherland 1994, 92.
3 Ali, Ṣāliḥ,Karrar. The Ṣūfī Brotherhood in Sudan. Hurst. London. 1992, p.
164
of acquiring Ṣūfī status and karāmat. This was the period before he went to
the Hijaz. It is significant to mention that, at that time, before his travel to
Hijaz, Aḥmad Al.Tayyib Al-Bashīr” was famous for being ‘Alim, due to the
fact that he studied Shari’a sciences under the supervision of Shaikh Sa’id
Al-Battahani1.
When he was sixteen or eighteen that is in 1758 or 1760 Aḥmad travelled

to the Ḥijaz. While in Mecca Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib, was also initiated by Ibrāhim
b.Muḥammad Ἀbd al.Salam al-Makki al-Shafi, a student of Muṣṭafā Kamāl
al-Dīn al-Bakrī, into the Khalwatiyya, and by Ἀbd al-Rahman al-Aydarus,
into the Naqshbandiyya. Aḥmad was said to have seen in a vision, that his
real master was Muḥammad b.Ἀbd al-Karim al-Sammān in Medina. He thus,
moved and studied under him for several years, during which he was initiated
by his teacher, into a number of ṭarīqas, among them the Qādiriyya, Khal-
watiyya, and Naqshbandiyya. After receiving his diploma (ijāza), Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib was ordered by his master, to return to the Sudan, to initiate fol-
lowers and “to make manifest the signs of the religion”, izhar maalim al-din2.
Aḥmad Al.Tayyeb was to infuse a new spirit into Sudanese Ṣūfīsm, leading
to a renewed emphasis, not only on such practical aspects as dhikr (recital)
and madiḥ (songs of praise) but also on the philosophy of Ṣūfīsm. Aḥmad felt
the need for reform, and began to make contact, with the leading Shaykh s
of his day, seeking to persuade them, to unite under his leadership, to revive
its (the land’s) people”. He also initiated the scholar Aḥmad w.Isa Al-Ansari,
who sent some of his own pupils, to be initiated by Aḥmed, among whom
was Badawi w.Abu-Safiyya D.C.1848), a religious notable of the Bidayyia
of Kordofan’3
Aside for his own intellectual and spiritual prowess, al-Sammān has be-
come famous on account of another disciple, Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib (d. 1824),
1 Amani Mohammad Obied. Sammāniyya tariqa, doctrine and poltics,
2 Ibid
3 Dirasat Ifriqiyya. Khartoum, Issue No 41, 2009.
165
who spread his ideas in the Sudan as the Sammāniyya order1. The first new
impulse came from within the Khalwatiyya tradition represented by the af-
filation stemming from Muhammad b. ‘Abd al-Karim al-Sammān (d.1775),
which was brought to the Sudan by the returned Sudanese scholar, Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib wad al-Bashir (1742/3 to 1824)2. He came to be known as a re-
formist Ṣūfī master for those who put together mysticism and orthodoxy
keeping a balance between them. The most salient aspect of Shaikh Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib’s Ṣūfīsm was his struggle of developing and reviving a mystical
orthodoxy in place of prevailing Ṣūfīsm. Therefore, he denounced particular
Ṣūfī doctrines and many prevalent practices of Ṣūfīsm that he thought to be
inconsistent with the Islāmic Shariah. He expressed his strong disagreement
with many well-established spiritual Ṣūfī doctrines. From all this, it is not
difficult to infer that Shaikh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib was an Islāmic reformist and
an orthodox legalistic Ṣūfī at the same time. Therefore, Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib
movement of Islāmic reformation and renewal was also an endeavour to fos-
ter an orthodox spiritual revival. To accomplish this purpose, Shaikh Aḥmad
al-Ṭayyib exerted all his efforts to restore traditional Islāmic Sharia as well
as a mystical path based on Islāmic orthodoxy. He strongly believed that Is-
lāmic law (shariah) and Ṣūfī path (ṭarīqah) were essentially inseparable and
that there can be no discrepancy or inconsistency between them.
In this concern Ali Salih Karrar (1992) comments: ‘Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib was
to infuse a new spirit into the Sudanese Ṣūfīsm, leading to a renewed empha-
sis, not only on such practical aspects of dhikr (remembrance, sc. of God,
in communal ritual) and madiḥ (songs of praise), but also on philosophy
of Ṣūfīsm. Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib was said to have found the Qādiriyya and the
Shadhiliyya at very low ebb. He felt the need for reform and began to make
contact, with the leading Shaykh s of his day seeking to persuade them to
1 http://www.tijani.org/shaykh-Aḥmad -tijani-and-the-founding-of-the-tariqa-tijaniyya/
2 Louis Brenner. Muslim Identity & Social Change in Sub-Saharan Africa.
Indiana Univeristy Press. 1993.
166
unite under his leadership1.
The Sammāniyya brought by Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib has contributed

on the revival of ṭarīqa Qādiriyya Bahariyya, which has been disseminated
by Shaykh Taj Adeen al-Bahari in Sennar State, and his students like Shaykh
Mohammad al-Hamim, and Shaykh Banaqa al-Darir, and Shaykh Hejazi b.
Ma›ain, and Shaykh al-Din al-Tewim, and Shaykh Ageeb al-Manjoluk. This
group has been followed by another, like Shaykh Abd Allāh b. Daf Allāh
al-Araki, it has (Qādiriyya Bahariyya) manage to attract a lot of murīds and
disciples. It has been prevailed by the spiritual dimension, in most cases it
did not link with ilm, the speech on kramat overcome istiqama on it.
He won many adherents for the new order, and his descendants succeeded
him as its local heads. Where the new teachings of Sammāniyya attract-
ed many of the Gadiriyya Shaykh s to the new style of the ṭarīqa. Also,
the personality of master Shaykh Aḥmad al- Tayyib had really impressed
many previous Gadiri Shaykhs, drawing them to the fold of Sammāniyya,
Thus Aḥmad al-Ḅasir (d.1829) and Muhammad Tōm Bānnaqā’ (d.1851),
Qādiri Shaykh s and religious leaders, of the Hallawiyyin and the Yaqubab
clans of the Gezira respectively joined the Sammāniyya under the influence
of Aḥmed2. These men later on became great Masters themselves. He also
initiated the scholar Aḥmad w.Isa Al-Ansari, who sent some of his own pu-
pils, to be initiated by Aḥmed, among whom was Badawi w.Abu-Safiyya
D.C.1848), a religious notable of the Bidayyia of Kordofan’3
Indonesia
At the other end of the Muslim world, in South East Asia, Dutch colonial
expansion encountered activist Ṣūfī orders playing a part in local resistance.
It was especially the Sammāniyya and later the Qādiriyya wa Naqshbandiyya
that were repeatedly found to be involved in uprisings against traditional in-
1 Dirasat Ifriqiyya. Khartoum, Issue No 13, 1995, P: 42
2 Ali, Ṣāliḥ, Karrar.The Sufi Brotherhood in Sudan.Hurst. London. 1992, p.
3 Dirasat Ifriqiyya. Khartoum, Issue No 41, 2009.
167
digenous authorities and occasionally the Dutch. These were the first orders
to find an organised mass following in South East Asia; before their arrival,
the spiritual exercises of other orders appear to have been practised mostly
individually or in small elite groups, gradually merging into folk belief and
magic (Bruinessen 1994). The Sammāniyya was a new order, initiated by
the Medinan teacher Muḥammad Sammān (d.1775) by combining the Khal-
watiyya with elements from other orders and adding new, loud and ecstatic
recitations. Within decades, the order found a rapidly increasing following in
various parts of the Indonesian archipelago, introduced by local men who had
studied with the master himself or his first successor in Medina. When the
Dutch attempted to occupy the city of Palembang in South Sumatra in 1819,
they were fought by men dressed in white, who worked themselves into a
frenzy with the loud Sammāniyya dhikr and fearlessly attacked them. In the
1860s they met similar resistance in South Borneo. The largest uprising of the
nineteenth century took place in Banten in 1888; here it was the Qādiriyya
wa-Naqshbandiyya, a similar composite order, that was involved (Bruinessen
1994).
The first tarékat to find a mass following in Southeast Asia that could ac-
tually be mobilized was perhaps the Sammāniyya. Though patronized by the
sultan of Palembang (who, as observed above, even paid for the construction
of a zâwiya in Jeddah), the tarékat appears to have found numerous followers
among the common folk. A local written account relates how it played a part
in the resistance against occupation of the town by Dutch forces in 1819:
groups of men dressed in white worked themselves into a frantic trance with
the loud Sammāni dhikr before fearlessly attacking the enemy, apparently
believing in their own invulnerablity. In South Borneo in the 1860s the Dutch
met similar resistance from a strong popular movement engaging in Ṣūfī-type
exercises named beratip beamal, in which we may perhaps also recognize a
local adaptation of the Sammāniyya1.
1http://oman.uinjkt.ac.id/200706//origins-and-development-of-sufi-orders.html
168
An active propagator of it among Jawi pilgrims was the Palembang scholar
Abd al-Samad, who took up his residence at Mecca in the early sixties and
probably lived there to the end of his days (after 1788). Moreover, those Indo-
nesian pilgrims who included a visit to Medina in their pilgrimage had plenty
opportunity to pay their respects to the Shaykh himself and offer him some
tangible homage, since he was the doorkeeper of the divine messenger, i.e.,
the guardian of the Prophet’s grave, which function Allāh had bestowed on
him. The Shaykh did not make light of this honourable assignment. He made
boast of having blocked the way of Aḥmad al-Badawi, the national saint of
Egypt (d. 675/1276), when the latter came to visit the grave of the Prophet
without applying to him beforehand as he considered himself ranking above
the « Poles » of the Ṣūfī hierarchy. Besides, he lived not far from the rawda,
the open area near the Prophet’s tomb, and, as his panegyrists will have it, by
night and by day saw the prophetic lights and benefited from these all his life1
Syeikh ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani (1704–1792)
There are different opinions and visions on the origin of al-Palimbani as

one of the influential scholar in the 18th century in the archipelago. Muham-
mad Hasan (1968), for example, as proposed by Chatib Quzwain (1985), ar-
gued that al-Palimbani is one of the sons of Sheikh al-Jalil bin Sheikh abd.
Al-Wahid bin Sheikh Aḥmad-a-Madhani, an Arab who came from Yemen after
1700 (1112 H) was given a credence as mufti in Kedah kingdom, with his wife
Radin Ranti in Palembang. He had been married to Wan Zainab a daughter of
Dato ‘Sri Maha Raja Dewa, Kedah. From this marriage, he was blessed with
two sons; Wan Abd Qadiq and Wan Abdullah. Both of them are younger than
al-Palimbani. Since both of h is brothers were born after Abd. DJALIL returned
after three years of his leaving to Palembang where He married Radin Ranti
who gave a birth to Abd. Shamad. Chatib Quzwain further argued, in the be-
ginning Abd. Djalil was as a religious teacher in Palembang. In an odyssey of
Tengku Muhammad Jiwa (the Kedah crown prince, the brother of Wan Zainab)
1992. p- 76
169
to India, Abd. Djalil was brought by him to Kedah. Tengku MuhammadJiwa
was crowned as the Sultan of Kedah succeeded his father who passed away in
his odyssey, at that time Abd. Djalil was assigned as the mufti of the kingdom
and married to Wan Zainab. Meanwhile, according to Hamka, as stated by Mal
An Abdullah (1981), al-Palimbani was named abd. al-Samad bin Abdul Wahab
al-Yamani al-Palimbani, originally was from Yemen who came to Palembang,
learnt Malay and taught religious studies. With his religious knowledge, he be-
came known asa great scholar and famous with students who came from all over
the country. Furthermore, al-Palimbani went to Mecca to deepen the treasure of
his knowledge. The validity of the origin of al-Palimbani revealed by Hamka
should be doubted, this information is very contradictive with the statements ex-
plained by Quzwain. The doubt on this Hamka’s explanation is very reasonable;
moreover, it can be strengthened by the findings of the investigation conducted
by Azyumardi Azra. According to Azra (1995), in a Malay source al-Palimba-
ni’s full name is Abd al-Shamd bin Abd Allah al-Jawi al-Palimbani. Whereas in
Arab sources (Azra, 1995), it is mentioned by Sayyid Abd al-Shamad bin Adb
Rahman al-Jawi. Although there are differences of the namein these sources,
Azra felt confident that Abd as-Shamad al-Palimbani is Abd al-Shamad bin Abd
al-Rahman al-Jawi, this is confirmed by Arab sources, of which almost entirely
is a career overview of Abd Shamad al-Palimbani found in other sources1.
Abd al-Sammad Palembang (sometimes also spelled al-Falimbani), whose

work active literary life in Makkah and Taif in Arabia extended from 1178
AH 1768 AD to 1203 AH 1792 AD. He was scholar from Palembang, Suma-
tra who studied in Makkah, in the second half of the eighteenth century2.
Nevertheless Abdussamad was a highly admired figure in the archipelago

because of his tremendous works written in Malay. Most of his works deal
1 Syamsul Rijal. Al-Palimbani, The National Islamic Thinker in The 18thCentury and His
Divinity Concept. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN (Pa-
per)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online) Vol.5, No.10, 2015. Available at
http://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/RHSS/article/viewFile/22866/23263
2 Abdulgalil. A. Salih. The Sammaniyya: doctrine, history & future. 2015, p- 164
170
with the thinking of al-Imam al-Ghazali. Not surprisingly, in the holy cities,
Abdussamad was better known with his expertise in explaining the works of
al-Ghazali, especially Ih}ya‟ Ùlumal-Din. His two works, Hidayat al-Sa-
likin and Sayr al-Salikin, were derived from the ideas of al-Ghazai1
The scientific tendency of al-Palimbani is in the world of tasawuf and

tauheed. It is proven through some of his works and the text can still be
obtained, such as there are eight (8) of al-Palimbani’s works, seven (7) have
acquired the manuscripts, four (4) books in Arabic-Malay, three (3) books in
Arabic, one more book again mentioned by al-Palimbani in the book of Sary
al-Salikinwith Zadul Muttaqin fi Tauhidi Rabbil Alamin (Abd Al Shamad, tt).
Al-Palimbani’s works in Arabic are as follows:
1) Nasiqat al- Muslimin wa Tadhkrirat al-Mu’minin fi Fad-it al-Jihad fi

Sabil Allah wa Karamat al-Mujahidin fi Sabil Allah, this book contains a
boost to jihad on the way of Allah. Al-Palimbani warned the Muslims to fight
against the infidels. According to Mal An Abdullah. This book has inspired
and referenced by TGK. Chik Ditiro in writing hikayah perang Sabil (the
hikayah of Sabil war).
2) al-Urwat al Wuthqa wa Silsilat Uli al-Ittiqa, this Arabic book contains

several al-Palimbani’s recommendation to the Muslims about the exact proce-
dure to do supplicationpronounced continuously at a certain time. According
to el-Muhammady, the book is inside the book of Hidaya al-Salikinedition of
Sulaiman Mar’I (Singapore, tt).
3) Rati Abd. Al-Samad al-Palimbani, this small book in Arabic called ratib,
a sort of collection of dzikr and prayer held after Isya prayer, contained in the
book the quotation of Al-Qur’an verses, which must be read. The call in the
name of Allah followed with shalawah ended with several prayers was not
mentioned in the book. However, allegedly it was written along with the book
1 MUSLIM INTELLECTUALS OR HOUSEMAIDS? The Saudi Perceptions of the Indo-

nesian Domestic Workers Yon Machmudi University of Indonesia.
171
of hiday al-Salikinby considering that ratib is a practice that must be carried
out by a salik who becomes the central important discussion in the book Hi-
dayat al-Salikin(Chatib, 1985).
4)Tuhfat al-Raghibin fi Bayan Haqiqat Imam al-Mu’minin wa’Ma Yuf-

siduhu fi Riddat al-Murtaddin, the book was written in Malay in 1188/1774
to meet the demand of the Sultan of Palembang. The book is written into three
chapters and one khatimah. In the first chapter, there is a description of the
different opinions between ahl al-Sunnah and the Muk’tazilah about faith,
Islam, and the distinction of opinions, about faith and Islam are explained in
detail. In the second chapter of al-palimbani, it discusses satan, Jin, and some
differences between them. In the third chapter, it reveals about ridda (apos-
tate) based on the existing fiqh book. In the concluding part, al-Palimbani
answered what the sin is, the amount of sin, and how about repentance.
5) Zuhrat al-Murid fi Byan Kalimat al-Tauhid, this book is in Malay written

in Mecca in 1178/1764 contained mantiq (logic) and Usul al-Din (theology).
The writing of this book is a collection of al-palimbani’s lectures notation
alongside his teacher Aḥmad Abd. Al-Mon’imal-Damanhuri; an Egyptian
scholar who later became a great teacher at al-Azhar University, Egypt.
6) Hidayat al-Salikin fi Suluk Maslak al-Muttaqin, this book was written

in 1192/1778, is one of al-Palimbani’s masterpieces as an adaptive work of
al-Ghazali’s work, Bidayatul al-Hidayat, the book has been printed in various
cities on different continents, such as, Mecca (1287/1870) Egypt (1341/1922),
Bombay (1311-1895), Singapore (tt) and Surabaya (1352/1933). This is as
an indication that the writings of al-Palimbani have been famous and widely
read. This book consists of Muqaddimah, which discuss about useful knowl-
edge and the virtue for those who seek knowledge, completed by s even chap-
ters of discussion with different contents. The first chapter describes about
aqidah ahl al-Sunnah wa al-jama’ah. The second chapter states about being
obedient and outward worship. The third chapter states that the effort to avoid
172
outward vice, such as swearing, jadal (quarrel), also described about halal
and haram. The fourth chapter reviews the effort to avoid inner vice, such
as a lot of eating, words, being angry, jealous, curmudgeonly, and so on. The
fifth chapter states that all inner obedience such as repentance, resignation,
patience, gratitude, and so on. The sixth chapter states that remembrance,
courtesy and the procedures. Chapter seven states suhbah and mu’asyarah,
which are loving each other, the discussion about the courtesy of pious people
and the courtesy of people who make friends.
7) Sary al-Saalikiin ila ‘Ibadat Rabb al-Alamin, this book is al-Palimba-

ni’s masterpiece as a further explanation of the teachings stated in hidayat
al-Salikin. This work is a translation of lubab Ihya ‘Ulum al-Din, a summary
version of Ihya’ Ulum al-Din, written by al-Ghazali’s brother, Aḥmad bin
Muhammad (Azra, 1995). The idea of writing the translation was born in
Mecca in 1139/1799 and successfully was completed in Tha’if on 20 Rama-
dan 1203/1788.
That book consists of one Muqaddimah, four parts and is closed with kahti-
mah. In Muqaddimah, it is described the advantages of knowledge, and those
who seek knowledge. In the first part, al-Palimbani describes the science of
Ushuluddin akidah ahl al-Sunnah, every obedient deeds, and outward wor-
ship. The second part states customs, namely the laws of courtesy that apply
to etiquette of eating, drinking, marriage, and attempting to bring life in the
world as well as knowing halal and haram. The third part revealed what de-
stroys charity, any outward and inner vices. The last section states munajat,
namely self-release instead of destroy any good deeds. In the khatimah part,
it suggests the books, which are useful to those who care tasawuf1.
Shaykh ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani without any doubt was one of the great
1 Syamsul Rijal. Al-Palimbani, The National Islamic Thinker in The 18thCentury and His
Divinity Concept. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.orgISSN (Pa-
per)2224-5766 ISSN (Online)2225-0484 (Online) Vol.5, No.10, 2015. Available at
http://www.iiste.org/Journals/index.php/RHSS/article/viewFile/22866/23263
173
scholars in the Malay world and even in some parts of the Arab world such
as in the Hijaz and Egypt during his time. Shaykh ‘Abd al-Samad’s works
on al-Ghazzali really surpassed other scholars in this region. Thus to elevate
Shaykh ‘Abd al-Samad as “al-Ghazzali of the Malay world” would not be
an exaggeration even though certainly he did not achieve the high status and
recognition as al-Ghazzali did worldwide as well as in all the sciences as a
scholar.
It’s not an exaggeration because he stood in the same tradition as al-Ghaz-

zali did and was well-known for it in the Malay world and parts of the Arab
world such as in the Hijaz and Egypt. Hence, he was “the al-Ghazzali of the
Malay world” since he was an important representative of the same tradi-
tions in ṭasawwuf, kalam and fiqh which al-Ghazzali belonged. Besides and
more importantly he was one of the foremost commentators and transmit-
ters of al-Ghazzali’s teachings in the Malay world until today to the extent
one would say that the Malays knew and understood al-Ghazzali’s teachings
through his exposition and teachings1.
Siddiq b. Umar Khan
Another student of al-Sammān’s, the Indian Siddiq al- Madani b. ‘Umar

Khan, seems to have been a link, both through his teachers, travels and writ-
ings, between the Sammāniyya of the Sudan and Southeast Asia. Little has
been recorded of his life, save that he came from India, settle in Medina, but
latter moved to Jedda where he lived in the Sammāni zawiya there. He said
also to have visited the Sudan2.
Siddiq al-Madani was asked by ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palembani to write a

commentary on al-Sammān’s didactic poem, al-Nafah al-qudsiyya, more
1Megawati Moris. Al-Ghazzali’s Influence on Malay Thinkers: A Study of Shaykh ‘Abd
al-Samad al-Palimbani”. Available at http://www.issimalaysia.org.my/home/product/al-
ghazzalis-influence-on-malay-thinkers-a-study-of-shaykh-abd-al-samad-al-palimbani/
2 Scott S. Reese. The Transmission of Learning in Islamic Africa. Brill,
Leiden, Boston, 2004, p-280.
174
commonly called al-qasida al-’aniyya, which he did. Here, we have a nice
example of “internal” and “international” networking between Indonesia,
Egypt and Sudan. Both Drewes and Van Bruinessen report this commentary
as existing as a fragment in the Jakarta National Library (MsA 450), while
the latter was able to copy a complete version from the possession of the K.H.
Muḥammad Zen Syikri.
Meanwhile, a version together with an extensive introduction listing Siddiq

al-Madan’s other writings, of Qatf azhar al-mawahib al-rabbaniyya min a
fnan al-Nafaha al-qudsiyya, compiled from various manuscripts, was pub-
lished in Cairo in 1973 through the agency of a prominent member of the
Sudanese Sammāniyya, Aḥmad al-Badawi al-Sammāni al-Tayyibi1.
Al-Falimbani stated that Shaykh Siddiq b. cUmar Khan al-Madani and

Shaykh cAbd al-Rahman b. cAbd al-cAziz al-Maqribi, were both the disci-
ples of Shaykh Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Karim al-Madani al-Shafiai al-Shahir
bi al-Sammān al-Qadiri al-Ṣūfī in Madinah.(Abdul Samad n.d) . It can be
assumed that all these scholars, Muḥammad Nafis, Muḥammad Arshad and
cAbd al-Samad al-Falimbani, studied under the same teacher, that is, Shaykh
Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Karim al-Madani al-Shafiai, but at different times.
Under the principal traditional teaching of Ṣūfīsm, it is impermissible for one
to embark into many Ṣūfī orders. In the case of al-Banjari, it is seen that his
basic Ṣūfī order is al-Qādiriyyah as he mentioned clearly in his book that it is
his Ṣūfī order. He most probably learned this order with Shaykh Muḥammad
b. cAbd al-Karim al-Madanial-Sammān as evidenced from the title “al-qadi-
ri” attributed to him, which indicates that he also belonged to al-Qādiriyyah
order, besides al-Sammāniyyah order. The other Ṣūfī orders become his sup-
plementary spiritual learning for the purpose of the al-tabarruk (divine bless-
ing and benediction). However, al-Sammāniyyah order exerted strong impact
on his Ṣūfī discourse due to his strong reliance on the thought of and spiritual
connection to Shaykh Muḥammad b. cAbd al-Karim al-Madani al-Sammān
1Ibd: 280
175
and Shaykh Siddiq b. cUmar Khan al-Madani1. After twenty five years spent
with his teacher al-Samman, he died and buried in Jeddah in Saudi Arabia.
Shaykh Aḥmad Al-Tijani
As ‘Alī al-Barāda tells us, it was upon the suggestion of Aḥmad ibn ‘Ab-
dīllāh al-Hindī that Aḥmad al-Tijānī met al-Sammān when he visited Medina
after completing his ḥajj and decided to study with him. Even though he
only stayed with al-Sammān for three days, he acquired a great deal of eso-
teric knowledge from him. Al-Barāda does not specify what kind of esoter-
ic knowledge al-Tijānī learned, except that he later admitted in a letter that
al-Sammān had initiated him into the aḥẓab of the Shādhilīya, the waẓīfah of
Muḥammad al-Zarrūq, and the dalā’il al-khayrāt, which he kept practicing
even after founding his own Tijānīya ṭarīqah. In addition, it is obvious that
Aḥmad al-Tijānī knew the teachings of al-Sammān on the visualization of the
light o Muḥammad either through the Futūḥāt al-Ilāhīyah, or at least via his
earlier direct contact with him. In al-Tijānī’s mystical teaching, al-Sammān’s
ideas are expressed and the influence of his Futūḥāt al- Ilāhīyah is clearly
discernable 2 . Thus, the writers’ biographies of Shaykh Aḥmad al-Tijani
(1737-1815), mainly of his students and murīds, pointed to that remarkable
meeting of al-Tijani, with Muḥammad Ἀbd al-Karīm al-Sammān, in the pro-
phetic city. Sidna Shaykh Tijani has met with Shaykh Sammān at Madina
during the pilgrimage of 1186/1771. Having been informed of the presence
of Shaykh al-Sammān by the Shadhili gnostic Sidi Aḥmad Ibn Abdellah
al-Hindi (d. 1187/1773); Sidna Shaykh sought a meeting with him. Shaykh
Sammān was equally a pupil of Shaykh al-Hifnawi . Upon his meeting with
Sidna Shaykh Abil Abbas Tijani, he gave him a special permission in the 99
Divine Names, the Ahzab of Shaykh Shadhili (d. 656/1241), the Wthifa of
1 Muḥammad Khairi Mahyuddin. AN ANALYIS OF THE CONCEPT OF ONENESS
FROM A SUFIPERSPECTIVE AS PRESENTED BY MUḥAMMAD NAFIS AL-BAN-
JARI IN HIS TREATISE -AL-DURR AL-NAFIS. Th e S ch olar (January –June0216),
Th e C oncept of Oneness from a Sufi Perspective...11-25. Available at https://ia600401.
us.archive.org/15/items/fig13/fig13.pdf
2 Ibid:296
176
Shaykh Zarruq (d. 899/1484), the Dalail al-Khayrat of Shaykh al-Jazouli,
and the al-Dur al-’Ala of Shaykh Ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi (d. 636/1221), and
other arcane pearls. Sidna Shaykh was told of what lay ahead of him, in the
realm of excellence by Shaykh al-Sammān. He told Sidna Shaykh that he
is the Dominant Pole (al-Qutb al-Jami’) and gave him good tidings, that he
will realize his aspiration and obtain the “Absolute Poleship” (al-Qutbaniya
al-’Udhma). This was followed by his request that Sidna Shaykh agree to
meet with him, and then spend three days in seclusion. At the end of this pe-
riod he, Shaykh Sammān, would instil in him full spirituality. Sidna Shaykh
excused himself from this, however, and was then asked to make his request,
which he did, and he was given the required assistance. After accomplish-
ing the ziyara (visitation) to the Prophet’s Tōmb, where “God completed his
aspiration and longing” to greet the Prophet, Shaykh Tijani went to visit
the renowned Shaykh Muḥammad Άbd al-Karim al-Sammān (d. 1189/1775).
Like al-Kurdi, al-Sammān was a member of the Khalwatiyya order, being one
of two students given full ijāza (permission) by Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī ; the other
was al-Kurdi’s Shaykh , Muḥammad al-Hifni. Aside for his own intellectual
and spiritual prowess, al-Sammān has become famous on account of another
disciple, Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib (d. 1824), who spread his ideas in the Sudan as the
Sammāniyya order. Before Shaykh Tijani’s departure, al-Sammān informed
him of certain secret “names” and told him that he was to be the al-qutb al-ja-
mi’ (the comprehensive Pole) . The official website of the Tijaniya, pointed in
the biography of Shaykh Aḥmad al-Tijani, that Shaykh Ἀbd Allāhi al-Hindi
had appointed him, to the meeting of Shaykh Muḥammad Ἀbd al-Karīm
al-Sammān, it was written: ‘He also announced him his impending encounter
with the well-known Saint and “Supreme Pole” (Qutb Jami’), Sidi Muḥam-
mad Ibn Abdel Karim Sammān (May ALLĀH be satisfied with him) who
died in 1775. In fact, he met him in Medina and this one, made him go on a
retreat for three days and revealed him the great powers and secrets of famous
pious “men of God.1
1 The Tijaniya website.
177
As for Musabba-Ashara, I accepted it orally from Shaykh Mahmud Al-Kur-
di al-Misri (ra), and he accepted it from Al-Khidri orally. As for the Ahzaabs
of Ash-Shadhili (ra) and the Wazifa of Al-Zuruqi, and Dala’il-Khairat and
Al-Duri al-Ala, I accepted Ijaza for all of them from our Shaykh the perfect
Qutub, our master Muḥammad Abdul Karim Al-Sammān i-Qataani who lived
in Madinatul-Munawwara1”.
Soon after Shaykh Tijani met with Sidi Mohammed Sammān. The latter
was the guardian of the Prophet’s grave and the author of several Ṣūfī works
but it was especially as the founder of a new order that he became influential.
He combined the Qadiriya, the Naqshabandiya, the Nasiriya with the Khal-
watiya (through Sidi Mustapha ibn Kamluddin al-Bakrī ; 1739 -who is him-
self the teacher of Sqalli, Azharri, and al-Kurdi). This combination became
known as the Sammāniya. Sidi Mohammed Sammān gave special permission
to Sidi Ahmed Tijani in all the Beautiful Names of Allāh (al-Asma’ al-’Hus-
na), the Ahzab of Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241), the Wadhifa of Shaykh
Zarruq (d. 1484), Dalail al-Khayrat and al-Dur al-’Ala. He told Shaykh Tija-
ni that he is the Grand Magnate (al-Qutb al-Jami’) and gave him good tidings
that he will realize his aspiration and obtain the “Absolute General Authori-
zation” (al-Qutbaniya al-Jami’a al-’Udhma)2.
Nigeria
The Sammāniyya has strong presence in Nigeria, murdis of the ṭarīqa,

counted with millions. The effort of the spread of Sammāniyya teachings, in
this African country has been done through Shaykh Muḥammad Nasir Kabra
(1912-1996), student of my master Shaykh al-Fatiḥ Qarīb Allāh (1915-1986).
In 1949 Nasir made the Hajj and met the new Khalifā, Shaykh Hashim and
Shaykh Muḥammad of Mauritania. On his return journey, he visited the Su-
dan, where he met with Shaykh Muḥammad al-Fatiḥ b. Shaykh Qarib Allāh,
1NOOR ALA NOOR Home Page. A Letter From Shaykh Ahmad Tijani. Available at http://
home.earthlink.net/~halimcisse/id39.html
2http://dictionnaire.sensagent.leparisien.fr/Al-Tijani/en-en/
178
Khalifā of the Sudanese Sama’aniyya. He also visited other Arab countries
where he learnt many things concerning the hadra and bandiri organization.
By 1950 Shaykh Nasir was in many ways far more versatile and eclectic
than his teachers; and having successfully made Ṣūfīsm acceptable to wider
audience, he was thus able to make Qādiriyya penetrate into every part of the
country1.
Shaykh Nasir Muḥammad Umar Kabara 1912-1996
Sheikh Nasir Muḥammad Umar Kabara, a noted Islām ic scholar and phi-
losopher was born in 1912 in Guringuwa village outside Kano, Nigeria. His
grandparents came from Kabara, a town under Timbucktu kingdom. His third
generation grandfather - also from Kabara in Timbucktu - Mallam Umaru,
also known as Mallam Kabara was the only one from the lineage to settle in
Adakawa in Kano city, before moving on to what is now known as Kabara
ward, named after him. He was an accomplished Ṣūfī in Timbucktu before
departing for Kano. The first thing Mallam Kabara did on settling in Kabara
ward was to establish a school in 1787, of a sort commonly referred as Zaure
School where the outer entrance hall of his house was converted into an Islām
ic school. This school possibly among the oldest recorded schools in Kano is
now part of the Darul Qadiriyya household of Sheikh Nasiru Kabara.
The youthful Nasiru was extremely enthusiastic in his search for knowl-
edge. His first encounter with advanced Islām ic learning system - long after
he had graduated from the normal Allo (Qur’an read from wooden slates)
schooling system, emerging extremely fluent in Arabic language, Islām ic
jurisprudence and Linguistics - was with Bad’ul Amli and Murshida, both
treatises on Tauhidi; the unity of God. Next followed a voracious apepite for
other books and soon he had completed his studies of Ahlari, Iziyya and Risa-
la: all books necessary for a proper understanding of Islām . Because in Islām
there is no concept of copyright, soon after the youthful Nasir was himself
1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Abdulgalil_Ṣāliḥ/sandbox.
179
typesetting the Risala and Ishiriniya (book of poetry in praise of the Prophet)
and selling them.
His learning process was essentially self-motivated; with of course appro-

priate encouragement from his main teacher: Mallam Natsugune. Conse-
quently, the youthful Nasiru was a voracious searcher of Islāmic knowledge,
being far ahead of his contemporaries - indeed he was actually preaching to
his classmates his advanced understanding of the meaning of the Quran; thus
sowing the early seeds of his entry into Tafsir at such tender age.
In Kano of that era - 1920s - there were five advanced schools; essentially
what can be considered pre-university schools now - where the young Nasiru
used to go, on his own, to further his knowledge. These schools were:
1. The House of Deputy Imam of the City Central Mosque, located in the
Daneji ward.
2. The House of Mallam Ibrāhīm, Chief Judge of Kano at Yakasai ward
3. The House of Bichi Circuit Judge, Alhaji Musdafa at Kurawa ward
4. The House of Sheik Abdulkarim (Mallam Sambo) at Ciromawa ward
5. The House of Chief Imam of Zawiyya, Mallam Inuwa at Mayanka ward.
These schools had extensive reference libraries containing collections ob-

tained from various North African scholastic centres. All form the central
core of Nasiru’s thirst for further knowledge.
Even at that age, his acquisition of knowledge was more than rote learn-
ing; he questioned what he did not understand from his teacher; thus being
extremely revolutionary in his understanding of Islāmic knowledge. The tra-
ditional perception of the relationship between the pupil and the master in the
Islām ic schooling system rarely gives room for interactive acquisition of the
knowledge. Nasir did not accept such didactic relationship, and consequently,
with diffidence and respect, always requests for further elaboration of what
he did not understand of what he learnt from his teachers - who themselves
180
were only too willing to oblige the young scholar. This was not surprising,
even in the “archaic” 1930s Kano, considering the fact that some of his other
teachers were graduates of the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the oldest uni-
versity in Africa. Thus Nasiru Kabara combined two intellectual traditions:
his Timbuktu ancestry when Timbuktu itself was a citadel of learning in the
Sudan; and his contact with visiting scholars and professors from Al-Azhar
in the 1930s in Kano.
Among the local residents in Kano who joined the Qadiriyya at this time
(1937) was a young lad, Muḥammad Nasir Kabara, who was destined to
bring great changes in the ṭarīqa and not only to introduce the celebration
of the birthday of Shaykh Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani, a festival which was not
practiced by the North Africans, but also to carry the use of bandiri to every
corner of Hausaland.
At the age of seventeen, Muḥammad Nasir was really too young to be

accepted as a member of the Qadiriyya but, as his grandfather, Mallam Na-
kabara - an extremely well learned Mallam - wished him to enter the order,
Shaykh Sa’ad had a little choice but to give him the wazifa. Although a youth,
Nasir was not only well read in classical Arabic literature and sciences but he
was also conversant with the learning of Ṣūfīs m and the works of the leading
Ṣūfī scholars of the time.
When the Amir of Kano Abdullahi Bayero went on the hajj Nasir sent a
letter through Walī Sulaiman to the Khalīfa of the Qadiriyya, Shaykh Abu
al-Hassan as-Sammāni, the grandson of the founder of the Sammāniyya ,
asking him to give him an ijāza to become muqaddam of his own zawiya. The
Shaykh was astonished to hear of such a highly learned youth and he sent a
jubba and cap to Nasir together with a letter of appointment as a muqaddam.
Although Nasir did not immediately separate himself from the community in
Alfindiki, as Shaykh Sa’ad was still alive, his actions were regarded as inno-
vations by the Arabs. In 1949 Nasir made the Hajj and met the new Khalīfa,
181
Shaykh Hashim and Shaykh Muḥammad of Mauritania. On his return jour-
ney, he visited the Sudan, where he met with Shaykh Muḥammad al-Fatiḥ
b. Shaykh Qarib Allāh, Khalīfa of the Sudanese Samaniyya. He also visited
other Arab countries where he learnt many things concerning the hadra and
bandiri organization. By 1950 Sheikh Nasir was in many ways far more ver-
satile and eclectic than his teachers; and having successfully made Ṣūfīs m
acceptable to wider audience, he was thus able to make Qadiriyya penetrate
into every part of the country.
Thus since about 1958 Nasiru Kabara has been considered the leader of all
branches of Qadiriyya in Kano. The lines of authority within the leadership
structure, however, may be viewed in terms of both the individuals whose au-
thority extends over several branches and the particular patterns within each
branch.
From the patterns of authority and community within Qadiriyya in Kano

several points may be summarized:
(1) Association with Qadiriyya in the nineteenth century was limited to Fu-
lani mallams and administrators (who derived their authority from the leaders
of the Fulani Jihad) and to North African Arabs (who did not integrate them-
selves religiously into the Kano Milieu).
(2) With the establishment of colonial rule, elements in the Kano Arab com-
munity reaffirmed their own spiritual links with North African sources of
spiritual authority.
(3) Members of the Hausa mallam class began to associate with this re-
newed form of North African Qadiriyya and were recruited into leadership
positions within one generation.
(4) Part of the success of Qadiriyya in the Hausa sector was due to an em-
phasis on group worship and the focusing of activities within local mosques.
(5) The “legitimate” successor to the leadership of traditional Fulani Qadi-
riyya in Kano (Nasiru Kabara) affiliated with independent lines of Qadiriyya
authority as a reinforcement of his “inherited” authority and sought to consol-
idate the Arab, Hausa, and Fulani sections of Qadiriyya.
182
(6) This was accomplished partly by extending Qadiriyya from an elite base
to a mass base. In this process, the support of wealthy Hausa merchants was
essential. On the mass level, Reformed Qadiriyya was also a reduction of
emerging Kano nationalism which demanded that religious authority be shift-
ed from Sokoto and North Africa to Kano itself.
(7) Because of the mass base of Reformed Qadiriyya, it was no longer pos-
sible for the Qadiriyya elite to identify completely with the Kano ruling class.
Thus, while brotherhood leaders might act as advisers to the ruling class, they
have usually guarded their status as nongovernment mallarns.
(8) Perhaps as a consequence of the shift from elite to a mass base, the
brotherhood leadership became involved in two relatively new functions: the
interpretation of doctrine for local use and the inspiration, through ritual and
ceremony, of group and mass worship. The doctrines of the authority and
community in reformed Qadiriyya whereas traditional Qadiriyya in Kano re-
lied heavily on the nineteenth century Jihad writings as the major sources of
Qadiriyya doctrine the leaders of Reformed Qadiriyya have themselves been
prolific writers. Like the Fulani Jihad writers, the contemporary Qadiriyya
writers are concerned to relate classical Islāmic thought to local circumstanc-
es. In the interim period between the Jihad writings and the contemporary
writings, there was “a dearth of Qadiriyya literature in Kano. None of the
major leaders during this period, Ibrāhīm na Kabara, Ali Mūsā, Saad b. Aḥ-
mad, Sharīf Garba, Sidi Muḥammad, and Muḥammad Sidi-wrote on Qadi-
riyya. The Reformed Qadiriyya movement, associated with Nasiru Kabara
and Aḥmad b. Ali, has not only produced its own literature but has revived
an interest in the Jihad classics,” has introduced works on Qadiriyya from the
Arab world,” and has inspired local Hausa “praise poets” “ to express them-
selves on brotherhood matters. Nasiru Kabara hase written about 150 works
in all. Finally, general preaching has always been a function of the religious
authorities who try to induce conversions through individual volition. Such
preaching is invariably in the vernacular language (in this case Hausa); and
if it can be fashioned into poetry, it will be sung by minstrels near and far.
Nasiru Kabara has been particularly successful in his general preaching. He
183
has published well over 150 treatises and books explaining various aspects of
Islām ic philosophy, Arabic and Hausa linguistics. His writing career started
quite early in his life in his youth. Perhaps not surprisingly, his first treatise
was on Abdulkadir Jilani, the founder of the Qadiriyya Islāmic Philosophical
movement. His method of writing usually follows the medieval scholastic
tradition widespread in the middle-east. Thus he combines commentary with
critical appraisal. A classic example of his approach is provided in the in-
tellectual conjectures-and-refutations arguments of Al-Ghazali in his Tahaful
Falasafa, and Ibn Rushd’s counter-commentary, Tahaful Tahafut1. He passed
a way in 1996.
Figure 3-6 Shaykh Muḥammad Nasir Kabra (1912-1996).
1 http://www.kanoonline.com/religion/qadriyya/publications.html.
184
Ethiopia and Eretria
The arrival of the Sammāniyya to Ethiopia and Eretria has done through
different time and via different personalities. It was introduced into Egyptian
Sudan by Shaikh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b. al-Bashīr” (d.1823) and from there it
was brought to the JABARTI on the Eritrean plateau by Shaikh ADAM al-
KINANI who is buried in the Serae near ‘Abi’ADDI. It has also some follow-
ers in the south-western Ethiopia. The important role of the Ṣūfī mystics and
orders is immense in Ethiopia. These have also been important in the spread
of Islām, e.g. the Qādiriyya (since the sixteenth century), and the Sammāniya
and Tijaniyya (nineteenth century)1. Adam al-Kinani a pupil of al-Sammān
carried the teachings of his master into Eritrea and South-West Abyssinia,
latter day Ethiopia.
Another source for the arrival of the ṭarīqa teachings, to Ethiopia had done
through the efforts, of Shaykh al-Selihabi, one of the earliest students of the
founder of the ṭarīqa in Sudan, Shaykh al-Ṭayyib al-Bashȋr2.
Another source for whom the credit of the dissemination of the Sammāni-
yya traditions in Ethiopia had been connected with Shaykh Amir b.Shaykh
Abd al-Wahid, son of Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib, in his book Islām in Nine-
teen century --Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival Reform and reaction, Hussein Aḥmad
comments “The Sammāniyya was introduced by Amir Husayn. The grand-
son of the Sudanese mystic Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b. al-Bashīr” (d.1823),
who had been initiated by Muḥammad ‘Abd al-Karìm al-Sammān (1718-
75). Amir Husayn passed on wird to the well-known scholar of Shonke in
Southeast Wallo, Shaykh Jawhar b. Haydar. The order was later introduced
to Jimma3.
1 J, S. Trimingham. Islam in Ethiopia. Frank Cass & Company Gainsborough House,
Gainsborough Road London E11 1Rs. 1965, p.96.
2 Ἀbd al-Mahmud Nūr al-Dā›im. (1965). Azāhīr al-Ryiāḍ fi manāqib al-arif bi’llah al-
Shaykh Ἀḥmed Aal-Ṭayyib.
3 Hussein Ahmed. Islam in Nineteen – Century Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival Reform and reac-
tion, Brill, 2001, p:78.
185
In his pioneering Azhir al-Riyad, Shaykh Abd al-Mahamoud Nūr al-Dā’im
(d.1915), has praised the efforts led by Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib students,
in the spread of the ṭarīqa teachings each on his own homeland, so, Shaykh
Bushara, was among those who contributed greatly in the way of the Sam-
māniyya’s dissemination in Ethiopia, and wrote about him, says ‘And of them
the grand ustaz and the noted alim, the murīds’ educator and the salikin’s
guide sayyidi Shaykh Bushra. He is from al-Raḥman, he was (may Allāh be
pleased with him) Shafi in madhab, has many authoring books in the madhab.
He took the ṭarīqa from the Shaykh with ishāra from the prophet (PBUH),
and has realized the attainment in the third day of taking the ṭarīqa, and in-
structed him, after granting the ijāza, going to his homeland, for guiding the
murīds. In his way to his homeland, he visited and spent days with Shaykh
Aḥmad al-Baṣir. when he entered his homeland he told that who prayed be-
hind him, the fire won’t burn him, so a lot of people, from all directions had
meant him, when they pray behind him they used to carry on their clothes the
milk and meat, and on their finishing their prayers, they back to their homes,
and put that milk and meat on the fire as a test, the fire left no harm on them.
Thus, when people had got ascertained of his sincerity and miraculous deeds,
they submitted to him, from all directions, and took from him the ṭarīqa, and
they refuge to him zahiran inward and outward, batin. He (may Allāh be
pleased with him) had authorized twelve thousand in the Sammāniyya , at his
homeland. I had met a lot of them, and of his students, they were all on the
light from their Lord, he died (may Allāh be pleased with him) at his home
land and buried at Biqiti, his grave is visible and visited1
America
In fact the history of the Sammāniyya in America has been connected

with the late professor Shaykh Ḥasan al-Fatiḥ Qarīb Allāh (1933-2005).
So, the ṭarīqa mainly the Sammāniyya Ṭayibiyya Qaribiyya branch has
several murīds, in different parts of the American continent, scatter in many
1 Ibid: 217/18
186
of the different American States and cities, and having permanent contact
with each other. The ṭarīqa activity concentrates in the grand Washington
area, which includes three of the biggest American States, Virginia, Mary-
land State and DC district which joins the capital Washington, where the
largest Muslims community of Arabs and non-Arabs are found. The Sam-
māniyya zāwiya in the grand Washington area, has been established during
the lifetime of my master professor Shaykh Ḥasan al-Fatiḥ in the year 1425,
A.H, corresponding to1994. There is a weekly activity, which considered
the sole Ṣūfī activity in the area. Every night of Sunday, the Sammāniyya
murīds in addition to some other murīds of ṭūruq of Arabs and non-Arabs
meet after the sunset prayer, to perform the awrād and dhikrs of the ṭarīqa
in the zāwiya. However, other activities of the ṭarīqa, is found in the com-
memoration of the varied seasonal religious festivals, notably the new hijri
year, the prophet birthday, Isra and Miraj, and celebrating the half of the
Shaban night1.
Britain
The presence of the Sammāniyya in Birtain has been done through the
efforts of Shaykh al-Fatiḥ Qarib Allāh (1915- 1986), also through Shaykh
al-Jayīli Abd al-Mahmoud al-Hafyan ( b-1948). In addition there followers
and murids of the late famous Shaykh al-Burai (1923- 2005). Numerous
students counted as Sammāni followers in this European country.
In regard to the grand awakening of dawah in Britain, it has started in the

1970s. In this concern to Shaykh al-Fatih (1915 -1986) great role, this hap-
pened during his visit to Britain at that time. The first mosque has been built
in London, was in 1977 this had coincided with my arrival to Britain. It
worth noting that at this year (1977) the now famous dawah preachers have
embrace Islam of those Yousif Islam, Hamza Yousif, Abdr-Rhman Johans-
1 http://www.Sammāniya.com/ar/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti-
cle&id=319:2010-08-17-17-4445&catid=67:2010-06-08-17-04-50&Itemid=144.
187
son, Abd al-Hakim Murad, Muhammad Isa Wily Muhammad knight (God
mercy his soul) Dawud Rasha Owen, Abd Allah Triqashan, Abd al-Azim
Pitter and others. The first ḥalaqa circle of the Sammāniyya tariqa was in
1980, this when I met Shaykh Babikr Abd Allah Ibrahim (God has mercy
on his soul). The Sammāniyya circle has flourished and become the most
prominent one in London. In 1984 the third circle has started it was dalail
al-khirat circle. The philosophy behind its establishment is to gather the
people of tariq as well the prophet’s lovers. It has been transferred to Hi
Street in 1986 on Friday night. This circle used to attract a lot of Shuyukh
and prophet’s lovers. In 1987 it had been honoured with the presence of
the famous boxer Muhammad Ali Klay. My debate with him during this
visit has been the key for him to embrace the tariq. At this year (1987)
my master Shaykh Hasan al-Fatih Qarib Allah (1933 – 2005) accompanied
with some of his murids magadam Babikr Sediq and magadam Sid Ahmad
Swar al-Dahab had visited Britain, and this on the wake of his assumption
to the office of the tariqa’s khalifate. Shaykh had come to point out to the
importance of the traiq’s task in our current era mainly on the non – Islamic
countries. He emphasized the significance of the dawah of Allah to non –
Muslims, and the unity among the people of the tariq.
Shaykh Hasan had the privilege on receiving the delegations that visited
the Sudan from Britain and here on the memory the visit of that big del-
egation which included forty – five man and woman. At the very visit he
had fulfilled the initiation to the whole group. In 1990 I established the first
circle of the recitation of the Quran to the new converts. With the sugges-
tion of Shaykh Muhammad Shaykh Hasan al-Fatih the current Shaykh of
the tariqa, the wholes circles have been joined into one this was in 1994
at Karkal wood Islamic north of London, which in the past was a grand
church and then turned one of the most grand mosques in London today.
188
Map for the Sammaniyya around the world
189
A p p e n d i c e s
The grave of Shaykh Muḥammad b. Abdal-Karim al-Sammān at al-Baqi

cemetry in al-Madina al-Munawara
190
Shaykh Muḥammad al-Hassan al -Sammān (1284-1266 A.H).the grandson
of ṭarīqa founder.
191
Shaykh Hashim al-Sammān (d. 1396 A.H).) the grandson of ṭarīqa founder.
Shaykh Tariq al-Sammān (d.1992) grandson of the ṭarīqa founder.
192
Tariq al-Samman, with one of the family’s member in Omduraman with
Sh. Hassan al-Fatih in 1986.
193
The intial page of al-Nafahat al-Ilahiyah book of Muḥammad al-Sammān.
194
Ilahiyah-The contents of the book of al-Nafahat al
195
The massed of Shaykh Ahmad al-Tayyib b. al-Bashir, north of Omduram,
Sudan.
196
Book cover for al-Hikam of Shaykh Ahmad al- Tayyib
197
Book cover for sir al-assrar of Shaykh Ahmad al- Tayyib
198
An emblem for Ratib al-Sammān (Indonesia)
199
The book of Tfhat al-Quum fi Muhimat al-Nuum by Muḥammad al-Sam-
mān.
200
The maqam of shaykh Abdal-Sammad al-Filambani
201
A beautifully written and decorated copy of the third book of Sayr al-sā-
likīn, a copy from Aceh, probably 19th c. National Library of Malaysia, MSS
2399, ff. 2v-3r.
Source: http://blogs.bl.uk/asian-and-african/2017/02/abdul-samad-of-
palembang-malay-guide-to-the-writings-of-al-ghaz%C4%81l%C4%AB.
html#
202
Initial pages of Hidāyat al-sālikīn by Abdul Samad of Palembang, a trans-
lation of Bidāyat al-hidāya by al-Ghazālī. British Library
Source: Source: http://blogs.bl.uk/asian-and-african/2017/02/abdul-samad-
of-palembang-malay-guide-to-the-writings-of-al-ghaz%C4%81l%C4%AB.
html#
203
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http://www.abc.net.au/religion/articles/2014/09/02/4079314.htm
http://www.oxfordIslāmicstudies.com.
https://www.facebook.com/notes/al-khalidi- Ṣūfī-order/repudiation-andref-
utation-
of-those-who-reject-prophet-khidr-as-such-as-thewahh/
10152838143962247/
208
https://www.facebook.com/notes/al-khalidi- Ṣūfī-order/repudiation-andref-
utation-
of-those-who-reject-prophet-khidr-as-such-as-thewahh/
10152838143962247/
http://studentsrepo.um.edu.my/5612/5/05_Chapter_Three__Bio
graphy.pdf
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_
0044-8613_1992_num_43_1_2807.
http://ar.scribd.com/doc/101770416/Grand-Shaykh -Ḥasan-
Qarīb Allāh-The-Blessed-Litanies-of-Sammānia-V-Yuecel
http://www.ibnarabisociety.org/articles/qab-qawsayn-1.html#ftnref73
https://bayualhafs44.wordpress.com/2012/05/07/the-Ṣūfī-orders-parttwo/
http://www.ibnarabisociety.org/articles/qab-qawsayn-1.html
http://Islāmicus.org/khalwatiyah
127http://www.webafriqa.net/library/levtzion_pouwels/history_i
slam_africa/ Ṣūfī_brotherhoods_africa.html#n41.
http://oman.uinjkt.ac.id/2007/06/origins-and-development-of- Ṣūfīorders.
html
http://dictionnaire.sensagent.leparisien.fr/Al-Tijani/en-en/
209
Appendix (A)
The Khalwati sanad of the Sammāniyya

1- Allāh (SWT)
2- Giberial
3- The prophet (PBUH)
4- Ali Ibn Abi-Talib
5- Al-Hassan al-Baṣri
6- Habib al-Ajami
7- Dawud Ibn. Nasir al-Tai
8- Maruf al-Karakhi
9- al-Sari Ibn Miflis al-Saqati
10-al-Junayid b. Muḥammad
11-Memshad al-Dīnūri
12- Muḥammad al-Dīnūri
13- Muḥammad Ibn. Muḥammad al-Bakrī
14-Wajeh al-Dīn al-Qadi
15-Omer al-Bakrī
16-Yahiya al-Bakubi
17-Abu.al.Najeeb al.Sehrawrādi
18-Qutb al-Dīn al-Abhari
19-Rukn al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Najashi
20-Shehab al-Dīn Muḥammad al-Sherazi
21-Sayidi Muḥammad Gamal al-Dīn al-Tebrizi
210
22-Ibrāhim al-Zahid al-Jilani
23- Muḥammad al-Khalwati
24-Omer al-Khalwati
25- Muḥammad Umbraam
26-Al-Ḥājj Ezadin
27-Pir Sad al-Dīn al-Khayali
28-Sayidi Abu-Zakarih Yahiya al-Shiarwani
29-Sayidi pir Muḥammad Baha al-Dīn al-Shirawani
30-Jalabi Sultan al-Aqdasi
31-Khair al.Dīn al-Tuqadi
32-Shaykh Shaban Afandi
33-Shaykh Muhi al-Din al-Qastamuni
34-Sayidi Omer al-Fuadi
35-Ismail al-Jarmui
36-Ali Qara Basha
37-AShaykh Muṣṭafā afandi al-Tabarani
38-Shaykh Ἀbd al-Atif al-Khalwati
39-Sayidi, the grand Ustaz Shiekh Muṣṭafā al-Bakrī al-Ṣeḍiqi
40-Sayidi Shaykh Muḥammad b. Ἀbd al-Karīm al-Sammān
41-Sayidi Shaykh Aḥmad al-ṬayyibI b. al-Bashȋr
Appendix (B)
The Gadiri sanad of the Sammāniyya
1-Allāh (SWT)
211
2-Sayidan Giberil
3-Sayidan Muḥammad (572)
4-Sayidan Ali (d.32.H.A)
5-Shaykh Hassan al-Baṣri
6-Sayidi Habib al-Ajami
7-Sayidi Dawud aL-Tai (d.165 or 166 H.A)
8-Sayidi Abu-Mahzuz Maruf al-Karakhi (d.200 H.A)
9-Sayidi Al-Sari b. Miflis al-Saqati (d.253 H.A)
10-Sayidi Abu-al-Gasim al.-Junyid (d.297 H.A)
11-Sayidi Abū-Bakr Dalf al-Shebli (247- 334 H.A)
12-Sayidi Abu-Fadal al-Tamimi (d.410.H.A)
13-Sayidi Abu-al.Faraj al-Tartusi (d.440 H.A0
14-Sayidi Abu-Alhassan al-Hakari (d.480 H.A)
15-Sydi al-qadi abu-Said al-Makhzumi (464 – 513 H.A0
16-Sayidi al-Shaykh Ἀbd al-Qādir al-Jayilni ( 1077 - 1164 )
17-Shaykh Ali al-Hadadi (d.596 H.A)
18-Al-Shaykh Qarīb Allāh al-Saih ( 985 H.A )
19-Al-Shaykh Aiz al-Fatah
20-AL.-Shaykh Qassim b. Muḥammad al-Baghdadi
21-Shaykh Muḥammad Saddiq
22-Al-Shaykh Muḥammad Aqilat
23-Al-Shaykh Muḥammad Ṭahir al-Madani (d.1780 )
24-Al-Shaykh Muḥammad b.Ἀbd al-Karīm al-Sammān (1718- 1775)
212
25-Al-Shaykh Aḥmad al-Ṭayyib b. al-Bashȋr (1739 - 1824 )
Salātu ’Annuqtah (C)

َ ‫ص ِّل‬
’ Allāhumma salli ‘alā sayyidinā Muḥammadin nuqtati dā’irati ’alwujūdi

wa haytati ’aflāki marāqī ’ashshuhūd,
O, Allāh pray for sayyidinā Muḥammad the centre of the existance circle.
ُّ ‫ـاء َحيَــاةِ ْالعَالَـ ِـم الَّـذِي ِم ْن ـهُ َم ْب ـدَ ُؤهُ َوإِلَ ْي ـ ِه َمقَـ‬
‫ ِميـ ِـم‬، ُ‫ـره‬ ِ ‫ َحـ‬، ٍ‫ـرهَا فِــي ُك ِّل ذَ َّرة‬ ُّ ‫ـاري ِسـ‬
ِ ‫سـ‬ ِ ‫ـف ال ـذَّا‬
ِ ‫ َودَا ِل دَ ْي ُم‬، ‫ضا َهــى‬َ ُ‫ُم ْل ـكِكَ الَّ ـذِي الَ ي‬
’alif ’adhdhāti ’assārī sirruhā fī kulli dharrah, hā’i hayāti ’al‘ālami ’alladhī
minhu mabda’uhu wa ’ilayhi maqarruhu, mīmi mulkika ’alladhī lā yudāhā,
wa dāli daymūmiyyatika ’allatī lā tatanāhā..
and ends to Him. The (M) of Mulkika (Your Dominion) of uniqueness (can
.Eternality) endless and eternal existance that has no end or limit
َ‫ـوركَ فَ ـ َكان‬
ِ ‫ـن نُـ‬ ِ ‫ص ـةً ِلت َ َج ِلّيَــا‬
ْ ‫ َوأب َْر ْزت َـهُ ِبــكَ ِمـ‬، َ‫ت ذَاتِــك‬ َّ َ‫ـرةِ ال ُحــبّ ِ فَ ـ َكانَ ِمن‬
َ ‫ضـ‬
ْ ‫ـن َح‬ ْ ‫ـن‬
ْ ‫أظ َه ْرت َـهُ ِمـ‬ ْ ‫َمـ‬
، َ‫صفَاتِــك‬ ِ ‫ـرةِ أ ْس ـ َمائِكَ َو‬َ ‫ضـ‬ ْ ‫ـرآة ً ِل َج َما ِلــكَ البَا ِهـ ِـر فِــي َح‬
ْ ‫ِمـ‬
man ’azhartahu min hadrati ’alhubbi fakāna minassatan litajalliyāti dhā-

tika, wa ’abraztahu bika min nūrika fakāna mir’ātan lijamālika ’albāhiri fī
hadrati ’asmā’ika wa sifātik,
The one You appeared Him from the presence of love and You made Him
the platform of Your selfsame revealation. And You brought Him out by You
from Your light and made Him a mirror (react) of Your wonderful beautiful-
213
ness in the presence of Your Names and Attributes
ِ ‫علَــى َج ِميــعِ ْالعَ َوا ِلــم الَّ ـذِي ك ََّو ْنــتَ ِم ْن ـهُ َج ِمي ـ َع الكَائِنَــا‬
‫ت فَ ـ ُك ٌّل ِم ْن َهــا‬ ِ ‫شـ ْـم ِس ال َك َمــا ِل ال ُم ْشـ ِـر‬
ُ ‫ق نُـ‬
َ ُ‫ـوره‬ َ
. ‫ِب ـ ِه قَائِ ـ ٌم‬
shamsi ’alkamāli ’almushriqi nūruhu ‘alā jamī‘i ’al‘awālim ’alladhī

kawwanta minhu jamī‘ ’alkā’ināti fakullun minhā bihi qā’im.
The sun of perfection that shines by its light over the whole world. From
which (light) You made (create) all the beings. So every thing is stands (ex-
ists) by Him
‫ظـ ِـم‬ ِ ‫صت َ ـهُ بِــأ َ ْن َكانَ ِم ْفتَــا َح ِخزَ انَ ـ ِة ُح ِبّــكَ ْال َمحْ بُــو‬
َ ‫ب األ َ ْع‬ َّ ‫ َو َخ‬، َ‫ـاط قُ ْربِــك‬
ْ ‫ص‬ ِ ‫سـ‬َ ِ‫علَــى ب‬ َ ُ‫ـن أجْ لَ ْس ـتَه‬ ْ ‫َمـ‬
‫الظا ِهـ ِـر ْال ُم ْكتَتَـ ِـم‬
َّ ‫ـر‬ ّ ِ ‫سـ‬
ّ ِ ‫َوال‬
man ’ajlastahu ‘alā bisāti qurbika, wa khassastahu bi’an kāna miftāha kh-
izānati hubbika ’almahbūbi ’al’a‘zami ’assirri ’azzāhir ’almuktatam
The One You sat Him on the mat of Your nearness and elect Him to be the
key for the safe of Your love. The Supreme Beloved One. The Open and Dis-
creeted (unfolded) Secret.
‫علَــى آ ِل ـ ِه‬
َ ‫ َو‬، َ‫ت َك َماالَتِــك‬ َ ‫ســلَّ ِم الَّ ـذِي الَ ي ُْرقَــى إِالَّ بِ ـ ِه فِــي ُم‬
ِ ‫شــا َهدَا‬ َ ‫ْال َوا ِس ـ‬
ُّ ‫ط ِة بَ ْينَــكَ َوبَ ْيــنَ ِعبَــادِكَ ال‬
ِ ‫صا ِبيــحِ ال ُه ـدَى ِل ـ ُك ِّل ْال َخالَئِ ـ‬
‫ق‬ َ ‫ص َحا ِب ـ ِه َم‬ْ ‫ق َوأ‬ ِ ‫يَنَا ِبيــعِ ْال َحقَائِ ـ‬
’alwāsitati baynaka wa bayna ‘ibādika ’assullam ’alladhī lā yurqā ’illā bihi

fī mushāhadāti kamālātika, wa ‘alā ’ālihi yanābī‘i ’alhaqā’iq wa ’ashābihi
masābīh ’alhudā likulli ’alkhalā’iq
The link (relation) between You and Your servants, the only one ladder that
takes (lift) to the perfect and complete witnesses of Yours. (prayers also for)
his family (members) the springs of the truth and his companions the guid-
ance lamps for all creatures.
‫ـر بِ َهــا‬ َ ُ ‫ ت‬، ‫سـنَا بِ َهــا فِــي أ ْنـ َـو ِار ت َ َج ِلّيَاتِـ ِه‬
ُ ‫ط ِ ّهـ‬ ُ ‫ َم ْقبُولَـةً بِــكَ ِمنَّــا لَدَ ْيـ ِه ت َ ِليـ‬، ‫صـالَة ً ِم ْنــكَ إِلَ ْيـ ِه‬
ُ ‫ـق بِذَاتِـ ِه َوت َ ْغ ِم‬ َ
214
َ ‫علَ ْينَــا َو َم‬
‫شــائِ ِخنَا َو َوا ِلدِينَــا‬ ْ ‫ َوت ُ َر ِقّــي بِ َهــا‬، ‫ارنَا‬
َ ‫ َوتُعَ ِ ّم ـ ُم بَ َركَاتِ َهــا‬، ‫أر َوا َحنَــا‬ َ ‫ـر‬ َ ‫ِس بِ َهــا أ ْسـ‬ُ ّ‫ َوتُقَـد‬، ‫قُلُوبَنَــا‬
َ‫َو ِإ ْخ َوانِنَــا َو ْال ُمؤْ ِمنِيــنَ َو ْال ُم ْسـ ِل ِمين‬
salātan minka ’ilayhi, maqbūlatan bika minnā ladayhi talīqu bidhātihi wa

taghmisunā bihā fī ’anwāri tajalliyātihi, tutahhiru bihā qulūbanā, wa tuqad-
disu bihā ’asrāranā, wa turaqqī bihā ’arwāhanā, wa tu‘ammim barakātihā
‘alaynā wa mashā’ikhinā wa wālidīnā wa ’ikhwāninā wa ’almu’minīna wa
’almuslimīn
A prayer from You to Him, accepted by Him from us because of You. De-
serves to be for Him (And) because of which sink us in the lights of His re-
vealation. A prayer by which You purify our hearts, exalt and make holy our
secrets, by which You prommote our spirits and (distribute) its blesses on all
of us, our teachers, parents, brothers and all believers, and muslims.
َّ ‫علَــى ال‬
‫س ـ ِيّ ِد ُم َح َّم ـ ٍد‬ َ ‫ص ـالَةٍ َوت َ ْس ـ ِل ٍيم‬ ِ ‫ َمض ُْروبَ ـةً ِب ْألفَــي ْألـ‬، ‫ـن‬
َ ‫ـف‬ َ ‫َم ْق ُرونَ ـةً ِب‬
ِ ‫س ـالَ ٍم ِم ْنــكَ ِإلَــى يَـ ْـو ِم الدِّيـ‬
ِ ّ‫ـن َو ْال َح ْم ـدُ هللِ َرب‬ ٍ ‫ت َو ِحيـ‬ ٍ ‫صحْ بِ ـ ِه أجْ َم ِعيــنَ َولَــكَ ْال َح ْم ـدُ ِم ْنــكَ لَــكَ فِــي ُك ِّل َو ْق ـ‬ َ ‫علَــى آ ِل ـ ِه َو‬ ِ ‫األ َ ِميـ‬
َ ‫ـن َو‬
. َ‫ْالعَالَ ِميــن‬
maqrūnatan bislāmin minka ’ilā yawmi ’addīn, madrūbatan bi’alfay ’alfi

salātin wa taslīm ‘alā ’assayyidi Muḥammadin ’al’amīn wa ‘alā ’ālihi wa
sahbihi ’ajma‘īn wa laka ’alhamdu minka laka fī kulli waqtin wa hīn wa ’al-
hamdu lillāhi rabbi ’al‘ālamīn.
Accompanied by salutations from You (in continuous manner) up to the day

of religion, multiplied by thousands and thousands of prayers and salutations
for the noble, Muḥammad the discreet (honest), and all his family and com-
panions, praise is for You, from You to You ( Allāh) at all times and places,
and praise be to Allāh the cherisher and sustainer of the worlds.
215
The Invocation of sayyidī ’As-Sammān (D)
ِ َ‫يَا َم ْل َجأ َ ْالق‬

ُ‫اص ِد يَا غ َْوثَاه‬ ُ‫هللاُ يَا هللاُ يَا هللا‬
’Allāhu yā ’Allāhu yā ’Allāhu
yā malja’ ’alqāsidi yā ghawthāhu

Allāh O Allāh O Allāh: O You The shelter for those who ever come to You.
O my succour
‫ت‬ ْ ‫بِ َم‬

ِ ‫ظ َه ِر األ َ ْس َما بِس ِ ِّر الذَّا‬ ِ ‫صفَا‬
‫ت‬ َ ‫ض‬
ّ ِ ‫ط ِ ّرينَ بِال‬ ْ ‫نَ ْدعُوكَ ُم‬
nad‘ūka mudtarrīna bissifāti
bimazhari ’al’asmā bisirri ’adhdhāti

We call on You and we are in real need for Your help. We entreat to You
by all attributes of Yours, by the appearances of Your Names, by the Divine
(secret of Your selfsame (Thyself
َّ ‫ِبس ِ ِّر ِس ِ ّر‬
‫الط ْم ِس ِبالعَ َماء‬ ‫ي ِ ِب ْال َهبَاء‬
ّ ‫ِب َك ْن ِزكَ ال َم ْخ ِف‬
bisirri sirri ’attamsi bil‘amā’i
bikanzika ’almakhfiyyi bilhabā’i
By the deepest secret of the obliteration and the marrow of the darkness and
by the secret of its disappearance. By Your concealed treasure, by the ex-
istance of the fine mystries and atoms .
‫ود‬ ‫ه‬
ُّ
ُ ‫الش‬ ‫ل‬
َ
‫إ‬ ‫ب‬ ْ ‫م ْن َع َالم ْال َغ‬
‫ي‬ ‫ود‬ ُ ‫ب َأ َّول ْال َبارز ل ْل ُو‬
‫ج‬
ِ ِ ِ ِ ِ ِ ِ ِِ ِ ِ
bi’awwali ’albārizi lilwujūdi
min ‘ālami ’alghaybi ’ilā ’ashshuhūdi
By the first appeared in the existence from the concealed word to the open
one.
ُْ َ ْ ُ َْ ُ َ َ َ َ ُ َ َ ْ ‫َ َْ َ ف‬
‫ون‬
ِ ‫وما حواه الكون ِمن مكن‬ ِ ‫ِبما انطوى ِ ي� ِعل ِمك المص‬
‫ون‬
bimantawā fī ‘ilmika ’almasūni
216
wa mā hawāhu ’alkawnu min maknūni
By whatever contained in Your protected divine knowledge and what so ever
the
world contains from the preciousness.
َ َ َ َ ْ َ َْ َْ
‫ِبال َعال ِم األ ْس فَ� َو ِباأل ْمالك‬ ‫ َو ِباألفال ِك‬، ‫ش‬
ِ ‫ ِبالفر‬، ‫ش‬
َْ
ِ ‫ِبالعر‬
bil‘arshi bilfarshi wa bil’aflāki
bil‘ālami ’al’asnā wa bil’amlāki
By the exalted throne (of glory), by the earth, by the orbits, by the exalted
world and angles.
َ ْ ْ ََ
‫الص ْح ِو َوال َم ْح ِو َو ِبال َبقاء‬
َّ ‫ب‬
ِ
َ ‫س َج ْمع‬
‫ ِبالفن ِاء‬،‫الج ْم ِع‬ ِ
ِّ ِ ‫ب‬
ِ
bisirri jam‘i ’aljam‘i bilfanā’i
bissahwi wa ’almahwi wa bilbaqā’i
By the subtle secret of obssesion and annihilation, By the wakefulness, by the
obliteration and by the permanence in the Divine.
َ ْ َ َْ َ ْ َ َّ
ُ ‫الدائ َرة‬ َ ُْ
‫اه ِر الك ِث ي َ�ِة‬
ِ ‫ِلوحد ِة المظ‬ ‫الم ِش ي َ�ِة‬ ِ ِ ‫ِبنقط ِة‬
binuqtati ’addā’irati ’almushīra
liwahdati ’almazāhiri ’alkathīra
By the circle’s centre that points to the oness of the many appearances.
‫صحْ ِب ِه ال ِك َر ِام‬
َ ‫َوآ ِل ِه َو‬ ِ ‫طفَى ال ِت ّ َه‬
‫امي‬ ْ ‫ي ِ ْال ُم‬
َ ‫ص‬ ّ ‫ِب ْال َها ِش ِم‬
bilhāshimiyyi ’almustafā ’attihāmī
wa ’ālihi wa sahbihi ’alkirāmi
By the elect hashimite (prophet Muḥammad peace be upon him) from Toha-
ma, By his honoured family and companions
‫َحب ِْر األَن َِام ذِي ْال َحيَا َو ْال َجا ِه‬ ‫ع ْب ِد هللا‬ ِ ‫ث َو ْال َمحْ بُو‬
َ ‫ب‬ ِ ‫ِب ْالغ َْو‬
bilghawthi wa ’almahbūbi ‘abdillāhi
habri ’al’anāmi dhī ’alhayā waljāhi
By the succour the beloved servant of Allāh, the schollar over all schollars,
He the one of shyness and prestige (high rank)
ِ ‫ث اللَّ ِه‬
‫يف ت َْر ُج َمانَ ال ِذّ ْك ِر‬ َ ‫غ َْو‬ ‫يم القَد ِْر‬
َ ‫ع ِظ‬
َ ‫َّاس‬
ٍ ‫عب‬َ َ‫أ ْعنِي ابْن‬
217
’a‘nī ’ibna ‘Abbāsin ‘azīm ’alqadri
ghawth ’ Allāhīfi tarjumān ’adhdhikri
I mean the respected and honoured son of ‘Abbas the rescuer of the needy and
interpreter of the revelation (Qurān)
ِ‫َو ُم ْصطَفَى البَ ْكر ِِّي ِذي اإلِيقَان‬ ‫بِالشَّ يْ ِخ َعبْ ِد الْقَا ِد ِر الْ َجيْال َِن‬
bishShaykhi ‘Abd ’Alqādir ’Aljaylāni
wa Mustafā ’Albakriyyi dhī ’al’īqāni
By ’Ash-Shaykh ‘Abdul-Qādir ’Aj-Jaylānī and Mustafā ’ al-Bakrīyyi the one
of strong faith.
‫فَ َق ْد ت َ َو َّسلْ َنا ِب ِه ْم يَا د َِان‬ ِ‫ِبك ُِّل قُط ٍْب ِم ْن ِح َم َك َدان‬
bikulli qutbin min himāka dāni
faqad tawassalnā bihim yā dānī
By any Pivot (magnate in religion) from Your quardian, we implore by them
to You, O You The Near to us.
‫وب َو َع ْب ٍد َسالِ ِك َو ُم ْقتَ ٍف ألَنْ َه ِج الْ َم َسالِ ِك‬

ٍ ‫ِبك ُِّل َم ْح ُب‬
bikulli mahbūbin wa ‘abdin sālik
wa muqtafin li’anhaji ’almasālik
By any one You loved, and any servant of Yours (a novice) who strictly fol-
lows Your way (path) the most straight and forward way.
ِ ِّ َ‫َه ْب ِل َوأت ْ َبا ِعي َوك ُِّل طَالِ ْب نَ ْي َل امل ُ َنى َوي‬
‫س املَطَالِ ْب‬
hab lī wa ’atbā‘ī wa kulli tālib
nayla ’almunā wa yassir ’almatālib
Bestow on me and my followers and whoever seek refuge in You. Grant us
what we look for and make it easy for us to attain the goals (wants).
ِ‫َو ُح َّف َنا ب ِِح ْص ِن َك الْ َم ِنيع‬ ِ‫الس ْ َت َع َل الْ َج ِميع‬

ِّ ِ‫َو ْأسبِل‬
wa ’asbil ’assitra ‘alā ’aljamī‘i
218
wa huffanā bihisnika ’almanī‘i
Cover the falts and scandles of all, surround us by the strong protection and
shelter of Yours.
‫َوأشْ ِف َنا ِم ْن ك ُِّل دَا ٍء ِفي َنا َو َعا ِف َنا يَا َربَّ َنا َوا ْح ِمي َنا‬
wa ’ashfinā min kulli dā’in fīnā
wa ‘āfinā yā rabbanā wahmīnā
Cure us from whatever illness we have (suffer) save us and bestow Your pro-
tection on us, O our Lord.
ُّ ‫َونَ ِّج َنا ِم ْن ِذلَّ ِة‬

‫الس َؤا ِل‬ ‫س الْك َْس َب ِم َن الْ َحالَ ِل‬
ِ ِّ َ‫َوي‬
wa yassir ’alkasba min ’alhalāli
wa najjinā min dhillāti ’assu’āli
Make easy and plenty our sustenance from what You approved (endorsed as
halāl) and protect us from begging humiliation
‫َو َص ِّف ِه ِم ْن َد َرنِ األَكْدَا ِر‬ ‫َوطَ ِّه ِر الْ َقل َْب ِم َن األَ ْغيَا ِر‬
wa tahhir ’alqalba min ’al’aghyāri
wa saffihi min daran ’al’akdāri
Sanctify the heart from the others, purify it and brush it from the rust (dirts)
of grieves.
ِ‫ِم ْن ِف َ ِت األَ ْه َوا ِء َوالشَّ يْطَان‬ َّ ِّ ‫َوا ْح َف ْظ لَ َنا‬

ِ‫الس َم َع الْ َج َنان‬
wahfaz lanā ’assira ma‘a ’aljanāni
min fitani ’al’hwā’i wa ’ashshaytāni
Keep for us our hearts and the divine secret You put in us, from the seditions
of evil wants (desires) and satan
‫َو ْاسل ُْك ِب َها َسب َِيل خ ْ َِي دَا ِع‬ ‫ْس ِم َن ال َّد َوا ِعي‬
َ ‫َو َخل ِِّص ال َّنف‬
wa khallis ’annafsa min ’addawā‘ī
219
wasluk bihā sabīla khayra dā‘i
Salvate our soul from all claims and let it follow the guidance and path of the
best propagator
ِ‫َو َع َملٍ إِ َل انْ ِقضَ ا ِء األَ َجل‬ ‫َو ِم ْن َك فَاكْ ِر ْم َنا ِب ِعلْمٍ أز َِل‬
wa minka fakrimnā bi‘ilmin ’azalī
wa ‘amalin ’ilā ’inqidā‘i ’al’ajali
Honour us by bestowing a pristine eternal knowledge and deeds (actions) till
we reach the day of our departure from this world.
‫َو َسائِ ِر األَقْ َوا ِل َواألَفْ َعا ِل‬ ‫َو َس ِّهلِ ا ِإل ْخال ََص ِف األَ ْع َم ِل‬
wa sahhil ’al’ikhlāsa fī ’al’a‘māli
wa sā’iri ’al’aqwāli wa ’al’af‘āli
Grant us the keenness in all our conditions. (when we speak and when we do).
‫َو ِم ْن ُح َميَّا ُحبِّ ِه فَا ْر ُزقْ َنا‬ ‫َوالتِّبَا ِع امل ُْصطَفَى َوفِّ ْق َنا‬
Wa littibā‘i ’almustafā waffiqnā
wa min humayyā hubbihi farzuqnā
We call upon You to guide and help us to follow the Elect, and fill our hearts
from his pure love.
‫ِبك ُِّل ِعلْمٍ ظَا ِه ٍر َوبَ ِاط ْن‬ ‫َو َزيِّنِ الظَّا ِه َر َوالْبَ َو ِاط ْن‬
wa zayyin ’azzāhira wa ’albawātin
bikulli ‘ilmin zāhirin wa bātin
Adorn our outs and ins by all kinds of knowledges (open or hidden)
‫َواق ِْص ْم ِب َق ْه ٍر ك َُّل َم ْن آذَانَا َو َم ْن ب ُِسو ٍء قَ ْد نَ َوى ِح َمنَا‬

waqsim biqahrin kulla man ’ādhānā
wa man bisū’in qad nawā himānā
Pull down by Your irresistible power whoever harmed us and whoever has
220
the intention to harm our quardian
‫َولِ ِس َو َاك َر ِّب الَ ت َ ِكلْ َنا‬ ‫َوك َُّف ك ََّف الظَّالِ ِم َني َع َّنا‬
wa kuffa kaffa ’azzālimīna ‘annā
wa lisiwāka rabbī lā takilnā
Hold off the hand of the unjust from oppressing us, make us depend on You
and You only, do not leave us depend on others but You.
‫َونَ ِّج َنا ِم ْن كَ ْي ِد ك ُِّل َح ِاس ْد َوشَ ا ِم ٍت ُم َع ِّن ٍف ُم َعانِ ْد‬

wa najjinā min kaydi kulli hāsid
wa shāmitin mu‘annifin mu‘ānid
Save us from the cunning of any envyer or whoever rejoice at our misfortune,
and save us (also) from any naughty (one)
(3) ‫َو ُك ِّل َه ٍ ّم َوبَالَءٍ َم ْخ َر َجا‬ ‫ق فَ َر َجا‬ ِ ‫َواجْ عَ ْل لَنَا ِم ْن ُك ِّل‬
ٍ ‫ضي‬
Waj‘al lanā min kulli dīqin farajā
wa kulli hammin wa balā’in makhrajā (3 times)
Salvate us from any distress and find us away out from any problem or wrath.
ِ ‫عد ّ ٍُو ُم ْفت ٍَر َو َج‬

‫ان‬ َ ‫ُك َّل‬ ِ ‫َار ْالغَي ِْظ َو ْال ُخس َْر‬
‫ان‬ ِ ‫َوا ْك ُم ْد بِن‬
wakmud bināri ’alghayzi wa ’alkhusrāni
kulla ‘aduwwin muftarin wa jānī
Fill up with all grieve and unhappyness the hearts of the prig, and unjust
enemies
ِ‫ي‬
ّ ِ‫سن‬ ِ ‫اب ِستْ ٍر ش‬
َ ‫َام ٍل‬ َ ‫ِح َج‬ ِ‫ي‬ ْ ُ‫َواجْ عَ ْل لَنَا ِم ْن ل‬
ّ ‫طفِكَ ْال َخ ِف‬
Waj‘al lanā min lutfika ’alkhafiyyi
hijāba sitrin shāmilin saniyyi
Make for us from Your concealed subtle careness strong and all covering
sheltor
221
‫َّار‬
ُ ‫ع ِظي ُم يَا َجب‬
َ ‫ي يَا‬
ُّ ‫ع ِل‬
َ ُ ‫ي يَا قَيُّو ُم يَا قَ َّه‬
‫ار‬ ُّ ‫يَا َح‬
yā Hayyu yā Qayyūmu yā Qahhāru
‘Aliyyu yā ‘Azīmu yā Jabbāru
O, You, The Living, Self-subsisting Eternal. O You The Irresistible, The Most
High, Supreme The Able to inforce His Will.
ِ ‫ان َواآلفَا‬
‫ت‬ َّ ‫ِم ْن فِت َِن‬
ِ ‫الز َم‬ ‫ت‬ ْ َ‫يَا َربّ ِ َواحْ ف‬
ِ ‫ظنَا ِإلَى ْال َم َما‬
yā rabbi wahfaznā ’ilā ’almamāti
min fitani ’azzamāni wa ’al’āfāti
O Lord protect us till the day of our death, from all seditions and distresses
of this world.
‫َان‬
ِ ‫الجن‬ َّ ‫َو ُخ‬
ِ ‫صنَا ِبالفَ ْو ِز فِي‬ ‫ان‬ ِ ‫اختِ ْم لَنَا يَا َربّ ِ ِب‬
ِ ‫اإلي َم‬ ْ ‫َو‬
wakhtim lanā yā rabbi bil’īmāni

wa khussanā bilfawzi fī ’aljināni
Conclude and finalise our life here, O Lord by being (always) in strong faith,
and grant us by being among the winners in paradise
‫سانُهُ َم ْبذُو ُل‬

َ ْ‫يَا َم ْن لَنَا ِإح‬ ‫صو ُل‬
ُ ‫يَا بَ ُّر يَا ك َِري ُم يَا َو‬
yā barru yā karīmu yā wasūlu
yā man lanā ’ihsānuhu mabdhūlu
O The Beneficient, The Most Generous, The Bestower and Provider of our
needs and wants in abandance, even without mentioning them.
(3) ‫ان‬
ِ ‫س َّم‬
َّ ‫ير بِال‬ َّ ‫ُم َح َّم ِد ال‬
ِ ‫ش ِه‬ ‫ير ْال َجانِي‬
ِ ‫يَا َربّ ِ َوا ْغ ِف ْر ِل ْلفَ ِق‬
yā rabbi waghfir lilfaqīr ’aljānī
Muḥammadi ’ashshahīri bi ’As-Sammāni (3 times)
O Lord forgive the poor and wrong doer servant of Yours, Muḥammad who
222
known by ’As-Sammānī
ِ ‫ض َحى لَهُ ُم َؤ‬

‫اخي‬ ْ ‫َو ُك ِّل َم ْن أ‬ ِ‫َو َوا ِلدَ ْي ِه َو َكذَا األ َ ْشيَاخ‬
wa wālidayhi wa kadhā ’al’ashyākhi
wa kulli man ’adhā lahu mu’ākhī
(also) his parents, teachers and who ever become member of his brotherhood
ْ ‫ق َم ْن فِيكَ لَهُ أ‬
‫ض َحى قَدَ ْم‬ ِ ّ ‫بِ َح‬ َ َ ‫َو َم ْن لَهُ فِي ِس ْل ِك ِه قَ ِد ا ْنت‬
‫ظ ْم‬
wa man lahu fī silkihi qad ’intazam
bihaqqi man fīka lahu ’adhā qadam
(also) all those who joined his tutelage order, I call upon You Allāh by the
sacret of whoever You elect him to be one of the righteous.
ّ ‫ي ِ ْال َها ِش ِم‬

‫ي ِ أحْ َمدَا‬ ّ ِ‫علَى النَّب‬
َ ‫سالَ ُم أبَدَا‬ َّ ‫ث ُ َّم ال‬
َّ ‫صالَة ُ َوال‬
thumma ’assalātu wa ’assalāmu ’abadā
‘alā ’annabiyyi ’alhāshimiyyi ’Aḥmadā
I conclude by an infinite and endless prayers and salutations to be upon the
Hashimite prophet of Allāh who named by Aḥmad
َ ْ َ ‫َواآل ِل َواأل‬
ِ‫ب َواألتْبَاع‬
ِ ‫ص َحا‬ َ ‫َو ُك ِّل‬
ِ‫صبّ ٍ ِل ِح َماكَ دَاع‬
wa ’al’āli wa ’al’ashābi wa ’al’atbā‘I
wa kulli sabbin lihimāka dā‘i
(and also) to the family, companions, followers and any intimate lover who
propagate (to You) to Your guardian.
‫ضعَفَا‬
ُ ‫عنَّا فَإِنَّا‬ ِ ‫َوا ْكش‬
َ ‫ِف السُّو َء‬ َ ‫ص‬
‫طفَى‬ ْ ‫َربّ ِ أد ِْر ْكنَا ِب َجا ِه ال ُم‬
abbi ’adriknā bijāhi ’almustafā
wakshif ’assū’a ‘annā fa’innā du‘afā
O Lord rescue us, by the sanctity You gave to Your elect. And salvate us from
the misfortune we admit, we are truly weak and poor.
223
‫ُم َح َّمدٌ بَش ٌَر الَ ك َْالبَش َِر‬ ‫ت بَيْنَ ْال َح َج ِر‬
ِ ‫بَ ْل ه َُو ك َْاليَاقُو‬
Muḥammadun basharun lā kalbasharBal huwa kalyāqūti bayna ’alhajar
Yes Muḥammad is a humanbieng, but not like other humanbeings, he is just like ruby
among other stones (rocks).
Then murīd reads the prayer of Sayyidī ’As-Sammān [known by the centre of the
existence circle]:
224
225
226

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1

The Mystical and philosophical

‫الفكر الصوفي والفلسفي‬

Dr. Abdulgalil Salih

Sammāniyya Ṣūfī Order

The Universality of the ṭarīqa

The soul of the revivalist, the knower

The highly charismatic al-Sammān was born in Medina, to family of

The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya is a reformist concept, and as such, it aims to

The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya articulated a reformist-activist Ṣūfī affiliation,

Al-Sammān dedicated a rather short treatise to the subject of the metaphys-

Al-Sammān maintains that, to become a member of a Ṣūfī ṭarīqah, the

The tradition of concentrating on the image of the maShaykh of the ṭarīqah

As the representative or the founder of the Khalwatiyah Sammāniyah ṭarīqa h,

Al-Sammān is a qualified prolific prose- writer, a lim, and accomplished poet.

ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU YĀ ’ALLĀHU

YĀ MALJA’ ’ALQĀSIDI YĀ GHAWTHĀHU

Allāh O Allāh O Allāh: O You The shelter for those

Who ever come to you. O my succour

NAD‘ŪKA MUDTARRĪNA BISSIFĀTI

BIMAZHARI ’AL’ASMĀ BISIRRI ’ADHDHĀTI

We entreat to You by all attributes of Yours, by the appearances

، ‫ط ِة أ ْفالَ ِك َم َراقِي ال ُّش ُهو ِد‬

• my sons be occupied with the recitation of the Holy Qur’ān, its

The brothers are four:

Numerous followers of Moḥammad al-Sammān ( Allāh’s mercy be on him) car-

Two of al-Sammān’s disciples spread a ṭarīqah, called al-Sammāniyah to Suma-

Abdulgalil Abd Allāh Salih

What is ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya?

Al-Sanusi, Ibn Idris principal student, gives a clear statement of what he

This ṭarīqa is founded on an inner submergence accompanied

The ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya articulated a reformist-activist Ṣūfī affiliation,

1 Occidental Exile. Retrieved on 22/10/2016 from https://occidentalexile.wordpress.

Al-Sammān wrote a book explaining the notion of the ṭarīqa Muḥam-

He [the devotee] confines himself to this

Another aspect of Ṣūfīsm that the ṭarīqa Muḥammadiyya emphasized was

1 Occidental Exile. Retrieved on 22/10/2016 from https://occidentalexile.wordpress.

1 ROBERT W. HEFNER. THE NEW CAMBRIDGEHISTORY OFISLAM.VOL-

1 “At the distance of two bows’ length or even closer”

Sammāniyyia, Tijaniyya and Muḥammadiyya Naqshbandiyya. All of these

Perhaps no doctrine is more central and critical to a right understanding of

Muhammadan light; also called al-nur al-muhamma-

According to Muhyiddin Arabi, who is the founder of Wahdah al-Wujud

Accordingly, the light of Muhammad is the common name of all of the

`Ajluni (Isma`il ibn Muhammad d. 1162) in his Kashf al-khafa’ (1:265 of

Alusi (al-Sayyid Mahmud) in his commentary of Qur’an entitled Ruh al-

Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari (Muhammad ibn Muhammad d. 736) in his book

Jili (`Abd al-Karim, b. 766) in his Namus al-a`zam wa al-qamus al-aqdam

Maliki al-Hasani (Muhammad ibn `Alawi) in his commentary on `Ali al-Qa-

Nabahani (Yusuf ibn Isma`il) cites it as evidence in al-Anwar al-muham-

Nabulusi (`Abd al-Ghani d. 1143) says in his Hadiqa al-nadiyya (2:375 of

Nisaburi (Nizamuddin ibn Hasan, d. 728) cites it as evidence in elucidation

Qastallani (Ahmad ibn Muhammad, d. 923) narrates it in his al-Mawahib

Rifa`i (Yusuf al-Sayyid Hashim) cites it as evidence in Adillat ahl al-sun-

O god give me light in my heart and light in my tongue and light in my

hearing and light in my sight and light in my feeling and light

Mystically speaking all creation is nothing but an expression of this everlast-

“Neo-Ṣūfīsm” - a movement said to be characterized by a rejection of the

The most important characteristic of these Ṣūfī Turuq is the Ṣūfī-Scholar