A Place to Call Home: Identification with Dwelling, Community, and Region

Author(s): Lee Cuba and David M. Hummon

Source: The Sociological Quarterly , Spring, 1993, Vol. 34, No. 1 (Spring, 1993), pp. 111-
131
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

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 A PLACE TO CALL HOME:
Identification With Dwelling, Community,
and Region

Lee Cuba*
Wellesley College
David M. Hummon
Holy Cross College

The concept of place identity has been the subject of a number of empirical studies in a
variety of disciplines, but there have been relatively few attempts to integrate this
literature into a more general theory of identity and environment. Such endeavors have
been limited by a lack of studies that simultaneously examine identification with places
of different scale. This article addresses this critical omission by analyzing how resi-
dents of Cape Cod, Massachusetts, develop a sense of home with respect to dwelling,
community, and region. Our results suggest that different social and environmental
factors discriminate identification across place loci: specifically, that demographic
qualities of residents and interpretive residential affiliations are critical to dwelling
identity; that social participation in the local community is essential for community
identity; and that patterns of intercommunity spatial activity promote a regional identi-
ty. Such understandings, we propose, are important to constructing an integrated
theory of place identity, one sensitive to the complex ways the self is situated in the
social-spatial environment.

The 1980s witnessed widespread growth in scholarship addressing identity and the envi-
ronment, not only in sociology but also in such related fields as environmental psycholo-
gy, phenomenological geography, cultural history, and the design professions. Much of
this interdisciplinary work focused on the dwelling place as it emerged historically as a
locus of sentiment and home in modem Western culture (Altman and Werner 1986;
Duncan 1982; Rybczynski 1986) and as it serves today as a significant symbol for the
communication of personal and social identity (Csikzentimihalyi and Rochberg-Halton
1981; Hummon 1989; Lauman and House 1972; Pratt 1982; Rapoport 1982a). Other
studies examined the interplay of identity and environment with regard to neighborhood
and community. Studies of community attachment, in particular, documented how such
locales continue to provide a significant locus of sentiment and meaning for the self
(Duncan 1973; Feldman 1990; Gerson, Stueve, and Fischer 1977; Hummon 1990; Kasar-

*Address all correspondence to Lee Cuba, Department of Sociology, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA 02181.

The Sociological Quarterly, Volume 34, Number 1, pages 111-131.

Copyright ? 1993 by JAI Press, Inc.
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
ISSN: 0038-0253.

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112 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

da and Janowitz 1974; Rivlin 1987; Sampson 1988). Even regions h

important loci of meaning, with exploratory work on Isle Royale,
identities (Cochrance 1987; Cuba 1987; Reed 1983).
This disparate research has contributed much to our understanding of place identifica-
tion. It has challenged both popular and social-scientific images of the placelessness of the
contemporary landscape and the self. It has highlighted the varied environmental, psycho-
logical, social, and cultural sources of place identification. Yet despite these advances,
this work has not led to a more general theory of place identity, although significant
integrative essays have appeared outside of sociology (Lavin and Agatstein 1984; Low
and Altman 1992; Proshansky, Fabian, and Kaminoff 1983; Rapoport 1982b; Shumaker
and Taylor 1983). In part, such integrative scholarship has been limited by a critical lack
of studies that simultaneously examine identification with places of different scale, rang-
ing from the dwelling place to the community and the region.'
This study undertakes such an analysis, posing several questions vital to an integrated
study of place identity: To what extent do individuals identify with single or multiple
locales? What factors increase the likelihood of identification with locales of different
scales? Do factors that enhance identification with one locale enhance or mitigate identi-
fication with locales of different scale?
To provide preliminary answers to these queries, we analyze how residents of Cape
Cod, Massachusetts, develop a sense of home with respect to dwelling, community, and
region. Our results suggest that different social and environmental factors discriminate
identification across place loci: specifically, that demographic qualities of residents and
interpretive residential affiliations are critical to dwelling identity; that social participation
in the local community is essential for community identity; and that patterns of intercom-
munity spatial activity promote a regional identity. Such understandings, we propose, are
important to constructing a general theory of place identity, one sensitive to the complex
ways the self is situated in the social-spatial environment.

PLACE IDENTITY: FUNCTIONS AND SOURCES

Functions of Place Identity

In general terms, place identity can be defined as an interpretation of self tha

environmental meaning to symbolize or situate identity. Like other forms of identit
identity answers the question-Who am I?-by countering-Where am I? or Wh
belong? From a social psychological perspective, place identities are thought
because places, as bounded locales imbued with personal, social, and cultural mean
provide a significant framework in which identity is constructed, maintained, and
formed.2 Like people, things, and activities, places are an integral part of the socia
of everyday life; as such, they become important mechanisms through which iden
defined and situated (Proshansky et al. 1983; Weigert 1981).
Although places and their attendant meanings contribute to identity in complex
previous work on place identity has typically focused on two broad functions: disp
affiliation.3 With regard to place identity as display, researchers have document
people use places to communicate qualities of the self to self or other. Places
integrally involved in the construction of both personal identities-unique configur
of life history items that differentiate the self from other-and social identities-gr

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 A Place to Call Home 113

attributes associated with

ple, given the emphasis on
frequently personalize do
selves (Altman and Chem
storehouses of life-long pe
to personal identity (Csik
places function to commu
mented the use of place to
of dwellings (Lauman and H
can 1973), or the symbol
conversations with the se
individuals to elaborate self
being particularly sophisti
Feldman 1990).
With regard to place iden
places to forge a sense of
involves emotional ties to p
values. This identification
of being comfortable, fam
1979). In either case, place i
sense of belonging and ord

Sources of Place I

Scholars have been less s

nourish place identity, in g
scales, in particular. Nevert
arises in a dialectic involv
relations of people to pla

Places

Places may influence the process of identification directly as physical, social,

cultural environments. Students of landscape and the built environment note that p
differ remarkably in their boundedness, distinctiveness, scale, and proportion (Stee
1981) and that such qualities enhance identification by providing significant, discre
place meanings for the articulation of self. Such arguments are usually made within
broad critique of the effects of modernization on the environment and identity. Stand
ation of built form, the erosion of distinct rural and regional landscapes, and geograp
mobility are thought to enervate physically encoded meanings of the landscape, thu
weakening personal identification with locale (Buttimer 1980; Klapp 1969; Relph 197
Similar observations are routinely voiced by environmental designers and artists wh
believe that "placemaking" must be an important part of the construction and preserv
of the built environment in order to enhance the identities of people as well as plac
(Alexander, Ishikawa, and Silverstein 1977; Fleming and von Tscharner 1987). S
historical and prescriptive arguments, however, find limited support in systematic stu
of environmental perception and design. For instance, mental map studies clearly dem
strate that cities differ in their "imageability" (Lynch 1960), although they do not ind

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114 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

whether such differences translate into stronger personal affiliatio

landscapes. Guest and Lee (1983), however, provide some evidence t
case. In a study of neighborhood attachment in the metropolitan c
local landmarks increased identification with neighborhood.
Places may also shape place identification as social contexts. Here
focused on the effects of modernization on identity. With respect to
historical separation of work from the home environment, the priva
and the domestication of women's roles are thought to both enrich t
"at home" in everyday life and to locate that experience in the dom
(Loyd 1982; Rybczynski 1986). Conversely, traditional, Wirthian (W
of urbanization and community decline have argued that increased
heterogeneity of community life have weakened collective sentiment
ment to locality. Contemporary studies of community attachment,
ment such a loss of local attachment: emotional attachment to the
strongly related to community size, density, or type (Brown 1989
Goudy 1982; Kasarda and Janowitz 1974; Sampson 1988).4 Further,
cance of the dwelling place as a locus of home receives support in
places and identity (Csikzentimihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981), t
cance of the dwelling relative to other places has seldom been exam
provides qualitative evidence that the dwelling may well be the mos
place identity, but other studies indicate that the dwelling place may
in the construction of a sense of home (Cochrance 1987; Lavin
Though least studied, place identification may also be shaped by
contexts. Meyrowitz (1986) argues that electronic media have weak
informational settings for face-to-face behavior, eroding the spatial
traditional behavior as well as many forms of group identity. Nev
sociologists have documented the continuing vitality of places
(Strauss 1961). Large urban places, with their traditions of local bo
public landmarks, and local myths, provide a strong local culture, s
tion by local residents (Karp, Stone, and Yoels 1977; Suttles 1984; T
subcultures may also arise in other geographic locales. Reed (1983)
the South, as a subculture, endows many southern residents with a
sense of attachment. Hummon (1990) notes that settlement types
dents with a community identity as a city person, country person,
suburbanite through place ideologies that contrast community for
dwelling-single-family dwellings versus apartments, private ve
may valorize or stigmatize identity in the iconography of American
cf. Krase 1979 on stigmatized places).

People and Place Experiences

Although places as physical, social, and cultural contexts influence

identification is also mediated by the characteristics people bring to
ture of their experiences with places. Such factors are critical to the
the individual, providing a social counter movement in the dialect
that underlies place identification.
The importance of the social mediation of place experience for pla

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A Place to Call Home 115

be seen in several ways. Fi

into the local area is a p
involvements-particularly
al memberships, and loca
sources of sentimental tie
1983; Hunter 1974; Kasar
significance of local social
ethnographic work, wheth
and Steinitz 1986) or rur
Second, long-term residen
sentimental attachment an
local social ties (Gerson
context for imbuing place
linking significant life ev
biographical insidedness"
associations to place identi
natural disasters and urban
that may result from suc
Third, identification with
relations are clearly comp
place becomes an increasin
such, may play a leading
Hummon 1991; Rowles 1
domestic objects may als
treasure such objects as
timihalyi and Rochberg-Ha
ment to the local neighbo
1982; Sampson 1988). Toge
place identification with a
identification among older
Fourth, although not well
tion is also mediated by th
instance, does not appear t
affect its locus and meani
men, are more likely to u
developed conception of
conception of the commun
likely than men to speak o
terms of interpersonal rel
kitchen as the place they
1981). These patterns of m
gender roles, indicating
settings for socially script
In sum, previous scholars
to display and situate the
places and the characterist
however, have been gener

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116 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

geographic loci, ranging from rooms and dwelling places to communitie

of yet, no systematic research has attempted to link the existence of
diferent geographic levels with the varied factors that contribute to th
study explores this new territory, analyzing how residents of Cape Cod
of home with respect to the dwelling place, community, and region, a
graphic locus of home is conditioned by four types of factors: interpre
tions, local social participation, spatial activity, and demographic back

SETTING

Cape Cod (Barnstable County), Massachusetts, is made up of 15 towns ranging in popula-

tion from roughly 1,500 to near 41,000. The Cape has served as both a popular vacation
area and retirement destination in New England for at least 50 years (Meyer 1987), and for
at least the past 30 years, Barnstable County has grown at a rate far exceeding that of
Massachusetts as a whole. According to census figures, approximately one out of four
Barnstable County residents age 5 and over in 1980 had lived in a different county in
1975. About 42 percent of these migrants came from outside of Massachusetts, and the
majority (57 percent) of these out-of-state migrants moved from another state in the
Northeast United States. In estimating total migration for all counties in the state from
1970-1980, the Massachusetts Department of Commerce and Economic Development
found that Barnstable County in-migration (51,102) was highest of the 14 Massachusetts
counties. This pattern of migration-driven population growth appears to have continued in
the 1980s. While the state population remained relatively stable from 1980-1990, that of
Barnstable County increased by over 26 percent, from 147,925 to 186,605.
Within New England-an area that abounds with firmly-established place images-
Cape Cod is characterized by a variety of regional imageries, ranging from beautiful
beaches, quaint towns, weathered-shingle Cape houses, and a relaxed, rural lifestyle to
hordes of summer visitors, rampant commercialism, and uncontrolled development. De-
spite differences among communities, Cape Cod is nominally recognized by both resi-
dents and nonresidents as a clearly-identifiable territory: people speak of "vacationing on
the Cape" or "retiring to the Cape." The economic, political and social factors shared by
all Cape Cod communities reinforces this regional characterization. Every town on the
Cape recognizes the importance of tourism to its economic health, the mounting concerns
over environmental preservation, and the pressures that drastic increases in population
have placed on the demand for both public and private services.
Nonetheless, the considerable variation among the communities that make up the Cape
have coalesced in distinct subregional and community place imageries. The Cape is
divided into three geographic areas-Upper, Middle, and Lower Cape-each thought to
be relatively distinct in terms of a number of social, economic, and demographic charac-
teristics. The Upper Cape-the region nearest the Massachusetts mainland-is more
closely tied to the rest of the state than the other regions of the Cape. As a result of the
escalation of housing prices in New England, the Upper Cape is fast becoming an ecologi-
cal extension of Boston's South Shore communities: a home for many who work in
communities off of Cape Cod. The Middle Cape is the commercial and governmental
center of Barnstable County. It contains several of the largest communities on the Cape
and receives a greater influx of summer visitors than other areas of the Cape. The Lower
Cape-the most geographically remote region of Barnstable County-is the least com-

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 A Place to Call Home 117

mercially developed. Beca

ty, land values on the Lo

DATA AND METHODS

Data Source

The data for this paper come from surveys administered to residents of three tow
Barnstable County, one from each of the three subregions of Cape Cod. The towns
in size from approximately 6,000 to 15,000. These communities were selected to re
sent the varied experiences and characteristics of residents living on the Cape. Sur
were administered to two age-stratified (18-59 and 60 and older) random samp
residents in each community; additional data for the project included in-depth audio
interviews with selected groups of older migrants, archival research of town
records, and interviews and field observations in a number of Cape Cod communit
This paper focuses on surveys administered to migrants who moved to these three co
nities at age 17 or older. A total of 523 surveys were administered to Cape Cod res
in the larger project. Sixty-one of these (8.5 percent) were lifetime residents of the
and are excluded from this analysis, as they were not asked the series of place ide
questions. The small proportion of lifetime residents underscores the significa
migration to this region. An additional 25 respondents who reported that they did n
at home were also excluded from the analysis, bring the total sample size in subse
analyses to 437.6
The surveys covered a broad range of topics inaccessible through macroleve
sources, such as the census: a variety of demographic characteristics, exhaustive m
tion histories, reports of previous vacation experiences, motivations for leaving co
nities of origin and for choosing migration destinations, patterns of social and sp
activity on Cape Cod, and a series of questions addressing the locus and content of
respondents' place identities. Respondents for the sample surveys were selected rand
from town census lists and were administered a structured interview schedule in their
homes by trained interviewers. The cumulative response rate for the surveys was 59
percent.

Conceptual Framework and Measurement

This analysis employs four interrelated concepts, each measured by a set of variables:
place identity, demographic/migration characteristics, social participation, and locus of
activity (see Table 1). We begin by defining three elements of place identity as an
expression of "at-homeness": its existence, its affiliations (or bases), and its locus. As
noted above, such sentiment is central to place identity, and expressions of "at-homeness"
have been used in both qualitative analyses of place identification (Buttimer 1980; Rowles
1983; Seamon 1979) and quantitative studies of community attachment (Goudy 1982;
Kasarda and Janowitz 1974). The existence of a place identity was measured by a positive
response to the question: Do you feel at home here? Those who answered yes to this
question were then asked the contingency: Why do you feel at home here? Their responses
to this open-ended question constitute our measure of place affiliation. Respondents were
allowed to give more than one answer to this question; their responses were then grouped

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 118 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

Table 1
Variables and Measurement Description

Variable Measurement

Place Identity Variables

Existence of place identity "Do you feel at home here?" (No (0), Yes (1))
Place affiliation variables Response to open-ended question, "Why do you feel at
home here?" (recoded into six No (0)/Yes (1) dichot-
omies by type of response; multiple responses al-
lowed)
Self-related (e.g., general psychological state happiness, "feeling
comfortable")
Family-related (e.g., reared family here, nearness to family members)
Friend-related (e.g., meeting people, friendly neighbors)
Community-related (e.g., attractive town lifestyle, sense of community)
Organization-related (e.g., participation in work, formal organization)
Dwelling-related (e.g., home ownership, variety of personal possessions)
Locus of place identity "Do you associate feeling at home with dwelling, com-
munity, and/or Cape, in general?" (each place identity
Dwelling-based locus coded as No (0)/Yes (1) dichotomies; multiple
Community-based responses allowed)
Region-based
Demographic/Migration Variables
Sex Female (0), Male (1)
Age Age in years
Number of residences prior to mov- Num
ing to Cape Cod
Length of residence on Cape Number of years of Cape Code residence
Community mobility on Cape Cod Lived in more than one Cape community (0), Lived in
only one Cape community (1)
Social Participation Variables
Number of club memberships Exact number
Percentage best friends on Cape Half or fewer (0), More than half (1)
Church membership No membership (0), Membership (1)
Volunteer work No volunteer work (0), Volunteer (1)
Town meeting attendance Half or fewer (0), More than half (1)
Locus of Activity Variables Where respondent was most likely to engage in a series
of eight activities (i.e., attend cultural event, visit
doctor, attend church, see dentist, buy major home
appliance, see attorney, visit best friends, participate
in leisure activities)
Number of in town activities Exact number from above list (Range 0-8)
Number of other Cape town acts Exact number from above list (Range 0-8)
Number of off Cape activities Exact number from above list (Range 0-8)

into six dichotomous variables, each measuring distinct qualitative dimensions of place
affiliation:

1. self-related responses (e.g., general psychological feeling of adjustment, "feeling

comfortable");

2. family-related responses (e.g., reared family here, nearness to family);

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 A Place to Call Home 119

3. friend-related responses

4. community-related resp

5. organization-related resp
and

6. dwelling-related respon
sions).

Combined, these six dimensions of place affiliation encompass 83 percent of all responses
to the question of why respondents felt at home on the Cape.7
The third element of place identity-its locus-was also measured by a contingency
question asked of those who reported some sense of place identity. Respondents were
asked the close-ended question: Do you associate feeling at home with living in this
particular house or apartment, with living in this community, or with living on the Cape,
in general? Multiple responses were allowed, so that a person could report a single locus
of place identity or any combination of these three loci. Three dichotomies were con-
structed, each indicating whether respondents associated a feeling of home with their
dwelling, the community, or the region. Together, these three dichotomies are the major
dependent variables in this analysis.8
As we expect the reasons people give for why they feel at home in a place will affect
where they feel at home, we hypothesize that the group of six place affiliation variables
will be variously associated with the three loci of place identity variables. For example,
those who report dwelling-related place affiliations should be most likely to locate their
place identities within their houses or apartments. Place affiliations based on friends,
community, or organizational attachments, on the other hand, may lead to community-
level place identities. Inverse relationships between the two sets of variables are also
plausible. Those whose feeling of at-homeness is based on community-related place
affiliations may be less likely to claim a regional place identity. Similarly, self-related
place affiliations may dampen place identities at the community level.
Five demographic and migration characteristics form the second set of variables. Fol-
lowing our previous discussion, we include gender in the analysis as we expect women to
be more likely to associate feeling at home with dwelling, given their traditional role as
home builders. Conversely, we hypothesize that men may be more likely to locate their
place identities at the community-level. We also anticipate a positive association between
age and dwelling-based place identities, suggesting that for the elderly, being "at home"
often involves ties to the dwelling as the immediate symbolic, social, and spatial arena of
everyday life.
The number of community residences prior to moving to Cape Cod provides a measure
of geographic mobility. If, as some suggest (Buttimer 1980; Klapp 1969; Relph 1976;
Webber 1970), mobility undermines place attachment by eroding place differences and
destroying the particularity of place relations, then high rates of mobility may be inversely
related to community and regional place identities. Conversely, place identities grounded
in dwelling may persist despite a previous pattern of mobility, insofar as the home is a
veritable storehouse of identity symbols (Csikzentimihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981).
Length of residence on Cape Cod may vary directly with any of the three loci of place
identity, depending on patterns of intraCape mobility, but could be expected to increase
one's regional sense of place identity regardless of the number of Cape Cod residences.
Research on community attachment shows that emotional ties to locale grow in strength

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120 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

over time, in part because long-term residence imbues the landscape

life experiences, and in part because such residence nourishes ties
community organizations (Guest and Lee 1983). Correlatively,
sidence could be expected to enhance one's attachment to dwel
whereas multiple Cape residences may foster a regional sense of pl
We expect the third set of variables-various measures of soc
influence the acquisition of community and regional place iden
variables-the number of club memberships, the percentage of b
Cape Cod, church membership, and volunteer activities-may vary
community or regional place identification, as these are behaviors th
geographic boundaries of communities. By contrast, attendance at
form of local government in many rural Massachusetts towns) shoul
either dwelling or community while weakening ties to the region
Finally, three measures of spatial activity are included in the analy
variables. Respondents were asked where they were most likely to e
activities: attend a cultural event, visit a physician, attend church se
buy a major home appliance, consult an attorney, visit their best fri
leisure activities. For each of these activities, respondents selected o
ic locations: the community in which they live, another Cape C
community outside of Barnstable County (i.e., an off-Cape commun
that patterns of spatial activity generally affect the location of p
pected a positive association between number of community-of-re
community-based place identity, as well as a positive association bet
Cape community activities and a regional place identity. Conversely
Cape activities could be expected to vary negatively with all three
We use these four sets of variables to address two questions: Am
some place identity, where is this sense of place located across
dwelling, community, and region? To what extent can variation in th
be explained by one's place affiliation, demographic characteristics
activity patterns? We begin by examining frequency distributions of
variables before presenting their bivariate association with the fou
variables. We conclude by assessing the joint effects of these fours s
place identity loci in three discriminant analyses, one each for dwel
region.

RESULTS

The Location of Place Identity

In this sample of Cape Cod migrants, it was difficult to find respondents who did not
feel at home there. Fully 95 percent of the sample reported that they felt "at home" on the
Cape, suggesting that some minimal level of place identification is routinely achieved by
these migrants. Moreover, because length of residence on the Cape varied considerably
among those interviewed, this sense of place identification does not appear to be contin-
gent on long-term residence following the move.
There is greater variation in where these migrants situate their place identities. As
shown in Table 2, respondents identified each of the three loci of place identity-

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 A Place to Call Home 121

Table 2
Locus of Place Identity Among Respondents
in the Cape Cod Survey

Locus of Place Identity Percentage

Aggregate frequencies
Dwelling (any combination) 70.7
Community (any combination) 67.1
Region (any combination) 65.5
Disaggregated frequencies
Dwelling only 13.0
Community only 10.3
Region (Cape Cod) only 16.0
Dwelling and community 11.2
Community and region 3.0
Dwelling and region 3.9
Dwelling and community and region 42.6
(N) (437)

dwelling, commu
higher percentag
were allowed mul
three dichotomou
emerge.
It is possible to conceive of the various combinations of place association as ranging
from singular and sparse (linking one's identity to a single place) to multifaceted and
dense (linking one's identity to a number of places.) In these data respondents were most
likely to place themselves at either end of this continuum of place association, with
relatively few falling in between. About two-fifths of the sample (39.3 percent) reported
ties to only one place, with region being the most probable locus of a singular place
identity and community being the least probable locus. A group of comparable size (42.6
percent) exhibited the opposite pattern, claiming a sense of place at all three loci. The
remaining group-those who report attachments to some combination of two place loci-
is the smallest of the three. Less than 20 percent of the respondents comprise this middle
group; most of these represent a pairing of dwelling and community-based place identi-
ties, the other two possible combinations of place loci being quite rare.
Although there is considerable variation in how these respondents array their place
identities across the spectrum of dwelling, community, and region, these data provide
inconclusive evidence for a hierarchical model of place attachment. If place identity
referents were ordered from least to most spatially expansive, one would expect the
greatest number of those who report a single place identity locus to identify with their
dwelling. Concomitantly, the most common dual loci identified should be dwelling and
community. While the data support the second of these two expectations, they fail to
confirm the first. The differences between the three subgroups reporting a single place
identity referent are small, and the largest of the three is composed of those claiming an
exclusively regional identity, not a dwelling-based identity as anticipated in a hierarchical
pattern. It appears more prudent to argue simply that although there is a good deal of

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 122 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

variation in where people feel at home, most respondents locate a sen

than one place and that some configurations of place loci are more lik
others.

Exploring Variation in the Loci of Place Identity

In an initial effort to identify factors that discriminate among dwelling
regional place identities, we examined a number of bivariate association
place identity dichotomies (see Table 3). With a few exceptions, each o
independent variables-place affiliations, demographic/migration chara
participation, and locus of activity-were associated with predominantl
ty locus.
Of the six place affiliation variables (i.e., reasons why respondents felt at home in a

Table 3
Place Affiliation, Demographic, Social Participation, and Locus of Activity Variables:
Totals, and by Locus of Place Identity

Dwelling Community Region

Variable Total (No/l Yes) (No/ Yes) (No/ Yes)

Place Affiliation
Self-related (%) 25.4 28.1/24.3 31.3/22.5" 24.5/25.9
Family-related (%) 13.3 14.1/12.9 13.9/13.0 15.9/11.9
Friend-related (%) 31.8 28.9/33.0 25.0/35.2* 35.8/29.7
Community-related (%) 9.2 14.1/7.1* 10.4/8.5 13.3/7.0*
Organization-related (%) 12.1 14.8/11.0 7.6/14.3" 13.9/11.2
Dwelling-related (%) 27.9 13.3/34.0*** 25.0/29.4 24.5/29.7
Demographic
Sex (% male) 41.2 53.9/35.9*** 38.2/42.7 43.7/39.9
Age (mean years) 59.8 56.6/61.2** 60.1/59.7 58.5/60.6
Number of residences prior to 2.9 2.5/3.1** 2.9/2.9 3.2/2.8*
moving (mean)
Length of residence on Cape Cod 11.8 11.6/11.9 12.3/11.6 12.0/11.8
(mean years)
Number of Cape Cod residences 77.3 70.3/80.3*** 76.4/77.8 77.5/77.3
(% only 1)
Social Participation
Club memberships (mean) 1.0 0.9/1.0 0.8/1.l** 0.9/1.0
Best friends on Cape Cod (% half 57.6 64.8/54.5* 53.1/59.7 50.7/61.2*
or more)
Church membership (%) 66.4 68.5/65.6 67.6/65.9 63.5/68.0
Volunteer work (%) 29.2 25.0/30.9 22.4/32.5* 28.0/29.8
Town meeting attendance (% half 41.5 35.9/43.8 33.6/45.4* 46.4/38.9
or more)

Locus of Activity
In town activities (mean) 3.0 3.0/3.1 3.0/3.0 3.3/2.9*
Other Cape town activities (mean) 3.1 3.4/3.0* 3.2/3.1 2.6/3.4***
Off Cape activities (mean) 1.5 1.4/1.6 1.5/1.6 1.7/1.4*

Note: *Significant difference between groups, p < .05.

**Significant difference between groups, p < .01.
***Significant difference between groups, p < .001.

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A Place to Call Home 123

particular place), three a

community. Reasons for f
such as work, are positive
place affiliations-psycholo
feelings of happiness or c
identity. As expected, dwe
ated with a dwelling-base
tively related to both dwe
of a community-level plac
least effect on the regiona
The demographic and mig
ties grounded in dwelling.
dwelling-based place ident
of self in the dwelling th
geographic mobility prior
dwelling-based identity, i
the Cape were more likely
the demographic or migra
identification, and only
gional place identification
The social participation va
the locus of place identity
higher levels of communit
within the boundaries of c
a community-specific act
friends on Cape Cod is the
of place; in the former ca
this variable measures ties
association with a regiona
Finally, the three locus of
acquisition of a regional p
one's residential communi
regional place identity, wh
increases one's sense of re
activities in one's own com
based place identity.
To assess the joint effect
identity loci, we perform
munity, and regional dich
address these questions gi
(e.g., dwelling-based ident
structure of the independ
each analysis, variables we
was the minimization of
enter 1.00.) Only those va
statistically significant di
Table 4 reports the standa

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124 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

Table 4

Discriminant Analyses of Loci of Place Identity

Standardized Discriminant Coefficients

Discriminant Variables Dwelling Community Region

Place Affiliation
Self-related -.250
Family-related -.235
Friend-related .180 .320
Community-related -.200 -.378
Organization-related -.153 .362
Dwelling-related .501 .385 .217
Demographic
Sex - .472 .236
Age .332
Number of residences prior to move .390 -.333
Length of residence on Cape Cod -.315
Community mobility on Cape Cod .252
Social Participation
Number of club memberships .379 .183
Percentage best friends on Cape -.204 .319 .256
Church membership
Volunteer work
Town meeting attendance .182 .339 -.273
Locus of Activity
Number of in town activities
Number of other Cape town activities -.191 .684
Number of off Cape activities
Canonical Correlation .383 .231 .306
Wilks' Lambda .853 .947 .906
Chi-square 65.14 22.55 40.48
Significance .0001 .01 .0001
Overall % Correctly Classified 65.96 62.36 65.50

Note: For each model discriminant variables were entered via stepwise selection wher
minimization of Wilks' lambda.

alyses, allowing for a comparison of the relative importance of each explanatory variable
in discriminating those who reported dwelling, community, and regional place identities.
In general, these findings reaffirm those of the bivariate analyses: dwelling place
identities are strongly influenced by demographic and migration characteristics, as well as
a dwelling-related place affiliation; community place identities are largely a function of
social participation attributes in addition to friendship, organizational, and dwelling-
related place affiliations; and regional place identities are principally a result of participat-
ing in activities in Cape Cod communities outside of one's town of residence.
The dwelling-based model contains the greatest number of explanatory variables of the
three (11), although many of these are not of substantial magnitude. Dwelling-related
place affiliations (i.e., feelings of "at-homeness" based on personal possessions or the
dwelling itself) have the most pronounced effect on discriminating those selecting the

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A Place to Call Home 125

dwelling as their place id

migration characteristic
dwelling-based place iden
residential stasis on the C
nant function. Friend-re
positively associated with
tional place affiliations
activities outside of one'
The principal explanator
place affiliation and so
dwelling-related place tie
participation in clubs, h
enhance one's sense of co
findings of previous rese
effect on acquiring a com
apparent. This surprising
migrants to Cape Cod we
fully capture the durat
through vacation experie
port Maines's (1978) hypo
to the extent that comm
the Cape. Finally, althoug
strate a negative effect
community-based ties.
While none of the spatia
in the community model
participation in activities
achieving a sense of the
variable is nearly twice t
divided between the plac
community-related place
identities; to a lesser exte
to dwelling has a small p
to the social participation
Cape Cod-both boundar
while town meeting atte
tity. The single demogra
ber of residences prior t
suggesting that mobility
Some sense of the predi
the percentage of respon
gional discriminant func
same percentage of respo
classifying slightly fewe
substantial improvement
cannot be considered po
interested in exploring th

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126 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

three place identity loci, these discriminant functions nevertheless f

ing of how place identities are acquired across a range of locations

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

This study of where people locate a sense of home provides important insigh
structure of place identity, the social mediation of place identification, and th
and sometimes contradictory-sources of identification with different locales
analysis demonstrates that place identity, as expressed by feeling "at-home,"
spread, rich in its attachment to multiple locales, and complex in spacial struct
all respondents expressed some sense of belonging, and all three locales-
community, and region-contributed substantially to this process of place ide
That such varied loci of environmental meaning are used to situate the self und
need for further research on place identity that incorporates a diversity of loc
At the same time, place identity is clearly complex in its incorporation of
these data respondents were most likely to claim either a singular or an inclusi
home across the three loci of dwelling, community, and region. On the
roughly four in ten respondents identified with a single locale, and such focused
tion was as likely to involve the community or the region as it was the dwellin
the other hand, approximately the same number of respondents expressed a sen
attached to all three locales. These patterns of identification suggest a complex
identities not accurately captured by spacial imageries of place identities as nes
bounded locales.
Second, this study demonstrates how place identities are mediated by a diverse group o
social factors. Although place identity is no doubt influenced by the qualities of places
themselves, this research underscores how place identification is shaped by people'
interpretations of place, their experiences with place, and the demographic characteristic
they bring to place. In this sample, factors as varied as people's accounts of plac
affiliation, their social participation with friends and in organizations, their spacial pat-
terns of social activity, and their age and gender were critical to the interpretations of place
identification across dwelling, community, and region.
Third, although people's socially mediated relations with place are essential to under-
standing place identities, relatively few of these factors contributed to a sense of hom
across a range of locales. In this study of Cape Cod residents, only dwelling-related plac
affiliations played a significant role in strengthening dwelling, community, and regional
identities, highlighting the significance of dwelling-based ties to establishing a sense of
home at a number of geographic levels. In some instances, a single factor fostered place
identification in two locales, as was the case with friend-related place affiliations (for
dwelling and community identification) or club memberships (for community and regiona
identification). In general, however, our results suggest that different elements of the
sociospatial environment and various demographic characteristics appear to be associated
with one or another type of place identity.
Fourth, the same explanatory factor may have contradictory effects on the loci of place
identity, contributing to a greater sense of home in one locale while decreasing a sense of
home with respect to another. For example, greater residential mobility prior to moving to
Cape Cod was positively associated with a dwelling-based identity, but negatively associ-
ated with a regional identity. Consequently, a general proposition linking mobility to the

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 A Place to Call Home 127

decline of place identity is

may intensify a sense of d
Other findings suggest sim
identity loci. Town meeti
while thwarting a regiona
strengthens community a
participation in activities
based identity while bolst
explain why previous resea
dictory effects of the sam
suggesting that models of
experience that attach peo
Despite these several impo
place identity, questions w
First, we were unable to a
locales. Our three depende
ty were simple dichotom
intensity of place identit
on a single definition of
proved methodologically u
different loci, it may be t
on characteristics other t
collected in a single regio
and geographic location is
particular, the geograph
distinctive regional locale
gions, such as the South. F
and nonmigrants with re
appears to have little effe
possible that lifetime resid
range of locales than do m
Although speculative, the
patterns of little geograph
explanatory factors-provi
place in modem, mobile so
come to feel at home in p
selective, and complex nat

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This research was supported by Grant No. 5-R29-AGO5591 from the Nationa
on Aging.

NOTES

1. The Quality of Life literature, which explores residential and community satisfaction, is one
possible exception to this omission (Campbell, Converse and Rodgers 1976; Fried 1982; Marans

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128 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY Vol. 34/No. 1/1993

and Rodgers 1975). For treatments of this literature, particularly with r

satisfaction differs from place attachment and identification, see Guest an
(1990, 1992).
2. To incorporate a diverse, interdisciplinary literature into this discus
logical, perspective is framed inclusively. For instance, we incorporate m
chology, particularly as it is attentive to those qualities of the environment
or display personal or cultural meaning (Altman and Chemers 1980). We
when concerns with spacial mobility and form are linked to places as so
(Hunter 1987; Park 1926). We have, however, excluded sociobiological pers
identity as a residual of an inherited, territorial instinct (Greenbie 1981
3. This distinction between display and affiliation parallels that of Sto
that identification may involve two processes: "identification of" a type of
with" a meaningful social object or group. Significantly, though focusing on
clothing and gesture, Stone underscores the importance of such appearential
of situated identity in interaction, an argument that could be broadened to
objects.
4. Such broad ecological differences do shape satisfactions with community life, with people in
smaller, less dense, more rural places voicing more satisfaction (Baldassare 1986; Christenson
1979; La Gory, Ward and Sherman 1985; Marans and Rodgers 1975; Wasserman 1982). For an
analysis of these two literatures, see Hummon (1992).
5. Similar relationships may hold for social class. Although higher social class strongly in-
creases satisfaction with the home and local area, it has only modest effects on attachment. Some
evidence suggests that well-to-do are less attached to the local area, once the influence of better
housing quality is controlled (Gerson et al. 1977; Sampson 1988). Nevertheless, other work indi-
cates that middle class individuals are more likely to use the home as a vehicle for personalized
display and identity (Duncan 1982; Hummon 1989) and that urban working class residents are more
likely to bound their sense of home in terms of neighborhood rather than simply the dwelling place
(Fried 1963).
6. Although this analysis is restricted to those moving to Cape Cod at age 17 or older, one
should not assume that all respondents have limited experience with the Cape. Length of Cape Cod
residence of respondents in the sample ranges from one to fifty years, with a mean of 11.8 years and
a median of 10.0 years. Consequently, length of residence can be meaningfully employed as an
explanatory variable in this study of place identity loci. Moreover, because the survey addresses a
number of issues related to geographic mobility, migration characteristics (e.g., number of re-
sidences prior to moving to Cape Cod) can also be included in this analysis (see Table 1).
7. Two additional dimensions of place affiliation were constructed through this coding process:
amenity-related responses (e.g., climate, natural environment, outdoor activities) and prior
experience-related responses (e.g., previous vacation experience). Because of the small proportion
of responses (12 percent) constituting these dimensions of place affiliation, and because neither were
significantly associated with locus of place identity, they are excluded from the subsequent analysis.
8. Given the rural nature of community life on Cape Cod, respondents were not asked about
their attachments to residential neighborhoods. Studies that have been concerned with neighborhood
as a locus of place identity have generally been conducted in large metropolitan areas.

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