129.
3 ]
The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth-
Century Travel Narratives
lisa voigt and elio brancaforte
LISA VOIGT, associate professor of Span-
ish and Portuguese at the Ohio State Uni-
versity, Columbus, is the author of Writing
Captivity in the Early Modern Atlantic: Cir-
culations of Knowledge and Authority in
the Iberian and English Imperial Worlds
(Omohun dro Inst. of Early Amer. Hist.
and Culture; U of North Carolina P, 2009).
She is completing a book on festivals in
colonial South American mining towns.
ELIO BRANCAFORTE, associate professor of
German and chair of the Department of
Germanic and Slavic Studies at Tulane Uni-
versity, is the author of Visions of Persia:
Mapping the Travels of Adam Olearius (Har-
vard UP, 2003) and the first to translate the
Italian dramatist Sperone Speroni’s Canace
(1542) into English (Centre for Reformation
and Renaissance Studies, 2013). His cur-
rent book project examines the reception
of the thirteenth-century Persian poet
Saʿdi’s Gulistan in early modern Europe.
T HE COMMONPLACE TRIAD OF “GREATEST INVENTIONS OF MODERN
times”—the printing press, gunpowder, and the compass (Bo­
ruchof)—was described by Francis Bacon in Novum Organum
(1620; he New Organon) as having “changed the appearance and state
of the whole world: irst in literature, then in warfare, and lastly in
navigation” (370; bk. 2, aphorism 129).1 Two of those inventions—
the printing press and the compass—converged in the explosion of
printed travel narratives in the sixteenth century (many of which also
depict the violent results of transporting the third great invention,
gunpowder).2 The expanded range of movement facilitated by the
compass and the dissemination through print of information about
new places and peoples were, in a sense, mutually reinforcing. As Pe­
ter Mancall puts it in his introduction to an anthology of early mod­
ern travel narratives, “Because printers had the technological ability to
spread stories and sensed an audience for travel accounts, news about
the larger world circulated faster and farther than ever before” (8). In
his account of travel to Brazil, Les singularitez de la France Antarc­
tique (1557; he New Found Worlde, or Antartike . . . [1568]), André
hevet calls this technology a git from God—one that enables trav­
elers to depict other places “non seulement par écrit, mais aussi par
vrai portrait” ‘not onely by writing, but also by [a true] picture,’ since
the great distances of foreign lands mean that “il n’est possible à tout
homme de voir sensiblement toutes choses” ‘it is not possible for all
men to see sensibly all things’ (Brésil 270; New Founde Worlde 118r).
Many scholars of early modern print culture and travel nar­
ratives have pointed out, like hevet, the important role that illus­
trations played in the dissemination of knowledge about the wider
world. Critics have emphasized diferent aspects of this role, from
helping readers to better visualize what the text describes (Hirsch
© 2014 lisa voigt and elio brancaforte
PMLA 129.3 (2014), published by the Modern Language Association of America 365
366 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
121) to embedding tales of foreign lands in a
familiar set of referents (Johnson 32) to por-
traying distance and difference in order to
elicit an emotional response and satisfy an
appetite for the exotic (Neuber, “Travel Re-
ports” 741; Rubiés, “Instructions” 162; John-
son 45). As the art historian Stephanie Leitch
has argued in Mapping Ethnography in Early
Modern Germany, illustrations could also re-
inforce textual claims to eyewitness experi-
ence and authenticity. And surely to printers
the paramount function of illustrations was
to increase sales (Hirsch 49). hese diferent
perspectives coincide in airming the ways in
which images could make a printed text “more
powerful” (Dufy and Metcalf 131) or “more
than just illustrations—mere doublings, as it
were—of the text,” as Wolfgang Neuber puts it
in an overview of early modern German travel
narratives (“Travel Reports” 740).3
Indeed, William Ivins’s claim in Prints
and Visual Communication that the novelty
of printing pictures exceeded that of print-
ing books (2–3) suggests that we must expand
and, perhaps, literalize Bacon’s notion that
the printing press changed the “appearance
. . . of the whole world.” According to Ivins,
the printing of images “brought a completely
new thing into existence—it made possible
for the first time pictorial statements of a
kind that could be exactly repeated during
the efective life of the printing surface”; Ivins
thus deined print illustration as the “exactly
repeatable pictorial statement” (2, 3). And
exactly repeated the images were, not only in
the diferent printed copies of a text but also
within a single text: a famous example is the
Nuremberg Chronicle (1493), which used some
645 woodblocks over 1,800 times, resulting in
many diferent cities’ being represented with
the identical city view.4 As this article shows,
the same illustrations could be repeated in
diferent texts altogether.
In one sense it is easy to explain why
such recycling occurred. Printers capitalized
on the repeatability of images to minimize
[ PM L A
the extra expense of printing illustrations. In
the second edition of his Histoire d’un voyage
faict en la terre du Bresil (1580; History of a
Voyage to the Land of Brazil)—an account of
Brazil written in response to hevet’s—Jean
de Léry laments not being able to include
more illustrations, for “l’Imprimeur n’a
voulu pour ceste fois fournir à tant de frais
qu’il eust fallu faire pour la taille d’icelles”
‘the printer was not willing this time to go
to the expense that would have been neces-
sary for their engraving’ (C2r; lx). Discussing
an example of recycling within a text—John
Foxe’s Acts and Monuments (1563), in which
the same woodcuts are used to represent dif-
ferent martyrs—Bradin Cormack and Carla
Mazzio suggest that “this feature reminds us
that woodblocks cost money and that early
modern illustrations were as likely to be sym-
bolic in function as representational” (17).5
According to Peter Mason, the recurrent vi-
sual elements (costumes, animals) employed
to depict non-European peoples and places
in the early modern period are indeed sym-
bolic rather than representational, constitut-
ing what he calls the “exotic genre”: “hough
drawing at times on information made avail-
able during the age of discovery, the works
corresponding to this category cannot be
taken to represent any specific geographic
locality. hey conjure up what is exotic, and
what is exotic, in turn, can be applied to a va-
riety of distant locations” (26).
Yet such a symbolic or generic function
would seem to run counter to the valoriza-
tion of eyewitness authority and experiential
knowledge that scholars have long associated
with European travel literature of the “age
of discovery.” Joan-Pau Rubiés, for example,
describes the “ethnographic impulse” of
sixteenth- century travel writing as arising
from a “desire for empirical information,
learning about peoples in an ever more pre-
cise and comprehensive fashion,” and from an
“interest in diversity, combined with claims
(albeit not always accurate) to irsthand em-
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
pirical observation” (“Travel Writing” 4–5).6
Such concerns are evident in hevet’s claims
of representational faithfulness in the text
and in the illustrations—“le tout représenté
vivement au naturel par portrait le plus exquis
qu’il m’a été possible” ‘showing it [all] lively
and truely as neare as is possible’ (Brésil 321;
New Founde Worlde)7—even if hevet himself
would be roundly criticized by contemporary
rivals like Léry and François de Belleforest
for providing false or plagiarized informa-
tion based on little irsthand experience.8 he
rhetorical privileging of experiential author-
ity may not in fact lead to more accuracy than
the exotic genre, but the claim that, as Léry
puts it, “est-ce cela parlé de science, c’est a dire
de veuê & d’experience” ‘I am speaking out of
my own knowledge, that is, from my own see-
ing and experience’ (Histoire C3v; History lxi)
relies on at least the appearance of particular-
ity rather than on repeatability.
While there is a clear practical and eco-
nomic explanation for the reuse of illus-
trations in early modern texts, this article
interrogates the functions and efects of recy-
cled images in travel accounts for what they
might tell us about this apparent contradic-
tion between generic exoticism and ethno-
graphic particularity. What can “traveling
illustrations”—images that travel between
accounts—tell us about how texts describ-
ing foreign peoples and places were received
and perceived by contemporary readers? Or,
to put it in the terms of Ivins’s deinition of
print illustration, what does it mean when
an “exactly repeatable pictorial statement” is
repeated in what appears to be an irrelevant
geographic context? To explore these ques-
tions, this article focuses on a case where
the irrelevance of context to image has long
been asserted by bibliographers and critics:
the recycled illustrations in the second edi-
tion of Hans Staden’s travel narrative, War-
hafftig Historia unnd Beschreibung einer
Landtschat der wilden, nacketen, grimmigen
menschfresser Leuthen, in der Newen Welt
367
America gelegen ‘he True History and De-
scription of a Country of Wild, Naked, Sav-
age Men-Munching People, Situated in the
New World America,’ published by Weigand
Han in Frankfurt in 1557. he audience ex-
pectations that conditioned Han’s choices
in illustrating Staden’s account will be fur-
ther illuminated through comparison with
another publisher who was reprinting illus-
trated travel accounts around the same time:
Christopher Plantin, the French founder of a
renowned publishing house in Antwerp, who
in 1558 reprinted both Staden’s Warhaftige
Historia and hevet’s Singularitez.9
[i]
Staden’s Warhaftige Historia recounts the
German author’s two voyages to Brazil and
his nine-month captivity among the Tupi-
nambá Indians. he irst edition, published by
Andreas Kolbe in Marburg in 1557, includes
fifty-three woodcuts that, according to the
work’s editor, Johannes Dryander, required
“kostens / der nicht gering” ‘considerable ex-
pense’ on Staden’s part (Staden, Warhaf tige
Historia B3v; 15).10 Most commentators have
assumed that Staden not only paid for but was
also directly involved in the production of the
woodcuts, whether they were based on his
own drawings or prepared under his direc-
tion. In the most recent English translation,
Neil Whitehead and Michael Harbsmeier ar-
gue for Staden’s involvement by citing internal
visual evidence—in particular, the presence of
Staden himself in many of the images—and
the fact that “there were no other signiicant
visual catalogues to which the woodblock
maker might refer” (lxxv). In their 2012 book
The Return of Hans Staden, Eve Duffy and
Alida Metcalf dedicate a whole chapter to
these illustrations and ofer the most careful
reading of them to date (103–35). Dufy and
Metcalf defend the argument made by several
previous critics that some of the woodcuts
were based on Staden’s own sketches, but they
368 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
also point out stylistic discrepancies among
the illustrations and a “signiicant variation
in quality and execution” (110). hey assert
that the images result from “an unusual col-
laboration between Staden, an artist, and a
woodcutter” (112). As they explain, the art-
ist’s involvement accounts for the presence of
visual conventions for depicting natural and
geographic features (sun, moon, rain, waves,
settlements, coastlines) with which Staden
would likely not have been familiar (111).
However the images were generated, they
enjoyed a long life. he illustrations in Plan-
tin’s Dutch edition of Staden’s account are for
the most part closely based on them. In one
instance, care was even taken to correct the
orientation of an image “welche verkert sein
und versehen durch das formen reissen” ‘that
had been mistakenly turned around during
the production of the molds’ in the Marburg
edition, as noted in the errata (our trans.).11
The Plantin illustrations were reprinted in
another Antwerp edition of the Warhaf­
tige Historia in 1563, as well as in the 1627
Amsterdam edition.12 Also inspired by the
Marburg illustrations are Theodor de Bry’s
copperplate engravings, which were printed
with his edition of Staden’s account in the
third volume of the Grands Voyages (1593).13
And more than a century ater the original
woodblocks were irst used to produce the il-
lustrations for the Marburg edition, Johann
Just Winckelmann rediscovered them and
employed them to illustrate his rendition
of Staden’s narrative in Der americanischen
neuen Welt Beschreibung . . . ‘Description of
the American New World . . .’ (1664 [135–36]).
The Marburg woodcuts were thus as
highly valued by early modern printers as
they have been by readers today.14 But in the
same year the irst edition appeared (1557),
the Frankfurt printer Weigand Han published
another edition of Staden’s account, with a set
of illustrations derived from a diferent tex-
tual source.15 Staden’s editor, Johannes Dry-
ander, a physician and professor of anatomy
[ PM L A
at the University of Marburg, had connections
with printing houses in Marburg and Frank-
furt (Duffy and Metcalf 88). Frankfurt was
a major center of the European book trade
because of its annual book fair, where we
know Staden’s work was sold: an early cata-
log lists Staden’s work as the Menschenfresser­
buch ‘Men-Eater Book’ (Neuber, Fremde Welt
259–60; Schmidt 189). The republication of
Staden’s narrative accords with the usual
practice of Han’s publishing house: according
to Imke Schmidt, it was known primarily for
reprinting editions acquired from other pub-
lishers, especially works that had sold well in
the past; only twenty-one percent of its publi-
cations were irst editions (49–50).16
he illustrations in Han’s edition of Sta-
den were originally made by the artist Jörg
Breu for the 1515 Augsburg edition of the
Bolognese merchant Ludovico di Varthema’s
travel account, Die ritterlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss ‘he Noble and Praiseworthy Journey’
(published in English for the Hakluyt Soci-
ety under the title he Travels of Ludovico di
Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and
Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia,
A.D. 1503 to 1508). Varthema’s enormously
popular travel narrative, originally published
in Rome in 1510, was reprinted widely in the
sixteenth century: Rubiés calls it “one of the
most striking successes of travel literature in
the early history of printing” (Travel 126).17
According to Leitch, the Augsburg edition
with the Breu woodcuts is “one of the first
printed books with illustrations produced by
an artist speciically for the text” (Mapping
104). Hermann Gülferich, Han’s stepfather,
must have acquired the Breu woodblocks
through his connections in Augsburg, since
he used them to illustrate his editions of Var-
thema’s account in 1548 and 1549. Gülferich
also used them to illustrate another popular
travel account, Johannes Schiltberger’s Ein
wunderbarliche unnd kurtzweilige History . . .
‘An Amazing and Entertaining History . . .’
(an account of captivity in the Ottoman Em-
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
pire between 1396 and 1427), irst printed in
Augsburg in 1476, which he published in 1549,
1553, and 1554. Ater assuming control of his
stepfather’s publishing house in 1555, Han
incorporated the Breu images into his 1556
edition of Varthema’s narrative as well as an
undated edition of Schiltberger’s History (Röt­
tinger 112; Schmidt 188–90). Gülferich and
Han clearly found it expedient and economi­
cal to avail themselves of the Breu images for
the various travel and captivity accounts that
they were printing in the mid–sixteenth cen­
tury, regardless of the texts’ geography.18
Han’s use of the Breu woodcuts in the
Frankfurt edition of the Warhatige Historia
has been largely ignored, when not dispar­
aged. he English translation by Albert Too­
tal, edited by Richard Burton for the Hakluyt
Society in 1874 (Staden, Captivity), must
have been made from the Frankfurt edition
(despite Burton’s assertion that the Marburg
original was used [xcv]), for the introduc­
tion claims of the illustrations, “Most of them
are purely fanciful, and seem borrowed from
some book on Turkey. In chapter ix we have
domes and crescents; in chapter xii, scimitars
and turbans; and in chapter xxviii, an armed
elephant” (xcii). Whitehead and Harbsmeier
echo this assessment when they point out
that the original woodcuts were “replaced by
utterly irrelevant pictures of Turkey and the
Levant” in the Frankfurt edition (xv). The
bibliographer Joseph Sabin, who at least iden­
tified Varthema’s text as the source for the
images (although he referred only to the 1548
Frankfurt edition), states in his Bibliotheca
Americana that “they have no connection”
with Staden’s account (Sabin, Eames, and Vail
115). In their study of the illustrations that
accompany the Marburg edition of Staden’s
narrative, Dufy and Metcalf discuss briely
the use of the Breu woodcuts in the Frankfurt
edition, pointing out that “it might have been
cheaper (or quicker) for the Frankfurt printer
to purchase and reuse the woodcuts from the
Varthema book than to employ an artist to
369
copy Staden’s original illustrations or to create
new ones.” Nevertheless, the fact that “it was
the printer, Weigand Han, who decided how
to illustrate his edition of Staden’s tale” makes
that edition less worthy of their attention than
the irst one, which as they and other critics
have highlighted is unique for its author’s in­
volvement in the images’ creation (107–08).19
For these scholars, the use of the Breu il­
lustrations in the Frankfurt edition is what
Stephen Orgel, in his essay “Textual Icons:
Reading Early Modern Illustrations,” terms
“‘disjunctive,’ i.e. unrelated to the text.” He
goes on to explain that the disjunctive use of
illustrations “is generally taken to relect the
quality of the printing house. Since it is obvi­
ously a way of saving money, it is argued, bad
printers will tend to do it and good printers
will not.” As he points out, though, such an
explanation “begs all sorts of questions,” such
as “why are irrelevant illustrations a way of
selling badly printed books?” Yet with respect
to the Breu illustrations in Staden’s account,
we might also ask—as Orgel does with his
own examples—“[Is the] iconography really
irrelevant?” (62).20
Perhaps surprisingly, the iconography is
not altogether irrelevant. Certainly, we have
the “domes and crescents,” “scimitars and
turbans,” and “armed elephant” that bothered
Burton and that pertain to the Middle Eastern
and Indian geography of Varthema’s travels.
However, some of Breu’s woodcuts portray
individuals wearing the stereotypical feath­
ered skirts and headdresses of the Tupinambá
(ig. 1). In Varthema, this woodcut illustrates
the “Capitel von den Heusern zu Bider und
wie sy bedeckt seind allenthalben in der Yn­
sel Sumatra” ‘Chapter concerning the Houses
[of Bider], and How hey Are Covered, in the
Said Island of Sumatra’ (O4v; Travels 240–43).
But the costume of the igures on the far let
and far right clearly derive from images of
Brazilian Indians that had been circulating in
Europe since the early sixteenth century. he
first such depictions appear in illustrations
 370 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
FIG. 1
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; P1r). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
accompanying descriptions of Amerigo Ves-
pucci’s voyages, such as Dise Figur anzaigt uns
das Folck und Insel ‘his Image Shows Us the
People and the Island,’ printed in Augsburg in
1505 (ig. 2). Several scholars have described
how the feather costume eventually lost its
ethnographic speciicity and came to desig-
nate, as Leitch puts it, “the inhabitants of the
New World, or . . . natives of many distant
lands more generally” (“‘Better’” 181). William
Sturtevant referred to this phenomenon as the
“tupinambization” of North American Indi-
ans (qtd. in Feest 610). More broadly, Mason
discusses the use of this costume in depictions
of Asians, as in Breu’s illustrations for Var-
thema. An example of Mason’s “exotic genre,”
the feathered skirt contributes to a scene that
“deies categorization in terms of geographic
specificity” (24).21 Yet one could also argue
that the Frankfurt edition of the Warhatige
Historia returns the feather costume of the
Breu illustrations to its proper geographic
[ PM L A
context, from the perspective of European
readers who would associate this costume
with the indigenous Brazilians described
by Staden. That is, at least one reader—the
printer Weigand Han—understood that the
iconography of some of the Breu woodcuts
was not at all irrelevant to a text set in Brazil.
The Frankfurt edition’s title page also
reveals the circuitous travels of Brazilian ico-
nography (ig. 3).22 It features a butcher dis-
membering a human body before what looks
like a brick oven. By his side is an assistant
holding a human leg, as well as several na-
ked men, one with a staff and what may be
a feathered headdress. In its original con-
text, this illustration depicts the euthanasia
and cannibalization of the elderly in Java, as
described by Varthema in a chapter entitled
“Capitel wie Man an etlichen Ortten dyser
Ynsel die alten Menschen verkaut zu essen”
‘he Chapter Showing How in his Island the
Old People Are Sold . . . and aterwards Are
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
Eaten’ (P4r; 255–56). Yet as Leitch has shown,
Breu may have borrowed some elements of
this composition from an illustration of Bra-
zilian anthropophagy in a Strasbourg edi-
tion of Vespucci’s letter to Pier Soderini, Disz
Büchlin saget . . . ‘This Little Book States . . . ,’
published in 1509.23 In the 1550 Latin edition
of his Cosmographia , printed in Basel (Cos-
mographiae universalis lib. VI ), Sebastian
Münster employed a similar illustration—
a figure wielding an ax over a table covered
with human body parts—in sections devoted
to both the East and West Indies (“De ter-
ris Asiae Majoris” ‘Concerning the Major
Countries of Asia,’ “Java insula” ‘Java Island’
[1094], and “De novis insulis” ‘Concerning
the New Islands’ [1100 (fig. 4)]).
The travels of these illustrations—from
Vespucci to Varthema to Münster and Sta-

den, from the West Indies to the East and
back again—could support two different
propositions. On one hand, these travel-
ing illustrations seem to indicate the in-
terchangeability of exotic “others” in the
European imagination. The use of the Breu
illustrations in accounts of travel to different
locales could certainly corroborate Mason’s
argument about the exotic genre: feathered
skirts and headdresses, as well as turbans
and scimitars, “conjure up what is exotic, and
what is exotic, in turn, can be applied to a va-
riety of distant locations.” Metcalf and Duff y
FIG. 
point to a similar mixing of exotic imagery
on the title page of the 1550 German edition Dise Figur
anzaigt uns das
of Münster’s Cosmographia (Cosmographei Folck und Insel
oder Beschreibung aller Länder), where in (Augsburg, 1505;
the lower section a man wears both a turban print). Bayerische
and the feather costume of the Tupinambá Staatsbibliothek
München, Einbl. V,2.
  The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 
Hans Staden,
Warhafftig Historia
(Frankfurt: Weigand
Han, [1557]; print).
Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
(162n33 [fig. 5]). The iconography in this
part of the illustration (as well as the image
of Asian and American cannibal butchers
in book 5) derives from an earlier map at-
tributed to Münster and Hans Holbein the
Younger, Typus cosmographicus universa-
lis ‘Map of Universal Cosmography’ (Basel,
1532). The turbaned and feathered man on
Cosmographei ’s title page resembles both a
“Scythian” warrior in the upper-right-hand
corner of the Typus cosmographicus universa-
lis and a figure representing Varthema him-
self (“Vartomanus”) in the lower right (fig. 6).
The man walking across the title page thus
conflates the exotic genre as applied to Asia
and the Americas with a representation of
the European traveler.
On the other hand, the presence of Bra-
zilian iconography in these borrowed il-
lustrations may suggest a growing interest
in ethnographic details of foreign cultures
among some mid-sixteenth-century European
readers. Leitch argues that the Breu illustra-
tions in their original context, as well as other
German prints of the early sixteenth century,
reflect this interest: she describes a “unique
and early incidence of visual accuracy and an

unprecedented investment in the practice of
ethnography” (Mapping 5). Han’s use of the
Breu illustrations in Staden’s account may
derive from a concern not so much for eth-
nographic accuracy as for ethnographic speci-
ficity: the printer’s familiarity with what the
feathered skirt and headdress is “supposed”
to represent (native Brazilians). Since selling
texts was the ultimate goal of printers—espe-
cially those like Han and his stepfather, who
principally published titles that were already
commercial successes—we can safely assume
that their decisions, at least to some degree,
responded to audience expectations.24
Han’s selection and placement of the Breu
images—more deliberate than one would ex-
pect when illustrations created for one text
(the Marburg edition) are replaced with those
created for another—corroborate the concern
for specificity. For example, the illustrations
in the first seven chapters, which describe
Staden’s journey to Portugal, fi rst voyage to
Brazil, return to Lisbon, departure from Se-
ville, and arrival in Brazil on his second voy-
age, all appropriately feature ships, like the
original illustrations. One of them shows a
traveler arriving at city gates that display a
FIG. 
Woodcut from
Sebastian Münster,
Cosmographiae
universalis lib. VI
(Basel: Heinrich
Petri, 1550; print;
1100). Courtesy of
the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.
  The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 
Sebastian Münster,
Cosmographei oder
Beschreibung aller
Länder (Basel: Hein-
rich Petri, 1550;
print). General Col-
lection, Beinecke
Rare Book and
Manuscript Lib.,
Yale Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
Portuguese lag (as evident from the ive qui-
nas, or small shields, of the Portuguese coat
of arms [ig. 7]), an illustration derived from
Varthema’s “Capitel wie ich loch võ Canonor
zu dẽ Portugalesern” ‘Chapter Showing How
I Escaped from Ca nonor to the Portuguese’
(R2r; 270); the last chapters of his account
narrate his service to the Portuguese viceroy
in India, which earned him a knighthood.
Chapter 5 refers to a hostile encounter with
French ships in Potiguaras, and the accom­
panying image is lited from a chapter of Var­
thema’s narrative that also describes a naval
battle (fig. 8). These images are repeated in
chapters 10 through 15, which likewise focus
on or refer to navigation, and the illustration
in chapter 16 (the same naval battle scene)
again correlates to the text’s description of an
attack, this time by hostile natives.
The illustration repeated in chapters 9
and 14 (the one with “domes and crescents,”
as Burton complained) would appear to
be the most “disjunctive” thus far, and it is
reminiscent of the recycled cityscapes in the
Nuremberg Chronicle. However, both chapters
refer to Staden’s arrival at harbors where there
are native settlements, on the islands of Santa
Catarina and São Vicente. he illustration is
in fact not only a cityscape but also a scene
of arrival (ig. 9). Leitch has pointed out the
importance of the unorthodox cropping in
this image, such that the skif’s prow “pokes
into view on the shore at Calicut . . . positing
a viewer at a speciic moment” (Mapping 114).
Even the illustrations that seem geo­
graphically inappropriate are connected
with Staden’s narrative. In the chapters ac­
companying a woodcut that features camels,
both Varthema and Staden refer to passage
through enemy territory: “waren sechtzyg
ma ma lug ken zu bewaren und zu verhüten
die leut und gütter . . . so kumpt man zu was­
ser . . . hat man aller zeyt an lauf scharmitz­
len uñ streyt mit den arabiern” ‘We were 60
Mamelukes in guard of the said caravan. . . .
When we halted at the said waters we always
375
had to fight with a vast number of Arabs,’
Var thema writes (B2v–3r; 18), while in Sta­
den’s text we read, “Wir musten uns aber irer
auff zwo zeite im jare mehr besorgen dann
sunst / furnemlich weñ sie irer Feinde landt
mit gewalt gedencken einzunemen” ‘We had
to guard ourselves against them during two
seasons of the year, when they plan to assault
the enemy territory’ (Warhafftig Historia
G2r; 46 [ig. 10]). he image of an elephant,
meanwhile, appears in a chapter in which
Var thema describes the use of elephants in
battle in India, but Staden’s printer seems to
pick up on the textual cue of the reference to
a prominent king (fig. 11). Varthema’s text
reads, “[D]er kunig diser stat ist vast mechtig
uñ reych uñ glaubt mit allem seinem reych
apgöterey / Er hält stettigs an seynem hof biß
in fyertzig tausent man zu roß” ‘he king of
this city is a pagan. . . . [H]e is a very powerful
king, and keeps up constantly 40,000 horse­
men’ (B3v; 126), while Staden’s describes “von
dem Könige Konyan Bebe genant . . . es solte
ein grosser Mañ sein / auch ein grosser tyran
menschen leisch zu essen . . . merckt ich / das
es einer von den furnemsten sein müste” ‘this
king called Konyan Bebe . . . was supposed to
be a great man, and also a great tyrant, who
ate human flesh. . . . I understood that this
had to be one of the most prominent persons’
(J4v–K1r; 62). Reversing the expectation that
illustrations assist the reading of the text, here
the textual narrative seems to guide the inter­
pretation and deployment of the images.25
Textual and visual cues are also used in
the illustration accompanying chapter 39,
where an image of suttee in India is juxta­
posed with the description of the execution
and cannibal consumption of a captive in
Brazil (ig. 12). Breu created this image to il­
lustrate how, as Varthema explains, “mit lan­
gen kolben und schlachen auf sy mit kreten
werfen auch etlich kuglen von bäch gemacht
zu ir in das feur / da mit sy döster ee ir end
nem” ‘[they] fall upon her with sticks and
with balls of pitch, and this they do only that
 36 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 6
Sebastian Münster
and Hans Holbein
the Younger, Typus
cosmographicus
universalis (Basel,
1532). General Col-
lection, Beinecke
Rare Book and
Manuscript Lib.,
Yale Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte 377
 378 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 7
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; R2v). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.

FIG. 8
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico
di Var thema,
Die ritterlich uñ
lobwirdig Rayss
(Augsburg: Hans
Miller, 1515; print;
R4v). Courtesy of
the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte 379

FIG. 9
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; I2v). Courtesy
of the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.

FIG. 10
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; B2v). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
 380 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 11
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; B3v). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.

FIG. 12
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; N3r). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
she may die the sooner’ (N3v; 207). Except
for the gender difference, the image corre-
lates closely to Staden’s statement that they
“schlegt in auf den kopf / das dz hirn her-
auß sprang” ‘hit him on the head so that the
brains spilled out’ (N1r; 81). Here the choice
of illustration appears to have been based on
a textual cue from Staden. Gender and age
references do, however, seem important in
other contexts: in chapter 23, for example,
Staden describes an encounter in which “da
stund ich mitten innen / und zwey weiber bey
mir” ‘[I] was in the center with two women
next to me’ (J1r; 57 [fig. 13]). And in chap-
ter 21, entitled “Wie sie des Tages mit mir
umbgiengen / da sie mich bey ire Wonunge
brachten” ‘How hey Treated Me on the Day
When hey Brought Me to heir Dwelling,’
Staden describes the presence of both “jung
und alt” ‘young and old’ before focusing on
the women “dieselbigẽ namen mich zwischen
sich / und giengen etliche vor mir / und etli-
che hinter mir her / Sungen und tantzten an
381
ei nem singẽ” ‘[who] led me along, some in
front and some behind, dancing and singing
a song’ (H3r; 54). he episode shares the fes-
tive and processional connotations of the il-
lustration, which in Varthema’s text depicts
an unidentified king’s pilgrimage with his
family in India (G4v; 111 [ig. 14]).
Sometimes the cues are more complex,
demonstrating a familiarity with both Var-
thema’s and Staden’s texts. The woodcut in
chapter 18 shows especially well how the
printer tried to choose an appropriate illus-
tration for Staden’s text (ig. 15). he chapter
narrates Staden’s capture by the Tupinambá,
and the illustration is the same one used for
the chapter that describes Varthema’s two-
month captivity after he is discovered as a
Christian in Aden (D4v–E1r; 60–61). he se-
lection seems purposeful since the captivity
occupies only a few chapters of Varthema’s
travel account. Similarly, the illustration in
the chapter describing how Varthema hides
in a mosque for fourteen days complaining
FIG. 13
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; H2r); rpt.
in Hans Staden,
Warhafftig Historia
(Frankfurt: Weigand
Han, [1557]; print;
J1r). Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.
 382 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 14
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico
di Varthema,
Die ritterlich uñ
lobwirdig Rayss
(Augsburg: Hans
Miller, 1515; print;
H1r); rpt. in Hans
Staden, Warhafftig
Historia (Frankfurt:
Weigand Han,
[1557]; print; H3r).
Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.

FIG. 15
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico
di Varthema,
Die ritterlich uñ
lobwirdig Rayss
(Augsburg: Hans
Miller, 1515; print;
E1r); rpt. in Hans
Staden, Warhafftig
Historia (Frankfurt:
Weigand Han,
[1557]; print; G3r).
Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
of sufering “grosses leyden . . . im magen uñ
leyb” ‘intense pain in my stomach and body’
(D3r; 53) appears in chapter 34 of Staden’s
narrative, entitled “Wie der krancke König
Jeppipo Wasu wider heim kam” ‘In What
Manner the Ailing King Jeppipo Wasu Re-
turned Home’ (L1r; 69 [fig. 16]). The cause
of the figure’s prostration—illness—is not
immediately evident in the illustration and
requires the textual gloss, suggesting that a
familiarity with both texts informed Han’s
selection and placement of this image.
he reappearance of the illustration for
Varthema’s escape “from Canonor to the
Portuguese” in chapter 19 of Staden’s narra-
tive also suggests the printer’s acquaintance
with both accounts (fig. 7). The text below
the illustration could not seem more discon-
nected from it, except for the allusion to an
island that the presence of the bridge might
reinforce: “Es ligt ein kleine Insel bey der In-
sel dariñ ich gefangen wurd / in der nisten
383
wasser vögel die heissen Uwara / haben rote
feddern” ‘here is another island close to the
island where I was captured, where the water-
birds with red feathers, named Uwara, nest,’
it begins. Yet we soon read that on sailing to
that island to capture the birds for their feath-
ers (“Dann all ir zierath ist gemeinlich von
feddern gemacht” ‘since their adornment is
mostly made from these feathers’ [G4v; 50]),
Staden and his captors encounter a group of
the Tupinambás’ enemies, the Tupiniquin,
along with “etliche Portugaleser” ‘several of
the Portuguese’—the Tupiniquins’ allies—
“so das die meinten mich zu erlösen” ‘[who]
wanted to rescue me’ (H1r; 50). Readers could
thus associate the two Portuguese men re-
ceiving the fugitive traveler in the Varthema
illustration with the Portuguese who try (but
fail) to rescue Staden in chapter 19.26
Han seems to have taken similar care
incorporating the Breu illustrations into his
edition of Schiltberger’s account of travels in
FIG. 16
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; D3r); rpt.
in Hans Staden,
Warhafftig Historia
(Frankfurt: Weigand
Han, [1557]; print;
L1r). Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.
 384 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
a diferent geography. For example, the illus-
tration of suttee in India (fig. 12) accompa-
nies a passage describing a gruesome scene of
retribution: ater the city of Isfahan rebelled
against Tamerlane, the ruler ordered his sol-
diers to ride over and trample to death all the
city’s children under seven years of age, who
were gathered on a plain for this purpose.
The suttee image was presumably selected
to convey the horror and immorality of Ta-
merlane’s action. Another scene that Han
takes from Varthema portrays the manner
in which a murderer is punished in Calicut,
by impalement (fig. 17). Han incorporates
this image into Schiltberger’s narrative twice:
at the beginning of the account, to highlight
the barbarity of the Ottoman sultan Bayazid,
and then later, in his description of the king-
sultans of Arabia (i.e., Cairo). In the latter epi-
sode we read, “Deñ es ist in dem Königreich
gewon heit / weñ zwen mit ei nander kriegẽ
um̃ dz Königreich / welcher deñ dem andern
FIG. 17
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; K2r). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
[ PM L A
obligt / uñ in in dz gefencknuß bringt . . .
legt im Königliche kleider an / fürt in in ein
hauß / dz darzu gemacht ist / dariñ sind eisene
steckẽ / setzt in auff einen / da rauff muß er
er fau len” ‘it is the custom in this kingdom,
that when two ight for that kingdom, which-
ever overcomes the other and brings him to
prison . . . and dresses him like a king, and
leads him to a house made for the purpose in
which there are iron spikes, and he is put on
one of those spikes, so that it comes through
at the neck, and on the spike he must rot’
(K3v–4r; 51).
Other scenes from the Varthema account
that Han successfully integrates into Schilt-
berger’s story include an image showing how
precious stones are collected on the island of
Ceylon, deployed in Schiltberger’s descrip-
tion of the Phison River, which emanates
from Paradise and lows through India and
is said to contain gold and gems (M1r–v; 61
[fig. 18]). Similarly, the image that accom-
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
panies Varthema’s description of the many
wonderful properties of the palm tree reap-
pears in Schiltberger’s narrative, where it
illustrates the legendary “withered tree” lo-
cated near Hebron—which supposedly was
always green until Christ was cruciied and
will become green again and bear fruit when
Christians once again “das heilig grab . . .
gewinnen” ‘take possession of the holy sep-
ulcher’ (L2v–3r; 56 [ig. 19]). Finally, Han ap-
propriates for Schiltberger’s account an image
of two unicorns in a cage and of Varthema,
presumably, looking at them through the bars
(ig. 20). While in Varthema’s narrative the
image corresponds to a detailed description
of two unicorns that were given by the Moor-
ish king of Ethiopia to the sultan of Mecca
(D1v), in Schiltberger’s account it illustrates
a legend about a dragon and a unicorn who
fought each other on a mountain near Rome,
making the streets unsafe for the people liv-
ing nearby, until the king of Armenia killed
385
FIG. 18
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; M4r). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
the “Würme[r]” ‘reptiles’ at the pope’s be-
hest, winning the Romans’ gratitude (Q3r–v;
46–49). hese examples conirm Han’s care in
recycling the most appropriate Breu images
for his editions of Staden’s and Schiltberger’s
travel narratives.
[ ii ]
We might also compare the illustrations
that Han recycled in the Warhatige Historia
with the original woodcuts in the Marburg
edition, which he replaced. As already sug-
gested, the illustration that Han selected for
chapter 22 of Staden’s account is perhaps the
most ethnographically specific of the Breu
images (ig. 1). Entitled “Wie meine beyden
Herrn zu mir kamen und sagten mir / wie
sie mich ihrer Freunde einen verschenckt
hetten  / der solte mich verwaren uñ todt
schlagen / wenn man mich essen wolte” ‘How
My Two Lords Came to Me and Told Me hat
 386 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 19
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; L2r). Courtesy
of the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.

FIG. 20
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico di
Varthema, Die rit-
terlich uñ lobwirdig
Rayss (Augsburg:
Hans Miller, 1515;
print; D1v). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
hey Had Given Me to One of heir Friends,
Who Was First to Keep Me and hen Slay Me,
When hey Wanted to Eat Me’ (H3v; 55), this
chapter recounts what happens ater Staden
is taken to his captors’ village. In the Mar-
burg edition, the illustration for this chapter
corresponds to the latter part of the chapter
and depicts a group of women leading him
through the village with a rope around his
neck (on the let) and shaving his eyebrows
(on the right [ig. 21]). Staden insists at several
points in this chapter that he did not know
what was happening to him and assumed that
387
he was about to be killed: “Ich wuste iren ge-
brauch so wol nit als ich in darnach erfuhr”
‘[Back then] I did not know their customs
as well as I later on got to know them’ (H3v;
55), he confesses. he illustration may place
viewers in the same position of unfamiliar-
ity, for the textual explanation is necessary
to interpret the two scenes that are depicted
simultaneously: while the bearded Staden is
recognizable, the indigenous women’s actions
are unclear without the textual gloss.
Conversely, the illustration Han chooses
for the same chapter helps clarify a complicated
FIG. 21
Woodcut from Hans
Staden, Warhaftige
Historia (Marburg:
Kolbe, 1557; print;
F3v). Courtesy of
the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.
388 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
passage in the text (ig. 1). he chapter opens by
describing what motivates Staden’s two captors
to give him away, before relating the women’s
treatment of him:
Uber eine kleine weil kamen die so mich
gefangẽ hatten / mit namen Jeppipo Wasu /
und sein bruder Alkindar Miri / Sagten / Wie
sie mich ires vatters bruder Ipperu Wasu /
auß freundtschat geschenckt hatten / der­
selbige solt mich verwaren / und mich auch
todt schlagẽ / wann man mich essen wolte /
und ime also einen namen mit mir machen.
Dann derselbige Ipperu Wasu hette vor ei­
nem jar auch einen schlaven gefangen / und
inen dem Alkindar Miri auß freundtschafft
geschenckt. Den selbigen er tod geschlagẽ / uñ
einen namen darvon gewunnen hatte. So das
der Alkindar Miri dem Ippern Wasu verheis­
sen hette / den ersten so er ienge / ime wider zu
schencken / Der jenige ich da war. (H3r–4r)
Ater a short while, the brothers, named Jep­
pipo Wasu and Alkindar Miri, who had cap­
tured me, approached me and told me that
they had given me to their father’s brother, Ip­
peru Wasu, out of friendship. He was to keep
me and [then] kill me when they wanted to
eat me; thus he would acquire another name
through me. he reason was that the said Ip­
peru Wasu had captured a slave a year before
and had, out of friendship, presented him to
Alkindar Miri, who had slain him and gained
another name. Alkindar Miri had therefore
promised to give Ipperu Wasu the irst cap­
tive he caught. And I was that captive. (55)
he illustration helps us visualize the com­
plex ritualized exchange of a captive among
three indigenous men, if we imagine the ig­
ure wearing only a loincloth to be Staden.27
Although the matching of narrative content
with the number of igures represented may
have inluenced the image’s placement in this
chapter, the prime motivation for its use in
Staden’s account was surely the costume of
feathered skirts, headdresses, anklets, arm­
lets, and staf typically featured in depictions
[ PM L A
of the Tupinambá. he fact that this is one of
the images that Han did not include in his
edition of Schiltberger’s travels further sug­
gests that he may have attributed a degree of
ethnographic speciicity to this image.
In this case the recycled image func­
tions almost seamlessly in its new context,
even though it acquires different meanings
there. We could say the same about the im­
age Han chose for the title page of Staden’s
account to replace the Marburg edition’s
title­page woodcut, in which a naked “sav­
age” reclines in a hammock while munch­
ing on a human foot, as other limbs roast
over a fire nearby (the speech scroll reads
“sete katu” in Tupi­ Guaraní, or “it is good”
[5n1 (ig. 22)]).28 In its original context, the
Frankfurt edition’s title­page illustration ap­
pears in the chapter of Varthema’s narrative
describing the cannibalism of the sick and
elderly in Java (fig. 3). On the title page of
Han’s edition of Staden’s account, the same
image suggests the threat of cannibalism to
Staden himself, if we may identify the mel­
ancholic naked, bearded igure seated on the
right with the naked, bearded captive that
appears throughout the Marburg woodcuts
(e.g., ig. 21). Both title pages, that is, depict a
distinctive and marketable aspect of Staden’s
narrative, the anthropophagic practices of his
captors—the “men­munching people” of the
title. But whereas the original title page fea­
tures only the Tupinambá cannibal, an image
of exotic otherness, the Frankfurt title page
emphasizes Staden’s protagonism—his own
sufering and piety. In this sense, the second
title page may correspond more closely to
Staden’s own framing of his account in self­
promotional and hagiographic terms.29
[ iii ]
Two avenues of comparison have helped to
conirm that Han’s selection and placement of
recycled illustrations in his edition of Staden’s
Warhaftige Historia were done with an eye
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte 389

to textual and even ethnographic speciicity posing them with the original woodcuts in
rather than to generic exoticism: comparing the Marburg edition of Staden’s narrative. A
them with the illustrations chosen for his third and inal avenue compares Han’s recy-
edition of Schiltberger’s History and juxta- cled illustrations with the choices of another

FIG. 
Hans Staden,
Warhaftige Historia
(Marburg: Kolbe,
1557; print). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.
390 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
publisher who was reprinting accounts of
travel to Brazil, including Staden’s, around
the same time. In 1558, the year that Plan­
tin published a translation of Staden’s text in
Ant werp, he also reprinted Thevet’s Singu-
laritez de la France Antarctique, which like
Staden’s account had irst been published the
year before, in hevet’s case in Paris. hese
are among Plantin’s earliest publications (he
had opened his printing house in 1555), and
they feature woodcut illustrations; only in
1559 did Plantin begin experimenting with
the engraved book illustrations that have
made him famous (Bowen and Imhof 1).
Despite the diferent national origins of
the authors and languages of Staden’s and
hevet’s accounts, Plantin surely recognized
their shared subject matter and the fact that
hevet’s narrative picked up where Staden’s
let of. Staden’s account begins with his irst
voyage to Brazil in 1548 but focuses on his
captivity among the Tupinambá, which oc­
curred during his second trip there, while
Staden served the Portuguese at a fort near
São Vicente on the southeastern coast. He
was eventually rescued by a French ship and
arrived in France in early 1555; later that
year, hevet departed for Brazil on Nicolas de
Villegaignon’s expedition to found a French
colony in the bay of Rio de Janeiro, although
Thevet would remain there only two and a
half months. Had he wished, Staden could
probably have accompanied Thevet on that
journey: Staden relates how the captain who
delivered him to Normandy “hette viel lieber
gesehẽ / das ich noch eine reise hette mit im
gethan. Wie er aber sahe / das ich nicht blei­
ben wolt / erlangte er mir ein paßport von
[dem] Oberste[n] inn Normandia” ‘would
have preferred for me to go on another voy­
age with him, but when he saw that I did not
want to stay he managed to get me a passport
from the supreme commander in Normandy’
(Q1v; 101 [Dufy and Metcalf 73–74]).
Plantin did not embrace the exoticizing
appeal of the Marburg or Frankfurt editions
[ PM L A
of Staden’s narrative, whose title pages, as we
have seen, feature cannibalism. By contrast,
the title pages in Plantin’s editions of Staden’s
and Thevet’s accounts display the printer’s
motto (“labore et constantia” ‘through work
and perseverance’ [our trans.]) and follow
the more austere design of hevet’s irst edi­
tion (igs. 23–24). Moreover, although Plantin
printed both books with ample illustrations,
he did not recycle any of them between the
two texts, instead seeking mostly to repro­
duce—albeit on a smaller scale—the illus­
trations that appeared in the irst editions of
each. For the Warhatige Historia, he had new
woodcuts produced that, with a few excep­
tions, are derived from the Marburg edition
of Staden’s account. The difference in size,
slight but noticeable, is more pronounced in
Plantin’s edition of hevet, where some im­
ages are almost half the size of the original,
full­page illustrations. hey are also reversed,
showing that the prints were copied with­
out accounting for the reverse orientation of
the woodblock. But in contrast to Thomas
Hacket—whose 1568 English edition of the
Singularitez did not include any illustra­
tions and thus had to omit hevet’s frequent
references to them—Plantin took seriously
hevet’s claims to accurate representation in
word and image.
Plantin’s refusal to recycle illustrations
between these two texts, even when their
discussions of Brazilian plants, animals,
and peoples overlap, may tell as much about
audience expectations as the careful way in
which Han recycled the Breu illustrations
for his editions of Staden’s and Schiltberger’s
narratives. Plantin seems to be anticipating
a demand for illustrations that are specific
not only to the lands and peoples depicted
but also to the accompanying text. Recycling
images between the two editions—for surely
he hoped to sell them to the same readers—
would have undercut the illustrations’ au­
thenticating function. he anticipation of an
audience demand for textual speciicity out­
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte 391

weighed the cost of creating new

woodcuts for each book.
Han calculated that cost dif­
ferently, choosing instead to re­
use the Breu woodcuts for both
Staden’s and Schiltberger’s nar­
ratives. But comparing the im­
ages that the printers selected
for a chapter of Staden’s account
shows that their consideration
of audience expectations was
not altogether opposed. Chap­
ter 30, “Wie sich die Obersten
des Abents bey Monschein ver­
sam leten” ‘How the Chiefs As­
sembled during the Evening in
the Moonlight’ (K2v; 65), shows
Staden beginning to manipulate
his captors in a way that ulti­
mately preserves his life. he im­
age from the Marburg original
shows him again at the center
of the huts, here surrounded by
indigenous men blowing smoke,
with a prayer above him that
reads “O mein Herr und Gott
hilf mir dieses ellen zum selli­
gen enden” ‘O my Lord and God,
help me out of this misery to a
blessed end’ (H2v; our trans.
[fig.  25]). A happy end is pro­
vided by the moon that appears
above, for Staden tells his cap­
tors that the moon is angry and
glaring at their enemies’ hut, an
interpretation that wins his cap­
tors’ favor. he prayer is repeated
in the chapter as well, tying text
and image together. he woodcut for Plantin’s gesture dramatically and a small boy points FIG. 23
edition draws on this image but does not copy to Staden, presumably spreading the news of Hans Staden,
it as closely as most of the others, rearranging his special powers to the man emerging from Warachtige Historie
(Antwerp: Plantin,
many of its elements (Staden and the chiefs, the hut.30 1558; print). Cour-
huts, moon, and palisade [fig. 26]). Instead For his edition, Han chose the best im­ tesy of the John
of allowing the reader to view the full scene age available to evoke the shining moon and Carter Brown Lib.
from above, the artist draws the viewer into the intercultural dialogue that are central at Brown Univ.
the moment of encounter—several figures to this passage (ig. 27). his image, though,
392 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

of Varthema’s account—the im-

age Han recycles in chapter 30 of
Warhatige Historia presumably
depicts the natives of Calicut, yet
the feathered headdress and cape
visible on two of the igures evoke
the stereotypical Tupinambá cos-
tume, albeit less obviously than
in Breu’s depiction of the inhab-
itants of Sumatra (fig.  1). The
recycled illustration thus seems
to have been chosen, again, for
the way it ref lects the ethno-
graphic and narrative content of
the text—responding, in a dif-
ferent way, to the same audience
demand for textual and ethno-
graphic specificity that Plantin
was seeking to meet.

In Les singularitez de la
France Antarctique, Thevet
himself could not decide be-
tween denying the appropriate-
ness of Indies as nomenclature
for the Americas and accept-
ing it because of the cultural
similarities that he supposedly
found between the East and
West Indies.31 European print-
ers of travel accounts like Han
and Plantin were also grappling
with how to represent the two
Indies, and they did not always
come down on the side of “eth-
nographic interchangeability”
and generic exoticism in their
choice of illustrations (Mason
40)—even when, as in Han’s use
of recycled images, they seemed
seems to depict a shining sun, whose rays are to do so most obviously. he Breu woodcuts in
shielded by a parasol that is held alot by one the Frankfurt edition of Staden’s account are
of the three igures. hey are seated, as in the not as “utterly irrelevant” as Whitehead and
Marburg woodcut, and actively engaged in Harbsmeier aver, even if they are utterly (and
conversation, as evident from their gestures. perhaps literally) out of place. Like the trav-
In its original context—the Augsburg edition elers themselves, the illustrations are altered
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
by the new context in which they ind them-
selves, but they are able to forge connections
with that context, however foreign and distant
it may seem.
Han followed a complex assortment of
textual and visual cues to carefully select and
place the Breu illustrations in his edition of
Staden’s Warhatige Historia. In pointing out
the distinctiveness of Staden’s involvement in
the images created for the irst edition, Neu-
ber maintains that ordinarily travel-account
illustrations were “the product of an act of
393
imagination stimulated only by the text, not FIG. 24
by direct experience of the travels. he art- André Thevet, Les
ist was subject to only two requirements re- singularitez de la
specting the illustrations: that they do justice France Antarctique
to the text, and that they correspond to the (Antwerp: Plantin,
scientific and aesthetic expectations of the 1558; print). Cour-
European readership” (“Travel Reports” 741). tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
Han’s employment of the Breu illustrations
at Brown Univ.
in his edition of Staden’s travels helps to illu-
minate what some of these expectations may
be, and, as counterintuitive as it appears, they
seem to revolve more around representational
FIG. 25
Woodcut from Hans
Staden, Warhaftige
Historia (Marburg:
Kolbe, 1557; print;
H2v). Courtesy of
the John Carter
Brown Lib. at
Brown Univ.
 39 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives [ PM L A

FIG. 26
Woodcut from Hans
Staden, Warachtige
Historie (Antwerp:
Plantin, 1558;
print; G6r). Cour-
tesy of the John
Carter Brown Lib.
at Brown Univ.

FIG. 27
Jörg Breu, woodcut
from Ludovico
di Varthema,
Die ritterlich uñ
lobwirdig Rayss
(Augsburg: Hans
Miller, 1515; print;
Q1v); rpt. in Hans
Staden, Warhafftig
Historia (Frankfurt:
Weigand Han,
[1557]; print; K2v).
Courtesy of the
John Carter Brown
Lib. at Brown Univ.
129.3 ] Lisa Voigt and Elio Brancaforte
specificity than around generic exoticism.
Indeed, they suggest that the opposition be-
tween the “ethnographic impulse” and the
repeatability of print illustration was not ir-
resolvable. he use of these recycled images
does not, ultimately, reveal whether Europe-
ans were more interested in exotic stereotypes
or in ethnographic specificity when they
bought, read, and looked at printed travel ac-
counts; surely there were readers interested in
both. But the analysis of recycled images can
at least suggest how carefully some printers
worked to meet the demands of an audience
that, by the middle of the sixteenth century,
had seen enough printed travel accounts and
other visual and textual representations of
foreign peoples and places to be discerning
about how they were illustrated.
NOTES
Lisa Voigt would like to thank those who invited her to
present talks based on this project: Jonathan Burgoyne,
Barbara Fuchs, Stephanie Leitch and Ashley West, Evelyn
Lincoln and Laura Bass, and John Charles. She also thanks
Claudia Cornejo Happel for research support and Les-
lie Tobias-Olsen and John Minichiello at the John Carter
Brown Library for assistance with the illustrations. Elio
Brancaforte would like to express his gratitude to the at-
tendees of the 2012 Frühe Neuzeit Interdisziplinär Confer-
ence for their comments, and he thanks Bodo Gotzkowsky
for sharing his expertise on sixteenth- century German
publishing houses and artists.
1. On these three inventions as a Renaissance topos,
see Boruchof, who argues that they “not only signaled a
break from the hegemony of classical and ecclesiastical
culture . . . but also aforded a practical means to search
out, reach, subdue, communicate with, and assimilate the
New World beyond the physical and mental boundaries
of the Old” (157).
2. In his overview of early modern German printing,
Stephan Füssel describes how the “quantity and distri-
bution of printed books increased immensely” during
the sixteenth century, particularly the second half, and
highlights the popularity of “fictional and empirical
travel reports,” citing the forty-six printings of Sebastian
Münster’s Cosmographia (243).
3. he power of pictures to convey knowledge more
efectively than words was also recognized by some early
395
modern authors; see Kusukawa’s discussion of the bota-
nist Leonhart Fuchs (“Leonhart Fuchs” 411). In another
essay, however, Kusukawa points out the lack of consen-
sus on the use of illustrations and their relation to the
text they accompanied (“Illustrating” 109).
4. In “Textual Icons: Reading Early Modern Illustra-
tions,” which discusses several examples of image recy-
cling, Stephen Orgel writes that some cityscapes of the
Nuremberg Chronicle are “repeated up to eleven times”
and that “in all, 645 blocks are used 1809 times” (63).
Leitch states that 134 illustrations were taken from 19
blocks in the Nuremberg Chronicle (Mapping 30).
5. Dufy and Metcalf make a similar point about re-
cycled images in texts like the Nuremberg Chronicle and
Münster’s Cosmographia: “Readers were used to ‘reading’
images as stock or generic images—meant to gesture to-
ward a broader subject rather than to reproduce an indi-
vidual moment, event, or person” (107).
6. Pagden describes this impulse as “autoptic imagi-
nation.” Autoptic is derived from autopsy, the name of an
ancient rhetorical category: “the appeal to the authority
of the eye witness, to the privileged understanding which
those present at an event have over all those who have
only read or been told about it” (51).
7. Since the illustrations were not included in the
1568 English edition of hevet’s narrative, the transla-
tion omits the reference to portraits in this phrase, which
is found in the preface to the reader.
8. In his preface, Léry derides hevet’s Singularitez as
“singu lierement farci de mensonges” ‘singularly stufed
with lies’ (Histoire A6r; History xlvi). On Thevet’s oft-
challenged claims of eyewitness authority and ethno-
graphic knowledge, see Campbell 30–50 and Lestringant.
9. Scholars usually use the spelling of the irst edition,
Warhafige Historia, to refer to Staden’s work. We adopt
this spelling when using a short title to refer to the work,
regardless of edition.
10. Unless otherwise noted, English translations of
Staden’s text are from Whitehead and Harbsmeier’s edi-
tion (Hans Staden’s True History).
11. he errata are listed on the last page of the Marburg
edition. According to the modern editors of Staden’s text,
the illustration for chapter 2 is one of the ive woodcuts
that had been accidentally reversed (Hans Staden’s True
History 145n57). While in the Marburg edition Cap Ghir
(Morocco) mistakenly appears on the let of the ocean, in
Plantin’s edition it appears on the right. Dufy and Met-
calf argue that these errors “make clear the collaboration
between Staden, the artist, and the woodcutter” (113).
12. These editions are Warachtighe Historie ende
Be schriivinghe eens Lants in America gelegen wiens In­
woonders wilt naect . . . (Antwerp: Ian Roelnads, 1563)
and Beschrijvinghe van America wiens Inwoonders wilt
naechkt . . . (Amsterdam: Broer Iansz, 1627).
13. De Bry’s publishing house in Frankfurt am Main,
established in the late 1580s, “was to become one of the
396 The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth- Century Travel Narratives
most important in Europe, known above all for its lav-
ishly illustrated travel accounts” (Gaudio xii).
14. he attention that Dufy and Metcalf, as well as
Whitehead, recently paid to the Marburg illustrations
has helped remedy the woodcuts’ “underappreciat[ion]”
(Whitehead and Harbsmeier xv).
15. Joseph Sabin’s Bibliotheca Americana lists four is-
sues of Staden’s text in 1557: two published by Andreas
Kolbe, in Marburg, and two by Weigand Han, in Frank-
furt (Sabin, Eames, and Vail 114–16).
16. For the history of the Gülfferich-Han publish-
ing house, see Schmidt, esp. 27–44. Hermann Gülffe-
rich founded the irm in 1542, having recently settled in
Frankfurt, where he married Margarethe Han, the widow
of the bookbinder Georg Han. Ater Gülferich died in
1554, his stepson, Weigand Han, led the firm until he
died in 1562, at which point Margarethe took over until
her death in 1568. Several printers (such as Georg Rab,
Sigmund Feyerabend, and homas Rebart) became in-
volved with the irm, but eventually it was Weigand Han’s
heirs—including his wife, Katharina, and their sons,
Kilian and Hartmann—who ran it from 1570 to 1580.
17. Rubiés identiies “at least ive editions in Italian,
one in Latin, three in German, and two in Castilian be-
tween only 1510 and 1523” (Travel 126).
18. his recycling is not inconsistent with other pub-
lished work by Staden’s editor, Dryander. Dufy and Met-
calf point out that some of the illustrations in Dryander’s
anatomical works appear to have been copied from An-
dreas Vesalius (87).
19. On the unique nature of Staden’s involvement in
the Marburg illustrations, see also Neuber, who places
Staden’s text “among the state- of-the-art exemplars of
contemporary scientiic thought” (“Travel Reports” 741).
20. For similar considerations of this question, see Ei-
senstein 65; Leitch, Mapping 166 and Cormack and Maz-
zio 17–18.
21. Dufy and Metcalf also make this point in their
discussion of Breu’s illustrations for Varthema’s narra-
tive: “In the European imagination, and by the hand of
the artist, the Tupinambá were becoming interchange-
able with Muslims” (108).
22. Voigt examines how the Frankfurt edition’s title
page reveals a multidirectional relationship of inluence
among European images of exotic “others” (49–50).
23. Leitch points out that “Breu has borrowed the
butcher block and the smokehouse from the Vespucci
edition, as well as the stafage” (Mapping 140).
24. Rubiés finds German travel accounts and col-
lections to be particularly concerned with audience
expectations: “it was clear to the Frankfurt publishers
and engravers that they wanted to sell books proitably.
If anything, both images and words were adapted to the
taste of the public” (“New Worlds” 174).
[ PM L A
25. On the expectation that illustrations guide the
reading of texts, see Hirsch 121 and Orgel 60.
26. he descriptions of these images in the John Carter
Brown Library’s database Archive of Early American Im-
ages conirm the appropriateness of these illustrations to
Staden’s text. his one, for example, is described as “Eu-
ropeans meet native American in front of a settlement”—
however, the igure presumed to be a Native American
originally represented the European traveler Varthema
(“[Wie sie mit mir wolten wider zurück fahren . . .]”).
27. Indeed, Archive of Early American Images con-
irms this reading of the illustration: the “[t]ext discusses
how two Brazilians had given Staden to a friend to kill
and eat” (“[Wie meine beyden Herrn . . .]”). On the ritual
dimensions of this passage, see Villas-Bôas.
28. Duffy and Metcalf compare the Marburg title-
page illustration to contemporaneous depictions of can-
nibalism (114–16).
29. On Staden’s self-presentation as a martyred saint,
see TenHuisen, who points out how the Marburg edition’s
illustrations distinguish Staden from his captors through
his beard and his position in relation to others, usually
separated or of to the side—just as the bearded man ap-
pears on the Frankfurt edition’s title page: “he woodcuts
portray this by showing Staden with his beard in the pos-
ture of a teacher or prophet . . . oten with a bush or cloud
reminiscent of a halo above his head” (248–49).
30. his recalls Leitch’s reading of Breu’s images for
Varthema’s narrative: “Breu adjusts recycled content into
compositions that establish Varthema’s sight lines, his
eye taking in parts of cities, segments of harbors, and
views of people. Breu illustrates moments of lived expe-
rience by positing a viewer with a circumscribed ield of
vision” (Mapping 109).
31. While at one point hevet muses, “Qu’elle doive
être appelée Inde, je n’y vois pas grande raison” ‘Why it
shold be named India I know not’ (122; 35v), he later rea-
sons, “Et voilà comme ce pays a pris le nom d’Inde à la
si mi litude de celui qui est en Asie, pour être conformes
les moeurs, férocité et barbarie” ‘By this meanes hath
America obtained the name of India to the likenesse of
that which is in Asia, for . . . they agree in maners, beastly
brutishnesse, & other things’ (249; 106r).
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