Bangladesh

Liberation War

The Bangladesh Liberation War[note 2] (Bengali: মুক্তিযুদ্ধ, pronounced [mukt̪iɟud̪d̪ʱo]), also known

as the Bangladesh War of Independence, or simply the Liberation War in Bangladesh, was a
revolution and armed conflict sparked by the rise of the Bengali nationalist and self-
determination movement in erstwhile East Pakistan which resulted in the independence of
Bangladesh. The war began when the Pakistani military junta based in West Pakistan under the
orders of Yahya Khan launched Operation Searchlight against the people of East Pakistan on the
night of 25 March 1971, initiating the Bangladesh genocide. It pursued the systematic
annihilation of nationalist Bengali civilians, students, intelligentsia, religious minorities and
armed personnel. The junta annulled the results of the 1970 elections and arrested Prime
minister-designate Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The war ended on 16 December 1971 when the
military forces of West Pakistan that were in Bangladesh surrendered in what remains to date
the largest surrender of soldiers since the Second World War.[17]
 Bangladesh Liberation War

মুক্তিযুদ্ধ

(Muktijuddho)

Part of the Indo-Pakistani conflicts and the Cold War

Clockwise from top left: Martyred Intellectuals Memorial; Bangladesh Forces howitzer; Lt. Gen. Amir
Niazi signs the Pakistani Instrument of Surrender to Indian and Bangladeshi forces in the presence of
Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh;[1] the PNS Ghazi.
 Date 26 March – 16 December 1971

(8 months, 2 weeks and 6 days)

Location Predominantly:

East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh)

Spillover:

Eastern Front:

India–East Pakistan border

India–East Pakistan enclaves

parts of East and Northeast India

Western Front:

India–West Pakistan border

Line of Control (Kashmir)

Zero Point

Indian Ocean:

Bay of Bengal (Eastern Front)

Belligerents
Arabian Sea (Western Front)

Provisional Government
Result of Bangladesh
Indian–Bangladeshi victory[2][3][4] Pakistan

(Govt. of East Pakistan)

Mukti Bahini
Surrender of Pakistani forces
(26 March – 16 December 1971) Pakistan Armed Forces
Territorial
East Pakistan secedes from Pakistan as the People's Republic of Bangladesh
 India
changes Paramilitary Forces / Militias:

Indian Armed Forces

Jamaat-e-Islami
(3–16 December 1971)
Nagorik Shanti Committee

Razakars

Al-Badr

Al-Shams

Commanders and leaders

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Yahya Khan

(President of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh)

(President of Pakistan)

Tajuddin Ahmad
Nurul Amin

(Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of (Prime Minister of Pakistan)

Bangladesh)
Abdul Motaleb Malik

Gen M. A. G. Osmani
(Governor of East Pakistan)

(Cdr-in-C, Bangladesh Forces)

Gen. A. H. Khan

Maj. K. M. Shafiullah
(Chief of Staff, Army GHQ)

(Commander, S Force)
Lt. Gen. A. A. K. Niazi 

Maj. Ziaur Rahman

(Commander, Eastern Command)

(Commander, Z Force)
Maj. Gen. Rao Farman Ali 

Maj. Khaled Mosharraf

(Mil. Adv., Govt. of East Pakistan)

(Commander, K Force)
Maj. Gen. Khadim Hussain 

Gp Capt. A. K. Khandker
(GOC, 14th Infantry Div.)

(Second-in-Command, Bangladesh Forces) Rr. Adm. Mohammad Shariff 

(FOC, Eastern Naval Command)

V. V. Giri

Capt. Ahmad Zamir 

(President of India)

(CO, Pakistan Marine Corps, East)

Indira Gandhi

Cdr. Zafar Muhammad  †

(Prime Minister of India)

(CO, PNS Ghazi)

Gen Sam Manekshaw

Air Cdre. Inamul Haque 

(Chief of Army Staff)

(AOC, Eastern Air Command)

Lt Gen J. S. Arora

Air Cdre. Zafar Masud

(GOC-in-C, Eastern Command)

(AOC, Eastern Air Cmnd. (1969–71))

Lt Gen Sagat Singh

(GOC-in-C, IV Corps)

Syed Khwaja Khairuddin

Maj Gen Inderjit Singh Gill

(Chair, Nagorik Shanti Committee)

(Dir., Military Operations)

Ghulam Azam

Maj Gen Om Malhotra

(Emir of Jamaat-e-Islami)

(COS, IV Corps)

Motiur Rahman Nizami

Maj.Gen J. F. R. Jacob

(Leader, Al-Badr)

(COS, Eastern Command)

Maj. Gen. Mohd. Jamshed

Maj.Gen Shabeg Singh

(Commander, Razakar)

(Cdr Training of MB)

Fazlul Qadir Chaudhry

V.Adm Nilakanta Krishnan

(Leader, Al-Shams)
(FOC-in-C, Eastern Naval Command)

AM Hari Chand Dewan

(AOC-in-C, Eastern Air Command)

Strength

175,000[5][6]
~91,000 regular troops[note 1]

250,000[5] 280,000 Paramilitary forces[note 1]

~25,000 militiamen[8]
 Casualties and losses

~30,000 killed[9][10]
~8,000 killed

1,426–1,525 killed[11]
~10,000 wounded

3,611–4,061 wounded[11] 90,000—93,000 captured[12] (including 79,676

troops and 10,324—12,192 local
militiamen)[11][13][14]

Civilian deaths:[10] Estimates range between 300,000 and 3,000,000.

Rural and urban areas across East Pakistan saw extensive military operations and air strikes to
suppress the tide of civil disobedience that formed following the 1970 election stalemate. The
Pakistan Army, which had the backing of Islamists, created radical religious militias—the
Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams—to assist it during raids on the local populace.[18][19][20][21][22]
Urdu-speaking Biharis in Bangladesh (an ethnic minority) were also in support of Pakistani
military. Members of the Pakistani military and supporting militias engaged in mass murder,
deportation and genocidal rape. The capital Dhaka was the scene of numerous massacres,
including Operation Searchlight and the Dhaka University massacre. An estimated 10 million
Bengali refugees fled to neighbouring India, while 30 million were internally displaced.[23]
Sectarian violence broke out between Bengalis and Urdu-speaking immigrants. An academic
consensus prevails that the atrocities committed by the Pakistani military were a genocide.

The Bangladeshi Declaration of Independence was broadcast from Chittagong by members of

the Mukti Bahini—the national liberation army formed by Bengali military, paramilitary and
civilians. The East Bengal Regiment and the East Pakistan Rifles played a crucial role in the
resistance. Led by General M. A. G. Osmani and eleven sector commanders, the Bangladesh
Forces waged a mass guerrilla war against the Pakistani military. They liberated numerous
towns and cities in the initial months of the conflict. The Pakistan Army regained momentum in
the monsoon. Bengali guerrillas carried out widespread sabotage, including Operation Jackpot
against the Pakistan Navy. The nascent Bangladesh Air Force flew sorties against Pakistani
military bases. By November, the Bangladesh forces restricted the Pakistani military to its
barracks during the night. They secured control of most parts of the countryside.[24]

The Provisional Government of Bangladesh was formed on 17 April 1971 in Mujibnagar and
moved to Calcutta as a government in exile. Bengali members of the Pakistani civil, military and
diplomatic corps defected to the Bangladeshi provisional government. Thousands of Bengali
families were interned in West Pakistan, from where many escaped to Afghanistan. Bengali
cultural activists operated the clandestine Free Bengal Radio Station. The plight of millions of
war-ravaged Bengali civilians caused worldwide outrage and alarm. India, which was led by
Indira Gandhi, provided substantial diplomatic, economic and military support to Bangladeshi
nationalists. British, Indian and American musicians organised the world's first benefit concert in
New York City to support the Bangladeshi people. Senator Ted Kennedy in the United States led
a congressional campaign for an end to Pakistani military persecution; while U.S. diplomats in
East Pakistan strongly dissented with the Nixon administration's close ties to the Pakistani
military dictator Yahya Khan.

India joined the war on 3 December 1971, after Pakistan launched preemptive air strikes on
North India. The subsequent Indo-Pakistani War witnessed engagements on two war fronts.
With air supremacy achieved in the eastern theatre and the rapid advance of the Allied Forces of
Mukti Bahini and Indian military, Pakistan surrendered in Dacca on 16 December 1971.

The war changed the geopolitical landscape of South Asia, with the emergence of Bangladesh
as the seventh-most populous country in the world. Due to complex regional alliances, the war
was a major episode in Cold War tensions involving the United States, the Soviet Union and the
People's Republic of China. The majority of member states in the United Nations recognised
Bangladesh as a sovereign nation in 1972.

Background

A map of the British Raj in 1909 showing Muslim majority areas in green, including modern-day Bangladesh in the east
and Pakistan in the west.
Prior to the Partition of British India, the Lahore Resolution initially envisaged separate Muslim-
majority states in the eastern and northwestern zones of British India. A proposal for an
independent United Bengal was mooted by Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy in 1946,
but was opposed by the colonial authorities. The East Pakistan Renaissance Society advocated
the creation of a sovereign state in eastern British India.[25]

Political negotiations led, in August 1947, to the official birth of two states, Pakistan and India,[26]
giving presumably permanent homes for Muslims and Hindus respectively following the
departure of the British. The Dominion of Pakistan comprised two geographically and culturally
separate areas to the east and the west with India in between.[25]

The western zone was popularly (and for a period, also officially) termed West Pakistan and the
eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East Pakistan.
Although the population of the two zones was close to equal, political power was concentrated
in West Pakistan and it was widely perceived that East Pakistan was being exploited
economically, leading to many grievances. Administration of two discontinuous territories was
also seen as a challenge.[27]

On 25 March 1971, after an election won by an East Pakistani political party (the Awami League)
was ignored by the ruling (West Pakistani) establishment, rising political discontent and cultural
nationalism in East Pakistan was met by brutal[28] and suppressive force from the ruling elite of
the West Pakistan establishment, in what came to be termed as Operation Searchlight.[29] The
violent crackdown by the Pakistan Army[30] led to Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
declaring East Pakistan's independence as the state of Bangladesh on 26 March 1971.[31] Most
Bengalis supported this move although Islamists and Biharis opposed this and sided with the
Pakistan Army instead.[32]

Pakistani President Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan ordered the Pakistani military to restore the
Pakistani government's authority, beginning the civil war.[31] The war led to a substantial number
of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10 million)[33][34] flooding into the eastern
provinces of India.[35] Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started
actively aiding and organising the Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.

Language controversy

In 1948, Governor-General Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared that "Urdu, and only Urdu" would be
the federal language of Pakistan.[36][37] However, Urdu was historically prevalent only in the
north, central, and western region of the subcontinent; whereas in East Bengal, the native
language was Bengali, one of the two most easterly branches of the Indo-European
languages.[38] The Bengali-speaking people of Pakistan constituted over 56% of the country's
population.[39][40]

The government stand was widely viewed as an attempt to suppress the culture of the eastern
wing. The people of East Bengal demanded that their language be given federal status alongside
Urdu and English. The Language Movement began in 1948, as civil society protested the removal
of the Bengali script from currency and stamps, which were in place since the British Raj.[41]

The movement reached its climax in 1952, when on 21 February, the police fired on protesting
students and civilians, causing several deaths. The day is revered in Bangladesh as the
Language Movement Day. Later, in memory of the deaths in 1952, UNESCO declared 21 February
as International Mother Language Day in November 1999.[41]

Disparities

Although East Pakistan had a larger population, West Pakistan dominated the divided country
politically and received more money from the common budget.

Spending on West Spending on East

Amount spent on East as
Year Pakistan (in millions of Pakistan (in millions of
percentage of West
Pakistani rupees) Pakistani rupees)

1950–55 11,290 5,240 46.4

1955–60 16,550 5,240 31.7

1960–65 33,550 14,040 41.8

1965–70 51,950 21,410 41.2

Total 113,340 45,930 40.5

Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970–75, Vol. I,

published by the planning commission of Pakistan.

East Pakistan was already economically disadvantaged at the time of Pakistan's creation yet this
economic disparity only increased under Pakistani rule. Factors included not only the deliberate
state discrimination in developmental policies but also the fact that the presence of the
country's capital and more immigrant businessmen in the Western wing directed greater
government allocations there. Due to low numbers of native businessmen in East Pakistan,
substantial labour unrest and a tense political environment, there were also much lower foreign
investments in the eastern wing. The Pakistani state's economic outlook was geared towards
urban industry, which was not compatible with East Pakistan's mainly agrarian economy.[42]

Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan military. Officers of Bengali origin in the
different wings of the armed forces made up just 5% of overall force by 1965; of these, only a
few were in command positions, with the majority in technical or administrative posts.[43] West
Pakistanis believed that Bengalis were not "martially inclined" unlike Pashtuns and Punjabis; the
"martial races" notion was dismissed as ridiculous and humiliating by Bengalis.[43]

Moreover, despite huge defence spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as
contracts, purchasing and military support jobs. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 over Kashmir
also highlighted the sense of military insecurity among Bengalis, as only an under-strength
infantry division and 15 combat aircraft without tank support were in East Pakistan to thwart any
Indian retaliations during the conflict.[44][45]

Ideological and cultural differences

Language movement memorial

In 1947 the Bengali Muslims had identified themselves with Pakistan's Islamic project but by the
1970s the people of East Pakistan had given priority to their Bengali ethnicity over their religious
identity, desiring a society in accordance with Western principles such as secularism, democracy
and socialism.[46] Many Bengali Muslims strongly objected to the Islamist paradigm imposed by
the Pakistani state.[47]
Most members of West Pakistan's ruling elite shared a vision of a liberal society, but
nevertheless viewed a common faith as an essential mobilising factor behind Pakistan's
creation and the subsuming of Pakistan's multiple regional identities into one national
identity.[47] West Pakistanis were substantially more supportive than East Pakistanis of an
Islamic state, a tendency that persisted after 1971.[48]

Cultural and linguistic differences between the two wings gradually outweighed any sense of
religious unity. The Bengalis took great pride in their culture and language which, with its Bengali
script and vocabulary, was unacceptable to the West Pakistani elite, who believed that it had
assimilated considerable Hindu cultural influences.[46][49] West Pakistanis, in an attempt to
"Islamise" the East, wanted the Bengalis to adopt Urdu.[46] The activities of the language
movement nurtured a sentiment among Bengalis in favour of discarding Pakistan's
communalism in favour of secular politics.[50] The Awami League began propagating its secular
message through its newspaper to the Bengali readership.[51]

The Awami League's emphasis on secularism differentiated it from the Muslim League.[52] In
1971, the Bangladeshi liberation struggle against Pakistan was led by secular leaders[53] and
secularists hailed the Bangladeshi victory as the triumph of secular Bengali nationalism over
religion-centred Pakistani nationalism.[54] While Pakistan's government strives for an Islamic
state, Bangladesh was established secular.[48] After the liberation victory, the Awami League
attempted to build a secular order[55] and the pro-Pakistan Islamist parties were barred from
political participation.[56] The majority of East Pakistani ulama had either remained neutral or
supported the Pakistani state, since they felt that the break-up of Pakistan would be detrimental
for Islam.[57]

Political differences
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the leader of East Pakistan, and later Bangladesh

Although East Pakistan accounted for a slight majority of the country's population,[58] political
power remained in the hands of West Pakistanis. Since a straightforward system of
representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan,
the West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West
Pakistan was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wing's votes.

After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan's first prime minister, in 1951, political
power began to devolve to the new President of Pakistan, which replaced the office of Governor
General when Pakistan became a republic, and, eventually, the military. The nominal elected
chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through
the President.

The East Pakistanis observed that the West Pakistani establishment would swiftly depose any
East Pakistanis elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Mohammad
Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. Their suspicions were further aggravated by the
military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October 1958 – 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25
March 1969 – 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis. The situation reached a climax in
1970, when the Bangladesh Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of
the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National
Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a former Foreign Minister), the leader of the Pakistan People's Party, refused
to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan.[59]
Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal
elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the
"One Unit scheme". Bhutto also refused to accept Rahman's Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the
two leaders of the two wings along with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dacca to
decide the fate of the country.[59]

After their discussions yielded no satisfactory results, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a
nationwide strike. Bhutto feared a civil war, therefore, he sent his trusted companion, Mubashir
Hassan.[59] A message was conveyed, and Rahman decided to meet Bhutto.[59] Upon his arrival,
Rahman met with Bhutto and both agreed to form a coalition government with Rahman as
premier and Bhutto as president;[59] however, Sheikh Mujib later ruled out such possibility.[60]
Meanwhile, the military was unaware of these developments, and Bhutto increased his pressure
on Rahman to reach a decision.[59]

On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (soon to be the prime minister) delivered a speech at
the Racecourse Ground (now called the Suhrawardy Udyan). In this speech he mentioned a
further four-point condition to consider at the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March:

The immediate lifting of martial law.

Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks.

An inquiry into the loss of life.

Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of the people before the assembly
meeting 25 March.

He urged his people to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying,
"Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is
considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for its independence. General Tikka
Khan was flown into Dacca to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges, including
Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in.

Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes
to urgently fly "government passengers" to Dacca. These "government passengers" were almost
all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistan Navy carrying ammunition
and soldiers, was harboured in Chittagong Port, but the Bengali workers and sailors at the port
refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands to fire on
the Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny among the Bengali soldiers.
Response to the 1970 cyclone

The 1970 Bhola cyclone made landfall on the East Pakistan coastline during the evening of 12
November, around the same time as a local high tide,[61] killing an estimated 300,000 people. A
2017 World Meteorological Organization panel considers it the deadliest tropical cyclone since
at least 1873.[62] A week after the landfall, President Khan conceded that his government had
made "slips" and "mistakes" in its handling of the relief efforts due to a lack of understanding of
the magnitude of the disaster.[63]

A statement released by eleven political leaders in East Pakistan ten days after the cyclone hit
charged the government with "gross neglect, callous and utter indifference". They also accused
the president of playing down the magnitude of the problem in news coverage.[64] On 19
November, students held a march in Dacca protesting the slowness of the government's
response.[65] Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani addressed a rally of 50,000 people on 24 November,
where he accused the president of inefficiency and demanded his resignation.

As the conflict between East and West Pakistan developed in March, the Dacca offices of the
two government organisations directly involved in relief efforts were closed for at least two
weeks, first by a general strike and then by a ban on government work in East Pakistan by the
Awami League. With this increase in tension, foreign personnel were evacuated over fears of
violence. Relief work continued in the field, but long-term planning was curtailed.[66] This conflict
widened into the Bangladesh Liberation War in December and concluded with the creation of
Bangladesh. This was one of the first times that a natural event helped trigger a civil war.[67]

Operation Searchlight
The location of Bengali and Pakistani military units during Operation Searchlight, March 1971

A planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army—codenamed Operation

Searchlight—started on 25 March 1971 to curb the Bengali independence movement[29] by taking
control of the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or
military,[68] within one month. The Pakistani state used anti-Bihari violence by Bengalis in early
March to justify launching Operation Searchlight.[69]

Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from
East Pakistan.[70]

The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali
hands in mid-May. The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh genocide. These systematic
killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East
Pakistan later in the same year. Bangladeshi media and reference books in English have
published casualty figures which vary greatly, from 5,000 to 35,000 in Dacca, and 200,000 to
3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole,[71] although independent researchers, including the British
Medical Journal, have put forward the figure ranging from between 125,000 and 505,000.[72]
American political scientist Rudolph Rummel puts total deaths at 1.5 million.[73] The atrocities
have been referred to as acts of genocide.[74]

According to the Asia Times,[75]

 At a meeting of the military top brass, Yahya Khan declared: "Kill 3
million of them and the rest will eat out of our hands." Accordingly, on
the night of 25 March, the Pakistani Army launched Operation
Searchlight to "crush" Bengali resistance in which Bengali members of
military services were disarmed and killed, students and the
intelligentsia systematically liquidated and able-bodied Bengali males
just picked up and gunned down.

Although the violence focused on the provincial capital, Dacca, it also affected all parts of East
Pakistan. Residential halls of the University of Dacca were particularly targeted. The only Hindu
residential hall—Jagannath Hall—was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an
estimated 600 to 700 of its residents were murdered. The Pakistani army denied any cold
blooded killings at the university, though the Hamoodur Rahman Commission in Pakistan
concluded that overwhelming force was used at the university. This fact, and the massacre at
Jagannath Hall and nearby student dormitories of Dacca University, are corroborated by a
videotape secretly filmed by Professor Nurul Ula of the East Pakistan University of Engineering
and Technology, whose residence was directly opposite the student dormitories.[76]

The scale of the atrocities was first made clear in the West when Anthony Mascarenhas, a
Pakistani journalist who had been sent to the province by the military authorities to write a story
favourable to Pakistan's actions, instead fled to the United Kingdom and, on 13 June 1971,
published an article in The Sunday Times describing the systematic killings by the military. The
BBC wrote: "There is little doubt that Mascarenhas' reportage played its part in ending the war. It
helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and encouraged India to play a decisive role", with
Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi herself stating that Mascarenhas' article has led her "to
prepare the ground for India's armed intervention".[77]

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by the Pakistani Army. Yahya Khan appointed Brigadier
(later General) Rahimuddin Khan to preside over a special tribunal prosecuting Rahman with
multiple charges. The tribunal's sentence was never made public, but Yahya caused the verdict
to be held in abeyance in any case. Other Awami League leaders were arrested as well, while a
few fled Dacca to avoid arrest. The Awami League was banned by General Yahya Khan.[78]

Declaration of independence
The violence unleashed by the Pakistani forces on 25 March 1971 proved the last straw to the
efforts to negotiate a settlement. Following these incidents, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed an
official declaration that read:

Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On

Thursday night, West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the
police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in
Dacca. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and
other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between E.P.R. and Police
on the one hand and the armed forces of Pakistan on the other, are
going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an
independent Bangladesh. May Allah aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy
Bangla [May Bangladesh be victorious].

Sheikh Mujib also called upon the people to resist the occupation forces through a radio
message. Rahman was arrested on the night of 25–26 March 1971 at about 1:30 am (as per
Radio Pakistan's news on 29 March 1971).

An iconic poster by Quamrul Hassan on General Yahya Khan, representing the Pakistani military junta as demons.[79]

A telegram containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration reached some students
in Chittagong. The message was translated to Bengali by Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed
to secure permission from higher authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby
Agrabad Station of Pakistan Broadcasting Corporation. However, the message was read several
times by the independent Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendro Radio established by some rebel Bangali
Radio workers in Kalurghat. Major Ziaur Rahman was requested to provide security of the station
and he also read the Declaration on 27 March 1971.[80] Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast
announcement of the declaration of independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

This is Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the

direction of Bangobondhu Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that
Independent People's Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At
his direction, I have taken the command as the temporary Head of the
Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call upon all
Bengalees to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We
shall fight to the last to free our motherland. Victory is, by the Grace of
Allah, ours. Joy Bangla.[81]

The Kalurghat Radio Station's transmission capability was limited, but the message was picked
up by a Japanese ship in the Bay of Bengal. It was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia[82] and
later by the BBC.

M. A. Hannan, an Awami League leader from Chittagong, is said to have made the first
announcement of the declaration of independence over the radio on 26 March 1971.[83]

26 March 1971 is considered the official Independence Day of Bangladesh, and the name
Bangladesh was in effect henceforth. In July 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi openly
referred to the former East Pakistan as Bangladesh.[84] Some Pakistani and Indian officials
continued to use the name "East Pakistan" until 16 December 1971.

Liberation war

March–June

At first, resistance was spontaneous and disorganised, and was not expected to be
prolonged.[85] However, when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, resistance
grew. The Mukti Bahini became increasingly active. The Pakistani military sought to quell them,
but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiers defected to this underground "Bangladesh army".
These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry with
supplies from India. Pakistan responded by airlifting in two infantry divisions and reorganising
their forces. They also raised paramilitary forces of Razakars, Al-Badrs and Al-Shams (who were
mostly members of the Muslim League and other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis
who opposed independence, and Bihari Muslims who had settled during the time of partition.

On 17 April 1971, a provisional government was formed in Meherpur District in western

Bangladesh bordering India with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was in prison in Pakistan, as
president, Syed Nazrul Islam as acting president, Tajuddin Ahmad as prime minister, and General
Muhammad Ataul Ghani Osmani as Commander-in-Chief, Bangladesh Forces. As fighting grew
between the occupation army and the Bengali Mukti Bahini, an estimated 10 million Bengalis
sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal.

June–September

The eleven sectors during the Bangladesh Liberation War

An advertisement for former Beatle George Harrison's "Bangla Desh" single, released in July 1971 to raise international
awareness and funds for the millions of Bangladeshi refugees.

Bangladesh forces command was set up on 11 July, with Col. M. A. G. Osmani as commander-
in-chief (C-in-C) with the status of Cabinet Minister, Lt. Col., Abdur Rabb as chief of Staff (COS),
Group Captain A K Khandker as Deputy Chief of Staff (DCOS) and Major A R Chowdhury as
Assistant Chief of Staff (ACOS).

General Osmani had differences of opinion with the Indian leadership regarding the role of the
Mukti Bahini in the conflict. Indian leadership initially envisioned a well trained force of 8,000
guerrillas, operating in small cells around Bangladesh to facilitate eventual conventional
combat.[86] With the Bangladesh government in exile, General Osmani favoured a different
strategy:[87][88]

Bengali conventional forces would occupy lodgments inside Bangladesh and then the
Bangladesh government would request international diplomatic recognition and intervention.
Initially Mymensingh was picked for this operation, but Gen. Osmani later settled on Sylhet.

Sending the maximum number of guerrillas into Bangladesh as soon as possible with the
following objectives:[89][90]
Increasing Pakistani casualties through raids and ambush.

Cripple economic activity by hitting power stations, railway lines, storage depots and
communication networks.
 Destroy Pakistan army mobility by blowing up bridges/culverts, fuel depots, trains and
river crafts.

The strategic objective was to make the Pakistanis spread their forces inside the
province, so attacks could be made on isolated Pakistani detachments.

Bangladesh was divided into eleven sectors in July,[91] each with a commander chosen from
defected officers of the Pakistani army who joined the Mukti Bahini to lead guerrilla operations.
The Mukti Bahini forces were given two to five weeks of training by the Indian army on guerilla
warfare.[92] Most of their training camps were situated near the border area and were operated
with assistance from India. The 10th Sector was directly placed under the Commander in Chief
(C-in-C) General M. A. G. Osmani and included the Naval Commandos and C-in-C's special
force.[93] Three brigades (11 Battalions) were raised for conventional warfare; a large guerrilla
force (estimated at 100,000) was trained.[94]

Five infantry battalions were reformed and positioned along the northern and eastern borders of
Bangladesh. Three more battalions were raised, and artillery batteries were formed.[95] During
June and July, Mukti Bahini had regrouped across the border with Indian aid through Operation
Jackpot and began sending 2000–5000 guerrillas across the border,[96] the so-called Monsoon
Offensive, which for various reasons (lack of proper training, supply shortage, lack of a proper
support network inside Bangladesh) failed to achieve its objectives.[97][98][99] Bengali regular
forces also attacked BOPs in Mymensingh, Comilla and Sylhet, but the results were mixed.
Pakistani authorities concluded that they had successfully contained the Monsoon Offensive,
which proved a near-accurate observation.[100][101]

Guerrilla operations, which slackened during the training phase, picked up after August.
Economic and military targets in Dacca were attacked. The major success story was Operation
Jackpot, in which naval commandos mined and blew up berthed ships in Chittagong, Mongla,
Narayanganj and Chandpur on 15 August 1971.[102][103]

October–December
Major battles

Battle of Boyra

Battle of Garibpur

Battle of Dhalai

Battle of Hilli

Battle of Kushtia

Bangladeshi conventional forces attacked border outposts. Kamalpur, Belonia and the Battle of
Boyra are a few examples. 90 out of 370 BOPs fell to Bengali forces. Guerrilla attacks intensified,
as did Pakistani and Razakar reprisals on civilian populations. Pakistani forces were reinforced
by eight battalions from West Pakistan. The Bangladeshi independence fighters even managed
to temporarily capture airstrips at Lalmonirhat and Shalutikar.[5] Both of these were used for
flying in supplies and arms from India. Pakistan sent another five battalions from West Pakistan
as reinforcements.

Indian involvement

Illustration showing military units and troop movements during the war
 All unprejudiced persons objectively surveying the grim events in
Bangladesh since March 25 have recognised the revolt of 75 million
people, a people who were forced to the conclusion that neither their
life, nor their liberty, to say nothing of the possibility of the pursuit of
happiness, was available to them.

— Indira Gandhi, Letter to Richard Nixon, 15 December 1971

Indira Gandhi

Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had concluded that instead of taking in millions of refugees,
India would be economically better off going to war against Pakistan.[104] As early as 28 April
1971, the Indian Cabinet had asked General Manekshaw (Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff
Committee) to "Go into East Pakistan".[105] Hostile relations in the past between India and
Pakistan added to India's decision to intervene in Pakistan's civil war.[104]

As a result, the Indian government decided to support the creation of a separate state for ethnic
Bengalis by supporting the Mukti Bahini. RAW helped to organise, train and arm these
insurgents. Consequently, the Mukti Bahini succeeded in harassing Pakistani military in East
Pakistan, thus creating conditions conducive for a full-scale Indian military intervention in early
December.[104]
The Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched a pre-emptive strike on Indian Air Force bases on 3
December 1971. The attack was modelled on the Israeli Air Force's Operation Focus during the
Six-Day War, and intended to neutralise the Indian Air Force planes on the ground. The strike was
seen by India as an open act of unprovoked aggression, which marked the official start of the
Indo-Pakistani War. As a response to the attack, both India and Pakistan formally acknowledged
the "existence of a state of war between the two countries" even though neither government had
formally issued a declaration of war.[106]

Allied Indian T-55 tanks on their way to Dacca

Three Indian corps were involved in the liberation of East Pakistan. They were supported by
nearly three brigades of Mukti Bahini fighting alongside them, and many more who were fighting
irregularly. That was far superior to the Pakistani army of three divisions.[107] The Indians quickly
overran the country, selectively engaging or bypassing heavily defended strongholds. Pakistani
forces were unable to effectively counter the Indian attack, as they had been deployed in small
units around the border to counter the guerrilla attacks by the Mukti Bahini.[108] Unable to defend
Dacca, the Pakistanis surrendered on 16 December 1971.

Air and naval war

The Indian Air Force carried out several sorties against Pakistan, and within a week, IAF aircraft
dominated the skies of East Pakistan. It achieved near-total air supremacy by the end of the first
week, as the entire Pakistani air contingent in the east, PAF No.14 Squadron, was grounded
because of Indian and Bangladesh airstrikes at Tejgaon, Kurmitolla, Lalmonirhat and Shamsher
Nagar. Sea Hawks from the carrier INS Vikrant also struck Chittagong, Barisal and Cox's Bazar,
destroying the eastern wing of the Pakistan Navy and effectively blockading the East Pakistan
ports, thereby cutting off any escape routes for the stranded Pakistani soldiers. The nascent
Bangladesh Navy (comprising officers and sailors who defected from the Pakistani Navy) aided
the Indians in the marine warfare, carrying out attacks, most notably Operation Jackpot.[109]

Surrender and aftermath

Pakistani Instrument of Surrender

Signing of Pakistani Instrument of Surrender by Pakistan's Lt.Gen. A. A. K. Niazi and Jagjit Singh Aurora on behalf of Indian
and Bangladesh Forces in Dhaka on 16 Dec' 1971
On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, Chief Martial Law Administrator of
East Pakistan and Commander of Pakistan Army forces located in East Pakistan signed the
Instrument of Surrender. At the time of surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic
recognition to the new nation. Over 93,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian forces and
Bangladesh Liberation forces, making it the largest surrender since World War II.[12][110]

Bangladesh sought admission to the UN with most voting in its favour. China vetoed this as
Pakistan was its key ally.[111] The United States, also a key ally of Pakistan, was one of the last
nations to accord Bangladesh recognition.[112] To ensure a smooth transition, in 1972 the Simla
Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan. The treaty ensured that Pakistan recognised
the independence of Bangladesh in exchange for the return of the Pakistani PoWs.[113]

India treated all the PoWs in strict accordance with the Geneva Convention, rule 1925.[113] It
released more than 93,000 Pakistani PoWs in five months.[12] Further, as a gesture of goodwill,
nearly 200 soldiers who were sought for war crimes by Bengalis were also pardoned by
India.[114] The accord also gave back 13,000 km2 (5,019 sq mi) of land that Indian troops had
seized in West Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas;[115] most
notably Kargil (which would in turn again be the focal point for a war between the two nations in
1999). This was done as a measure of promoting "lasting peace" and was acknowledged by
many observers as a sign of maturity by India. However, some in India[116] felt that the treaty had
been too lenient to Bhutto, who had pleaded for leniency, arguing that the fragile democracy in
Pakistan would crumble if the accord was perceived as being overly harsh by Pakistanis.

Reaction in West Pakistan to the war

Reaction to the defeat and dismemberment of half the nation was a shocking loss to top military
and civilians alike. Few had expected that they would lose the formal war in under a fortnight,
and there was also unsettlement over what was perceived as a meek surrender of the army in
East Pakistan. Yahya Khan's dictatorship collapsed and gave way to Bhutto, who took the
opportunity to rise to power.[117][118]

General Niazi, who surrendered along with 93,000 troops, was viewed with suspicion and
contempt upon his return to Pakistan. He was shunned and branded a traitor. The war also
exposed the shortcomings of Pakistan's declared strategic doctrine that the "defence of East
Pakistan lay in West Pakistan".[117][118]
Atrocities

Rayerbazar killing field photographed immediately after the war, showing dead bodies of intellectuals (image courtesy:
Rashid Talukder, 1971)

During the war there were widespread killings and other atrocities—including the displacement
of civilians in Bangladesh (East Pakistan at the time) and widespread violations of human rights
began with the start of Operation Searchlight on 25 March 1971. Members of the Pakistani
military and supporting paramilitary forces killed an estimated 300,000[77] to 3,000,000
people[119] and raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bangladeshi women in a systematic
campaign of genocidal rape.[120][121] Pakistan's religious leaders openly supported the crime by
labelling Bengali freedom fighters as "Hindus" and Bengali women as "the booty of war".[122] But
in reality, more than 80 percent of the Bengali people were Muslims at that time.[123]

A large section of the intellectual community of Bangladesh were murdered, mostly by the Al-
Shams and Al-Badr forces,[124] at the instruction of the Pakistani Army.[125] Just two days before
the surrender, on 14 December 1971, Pakistan Army and Razakar militia (local collaborators)
picked up at least 100 physicians, professors, writers and engineers in Dacca, and murdered
them, leaving the dead bodies in a mass grave.[126]
Memorial for freedom fighters

Many mass graves have been discovered in Bangladesh.[127] The first night of war on Bengalis,
which is documented in telegrams from the American Consulate in Dacca to the United States
State Department, saw indiscriminate killings of students of Dacca University and other
civilians.[128] Numerous women were tortured, raped and killed during the war; the exact
numbers are not known and are a subject of debate. The widespread rape of Bangladeshi
women led to birth of thousands of war babies.[129][130][131]

The Pakistan Army also kept numerous Bengali women as sex-slaves inside the Dacca
Cantonment. Most of the girls were captured from Dacca University and private homes.[132]
There was significant sectarian violence not only perpetrated and encouraged by the Pakistani
army,[133] but also by Bengali nationalists against non-Bengali minorities, especially Biharis.[134]
In June 1971, Bihari representatives stated that 500,000 Biharis were killed by Bengalis.[135] R. J.
Rummel gives a prudent estimate of 150,000 killed.[136]

On 16 December 2002, the George Washington University's National Security Archive published a
collection of declassified documents, consisting mostly of communications between US
embassy officials and United States Information Service centres in Dacca and India, and officials
in Washington, D.C.[128] These documents show that US officials working in diplomatic
institutions within Bangladesh used the terms "selective genocide"[137] and "genocide" (see The
Blood Telegram) for information on events they had knowledge of at the time. Genocide is the
term that is still used to describe the event in almost every major publication and newspaper in
Bangladesh,[138][139] although in Pakistan, the accusations against Pakistani forces continue to
be disputed.

International reactions
French minister André Malraux vowed to fight alongside the Mukti Bahini in the Liberation War.[140][141]

Following Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration of independence in March 1971, a worldwide

campaign was undertaken by the Provisional Government of Bangladesh to drum up political
support for the independence of East Pakistan as well as humanitarian support for the Bengali
people.

Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi provided extensive diplomatic and political support to the
Bangladesh movement. She toured many countries in a bid to create awareness of the Pakistani
atrocities against Bengalis. This effort was to prove vital later during the war, in framing the
world's context of the war and to justify military action by India.[142] Also, following Pakistan's
defeat, it ensured prompt recognition of the newly independent state of Bangladesh.

United Nations

Though the United Nations condemned the human rights violations during and following
Operation Searchlight, it failed to defuse the situation politically before the start of the war.

Following India's entry into the war, Pakistan, fearing certain defeat, made urgent appeals to the
United Nations to intervene and force India to agree to a ceasefire. The UN Security Council
assembled on 4 December 1971 to discuss the hostilities in South Asia. After lengthy
discussions on 7 December, the United States made a resolution for "immediate cease-fire and
withdrawal of troops". While supported by the majority, the USSR vetoed the resolution twice. In
light of the Pakistani atrocities against Bengalis, the United Kingdom and France abstained on
the resolution.[106][143]

On 12 December, with Pakistan facing imminent defeat, the United States requested that the
Security Council be reconvened. Pakistan's Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto, was rushed to New York City to make the case for a resolution on the cease fire. The
council continued deliberations for four days. By the time proposals were finalised, Pakistan's
forces in the East had surrendered and the war had ended, making the measures merely
academic. Bhutto, frustrated by the failure of the resolution and the inaction of the United
Nations, ripped up his speech and left the council.[143]

Most UN member nations were quick to recognise Bangladesh within months of its
independence.[142]

Bhutan

As the Bangladesh Liberation War approached the defeat of the Pakistan Army, the Himalayan
kingdom of Bhutan became the first state in the world to recognise the newly independent
country on 6 December 1971.[144] Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first President of Bangladesh
visited Bhutan to attend the coronation of Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the fourth King of Bhutan in
June 1974.

US and USSR
Senator Ted Kennedy led US congressional support for Bangladeshi independence

The US government stood by its old ally Pakistan in terms of diplomacy and military threats.[145]
US President Richard Nixon and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger feared Soviet
expansion into South and Southeast Asia. Pakistan was a close ally of the People's Republic of
China, with whom Nixon had been negotiating a rapprochement and which he intended to visit in
February 1972. Nixon feared that an Indian invasion of West Pakistan would mean total Soviet
domination of the region, and that it would seriously undermine the global position of the United
States and the regional position of America's new tacit ally, China.[146][147]

To demonstrate to China the bona fides of the United States as an ally, and in direct violation of
the US Congress-imposed sanctions on Pakistan, Nixon sent military supplies to Pakistan and
routed them through Jordan and Iran,[146] while also encouraging China to increase its arms
supplies to Pakistan. The Nixon administration also ignored reports it received of the genocidal
activities of the Pakistani Army in East Pakistan, most notably the Blood telegram.[147]

The Nixon administration was widely criticised for its close ties with the military junta led by General Yahya Khan.
American diplomats in East Pakistan expressed profound dissent in the Blood Telegram.
Nixon denied getting involved in the situation, saying that it was an internal matter of Pakistan,
but when Pakistan's defeat seemed certain, Nixon sent the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise to the
Bay of Bengal,[148] a move deemed by the Indians as a nuclear threat. Enterprise arrived on
station on 11 December 1971. On 6 and 13 December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of
ships, armed with nuclear missiles, from Vladivostok; they trailed US Task Force 74 in the Indian
Ocean from 18 December until 7 January 1972.[149][150][151]

The Soviet Union supported Bangladesh and Indian armies, as well as the Mukti Bahini during
the war, recognising that the independence of Bangladesh would weaken the position of its
rivals—the United States and the People's Republic of China. It gave assurances to India that if a
confrontation with the United States or China developed, the USSR would take countermeasures.
This was enshrined in the Indo-Soviet friendship treaty signed in August 1971. The Soviets also
sent a nuclear submarine to ward off the threat posed by USS Enterprise in the Indian Ocean.[152]

At the end of the war, the Warsaw Pact countries were among the first to recognise Bangladesh.
The Soviet Union accorded recognition to Bangladesh on 25 January 1972.[153] The United
States delayed recognition for some months, before according it on 8 April 1972.[154]

China

As a long-standing ally of Pakistan, the People's Republic of China reacted with alarm to the
evolving situation in East Pakistan and the prospect of India invading West Pakistan and
Pakistani-controlled Kashmir. On 10 December 1971, US President Nixon instructed Henry
Kissinger to ask the Chinese to move some forces toward the frontier with India. Nixon said,
"Threaten to move forces or move them, Henry, that's what they must do now." Kissinger met
with Huang Hua, China's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, later that
evening.[155][156][157]

The Chinese did not, however, respond to this encouragement, because unlike the 1962 Sino-
Indian War when India was caught entirely unaware, this time the Indian Army was prepared and
had deployed eight mountain divisions to the Sino-Indian border to guard against such an
eventuality.[106] China instead threw its weight behind demands for an immediate ceasefire.

When Bangladesh applied for membership to the United Nations in 1972, China vetoed their
application[158] because two United Nations resolutions regarding the repatriation of Pakistani
prisoners of war and civilians had not yet been implemented.[159] China was also among the last
countries to recognise independent Bangladesh, refusing to do so until 31 August 1975.[142][158]

Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka saw the partition of Pakistan as an example for themselves and feared India might use
its enhanced power against them in the future.[160]: 7  Despite the left wing government of
Sirimavo Bandaranaike following a neutral non-aligned foreign policy, Sri Lanka decided to help
Pakistan in the war.[161][162] As Pakistani aircraft could not fly over Indian territory, they would
have to take a longer route around India and so they stopped at Bandaranaike Airport in Sri
Lanka where they were refuelled before flying to East Pakistan.[163]

Arab world

As many Arab countries were allied with both the United States and Pakistan, it was easy for
Kissinger to encourage them to participate. He sent letters to both, the King of Jordan and the
King of Saudi Arabia. President Nixon gave permission for Jordan to send ten F-104s and
promised to provide replacements.[146] According to author Martin Bowman, "Libyan F-5s were
reportedly deployed to Sargodha AFB, perhaps as a potential training unit to prepare Pakistani
pilots for an influx of more F-5s from Saudi Arabia."[164]

Libyan dictator Gaddafi also personally directed a strongly worded letter to Indian Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi accusing her of aggression against Pakistan, which endeared him to all
Pakistanis.[165] In addition to these three countries, an unidentified Middle Eastern ally also
supplied Pakistan with Mirage IIIs. However, other countries such as Syria and Tunisia were
against interfering describing it as an internal matter of Pakistan.[166]

In popular culture

See also

Awards and decorations of the Bangladesh Liberation War

Liberation War Museum

Movement demanding trial of war criminals (Bangladesh)

 NAP-Communist Party-Students Union Special Guerrilla Forces

Notes

1. Cooper and Ali's figures of 365,000 Pakistan Army and 280,000 paramilitary are for the entire Pakistan
force, on the west and east fronts combined, when the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 broke out.[5] Cloughley
clarifies that only a quarter of the 365,000 Pakistan Army, roughly 91,000, was in East Pakistan.[7]

2. This war is known in Bangla as Muktijuddho or Shwadhinota Juddho.[15] This war is also called the Civil
War in Pakistan.[16]

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Further reading

Ayoob, Mohammed and Subrahmanyam, K., The Liberation War, S. Chand and Co. pvt Ltd. New Delhi,
1972.

Bass, Gary J. The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. Vintage, 2014.
ISBN 0307744620

Bhargava, G.S., Crush India or Pakistan's Death Wish, ISSD, New Delhi, 1972.

Bhattacharyya, S. K., Genocide in East Pakistan/Bangladesh: A Horror Story, A. Ghosh Publishers, 1988.

Blood, A. K. (2005). The cruel birth of Bangladesh: Memoirs of an American diplomat. Dhaka: University
Press.

Brownmiller, Susan: Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, Ballantine Books, 1993.
Choudhury, G. W. (April 1972). "Bangladesh: Why It Happened". International Affairs. Royal Institute of
International Affairs. 48 (2): 242–249. doi:10.2307/2613440 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F2613440) .
ISSN 0020-5850 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0020-5850) . JSTOR 2613440 (https://www.jstor.org/s
table/2613440) .

Choudhury, G. W. (1994) [First published 1974]. The Last Days of United Pakistan. Dhaka: University Press.
ISBN 978-984-05-1242-3.

Govt. of Bangladesh, Documents of the war of Independence, Vol 01–16, Ministry of Information.

Hitchens, Christopher, The Trials of Henry Kissinger, Verso (2001). ISBN 1-85984-631-9

Kanjilal, Kalidas, The Perishing Humanity, Sahitya Loke, Calcutta, 1976

Johnson, Rob, 'A Region in Turmoil' (New York and London, 2005)

Malik, Amita, The Year of the Vulture, Orient Longmans, New Delhi, 1972.

Matinuddin, General Kamal, Tragedy of Errors: East Pakistan Crisis, 1968–1971, Wajidalis, Lahore,
Pakistan, 1994.

Mookherjee, Nayanika, A Lot of History: Sexual Violence, Public Memories and the Bangladesh Liberation
War of 1971, D.Phil. thesis in Social Anthropology, SOAS, University of London, 2002.

National Security Archive, The Tilt: the U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971 (http://www.gwu.edu/~ns
archiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB79)

Quereshi, Major General Hakeem Arshad, The 1971 Indo-Pak War, A Soldiers Narrative, Oxford University
Press, 2002.

Raghavan, Srinath, 1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh, Harvard Univ. Press, 2013.

Rummel, R. J., Death By Government, Transaction Publishers, 1997.

Sisson, Richard & Rose, Leo, War and secession: Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, University
of California Press (Berkeley), 1990.

Stephen, Pierre, and Payne, Robert, Massacre, Macmillan, New York, (1973). ISBN 0-02-595240-4

Totten, Samuel et al., eds., Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views, Garland
Reference Library, 1997

US Department of State Office of the Historian, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume
XI, South Asia Crisis, 1971 (https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v11)

Zaheer, Hasan: The separation of East Pakistan: The rise and realisation of Bengali Muslim nationalism,
Oxford University Press, 1994.

Raja, Dewan Mohammad Tasawwar (2010). O GENERAL MY GENERAL (Life and Works of General M. A. G.
Osmani). The Osmani Memorial Trust, Dacca, Bangladesh. ISBN 978-984-8866-18-4.
External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Bangladesh Liberation War.

Wikiquote has quotations related to Bangladesh Liberation War.

The Liberation war of Bangladesh (http://en.banglapedia.org/index.php?title=War_of_Liberatio

n,_The) at Banglapedia

1971 Bangladesh Genocide Archive (https://www.genocidebangladesh.org/)

Freedom In the Air (https://www.thedailystar.net/freedom-in-the-air) , The Daily Star

Eyewitness Accounts: Genocide in Bangladesh (https://web.archive.org/web/2010072512504

1/http://www.globalwebpost.com/genocide1971/witness/rounaq.htm)

The women of 1971. Tales of abuse and rape by the Pakistan Army (https://web.archive.org/w
eb/20030926035236/http://www.drishtipat.org/1971/war.htm)

1971 Massacre in Bangladesh and the Fallacy in the Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report,
Dr. M.A. Hasan (https://web.archive.org/web/20030501230820/http://www.bangladeshmarin
ers.com/HmdrRprt/71mass.html)

Women of Pakistan Apologize for War Crimes, 1996 (https://web.archive.org/web/200802231

23938/http://www.adhunika.com/issues/wpawc71.html)

Sheikh Mujib wanted a confederation: US papers, by Anwar Iqbal, Dawn, 7 July 2005 (http://w
ww.dawn.com/news/146732/sheikh-mujib-wanted-a-confederation-us-papers)

Page containing copies of the surrender documents (https://web.archive.org/web/200410131

32951/http://muktadhara.net/page11.html)

Bangladesh Liberation War Picture Gallery (http://www.banglagallery.com/gallery/categories.

php?cat_id=5) Graphic images, viewer discretion advised

Rashid Askari:Liberation War facts (http://archive.thedailystar.net/suppliments/2010/12/victo

ry_day/facts.html)

1971 War: How Russia sank Nixon's gunboat diplomacy (https://www.rbth.com/articles/2011/

12/20/1971_war_how_russia_sank_nixons_gunboat_diplomacy_14041)

PM reiterated her vow to declare March 25 as Genocide Day (https://m.theindependentbd.co

m/arcprint/details/81841/2017-02-21)
 Call for international recognition and observance of genocide day (https://web.archive.org/we
b/20170316113441/http://gbnews24.com/breaking-news/article/call-for-international-reco
gnitio/)

Genocide Day: As it was in March 1971 (http://www.observerbd.com/details.php?id=63378)

The case for UN recognition of Bangladesh genocide (https://thefinancialexpress.com.bd/vie

ws/the-case-for-un-recognition-of-bangladesh-genocide)

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