Converging Spectrum of

Anthropology with Emphasis

on Assam and Adjoining Areas

Editor
Dwipen Bezbaruah

Department of Anthropology
Gauhati University

EBH Publishers (India)

Guwahati-1
Dwipen Bezbaruah
Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and
Adjoining Areas

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 Contents

Preface – v–viii
Acknowledgement – ix
List of Figures – xiii
List of Tables – xv
List of Contributors – xvii–xviii
1. Using Pottery to Study Past Economic Organisations
of Northeast India – Sukanya Sharma – 1–11
2. Traditional Ethics pertaining to Land Use among the
Tangkhul Nagas – Wonchipem K.S and M.C Arunkumar – 12–17
3. Constructing 'Tribalness': Colonial Ethnography and the
Plains tribes of Assam – Suryasikha Pathak – 18–28
4. Historical Trauma, Colonialism and the Karbi Sense
of Being – Dharamsing Teron – 29–43
5. Agricultural Transition Among the Karbis of Nakuchi
Village in The District of Kamrup (Metro), Assam
– Jyoti Sah and Jyotishman Taye – 44–51
6. Understanding the Traditional Rituals and Belief system
of the Tiwas of Assam – Manas Jyoti Bordoloi – 52–63
7. The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the
Misings of Gogamukh, Dhemaji district, Assam
– Punam Paul – 64–84
8. Cultural Politics of Identity Making: The Karbi Youth
Festival – Kaustuv Saikia – 85–94
9. A Glimpse at Social Stratification in the Marriage of
Wangham in Wancho Community of Arunachal Pradesh
– M.C.Behera – 95–102
10. Hao Shim: Cultural Heritage of the Tangkhul Nagas
– Chingmila Shimrah and DH. Sorojini Devi – 103–107
11. Heritage of Natun Kamalabari Sattra, Majuli
– Nayanika Das – 108–116
12. Tangible and intangible heritage of Assam: with special
reference to Kaliabor, Assam – Saswati Bordoloi – 117–130
13. A Study on the Role of Banana Plant in Assamese Folklife
– Panna Garg – 131–133
14. Age at Menopause and some associated Bio-social factors
among the Misings of Majuli, Assam
– Parismita Saikia and Chandana Sarmah – 134–151
15. Maternal Physiological Changes during Pregnancy and
Birth Outcome: A Review – Maitrayee Mitra and
Arnab Ghosh – 152–158
16. A study on maternal health among the Ahom women
of Lakhimpur District, Assam – Avijit Boruah – 159–170
17. Attitudes, Belief and Perception towards Ageing
Parameter: Menopause – Nazia Parveen and
Mini Bhattacharrya Thakur – 171–176
18. A Study on Green Tea Consumption at Kolkata, India
– Payel De and Arnab Ghosh – 177–186
19. Nutritional Status of the Aka Boys of Arunachal Pradesh
– Pritam Das and Gulrukh Begum – 187–196

Index – 197–211
 List of Contributors

1. Avijit Boruah, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology North Gauhati

College, Kamrup (rural), Assam
2. Chingmila Shimrah, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Manipur
University,
3. H. Sorojini Devi, Principal N.L Sanoi College, Nambol, Manipur
4. Dharamsing Teron, Director, Karbi Study Centre, Diphu, Karbi Anglong, Assam
5. Nazia Parveen, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati
University
6. Mini Bhattacharrya Thakur, Professr, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati
University Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
7. Jyoti Sah, Rsearch Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati University
Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
8. Jyotishman Taye, Guest Faculty, Department of Anthropology,Gauhati University
Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
9. Kaustuv Saikia, District Museum Officer, Diphu, Karbi Anglong, Assam
10. Maitrayee Mitra, Research Scholar,, Department of Anthropology, Visva-Bharati,
Santiniketan ,West Bengal;
11. Arnab Ghosh, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Visva-Bharati,
Santiniketan , West Bengal
12. Manas Jyoti Bordoloi, Associate Professor, Saraighat College, Baihata,Kamrup
(rural), Assam
13. M.C. Behera, Professor, Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies, Rajiv Gandhi
University, Doimukh, Arunachal Pradesh
14. Nayanika Das, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Cotton
University, Guwhati, Assam
15. Panna Garg, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Cotton University,
Guwahati, Assam
16. Parismita Saikia, Reseaarch Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati
University, Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
17. Chandana Sarmah, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati
University Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
 (xviii)

18. Payel De, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Visva-Bharati,

Santiniketan , West Bengal;
19. Punam Paul, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology North-Eastern Hill
University, Shillong, Meghalaya
20. Saswati Bordoloi, Research Scholar, Dept. of Folklore Research, Gauhati
University, Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
21. Sukanya Sharma, Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Indian Institute of Technology, Guwahati
22. Suryasikha Pathak, Associate Professor, Centre for Tribal Studies, Assam
University, Diphu Campus, Diphu,Karbi Anglong, Assam
23. Wonchipem K. S., Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Manipur
University, Canchipur, Manipur
24. M.C. Arunkumar, Professor, Department of Anthropology, Manipur University,
Canchipur, Manipur
25. Pritam Das, Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati University,
Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
26. Gulrukh Begum, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Gauhati
University Jalukbari, Guwahati, Assam.
7
The Status of Women in Domestic
Sphere among the Misings of
Gogamukh, Dhemaji District, Assam
Punam Paul

Abstract
The Understanding of “The status of women in the domestic sphere” is very
important to understand the position of women within the society at large because
family is the basic unit of society but analyzing the status of women in the
domestic sphere is not an easy task. It is a hidden phenomenon and requires an
in-depth study of women and also their relation with men in the domestic domain
of a particular group of people. The Mising women play a vital role in the day
to day life of the community. Their contribution to the field of the domestic
sphere is really appreciable as like other women from different communities.
Here, an attempt was made to document and understand the status of mising
women in the domestic sphere with special reference to two villages- Mingmang
Uriamguri and Borola Villages, Gogamukh, Dhemaji District, Assam.It is
impossible study women’s status without considering the role as role and status
are two sides of a coin. However we can’t generalize the concept of women’s
status in the domestic sphere because the term ‘women’ itself is a vast umbrella
term encompassing all social standing of women in the family unit. The mising
women of the studied villages play multiple roles and occupy multiple statuses
according to their various social standings in the family units like grandmother,
mother, daughter, sister, wife, and daughter-in-law, etc.
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 65

Introduction
According to the English Oxford Living Dictionary ‘Status’ is a relative
social or professional position; standing, the situation at a particular time during
a process. So Status means a person’s condition, position or standing relative to
that of others. According to Ralph Linton “The term status, like the term culture,
has come to be used with a double significance. A status, in the abstract, is a
position in a particular pattern… A status, as distinct from the individual who may
occupy it, is simply a collection of rights and duties” (Sharma, 2010). A ‘status’
is a position in a social group or grouping in relation to other positions held by
individuals in the same group or grouping. Status is determined to a great extent
in terms of socio-economic indicators such as income, property, education and
skills that open up opportunities of employment, better health and the ability to
determine important events in life even when others are opposed to them (Phukan,
2009). In general “Status of women” means the position or condition of women
in the society in relation to that of men. The concept of ‘Status’ is closely related
to the concept of ‘Role’. The status of women is determined in terms of their role
and position in the social system. The concepts of status and role are
interchangeably used many times. These two concepts are no doubt related but
they do not mean the same. Linton (1936) says, “You occupy a status but you play
a role”. Each person holds a number of positions in a society known as statuses.
A woman might be a musician, a teacher, a wife and a mother. Each of these social
positions, with rights and duties it entails, is a status. A role emphasizes
“performance” of what one can do and how well he/she can do it regardless of
age, sex and group membership. Linton (1936) makes a distinction between
“ascribed” and “achieved” roles. An “ascribed” role is one if occupants acquire
it automatically as a result of certain objective characteristics or relations to others
which are beyond their control. The most important bases of ascription are birth
into a particular family, birth order, sex and age. Any role is said to be “achieved”
if it is not “ascribed”. It is the result of his/her efforts and action. The committee
on the status of women states that “Status is realized through roles. This brings
into focus the rights and opportunities provided to women by the state and socio-
cultural institutions to perform these roles which may not reinforce each other.”
The attitude of the society towards women, the socio-cultural taboos associated
with women, women’s own attitude and awareness towards their position in the
society and her family are the factors that determine women’s status in society.
The status of women in all types of societies, but particularly in the
patriarchal, is determined by various types of taboos that are attached to women
generally. These taboos might be protective, or preventive or productive (Madan
& Majumdar, 1986).
66 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

‘Status’ denotes the position in terms of rights and obligations in society. A

general trend in the literature on the status of women has been compared with that
of men. This indicates that their status is based on roles and it is understood only
through the rights and roles of their male counterparts (Zehol, 2003). Generally
the status of women has two dimensions: 1. the extent of control enjoyed by
women over their lives; and 2. the extent to which they have access to the
decision-making process and are effective in the position of power and authority.
Besides, certain indicators such as level of literacy, employment, political
participation, the decision about marriage, management of domestic affairs, etc.
are also adopted to assess the status of women. It is obvious that a precise and
complete assessment of the status of women can be made only by taking into
account both qualitative and quantitative factors. It is also necessary to look into
both ascribed and achieved statuses of women in order to understand this complex
issue of women, particularly in tribal societies. Role and status are two sides of
the same coin. According to Linton, there are no roles without status nor status
without roles, the roles represent the dynamic aspect of status. The status of
women can be divided into two broad domains: (i) the domestic domain which
includes activities performed within the localized family unit and (ii) the public
domain, it includes political and economic activities. We all know that basically
human society consists of two major genders- women and men. Men and women
both have their own contributions for the smooth running of the family (basic unit
of society) and society at large. To understand the diversity and dynamics of the
society we have to look upon all the roles, activities of both men and women.
Family is the basic unit of society that plays an important role in the socialization
process of children. In other words we can say family acts as a key institution for
gender socialization which is closely associated with the status of women.

Material and Method

The present study has been conducted in two villages- Uriamguri and Borola
which fall under Gogamukh town, Dhemaji district in Upper Assam. These two
villages are situated near the river Subansiri and fall under Mingmang
constituency. The headquarters of these villages are located in Dhemaji town. The
main goal of this research is to study women’s status in the domestic environment.
However the specific objectives include the following- (a) To study the multiple
roles of women at the domestic domain, (b) To understand the status of women
related to each social standing of family unit and (c) To analyze the factors or
conditions which influence (aiding or obstructing) women’s status. This
anthropological work is basically based on primary or firsthand data, collected
from the field. Data are collected using different methods and techniques-
interview, observation (non-participant) and case studies. Along with primary data,
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 67

secondary data are also collected from different books, journals and internet
sources for review of the literature.

Findings
It is a scientific error to approach the women of a society with a rigid bias
to the view that they have either a low or high status. Such dichotomies are
generally misleading...There can be so many intermediate statuses and there can
be polarity.” (Majumdar and Madan, 1986)
Understanding “The Status of Women in the Domestic Sphere” is not an
easy task; It is a hidden phenomenon requiring an in-depth study of women and
also their relation with men in a particular group of people. Women play a vital
role in the day to day life of the Misings. Their contribution in the field of the
domestic sphere is really appreciable as like other women from different
communities. Here, an attempt has been made to document and understand the
status of mising women in the domestic sphere with special reference to two
villages- Uriamguri and Borola Villages, Gogamukh, Dhemaji District, Assam.
The findings of the study are categorized into three parts:
a. Roles played by Mising Women and Men of Uriamguri and Borola at
the domestic sphere
b. Status of women and social standing in the family unit.
c. Factors or conditions which influence (aiding or obstructing) women’s
status in the domestic sphere.
For the present study twenty families with ten from each village are
considered. Women and men from all the twenty families were interviewed for
the collection of data. In the first village Uriamguri, three nuclear families and
seven joint families were considered for the study. In the second village Borola,
five nuclear families and five joint families were considered for the study.
Table: 7.1 Multiple Roles Played by Mising Women and
Men of Uriamguri and Borola at the Domestic Sphere

Women Major Work distribution

Grandmother Taking care of a grandchild, religious works (hokam in case of Hindu
family and prayer service for Christian family) etc
Mother Cleaning and sweeping the house, washing utensils and clothes,
fetching water, cooking and serving meals, taking care of children,
weave clothes for her children, helping in studies, etc
Daughter Helping mother in washing clothes and utensils, sweeping the house,
fetching water, weaving, making apong and studying, etc
68 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

Sister Elder sister sometimes looks after her younger siblings in absence of
their mother, helps her younger siblings in academic education,
washes their clothes etc and younger sister sometimes shares the
workload of elder ones
Wife She takes care of her husband, prepares and serves meal and
apong ( traditional drink), washes clothes of his husband, weaves
clothes for his husband, etc
Daughter-in- She does maximum works in domestic level: cleaning and sweeping
law house, washing clothes and utensils of all family members, cooking
and serving a meal to everyone specifically she serves meal and
apong to her father-in-law and mother-in-law, feeding livestock,
weaving, etc

Household activities mainly shed light on the role of women in their

domestic sphere. These activities are many and varied in nature. Table 3.2 and
Table 3.3 shows the work distribution at home among Uriamguri and Borola
mishing women and men respectively. To understand the actual position of women
in the domestic sphere, consideration of roles of both women and men is very
necessary because in such a kind of analysis along with ‘difference’, ‘relation’
among women role and men role are also important.

Table: 7.2 Major Work Distribution among Uriamguri

and Borola Mising Men at the Domestic Sphere

Men Major work distribution

Grandfather As a grandfather men do not have much to do, sometimes play
with his grandchild
Father It generally provides economic and health security towards
children. In the absence of the mother, the father takes care of his
children but such a case is very rare. Sometimes also helps
children in studies.
Son Marketing, arranging of firewood and studying, in the absence of
his sister, if necessary helps his mother in domestic works like in
washing utensils, clothes and cleaning the house.
Brother Very rarely helps his sisters in domestic works like cleaning and
fetching water
Husband He provides all the necessary things like clothes, ornaments,
kitchen items etc to his wife. Only if the wife is not available
sometimes do cleaning, washing and feeding of livestock. In the
case of a nuclear family at the time of menstruation of wife cooking
is done by the husband if there is no other woman to do that.
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 69

Status of Women and Social Standing in the Family Unit

Status of women in the domestic sphere is not the outcome of one or two
factors but it is closely associated with several inter-related factors. For analyzing
the status of mising women of the two studied villages such as grandmother,
mother, daughter, sister, wife and daughter-in-law in the family unit, several inter-
related factors are studied such as headship, property and inheritance pattern,
decision making, interpersonal relationship among family members, taboos and
restrictions for women within domestic domain, concept of pollution and purity,
beliefs and rituals related to childbirth, attitude of family members towards
physically challenged woman, old aged unmarried daughter, widow, and divorced
woman.
Headship
The eldest male person of the family is the head of the family as they belong
to a patriarchal society. In the absence of the father, the eldest son becomes the
head when he is mature enough meaning when he becomes an adult and
employed. When the son is still young the wife will get this headship temporarily
after the death of her husband, till her eldest son becomes employed. In case, the
son stays separately from his paternal family his mother will share this
responsibility after the death of her husband. If the head has no male child then
after his death, his wife will be the permanent head of the family until her death;
and if she dies before the marriage of her daughter(s) then the eldest daughter will
get this responsibility to become the head of the family. So primarily headship
always passes through man to man, only if there is no other alternative then only
the eldest woman gets this opportunity.

Property and Inheritance Pattern

According to D. N. Majumdar and T. N. Madan (1986), “It is residence in
association with the inheritance of property which adds to social status” hence the
study of property inheritance pattern among misings of Borola and Uriamguri
villages is also very important.
As Mising people belong to a patrilocal and patrilineal society, according
to their customary law, basically it is the son who inherits the property (land,
house, money etc) of the father after his death. Though the eldest son has much
right on the property of the father he is supposed to take care of his mother and
siblings the brothers generally share the paternal property among themselves more
or less equally as per their own convenience.
Daughters generally do not get any share of the property from their father.
During her marriage she gets clothes and ornaments as a form of a gift from her
70 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

paternal house. In the case of widow mother she generally stays with her son and
she is taken care by her son’s family so she does not bother about the property.
If the head does not has any son but only daughter then the property will be taken
care by her and in case of more than one daughter, the property will equally share
among themselves.
Decision Making
Decision making is a very important phenomenon to analyze the status of
women in the domestic sphere. Decisions especially related to the kitchen like
what to cook, how to arrange things in the kitchen and when and how to do aai
hokam (a religious ritual) etc are made by women specifically by the eldest woman
member of the family. How to dress their children basically done by the mother
(sometimes fathers advise their daughters not to wear modern dresses like jeans
or shorts)
On the other hand, decisions especially related to finance like how much
money to spend on what is generally taken by the head of the family. In the case
of decision-related to marriage- with whom their daughter/son should marry
(especially for daughter) father and mother both of them generally consult each
other but the final decision is taken by the father, decision-related to reproduction-
whether the couple wants further children or not, etc is finally taken by men.
Inter-personal Relationship
Inter-personal relationships help not only to understand the status of women
as compared to men in a particular society but also to understand the status of each
social standing of women such as grandmother, mother, daughter, sister, wife and
daughter-in-law in the family unit within the vast term so-called ‘women’.
Understanding interpersonal relations is not an easy job. Still within a short period
of time, I tried to get some information about their inter-personal relationship. In
this context, inter-personal relationship studies can be categorized into five
subheadings- i. Parents and children relationship; ii. Grandparents and
grandchildren relationship; iii. Siblings’ relationship; iv. Husband and wife
relationship; v. In-laws relationship. The above-mentioned points are briefly
described below:
i. Parents and Children Relationship
In parents’ and children’s relationship, how a mother treats her son and
daughter; how a father treats his son and daughter are observed.
Mother and Daughter
Mothers are much more conscious and protective about their daughters, they
always try to make their daughters responsible towards the home so that they can
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 71

learn all household activities such as cooking, how to make apong, how to collect
all the herbs for preparing apong, weaving etc. Being a mother of a daughter(s),
a woman has to be careful about her daughter’s activities and her main concerns
about her are to marry her to a man that they think is worthy. Daughters are always
ready to share the burden of their mothers in domestic works.
Mother and Son
On the other hand mothers are not that strict and protective about their sons,
mothers try to encourage their sons to have a good education and give economic
support to the family. Sons are not much helpful in domestic works.
Father and Son
Fathers treat their sons much more strictly as compare to daughters, they
always concern about their sons’ education and try to make their sons responsible
for the home so that sons can earn for the family, they can take care of his family
in the coming days.
Father and Daughter
A father is very protective of their daughters. Being a father of a daughter(s),
his main concern is to give his daughter(s) good education and finally to marry
her to a good person. In the case of the joint family a little change can be observed
in the parents and children’s relations. After the marriage of a daughter, the mother
does not show much protection towards her which was very rigid before her
marriage. She does not even scold much to her married sons and daughters.
Fathers also try to avoid scolding their married sons.
ii. Grandparents and Grandchildren Relationship
In grandparents and grandchildren relation, how grandmother behaves to her
grandson and granddaughter; how grandfather behaves to his grandson and
granddaughter are included.
Grandmother and Granddaughter
A friendly joking relationship exists between grandmother and
granddaughter. Occasionally grandmothers look after their granddaughters when
her mother is busy with other works. Granddaughters advise their grandmothers
how to maintain different domestic works and granddaughters obey their
grandmothers. If necessary arise they also scold their granddaughters.
Grandmother and Grandson
Grandmothers are very friendly towards their grandsons as compare to
granddaughters. Grandmothers make jokes with their grandsons and vice-versa.
They sometimes scold their grandsons too.
72 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

Grandfather and Grandson

Grandfather and grandsons are also friendly but they use to scold their
grandsons as per the situation. They have fun with their grandsons and also teach
them norms. Grandsons also obey them and in maximum cases try to follow their
words.
Grandfather and Granddaughter
Grandfathers are very friendly towards their granddaughters as compare to
their grandsons. They make fun of their granddaughters.
iii. Siblings’ Relationship
In siblings’ relationship, how elder sister behaves towards her younger
brother and sister; how elder brother behaves towards his younger brother and
sister; how younger sister behaves with her elder brother and sister; how younger
brother behaves with his elder brother and sister are noticed.
Sister and Brother
In the case of siblings’ relationship, elder sisters and elder brothers have
many responsibilities towards their younger sisters and brothers. Elder sisters help
their younger brothers in studies; they also take care of them when their mothers
are busy in other works. Elder brothers generally give suggestions and advice to
their younger sisters and much more protective towards them.
Sister and Sister
In most of the cases sister-sister relationship is very friendly. Elder sisters
use to help their younger sisters in studies and they also share their sorrow,
happiness and personal secrets too. Younger sisters sometimes share the household
workloads of elder sisters and younger sisters generally obey their elder sisters.
Brother and Brother
Elder brothers generally give suggestions and advice to his younger brothers.
In general most of the younger brothers obey their elder brothers. Elder brothers
and younger brothers consult each other before taking any decisions related to
finance or property.
iv. Husband and Wife Relationship
Among the Mising marriages are mostly done by elopement hence most of
the husband and wife relationship are successful. Some cases of polygyny are also
observed, where husbands maintain a relationship with both the co-wives. In some
cases co-wives have good relations with each other, in such cases both the co-
wives live together within the same house but have different bedrooms. When co-
wives do not have good relations, they stay separately in different houses. Among
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 73

the co-wives, the youngest one generally does maximum works at home and the
eldest one generally advises the younger ones hence eldest co-wife has much
control over the other co-wives.
In contrast to polygyny, not a single case of polyandry is found, according
to them polyandry is prohibited. A married woman only can remarry after the
death of her husband. Junior-levirate is also preferable among them but senior-
levirate is taboo among them. Whereas there is not any restriction in the case of
sororate but generally the example of restricted sororate is very rare among them.
There is no restriction to utter the name of husband or wife, both can use
their partner’s name while addressing or referring but they avoid doing so and
using other pronoun or other nicknames lovingly. Husbands fulfill the basic needs
of their wives and wives serve their husbands with meals and apong, wash
husband’s clothes and so on. The decision related to reproduction is finally taken
by husband.
My informants Barnali Doley (22 years old) and her husband Manuj Doley
(28 years old), informed me that among them marriage by elopement is very
prevalent and they also did the same. They never use to utter the exact name of
their partner while addressing or referring, it’s not a taboo for them but Barnali
generally uses some pronoun like ‘oi’ to address her husband and her husband use
some nickname lovingly to address her. Barnali also informed that among them
a man can marry more than one woman at a time and even he can marry two
sisters from the same family but such a case is very rare. But a woman never
marries more than one man at a time, she can marry after the death of her husband
or after getting divorced from her husband. Manuj told that among mishings a
younger brother-in-law can marry his widow elder daughter-in-law but marriage
between elder-brother-in-law and younger sister-in-law is prohibited. Krishna
Pegu(age 23 years) one of my informants, has two co-wives Malabika Pegu’s first
wife and Panchabati Pegu second wife. Malabika has two daughters and
Panchabati has a son. Both of them live together in the same house but their
bedrooms are different. Malabika informed me that as she is elder than panchabati
so Panchabati generally does many activities in kitchen. Malabika helps her and
when necessary arise she provides suggestions to Panchabati.
v. In-laws Relationships
Among the In-laws relationships the parents-in-law and daughter-in-law
relation; younger sister-in-law and elder brother-in-relationship are much more
restricted as compared to other in-laws relations. A brief description of these two
in-laws relationships as follow:
74 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

Mother-in-law and Daughter-in-law

Daughters-in-law have to obey their mothers-in-law. She has to ask her
mother-in-law before taking any decision related to the kitchen like what to cook,
what and which part of the meal served to the guests etc. For Hindu Mising family,
in case of doing any religious activity within home either aai hokam (worshiping
mother goddess) or nokhuwa (urom-apin) which is basically a feast for the
ancestors after getting new rice from the agricultural fields or lightning of lamp
within home during magh bihu; daughters-in-law have to consult their mothers-
in-law and arrange everything accordingly.
Father-in-law and Daughter-in-law
There is a notion of avoidance relation prevalent between them. She has to
serve meal and apong to her father-in-law properly, otherwise she will be scolded.
She cannot sit in front of her father-in-law and has to maintain some physical
distance from him.
Elder brother-in-law and Younger sister-in-law
Younger sister-in-law cannot sit in front of her elder brother-in-law and has
to maintain some physical distance from him. She cannot even enter the bedroom
of her elder brother-in-law when he is present and the same is maintained by her
elder brother-in-law too. For this avoidance relationship, only a senior levirate is
a form of a taboo among them. In contrast to this, elder sister-in-law and younger
brother-in-law maintain joking relationships and hence junior levirate is not a form
of taboo for them.

Taboos and Restrictions for Women in the Kitchen

There are some restrictions and taboos for women (most specifically for
daughters-in-law) in the domestic domain specifically within the kitchen. In
Misings fireplace (meram) of the kitchen is a very sacred place as they believe
that the souls of their ancestors reside in that fireplace, so women should not touch
that fireplace without bathing. They should not touch their feet on the fireplace
and they have to worship this sacred place. Daughters-in-law have to be very
careful about their movements within the kitchen. Mising kitchen is basically
divided into two portions- ‘rising’ and ‘koktag’. Daughters-in-law can sit in the
‘koktag’ portion and prepare food but they never sit in the ‘rising’ portion because
‘rising’ is made for the head of the family which is related to high-status symbol
whereas ‘koktag’ is related to low-status symbol. Wife of the headman, his sons
even his daughters can sit in the ‘rising’ portion occasionally but daughters-in-
law never do so. The daughters-in-law are not allowed to tread over the ‘rising’
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 75

when the father-in-law is alive. Daughter-in-law only can sit thereafter she
becomes old and her father-in-law and mother-in-law will no more alive.

Pollution and Purity

The concept of pollution and purity is very strong during menstruation and
after childbirth. Women have to maintain isolation within the house for 2 or 4 days
during menstruation. They cannot cook for those days and cannot engage
themselves in any religious works within or outside the home; on the 3rd or 5th day
after a fresh bath only they can return back to their normal life. After childbirth
mother and newborn baby have to stay in isolation and for 2 or 4 days because
she has to maintain as pollution period. On the 3rd or 5th day they observe a
purification ritual called ‘uchi’, only after that the whole family is considered
pured.

Beliefs and Rituals Related to Childbirth

The Misings have their own beliefs and rituals related to childbirth. During
the period of pregnancy the mising women have to follow certain rules and
regulation such as the pregnant lady has to take some safety measures and
protection. She uses to carry mustard seeds and iron implements like a knife, they
believe that if they carry all those and also wear amulet (Tabich) then the
upcoming baby will be protected from the evil spirits. During pregnancy, she
never carries heavyweights and eats mostly boiled food and strictly avoid to eat
chillily. There is also the existence of some traces of couvade relationship among
them, along with the pregnant lady her husband too has some restrictions like he
cannot dig soil and kill an animal, the couple does not involve in any evil /
wrongdoings. They have a strong faith that if they do not follow those restrictions
then there will be a negative impact of such doing on their upcoming baby.
Among them, a special ritual named ‘Yege dobsong’ which means ‘Mekhela
chur’ in Assamese i.e. stealing of mekhela (a type of women dress) related to
childbirth can be noticed. People practice this ritual if they have a desire of having
a baby boy. In this ritual the pregnant lady steal the mekhela of the women who
has maximum number of male child and wear that cloth; they have a faith that if
they do so god will give them son and after delivery if the couple gets baby boy
then they gifted that particular woman as per their own convenience whose cloth
was stolen. But there is no such ritual related to having a baby girl. For having a
baby girl they generally do prayer to Lord Krishna in the Naam Ghar (religious
institute).
76 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

The Attitude of the Family towards Physically Challenged, Spinster and

Divorcee
The family members have a sense of burden for the physically abnormal
daughters who have ‘Yepang’ disease (a form of physically abnormal disorder
which is prevalent among mishings and inherited through women only). This same
burden is for the old aged unmarried daughters. Divorced women generally don’t
have any extra restrictions but there are some restrictions for widow women,
widows cannot take part in any religious rituals related to marriage and at the time
of first puberty marking ritual for girls, girls cannot watch widows which are
considered as misfortune among them. This ritual has a symbolic meaning; they
have a belief that if they watch widows then it won’t be good to the newly matured
girls for their future reproductive life. In this respect I should mention about one
important thing about widow daughter when the parents of the girl informed about
the death of their daughter’s husband (no matter about the age of the daughter),
they visit their daughter’s house and ask their daughter whether she wants to go
with their parents or she wants to stay with her husband’s family forever. The final
decision is taken by the daughter. If the parents are not alive, then the brother will
do that.

Factors Influencing Women’s Status in the Domestic Sphere

There are several factors that influence women’s status in the domestic
domain. Five important such factors are described below:
i. Age
It has been observed that age plays an important role in the line of
status hierarchy. Among all the women members of the family, the
eldest one generally has much control over the others. Among
daughters-in-law, all the younger ones obey the words of the eldest one;
and all the daughters-in-law have to follow the words of their mother-
in-law. Also in the case of polygyny, the eldest co-wife has much
control over others.
ii. Family Type
Family type whether it is nuclear or joint also very important in such
a context. In the case of the nuclear family the woman generally stays
with her husband and unmarried children. Due to the absence of
parents-in-law, she doesn’t follow the restrictions in the kitchen; and
even she doesn’t have to maintain all kinds of taboos for elder-brother-
law. In contrast to that, women belonging to joint families have to
maintain all kinds of taboos and restrictions within their domestic
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 77

domain. Hence women from nuclear families enjoy much more liberty
as compared to women from joint families.
iii. Religion
The type of religion also contributes to the liberty of women’s situation
within the domestic domain. Among 138 families of Uriamguri villages
five families are belonging to Donyi-Polo and rest are Hindu but in the
case of Borola village among 166 families, two families are Christian,
two families are Donyi-Polo and rest are Hindu. For my study I only
considered Hindu and Christian Misings.
Hindu woman has many roles in religious activities within the home. On the
domestic level they generally do three rituals: Aai hokam (worshiping mother
goddess), Nokhuwa (urom-apin) which is basically a feast for the ancestors after
getting new rice from the agricultural fields and lightning of lamp within home
during magh bihu. Aai hokam is a form of worshiping mother goddess who is
supposed to responsible for every good thing within home. If there is any
misfortune creates to the home they believe that their mother goddess becomes
angry for something and as a result of that anyone from the family may suffer from
pox also and hence they arrange Aai hokam to satisfy her. During Aai hokam only
the women of the family arrange everything; white flowers, ornaments, food
(prokhad) for the mother goddess. During nokhuwa and magh Bihu ritual, women
cook different food items, prepare apong for everyone, they arrange everything
for those rituals. But the main religious rituals are done by male bhakats (priest).
Naren pegu (58 years old) a Hindu man informed me that they believe that
they generally perform Aai hokam for domestic issues only and for outside the
domestic level they have Dangoriya hokam (worshiping of male god). He also
informed me they have different kinds of dandoriya- pahar dangoriya (hill god),
nodi dangoriya (river god), bon dangoriya (forest god).
For Hindu families they have to do all kinds of hokam which generally
increases the workload of Hindu women and during all such rituals they have to
very much conscious about pollution and purity concept.
Women from Christian Mising families enjoy much liberty and freedom as
compared to Hindu Mishing women. For Christian Misings, there is no notion of
pollution and purity. They do not perform any hokam like Hindus, only do prayer
service.
iv. Occupation
Occupation is also a very important factor that influencing women’s
status.
78 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

Table: 7.3 Occupation among Uriamguri and Borola Mising Women

Occupation Uriamguri Borola

No. Percentage No. Percentage
Agriculture 32 8.56 35 8.18
Government servant 6 1.60 17 3.97
Business 5 1.34 6 1.40
Daily Wage/ Labourers 6 1.60 9 2.10
Housewife (homemakers) 145 38.77 156 36.45
Student 111 29.68 136 31.78
Others 69 18.45 69 16.12
Total 374 100 428 100

In Uriamguri and Borola, women do their domestic works and also work in
different sectors such as agriculture, government Sector, business and wage labor-
in order to help their families economically, working women share a better
position in their families. Whereas those who are a housewife and engage only
in domestic works enjoy less freedom as compare to above-mentioned women.
But if a working woman (daughter-in-law particularly) only does work outside the
domestic domain and does not work within the domestic domain then she will
have least status in their families
v. Education
Education can be of two types formal or academic and informal.
Education plays a major role to enhance the status of women in a
particular society. Among the Uriamguri and Borola, among the Mising
women who are educated and work in government sectors, they play
a significant role to aid the status of Mising women. Formal education
(academic) and informal education both play an important role among
mishing women. Informal education for Mising women basically
includes three important things such as - 1. Cooking, 2. Collecting all
kinds of herbs essential for making apong and to know how to prepare
apong (traditional drink) and 3. Weaving. The daughter-in-law who
doesn’t know these three work has the very least status in their
domestic domain.
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 79

Table: 7.4 Education (formal) Among Uriamguri and Borola Mishing Women

Education Attainment Uriamguri Borola

No. Percentage No. Percentage
Illiterate 84 22.46 98 22.9
Under age 42 11.23 35 8.18
Primary (upto calss 5) 65 17.38 63 14.72
High school (class 6-10) 132 35.29 110 25.7
Higher secondary 31 8.29 78 18.22
Under graduate 18 4.81 40 9.35
Post graduate 2 0.53 4 0.93
Total 374 100 428 100

The women with formal education share a better position in their families
compare to those who are illiterate or have a lower level of educational attainment
but those who have only academic knowledge but do not have adequate informal
education they share the least position in their families.

Some Issues Faced by Women in the Domestic Sphere

During my fieldwork, while collecting information about women’s status, I
came across several problems faced by the women of Uriamguri and Borola in
their domestic sphere. Some of those are described briefly:
i. Polygyny
I have already mentioned that polygyny is present among them. But
sometimes it creates disharmony within the domestic domain. One of
informant Sheauti Pegu age 17 years informed me that her father has
2 wives, who stay in a different house but nearby each other. She told
me that her mother and her stepmother sometimes fight with each other
because of the different domestic issues but mainly the distribution of
her father’s income between two families. This brings about
disharmony not only between co-wives but also affects the husband and
wife relation.
ii. Property and Inheritance Pattern
According to their customary law paternal property is generally
inherited by sons. Whereas according to the court of law daughters also
can claim their share on their paternal property. But in reality giving
a share of the paternal property to daughters is very rare in these two
80 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

villages and also a matter of issue. In my previous chapter under the

subheading of ‘property and inheritance pattern’, I have already
mentioned one of my informants Jayanti Doley and who is facing the
problem of her paternal property gaining.
iii. The Habit of Unlimited apong Drinking
Drinking of apong is a regular habit by the mising men of Uriamguri
and Borola. Some men drink apong excessively and become
uncontrolled. This affects their family life, they fight with their wives
and this has a direct negative impact on their children. It also creates
an improper homely environment for the study of children. Sheauti
Pegu informed me that her father after becoming drunk use to fight
with her mother frequently, as a result of that she finds it very difficult
to concentrate on her studies.
iv. Lacking Proper Infrastructure for Bathroom
The majority of the people of these two villages live below the poverty
line, they cannot manage to build a proper bathroom for women or
even men. Though under various governmental schemes villagers are
provided toilets facilities for providing bathrooms for women there is
no such scheme. For old aged women, bathing in the open field is not
a matter of concern because they have already habituated of that kind
of situation but for young and adult girls it is a matter of concern.
During menstruation, poor women share the bathroom of their
neighbors.
v. Lack of Sense of Hygiene during Menstruation
Due to their poor economic condition, the majority of the women are
not able to buy and use sanitary pads during menstruation regularly,
they use old clothes which may be not hygienic Sanitary pads for them
is a luxury they use them occasionally only. Hence maximum women
from both the villages use a piece of cloth during those days; they use
those clothes repeatedly, after washing and drying them under
sunshine. Even they don’t have any proper system of decomposing
those clothes, after a long period of using they just throw those clothes
behind their house or in the forest.

Few Suggestions to Solve those Problems

Without further detail analysis, giving proper suggestions to those above-
mentioned problems is not authentic because it is very difficult to solve such
domestic issues as it is a matter of family’s private concern. Still as a researcher
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 81

and a student of anthropology, I would like to bring some very general suggestions
as follows:
The problems related to polygyny and property and inheritance to daughter,
require much in-depth study as these are engraved in their culture. But making
general solutions to the rest of the issues can be possible.
In case of the habit of unlimited apong drinking which creates a disharmonic
environment for the studies of children, awareness camp can be arranged for those
men to understand the importance of academic education and a proper healthy
environment for studies.
The same can be done related to women’s lack of hygienic knowledge
during menstruation. Through awareness camp women can be made to understand
the importance of maintaining hygiene during those days. Buying and using
sanitary pads regularly is not possible for women belonging to a poor family but
at least they can wash those clothes with antiseptic soap or liquids like Dettol and
try to avoid using those clothes for a long time. For the proper decomposition of
those clothes they can make a pit behind their houses, after spitting saliva they
can throw those clothes inside that pit and ultimately burn them off.
Problems related to bathrooms can be fully solved if all the families can
contribute little money and make one or two proper bathrooms near the public
well, otherwise a raff infrastructure can also be made using raw materials like
large plastic, bamboo, and clothes.

Conclusion
The present study reveals that ‘the study of women status in the domestic
sphere’ is very important to understand the position of women within the society
at large because family is the basic unit of society. We cannot study women’s
status without considering the role, as role and status are two sides of a coin.
However we can’t generalize the concept of women’s status in the domestic
sphere because the term ‘women’ itself is a vast umbrella term encompassing all
social standing of women in the family unit. The Mising women of Uriamguri
and Borola villages play multiple roles and occupy multiple statuses according
to their various social standings in the family unit like grandmother, mother,
daughter, sister, wife, and daughter-in-law, etc.
In the domestic sphere grandmother, mother, daughter, sister and daughter-
in-law all have their own activities, duties and responsibilities which reflect their
roles and status. Though grandfather, father, son, brother and husband share the
burden of domestic activities occasionally or when there is no other alternative
but on a regular basis majority of the domestic works are shared among
82 Converging Spectrum of Anthropology with Emphasis on Assam and Adjoining Areas

grandmother, mother, daughter, sister and wife and daughter-in-law. Through this
study, we can say that among women also, daughter-in-law and mother perform
maximum roles.
To understand the status of grandmother, mother, daughter, sister, wife and
daughter-in-law; apart from their roles we should study different inter-related
factor-like headship, property and inheritance pattern, decision making, the
interpersonal relationships among men and women within the family. Besides we
can understand women’s roles and status through various practices like taboos and
restrictions for women in the kitchen, the concept of pollution and purity, beliefs
and rituals related to childbirth, the attitude of family members towards the
physically challenged women, old aged unmarried daughter, divorced woman, and
widow.
Headship primarily passes from man to man. The eldest male person gets
this opportunity holds this position, only in some special cases the eldest woman
can be the head of the family. Inheritance of property is also in the male line, all
the sons divided their shares more or less equally among themselves, giving
property to daughters is a very and recent phenomenon. Decisions related to the
kitchen are done by the eldest female of the family and it is mostly by mothers
in nuclear family and mothers-in-law in a joint family. Finance related decisions
are generally made by the eldest male person of the family mostly by fathers. Both
the parents consult each other when taking any decisions related to the marriages
of children but the final decision is taken by father.
The daughter-in-law has to seek permission from her mother-in-law before
doing any kitchen or religious works. The daughter-in-law must maintain physical
distance from her father-in-law. Younger sister-in-law also has to maintain physical
distance from her elder-brother-in-law. Daughter-in-law has to obey several taboos
and restrictions within the kitchen, she never sits in the ‘rising’ portion which is
meant for the head f the family, until her husband becomes head; she is not
allowed to tread over the ‘rising’ when the father-in-law is alive. This shows that
the daughter-in-law has a lower status as compared to her mother-in-law.
The concept of pollution and purity during menstruation is prevalent for all
women; pollution and purity after childbirth are only for mothers only. Regarding
their beliefs and rituals related to childbirth, though they do not have gender
discrimination some traces of male preference can be observed.
Family members show a negative attitude towards physically challenged
women and old aged unmarried daughters. Divorced women is very rare and but
for men is more common. Widows also maintain certain restrictions particularly
during Hindi religious rituals but for widow daughter there are some sorts of
The Status of Women in Domestic Sphere among the Misings of ... 83

concerns too. Hence women folk share less freedom and liberty; more restrictions,
taboos and dependency in the domestic domain as compared to menfolk in
general.
So, in general, we can attribute that the status of women is lower than men
but as I have mentioned there are so many intermediate statuses for women.
Among women grandmothers, mothers, sisters share a good position as compare
to daughter, wife and daughter-in-law. If we analyze further then we can place
daughter-in-law at the lowest bottom of the status hierarchy level.
The factors or conditions which influence women’s status are also important
to understand women’s multiple roles and their various intermediate statuses.
There are mostly five factors that influence (aiding or obstructing) women’s status
in the domestic sphere- age, family type, religion, occupation and education.
Among all the women members of the family the eldest woman has much control
over others. Women from the nuclear family enjoy much freedom and liberty as
compared to women from a joint family. In the case of religion, Christian women
share much freedom and liberty as compared to Hindu women. In the case of
occupation the women who do both domestic activities, as well as other jobs,
share a higher prestige as come to those who do only domestic activities. Among
them informal education is much important to share a better prestige, hence those
who have both adequate formal and informal education have better in the domestic
domain.
Research works lead to newer inferences, conclusion and recommendations.
But along with conclusion if any research work can’t contribute to bringing out
the problems or issues related to the project work then it is of no use. This work
has also pointed out certain common issues of women, faced in the domestic life
like problems related to polygyny, property and Inheritance to daughter, the habit
of unlimited apong drinking, Lack of proper bathrooms and lack of sense of
hygiene. Some general suggestions are also given to solve those issues like
arranging awareness camp etc. The findings of the research work must be taken
into account in activities of development and the betterment of human society.

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