Arab Spring

The Arab Spring (Arabic: ‫ )اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬was a series of anti-government protests, uprisings, and
armed rebellions that spread across much of the Arab world in the early 2010s. It began in
response to corruption and economic stagnation and was influenced by the Tunisian
Revolution.[1][2] From Tunisia, the protests then spread to five other countries: Libya, Egypt,
Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain, where either the ruler was deposed (Zine El Abidine Ben Ali,
Muammar Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak, and Ali Abdullah Saleh) or major uprisings and social
violence occurred including riots, civil wars, or insurgencies. Sustained street demonstrations
took place in Morocco, Iraq, Algeria, Iranian Khuzestan, Lebanon, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, and
Sudan. Minor protests took place in Djibouti, Mauritania, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, and the
Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara.[3] A major slogan of the demonstrators in the Arab world is
ash-shaʻb yurīd isqāṭ an-niẓām! ("the people want to bring down the regime").[4]
 Arab Spring

Infobox collage for MENA protests.PNG

Clockwise from the upper left corner:
Protesters gathered at Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt, 9 February 2011;
Habib Bourguiba Boulevard, protesters in Tunis, Tunisia, 14 January 2011;
dissidents in Sanaa, Yemen, calling for president Ali Abdullah Saleh to resign on 3 February 2011;
crowds of hundreds of thousands in Baniyas, Syria, 29 April 2011

Date 17 December 2010 – December 2012 (11 years

ago)

Location North Africa, Middle East (i.e. MENA or "Arab

world")

Caused by Authoritarianism
Monarchy
Demographic structural factors
2000s energy crisis
Political corruption
Human rights violations
Unemployment
Inflation
Kleptocracy
Poverty
Sectarianism
Self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi

Goals Democracy
Free elections
Economic freedom
Human rights
Employment
Regime change
Islamism

Methods Civil disobedience

Civil resistance
Demonstrations
Defection
 Insurgency
Internet activism
Mutiny
Protests
Protest camps
Revolution
Riots
Self-immolation
Silent protests
Sit-ins
Media activism
Strike actions
Urban warfare
Uprising
Resulted in Arab Spring concurrent incidents,
Arab Winter,
Impact of the Arab Spring,
and Arab Summer
Full result by country
Tunisia: President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali
ousted, charged, exiled and government
overthrown.
Egypt: President Hosni Mubarak ousted,
arrested, charged, and government
overthrown. The Sinai insurgency begins.
Libya: Leader Muammar Gaddafi killed
following an eight-month civil war that saw
a foreign military intervention and the
government overthrown.
Yemen: President Ali Abdullah Saleh
ousted, and power handed to a national
unity government.
Syria: President Bashar al-Assad faced civil
uprising against his rule that deteriorated
into armed rebellion and eventual full-scale
civil war.
Bahrain: Civil uprising against the
government crushed by authorities and
Saudi-led intervention.
Kuwait, Lebanon and Oman: Government
changes implemented in response to
 protests.
Morocco and Jordan: Constitutional
reforms implemented in response to
protests.
Saudi Arabia, Mauritania, Sudan, Palestine:
Protests.
Casualties

Death(s) c. 61,000 deaths in total (International estimate;

see table below)

The importance of external factors versus internal factors to the protests' spread and success is
contested.[5] Social media is one way governments try to inhibit protests. In many countries,
governments shut down certain sites or blocked Internet service entirely, especially in the times
preceding a major rally.[6] Governments also accused content creators of unrelated crimes or
shutting down communication on specific sites or groups, such as Facebook.[7] In the news,
social media has been heralded as the driving force behind the swift spread of revolution
throughout the world, as new protests appear in response to success stories shared from those
taking place in other countries.

The wave of initial revolutions and protests faded by mid-2012, as many Arab Spring
demonstrations met with violent responses from authorities,[8][9][10] as well as from pro-
government militias, counter-demonstrators, and militaries. These attacks were answered with
violence from protesters in some cases.[11][12][13] Large-scale conflicts resulted: the Syrian Civil
War;[14][15] the rise of ISIL, insurgency in Iraq and the following civil war;[16] the Egyptian Crisis,
coup, and subsequent unrest and insurgency;[17] the Libyan Civil War; and the Yemeni Crisis and
following civil war.[18] Regimes that lacked major oil wealth and hereditary succession
arrangements were more likely to undergo regime change.[19]

A power struggle continued after the immediate response to the Arab Spring. While leadership
changed and regimes were held accountable, power vacuums opened across the Arab world.
Ultimately, it resulted in a contentious battle between a consolidation of power by religious elites
and the growing support for democracy in many Muslim-majority states.[20] The early hopes that
these popular movements would end corruption, increase political participation, and bring about
greater economic equity quickly collapsed in the wake of the counter-revolutionary moves by
foreign state actors in Yemen,[21] the regional and international military interventions in Bahrain
and Yemen, and the destructive civil wars in Syria, Iraq, Libya, and Yemen.[22]
Some have referred to the succeeding and still ongoing conflicts as the Arab
Winter.[14][15][16][17][18] As of May 2018, only the uprising in Tunisia has resulted in a transition to
constitutional democratic governance.[3] Recent uprisings in Sudan and Algeria show that the
conditions that started the Arab Spring have not faded and political movements against
authoritarianism and exploitation are still occurring.[23] In 2019, multiple uprisings and protest
movements in Algeria, Sudan, Iraq, Lebanon, and Egypt have been seen as a continuation of the
Arab Spring.[24][25]

In 2021, multiple conflicts are still continuing that might be seen as a result of the Arab Spring.
The Syrian Civil War has caused massive political instability and economic hardship in Syria,
with the Syrian pound plunging to new lows.[26] In Libya, a major civil war recently concluded,
with Western powers and Russia sending in proxy fighters.[27][28] In Yemen, a civil war continues
to affect the country.[29] In Lebanon, a major banking crisis is threatening the country's economy
as well as that of neighboring Syria.

Etymology

The term Arab Spring is an allusion to the Revolutions of 1848, which are sometimes referred to
as the "Springtime of Nations", and the Prague Spring in 1968, in which a Czech student, Jan
Palach, set himself on fire as Mohamed Bouazizi did. In the aftermath of the Iraq War, it was
used by various commentators and bloggers who anticipated a major Arab movement towards
democratization.[30] The first specific use of the term Arab Spring as used to denote these events
may have started with the US political journal Foreign Policy.[31] Political scientist Marc Lynch
described Arab Spring as "a term I may have unintentionally coined in a 6 January 2011 article"
for Foreign Policy magazine.[32][33] Joseph Massad on Al Jazeera said the term was "part of a US
strategy of controlling the movement's aims and goals" and directing it towards Western-style
liberal democracy.[31] When Arab Spring protests in some countries were followed by electoral
success for Islamist parties, some American pundits coined the terms Islamist Spring[34] and
Islamist Winter.[35]

Some observers have also drawn comparisons between the Arab Spring movements and the
Revolutions of 1989 (also known as the "Autumn of Nations") that swept through Eastern Europe
and the Second World, in terms of their scale and significance.[36][37][38] Others, however, have
pointed out that there are several key differences between the movements, such as the desired
outcomes, the effectiveness of civil resistance, and the organizational role of Internet-based
technologies in the Arab revolutions.[39][40][41][42]
 Causes

Pressures from within

The world watched the events of the Arab Spring unfold, "gripped by the narrative of a young
generation peacefully rising up against oppressive authoritarianism to secure a more
democratic political system and a brighter economic future".[22] The Arab Spring is widely
believed to have been instigated by dissatisfaction, particularly of youth and unions, with the rule
of local governments, though some have speculated that wide gaps in income levels and
pressures caused by the Great Recession may have had a hand as well.[43] Some activists had
taken part in programs sponsored by the US-funded National Endowment for Democracy, but the
US government claimed that they did not initiate the uprisings.[44]

Numerous factors led to the protests, including issues such as reform,[45] human rights
violations, political corruption (demonstrated by Wikileaks diplomatic cables),[46] economic
decline, unemployment, extreme poverty, and a number of demographic structural factors,[47]
such as a large percentage of educated but dissatisfied youth within the entire population.[48][49]
Catalysts for the revolts in all Northern African and Persian Gulf countries included the
concentration of wealth in the hands of monarchs in power for decades, insufficient
transparency of its redistribution, corruption, and especially the refusal of the youth to accept
the status quo.[50]

Some protesters looked to the Turkish model as an ideal (contested but peaceful elections, fast-
growing but liberal economy, secular constitution but Islamist government).[51][52][53][54] Other
analysts blamed the rise in food prices on commodity traders and the conversion of crops to
ethanol.[55] Yet others have claimed that the context of high rates of unemployment and corrupt
political regimes led to dissent movements within the region.[56][57]

Social media

In the wake of the Arab Spring protests, a considerable amount of attention focused on the role
of social media and digital technologies in allowing citizens within areas affected by "the Arab
Uprisings" as a means for collective activism to circumvent state-operated media channels.[58]
The influence of social media on political activism during the Arab Spring has, however, been
much debated.[59][60][61] Protests took place both in states with a very high level of Internet usage
(such as Bahrain with 88% of its population online in 2011) and in states with some of the
lowest Internet penetration (Yemen and Libya).[62]
The use of social media platforms more than doubled in Arab countries during the protests, with
the exception of Libya.[63] Some researchers have shown how collective intelligence, dynamics
of the crowd in participatory systems such as social media, has immense power to support a
collective action—such as foment a political change.[64][65] As of 5 April 2011, the number of
Facebook users in the Arab world surpassed 27.7 million people.[63] Some critics have argued
that digital technologies and other forms of communication—videos, cellular phones, blogs,
photos, emails, and text messages—have brought about the concept of a "digital democracy" in
parts of North Africa affected by the uprisings.[66][67]

Facebook, Twitter, and other major social media played a key role in the movement of Egyptian
and Tunisian activists in particular.[62][68] Nine out of ten Egyptians and Tunisians responded to a
poll that they used Facebook to organize protests and spread awareness.[63] This large
population of young Egyptian men referred to themselves as "the Facebook generation",
exemplifying their escape from their non-modernized past.[69] Furthermore, 28% of Egyptians
and 29% of Tunisians from the same poll said that blocking Facebook greatly hindered and/or
disrupted communication. Social media sites were a platform for different movements formed
by many frustrated citizens, including the 2008 "April 6 Youth Movement" organized by Ahmed
Mahed, which set out to organize and promote a nationwide labor strike and which inspired the
later creation of the "Progressive Youth of Tunisia".[70]

During the Arab Spring, people created pages on Facebook to raise awareness about alleged
crimes against humanity, such as police brutality in the Egyptian Revolution (see Wael Ghonim
and Death of Khaled Mohamed Saeed).[71] Whether the project of raising awareness was
primarily pursued by Arabs themselves or simply advertised by Western social media users is a
matter of debate. Jared Keller, a journalist for The Atlantic, claims that most activists and
protesters used Facebook (among other social media) to organize; however, what influenced
Iran was "good old-fashioned word of mouth". Jared Keller argued that the sudden and
anomalous social media output was caused from Westerners witnessing the situation(s), and
then broadcasting them. The Middle East and North Africa used texting, emailing, and blogging
only to organize and communicate information about internal local protests.[72]

A study by Zeynep Tufekci of the University of North Carolina and Christopher Wilson of the
United Nations Development Program concluded that "social media in general, and Facebook in
particular, provided new sources of information the regime could not easily control and were
crucial in shaping how citizens made individual decisions about participating in protests, the
logistics of protest, and the likelihood of success."[73] Marc Lynch of George Washington
University said, "while social media boosters envisioned the creation of a new public sphere
based on dialogue and mutual respect, the reality is that Islamists and their adversaries retreat
to their respective camps, reinforcing each other's prejudices while throwing the occasional
rhetorical bomb across the no-man's land that the center has become."[73] Lynch also stated in a
Foreign Policy article, "There is something very different about scrolling through pictures and
videos of unified, chanting Yemeni or Egyptian crowds demanding democratic change and
waking up to a gory image of a headless 6-year-old girl on your Facebook news feed."[74]

In the months leading up to events in Tunisia, Department of Homeland Security, Customs and
Border Protection, Communications Program Manager Jonathan Stevens predicted the use of
"collaborative Internet utilities" to effect governmental change. In his thesis, Webeaucracy: The
Collaborative Revolution (http://sdsu-dspace.calstate.edu/bitstream/handle/10211.10/608/Stev
ens_Jonathan.pdf) , Stevens put forth that unlike writing, printing, and telecommunications,
"collaborative Internet utilities" denote a sea-change in the ability of crowds to effect social
change. People and collaborative Internet utilities can be described as actor-networks; the
subitizing limit (and history) suggests people left to their own devices cannot fully harness the
mental power of crowds. Metcalfe's law suggests that as the number of nodes increases, the
value of collaborative actor-networks increases exponentially; collaborative Internet utilities
effectively increase the subitizing limit, and, at some macro scale, these interactive collaborative
actor-networks can be described by the same rules that govern Parallel Distributed Processing,
resulting in crowd sourcing that acts as a type of distributed collective consciousness. The
Internet assumes the role of totemic religious figurehead uniting the members of society
through mechanical solidarity forming a collective consciousness. Through many-to-many
collaborative Internet utilities, the Webeaucracy is empowered as never before.[75]

Social networks were not the only instrument for rebels to coordinate their efforts and
communicate. In the countries with the lowest Internet penetration and the limited role of social
networks, such as Yemen and Libya, the role of mainstream electronic media devices—cellular
phones, emails, and video clips (e.g., YouTube)—was very important to cast the light on the
situation in the country and spread the word about the protests in the outside world.[62] In Egypt,
in Cairo particularly, mosques were one of the main platforms to coordinate the protest actions
and raise awareness to the masses.[76]

Conversely, scholarship literature on the Middle East, political scientist Gregory Gause has
found, had failed to predict the events of the Arab uprisings. Commenting on an early article by
Gause whose review of a decade of Middle Eastern studies led him to conclude that almost no
scholar foresaw what was coming, Chair of Ottoman and Turkish Studies at Tel Aviv University
Ehud R. Toledano writes that Gause's finding is "a strong and sincere mea culpa" and that his
criticism of Middle East experts for "underestimating the hidden forces driving change ... while
they worked instead to explain the unshakable stability of repressive authoritarian regimes" is
well-placed. Toledano then quotes Gause saying, "As they wipe the egg off their faces," those
experts "need to reconsider long-held assumptions about the Arab world."[77]

Timeline

History

Events leading up to the Arab Spring

Tunisia experienced a series of conflicts during the three years leading up to the Arab Spring, the
most notable occurring in the mining area of Gafsa in 2008, where protests continued for many
months. These protests included rallies, sit-ins, and strikes, during which there were two
fatalities, an unspecified number of wounded, and dozens of arrests.[78][79]

In Egypt, the labor movement had been strong for years, with more than 3,000 labor actions
since 2004, and provided an important venue for organizing protests and collective action.[80]
One important demonstration was an attempted workers' strike on 6 April 2008 at the state-run
textile factories of al-Mahalla al-Kubra, just outside Cairo. The idea for this type of
demonstration spread throughout the country, promoted by computer-literate working-class
youths and their supporters among middle-class college students.[80] A Facebook page, set up
to promote the strike, attracted tens of thousands of followers and provided the platform for
sustained political action in pursuit of the "long revolution".[49] The government mobilized to
break the strike through infiltration and riot police, and while the regime was somewhat
successful in forestalling a strike, dissidents formed the "6 April Committee" of youths and labor
activists, which became one of the major forces calling for the anti-Mubarak demonstration on
25 January in Tahrir Square.[80]

In Algeria, discontent had been building for years over a number of issues. In February 2008, US
Ambassador Robert Ford wrote in a leaked diplomatic cable that Algeria is "unhappy" with long-
standing political alienation; that social discontent persisted throughout the country, with food
strikes occurring almost every week; that there were demonstrations every day somewhere in
the country; and that the Algerian government was corrupt and fragile.[81] Some claimed that
during 2010 there were as many as "9,700 riots and unrests" throughout the country.[82] Many
protests focused on issues such as education and health care, while others cited rampant
corruption.[83]

In Western Sahara, the Gdeim Izik protest camp was erected 12 kilometres (7.5 mi) southeast of
El Aaiún by a group of young Sahrawis on 9 October 2010. Their intention was to demonstrate
against labor discrimination, unemployment, looting of resources, and human rights abuses.[84]
The camp contained between 12,000 and 20,000 inhabitants, but on 8 November 2010 it was
destroyed and its inhabitants evicted by Moroccan security forces. The security forces faced
strong opposition from some young Sahrawi civilians, and rioting soon spread to El Aaiún and
other towns within the territory, resulting in an unknown number of injuries and deaths. Violence
against Sahrawis in the aftermath of the protests was cited as a reason for renewed protests
months later, after the start of the Arab Spring.[85]

The catalyst for the escalation of protests was the self-immolation of Tunisian Mohamed
Bouazizi. Unable to find work and selling fruit at a roadside stand, Bouazizi had his wares
confiscated by a municipal inspector on 17 December 2010. An hour later he doused himself
with gasoline and set himself afire. His death on 4 January 2011[86] brought together various
groups dissatisfied with the existing system, including many unemployed persons, political and
human rights activists, labor and trade unionists, students, professors, lawyers, and others to
begin the Tunisian Revolution.[78]

The Arab Spring

The series of protests and demonstrations across the Middle East and North Africa that
commenced in 2010 became known as the "Arab Spring",[87][88][89] and sometimes as the "Arab
Spring and Winter",[90] "Arab Awakening",[91][92] or "Arab Uprisings",[93][94] even though not all the
participants in the protests were Arab. It was sparked by the first protests that occurred in
Tunisia on 18 December 2010 in Sidi Bouzid, following Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation in
protest of police corruption and ill treatment.[95][96] With the success of the protests in Tunisia, a
wave of unrest sparked by the Tunisian "Burning Man" struck Algeria, Jordan, Egypt, and
Yemen,[97] then spread to other countries. The largest, most organized demonstrations often
occurred on a "day of rage", usually Friday afternoon prayers.[98][99][100] The protests also
triggered similar unrest outside the region. Contrary to expectations the revolutions were not led
by Islamists:

Even though the Islamists were certainly present during the uprisings,
they never determined the directions of these movements—after all,
 there was hardly any central leadership in any of the uprisings. Some
Islamist groups initially were even reluctant to join in the protests, and
the major religious groups in Egypt—Salafis, al-Azhar, and the Coptic
Church—initially opposed the revolution. The mufti of Egypt, Ali
Gomaa, proclaimed that rising against a lawful ruler—President
Mubarak—was haram, not permissible. And the Muslim Brotherhood's
old guard joined in the protests reluctantly only after being pushed by
the group's young people.[101]

The Arab Spring caused the "biggest transformation of the Middle East since
decolonization".[102] By the end of February 2012, rulers had been forced from power in
Tunisia,[103] Egypt,[104] Libya,[105] and Yemen;[106] civil uprisings had erupted in Bahrain[107] and
Syria;[108] major protests had broken out in Algeria,[109] Iraq,[110] Jordan,[111] Kuwait,[112]
Morocco,[113] Oman,[114] and Sudan;[115] and minor protests had occurred in Mauritania,[116]
Saudi Arabia,[117] Djibouti,[118] Western Sahara,[119] and Palestine. Tunisian President Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia on 14 January 2011 following the Tunisian Revolution
protests. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak resigned on 11 February 2011 after 18 days of
massive protests, ending his 30-year presidency. The Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi was
overthrown on 23 August 2011, after the National Transitional Council (NTC) took control of Bab
al-Azizia. He was killed on 20 October 2011 in his hometown of Sirte after the NTC took control
of the city. Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh signed the GCC power-transfer deal in which a
presidential election was held, resulting in his successor Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi formally
replacing him as president on 27 February 2012 in exchange for immunity from prosecution.
Weapons and Tuareg fighters returning from the Libyan Civil War stoked a simmering conflict in
Mali that has been described as 'fallout' from the Arab Spring in North Africa.[120]

During this period, several leaders announced their intentions to step down at the end of their
current terms. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir announced that he would not seek reelection
in 2015 (he ultimately retracted his announcement and ran anyway),[121] as did Iraqi Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki, whose term was to end in 2014,[122] although there were violent
demonstrations demanding his immediate resignation in 2011.[123] Protests in Jordan also
caused the sacking of four successive governments[124][125] by King Abdullah.[126] The popular
unrest in Kuwait also resulted in the resignation of Prime Minister Nasser Al-Sabah's cabinet.[127]

The geopolitical implications of the protests drew global attention.[128] Some protesters were
nominated for the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize.[129] Tawakkol Karman of Yemen was co-recipient of
the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize due to her role organizing peaceful protests. In December 2011
Time magazine named "The Protester" its "Person of the Year".[130] Spanish photographer
Samuel Aranda won the 2011 World Press Photo award for his image of a Yemeni woman
holding an injured family member, taken during the civil uprising in Yemen on 15 October
2011.[131]

Summary of conflicts by country

   Government overthrown more than once    Government overthrown    Civil war

   Protests and governmental changes    Major protests    Minor protests
   Other protests and militant action outside the Arab world
 Status of
Country Date started Outcome Death toll Situation
protests

Overthrow of Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali; Ben Ali
flees into exile in Saudi
Arabia
Resignation of Prime
Minister
Ghannouchi[132]

Dissolution of the
Government political police[133]
overthrown
Dissolution of the Government
   Tunisia 18 December 2010 on 14 338[137]
RCD, the former ruling overthrown
January
party of Tunisia and
2011
liquidation of its
assets[134]

Release of political
prisoners[135]

Elections to a
Constituent Assembly
on 23 October
2011[136]

Ended on 10 Lifting of the 19-year-

   Algeria 29 December 2010 January old state of 8[140] Major protests

[138][139]
2012 emergency

   Jordan 14 January 2011 Ended on 4 In February 2011, 3[146] Protests and

October King Abdullah II governmental
2012 dismisses Prime changes
Minister Rifai and his
cabinet[141]

In April 2011, King

Abdullah creates the
Royal Committee to
Review the
Constitution with
 directions to review
the Constitution in
accordance with calls
for reform. On 30
September 2011,
Abdullah approves
changes to all 42
articles of the
Constitution[142]

In October 2011,
Abdullah dismisses
Prime Minister
Marouf al-Bakhit and
his cabinet after
complaints of slow
progress on promised
reforms[143]

In April 2012, as the

protests continue,
Awn Al-Khasawneh
resigned, and the
King appoints Fayez
Tarawneh as the new
Prime Minister of
Jordan[144]

In October 2012,
Abdullah dissolves
the parliament for
new early elections,
and appoints
Abdullah Ensour as
the new Prime
Minister[145]

   Oman 17 January 2011 Ended on 8 Economic 2– Protests and

[152][153][154]
April 2011 concessions by 6 governmental
changes
 Sultan Qaboos bin
Said al Said[147][148]

Dismissal of
ministers[149][150]

Granting of
lawmaking powers to
Oman's elected
legislature[151]

Economic
concessions by King
Abdullah[155][156]

Male-only municipal
elections held 29
September
2011[157][158]

Abdullah announces
women's approval to

21 January 2011 vote and be elected in

Ended on 24 the 2015 municipal
 Saudi (Official protests
December elections and to be 24[162] Minor protests
Arabia began on 11
2012 nominated to the
March 2011)
Shura Council[159]

Commitment to the
expansion of
women's rights in
Saudi Arabia,
especially after the
ascension of
Mohammad bin
Salman to position of
Crown Prince.[160][161]

   Egypt 25 January 2011 Two Overthrow of Hosni 846[173] Two

governments Mubarak, who is later governments
overthrown convicted of corruption overthrown
(On 11 and ordered to stand (Mubarak
February trial for ordering the government •
2011 and 3 killing of protesters. Morsi
July 2013), Resignation of Prime government)
Egyptian Minister(s) Ahmed
Crisis Nazif and Ahmed
follows until Shafik[163]
2014
Assumption of power
by the Supreme
Council of the Armed
Forces[164]

Suspension of the
Constitution,
dissolution of the
Parliament[165]

Disbanding of State
Security
Investigations
Service[166]

Dissolution of the
NDP, Egypt's former
ruling party, and
transfer of its assets
to the state[167]

Arrest and
prosecution of
Mubarak, his family
and his former
ministers[168][169][170]

Lifting of the 31-year-

old state of
emergency[171]

Democratic election
held to replace
Mubarak as
president; Mohamed
 Morsi elected and
inaugurated;[172]

Sinai insurgency
begins

Release of some
political
prisoners[174][175]

Dismissal of
Provincial
Governors[176][177]

Resignation of the
Civil Government[178]
uprising,
End of Emergency
26 January 2011 which
Law
(Major protests transformed
   Syria 2,206–2,654 Civil War
began on 15 into Syrian Resignations from
March 2011). Civil War by Parliament[179]
July–August
Large defections
2011
from the Syrian army
and clashes between
soldiers and
defectors[180]

Formation of the Free

Syrian Army and
deterioration into full-
scale civil war

   Yemen 27 January 2011 Two Overthrow of Ali 2,000[184] Two

governments Abdullah Saleh; Saleh governments
overthrown granted immunity from overthrown
(On 27 prosecution. (Saleh
February Resignation of Prime government •
2012 and 22 Minister Ali Hadi
January Muhammad Mujawar government)
2015).
Resignation of MPs
Yemeni
from the ruling
 Crisis party[181]
follows.
Occupation of several
areas of Yemeni
territory by al-Qaeda
and Houthi rebels

Restructure of the
military forces by
sacking several of its
leaders[182]

Approval of Saleh's
immunity from
prosecution by
Yemeni
legislators[183]

Presidential election
held to replace Saleh;
Abdrabbuh Mansur
Hadi elected and
inaugurated

Yemeni Crisis Begins

  Ended on 11
28 January 2011 2[185] Minor protests
 Djibouti March 2011

President Omar al-

Bashir announces he
will not seek another
Ended on 26
term in 2015[186]
   Sudan 30 January 2011 October 200+[188] Major protests
2013 Bashir nevertheless
chosen as Ruling
Party candidate for
2015 election[187]

  10 February 2011 Ended on 5 Then Palestinian None Minor protests

 Palestinian October prime minister Salam
National 2012 Fayyad states that he
Authority
 is "'willing to
resign"[189]

Fayyad resigns on 13
April 2013 because of
political differences
between him and the
Palestinian president
Mahmoud Abbas over
the finance
portfolio[190]

Prime Minister Nouri

al-Maliki announces
he will not run for a
3rd term;[191]

Resignation of
provincial governors
Ended 23
and local
December
authorities[192]
2011,
Protests and a
instability Two-thirds wage
   Iraq 12 February 2011 35 35 beginning of a
and increase for Sahwa
civil war
eventually militia members
civil war
Elections held and
follows
Haider al-Abadi
elected

ISIL insurgents take

broad swathes of Iraq

Start of Iraqi Civil War

  14 February 2011 Ended on 18 Economic 120[197] Sustained civi

 Bahrain March 2011 concessions by King disorder and
Hamad bin Isa Al government
Khalifa[193] changes

Release of political
prisoners[194]
 Negotiations with
Shia representatives

GCC intervention at
the request of the
Government of
Bahrain

Head of the National

Security Apparatus
removed from
post[195]

Formation of a
committee to
implement BICI report
recommendations[196]

Overthrow of Muammar
Gaddafi; Gaddafi killed
by rebel forces
Government defeated
by armed revolt with
Government
UN-mandated military
15 February 2011 overthrown
intervention[198] Government
(Major protests on 23 9,400–
   Libya overthrown and
began on 17 August 2011, Assumption of 20,000[200]
civil war
February 2011). crisis interim control by the
follows National Transitional
Council

Beginning of sporadic
low-level fighting and
clashes[199]

Resignation of Prime
Ended in Minister Nasser Al- Protests and
[201]
 Kuwait 19 February 2011 December Sabah None [203]
governmental
 
2012 Dissolution of the changes
Parliament[202]

  20 February 2011 Ended in Political concessions 6[206] Protests and

 Morocco March–April by King Mohammed governmental
 2012 VI;[204] changes

Referendum on
constitutional
reforms;

Respect to civil rights

and an end to
corruption[205]

  Ended in
25 February 2011 3[207] Minor protests
 Mauritania 2013

Ended on 15 Protests and

  27 February 2011 December None governmental
 Lebanon
2011 changes

Borders of Ended on 5
15 May 2011 35[208][209] Major protests
Israel June 2011

Total death toll and other consequences: 61,080+ 4

governments
(combined
overthrown
estimate of
as part of the
events)
events

Six protests
leading to
governmenta
changes

Five major
protests

Four minor
protests

3
governments
overthrown in
the aftermath

Four civil
wars in the
aftermath
 (Syria, Iraq,
Libya and
Yemen)

Major events

Bahrain (2011)

Over 100,000 Bahrainis taking part in the "March of Loyalty to Martyrs" in Manama honoring political dissidents killed by
security forces

The protests in Bahrain started on 14 February, and were initially aimed at achieving greater
political freedom and respect for human rights; they were not intended to directly threaten the
monarchy.[107][210]: 162–3  Lingering frustration among the Shiite majority with being ruled by the
Sunni government was a major root cause, but the protests in Tunisia and Egypt are cited as the
inspiration for the demonstrations.[107][210]: 65  The protests were largely peaceful until a pre-dawn
raid by police on 17 February to clear protestors from Pearl Roundabout in Manama, in which
police killed four protesters.[210]: 73–4  Following the raid, some protesters began to expand their
aims to a call for the end of the monarchy.[211] On 18 February, army forces opened fire on
protesters when they tried to reenter the roundabout, fatally wounding one.[210]: 77–8  The
following day protesters reoccupied Pearl Roundabout after the government ordered troops and
police to withdraw.[210]: 81 [212] Subsequent days saw large demonstrations; on 21 February a pro-
government Gathering of National Unity drew tens of thousands,[210]: 86 [213] whilst on 22 February
the number of protestors at the Pearl Roundabout peaked at over 150,000 after more than
100,000 protesters marched there and were coming under fire from the Bahraini Military which
killed around 20 and injured over 100 protestors.[210]: 88  On 14 March, GCC forces (composed
mainly of Saudi and UAE troops) were requested by the government and occupied the
country.[210]: 132 [214]

King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa declared a three-month state of emergency on 15 March and
asked the military to reassert its control as clashes spread across the country.[210]: 139 [215] On 16
March, armed soldiers and riot police cleared the protesters' camp in the Pearl Roundabout, in
which 3 policemen and 3 protesters were reportedly killed.[210]: 133–4 [216] Later, on 18 March, the
government tore down Pearl Roundabout monument.[210]: 150 [217] After the lifting of emergency
law on 1 June,[218] several large rallies were staged by the opposition parties.[219] Smaller-scale
protests and clashes outside of the capital have continued to occur almost daily.[220][221] On 9
March 2012, over 100,000 protested in what the opposition called "the biggest march in our
history".[222][223]

The police response has been described as a "brutal" crackdown on peaceful and unarmed
protestors, including doctors and bloggers.[224][225][226] The police carried out midnight house
raids in Shia neighbourhoods, beatings at checkpoints, and denial of medical care in a
"campaign of intimidation".[227][228][229][230] More than 2,929 people have been arrested,[231][232]
and at least five people died due to torture while in police custody.[210]: 287,288  On 23 November
2011, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry released its report on its investigation of
the events, finding that the government had systematically tortured prisoners and committed
other human rights violations.[210]: 415–422  It also rejected the government's claims that the
protests were instigated by Iran.[233] Although the report found that systematic torture had
stopped,[210]: 417  the Bahraini government has refused entry to several international human rights
groups and news organizations, and delayed a visit by a UN inspector.[234][235] More than 80
people had died since the start of the uprising.[236]

Even a decade after the 2011 uprisings, the situation in Bahrain remained unchanged. The
regime continued suppression against all forms of dissent. Years after the demonstrations, the
Bahraini authorities are known to have accelerated their crackdown. They have been targeting
human rights defenders, journalists, Shiite political groups and social media critics.[237]

Saudi Arabia
Saudi government forces quashed protests in the country and assisted Bahraini authorities in
suppressing demonstrations there.

Egypt (2011)

Celebrations in Tahrir Square after Omar Suleiman's statement concerning Hosni Mubarak's resignation

Inspired by the uprising in Tunisia and prior to his entry as a central figure in Egyptian politics,
potential presidential candidate Mohamed ElBaradei warned of a "Tunisia-style explosion" in
Egypt.[238]

Protests in Egypt began on 25 January 2011 and ran for 18 days. Beginning around midnight on
28 January, the Egyptian government attempted, somewhat successfully, to eliminate the
nation's Internet access,[239] in order to inhibit the protesters' ability to use media activism to
organize through social media.[240] Later that day, as tens of thousands protested on the streets
of Egypt's major cities, President Hosni Mubarak dismissed his government, later appointing a
new cabinet. Mubarak also appointed the first Vice President in almost 30 years.

The U.S. embassy and international students began a voluntary evacuation near the end of
January, as violence and rumors of violence escalated.[241][242]

On 10 February, Mubarak ceded all presidential power to Vice President Omar Suleiman, but
soon thereafter announced that he would remain as president until the end of his term.[243]
However, protests continued the next day, and Suleiman quickly announced that Mubarak had
resigned from the presidency and transferred power to the Armed Forces of Egypt.[244] The
military immediately dissolved the Egyptian Parliament, suspended the Constitution of Egypt,
and promised to lift the nation's thirty-year "emergency laws". A civilian, Essam Sharaf, was
appointed as Prime Minister of Egypt on 4 March to widespread approval among Egyptians in
Tahrir Square.[245] Violent protests, however, continued through the end of 2011 as many
Egyptians expressed concern about the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' perceived
sluggishness in instituting reforms and their grip on power.[246]

Hosni Mubarak and his former interior minister Habib el-Adly were sentenced to life in prison on
the basis of their failure to stop the killings during the first six days of the 2011 Egyptian
Revolution.[247] His successor, Mohamed Morsi, was sworn in as Egypt's first democratically
elected president before judges at the Supreme Constitutional Court.[248] Fresh protests erupted
in Egypt on 22 November 2012. On 3 July 2013, the military overthrew the replacement
government and President Morsi was removed from power.[249]

The aftermath of the uprising that took place in Egypt was deemed to turn out successfully.
However, a December 2020 report published by PRI's The World, a US-based public radio news
magazine, the Egyptian government increased its executions by more than twofold. As a result,
the government put to death approximately 60 people. This included human rights activists of
the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR), who were arrested in November 2020. The
executive director of the Project on Middle East Democracy, Stephen McInerney cited that a
majority of pro-democracy activists have escaped Egypt and those who couldn't have gone in
hiding. The Project on Middle East Democracy mentioned using encrypted communication
channels to talk to the activists, concerning the protection of their whereabouts. Western
countries have overlooked these issues including, the United States, France, and several other
European countries. According to the founder of Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy in
Washington, DC, even after 10 years of the Arab spring, the country is at its lowest point for
human rights.[250]

Libya (2011)

Thousands of demonstrators gather in Bayda.

Anti-government protests began in Libya on 15 February 2011. By 18 February, the opposition
controlled most of Benghazi, the country's second-largest city. The government dispatched elite
troops and militia in an attempt to recapture it, but they were repelled. By 20 February, protests
had spread to the capital Tripoli, leading to a television address by Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, who
warned the protestors that their country could descend into civil war. The rising death toll,
numbering in the thousands, drew international condemnation and resulted in the resignation of
several Libyan diplomats, along with calls for the government's dismantlement.[251]

Amidst ongoing efforts by demonstrators and rebel forces to wrest control of Tripoli from the
Jamahiriya, the opposition set up an interim government in Benghazi to oppose Colonel
Muammar Gaddafi's rule.[252] However, despite initial opposition success, government forces
subsequently took back much of the Mediterranean coast.

On 17 March, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 was adopted, authorising a no-fly
zone over Libya, and "all necessary measures" to protect civilians. Two days later, France, the
United States and the United Kingdom intervened in Libya with a bombing campaign against pro-
Gaddafi forces. A coalition of 27 states from Europe and the Middle East soon joined the
intervention. The forces were driven back from the outskirts of Benghazi, and the rebels
mounted an offensive, capturing scores of towns across the coast of Libya. The offensive
stalled however, and a counter-offensive by the government retook most of the towns, until a
stalemate was formed between Brega and Ajdabiya, the former being held by the government
and the latter in the hands of the rebels. Focus then shifted to the west of the country, where
bitter fighting continued. After a three-month-long battle, a loyalist siege of rebel-held Misrata,
the third largest city in Libya, was broken in large part due to coalition air strikes. The four major
fronts of combat were generally considered to be the Nafusa Mountains, the Tripolitanian coast,
the Gulf of Sidra,[253] and the southern Libyan Desert.[254]

In late August, anti-Gaddafi fighters captured Tripoli, scattering Gaddafi's government and
marking the end of his 42 years of power. Many institutions of the government, including Gaddafi
and several top government officials, regrouped in Sirte, which Gaddafi declared to be Libya's
new capital.[255] Others fled to Sabha, Bani Walid, and remote reaches of the Libyan Desert, or to
surrounding countries.[256][257] However, Sabha fell in late September,[258] Bani Walid was
captured after a grueling siege weeks later,[259] and on 20 October, fighters under the aegis of the
National Transitional Council seized Sirte, killing Gaddafi in the process.[260] However, after
Gaddafi was killed, the Civil War continued.

Syria (2011)
 

Anti-government demonstrations in Baniyas

Protests in Syria started on 26 January 2011, when a police officer assaulted a man in public at
"Al-Hareeka Street" in old Damascus. The man was arrested right after the assault. As a result,
protesters called for the freedom of the arrested man. Soon a "day of rage" was set for 4–5
February, but it was uneventful.[261][262] On 6 March, the Syrian security forces arrested about 15
children in Daraa, in southern Syria, for writing slogans against the government. Soon protests
erupted over the arrest and abuse of the children. Daraa was to be the first city to protest against
the Ba'athist government, which has been ruling Syria since 1963.[263]

Thousands of protesters gathered in Damascus, Aleppo, al-Hasakah, Daraa, Deir ez-Zor, and
Hama on 15 March,[264][265] with recently released politician Suhair Atassi becoming an unofficial
spokesperson for the "Syrian revolution".[266] The next day there were reports of approximately
3000 arrests and a few casualties, but there are no official figures on the number of deaths.[267]
On 18 April 2011, approximately 100,000 protesters sat in the central Square of Homs calling for
the resignation of President Bashar al-Assad. Protests continued through July 2011, the
government responding with harsh security clampdowns and military operations in several
districts, especially in the north.[268]

On 31 July, Syrian army tanks stormed several cities, including Hama, Deir Ez-Zour, Abu Kamal,
and Herak near Daraa. At least 136 people were killed, the highest death toll in any day since the
start of the uprising.[269] On 5 August 2011, an anti-government demonstration took place in
Syria called "God is with us", during which the Syrian security forces shot the protesters from
inside the ambulances, killing 11 people consequently.[270] The Arab Spring events in Syria
subsequently escalated into the Syrian Civil War.

Tunisia (2010–2011)
 

Protesters on Avenue Habib Bourguiba, downtown Tunis on 14 January 2011, a few hours before president Zine El Abidine
Ben Ali fled the country

Following the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid, a series of increasingly

violent street demonstrations through December 2010 ultimately led to the ousting of longtime
President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on 14 January 2011. The demonstrations were preceded by
high unemployment, food inflation, corruption,[271] lack of freedom of speech and other forms of
political freedom,[272] and poor living conditions. The protests constituted the most dramatic
wave of social and political unrest in Tunisia in three decades[273][274] and resulted in scores of
deaths and injuries, most of which were the result of action by police and security forces against
demonstrators. Ben Ali fled into exile in Saudi Arabia, ending his 23 years in power.[275]

A state of emergency was declared and a caretaker coalition government was created following
Ben Ali's departure, which included members of Ben Ali's party, the Constitutional Democratic
Rally (RCD), as well as opposition figures from other ministries. The five newly appointed non-
RCD ministers resigned almost immediately.[276][277] As a result of continued daily protests, on
27 January Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi reshuffled the government, removing all
former RCD members other than himself, and on 6 February the former ruling party was
suspended;[278] later, on 9 March, it was dissolved.[279] Following further public protests,
Ghannouchi himself resigned on 27 February, and Beji Caid Essebsi became Prime Minister.

On 23 October 2011 Tunisians voted in the first post-revolution election to elect representatives
to a 217-member constituent assembly that would be responsible for the new constitution.[280]
The leading Islamist party, Ennahda, won 37% of the vote, and elected 42 women to the
Constituent Assembly.[281]

On 26 January 2014 a new constitution was adopted.[282] The constitution is seen as

progressive, increasing human rights, gender equality, and government duties toward people,
laying the groundwork for a new parliamentary system and making Tunisia a decentralized and
open government.[282][283]

On 26 October 2014 Tunisia held its first parliamentary elections since the 2011 Arab Spring[284]
and its presidential election on 23 November 2014,[285] finishing its transition to a democratic
state. These elections were characterized by a decline in Ennahdha's popularity in favor of the
secular Nidaa Tounes party, which became the first party of the country.[286]

United Arab Emirates (2011)

In the United Arab Emirates, the Arab Spring saw a sudden and intense demand for democratic
reforms. However, government repression of human rights, including unlawful detentions and
torture, quelled the opposition and silenced dissenters. Even years after the Arab Spring
uprisings, the Emirates remain in staunch opposition to free speech.[287] [288]

In 2011, 133 peaceful political activists — including academics and members of a social
organization, Islah — signed a petition calling for democratic reforms. Submitted to the Emirati
monarch rulers, the petition demanded elections, more legislative powers for the Federal
National Council and an independent judiciary.[289]

In 2012, the authorities arrested 94 of the 133 journalists, government officials, judges, lawyers,
teachers and student activists were detained in secret detention facilities. For a year, until the
trial began in March 2013, the 94 prisoners were subjected to enforced disappearances and
torture. As the “unfair” trial ended on 2 July 2013, 69 men were convicted on the basis of
evidence acquired through forced confessions, and received harsh prison sentences of up to 15
years.[290]

The case came to be known as “UAE-94”, following which freedom of speech was further
curbed. For years, these prisoners have been under arbitrary detention, with some “held in
incommunicado, and denied their rights”. In July 2021, Amnesty International called the UAE
authorities to immediately release 60 prisoners of the UAE-94 case, who remained detained nine
years after their arrest.[291]

Following the 2011 petition, the UAE authorities also arrested five prominent human rights
defenders and government critics who did not sign the petition. All were pardoned the next day
but have been facing a number of unfair acts of the government. One of the prominent Emirati
activists, Ahmed Mansoor, reported being beaten twice since then. His passport was
confiscated and nearly $140,000 were stolen from his personal bank account. Most of the
human rights activists have been victims of the UAE government's intimidation for years.[289]
The authorities also exiled a local man to Thailand. He spoke out about the government.[292]

Yemen (2011)

Protestors in Aden calling for reinstatement of South Yemen during Arab Spring.

Protests in Sana'a

Protests occurred in many towns in both the north and south of Yemen starting in mid-January
2011. Demonstrators in the South mainly protested against President Saleh's support of Al
Qaeda in South Yemen, the marginalization of the Southern people and the exploitation of
Southern natural resources.[293][294][295] Other parts of the country initially protested against
governmental proposals to modify the constitution of Yemen, unemployment and economic
conditions,[296] and corruption,[297] but their demands soon included a call for the resignation of
President Ali Abdullah Saleh,[297][298][299] who had been facing internal opposition from his
closest advisors since 2009.[300]
A major demonstration of over 16,000 protesters took place in Sana'a on 27 January 2011,[301]
and soon thereafter human rights activist and politician Tawakel Karman called for a "Day of
Rage" on 3 February.[302] According to Xinhua News, organizers were calling for a million
protesters.[303] In response to the planned protest, Ali Abdullah Saleh stated that he would not
seek another presidential term in 2013.[304]

On 3 February, 20,000 protesters demonstrated against the government in Sana'a,[305][306] others

participated in a "Day of Rage" in Aden[307] that was called for by Tawakel Karman,[302] while
soldiers, armed members of the General People's Congress, and many protestors held a pro-
government rally in Sana'a.[308] Concurrent with the resignation of Egyptian president Mubarak,
Yemenis again took to the streets protesting President Saleh on 11 February, in what has been
dubbed a "Friday of Rage".[309] The protests continued in the days following despite clashes with
government advocates.[310] In a "Friday of Anger" held on 18 February, tens of thousands of
Yemenis took part in anti-government demonstrations in the major cities of Sana'a, Taiz, and
Aden. Protests continued over the following months, especially in the three major cities, and
briefly intensified in late May into urban warfare between Hashid tribesmen and army defectors
allied with the opposition on one side and security forces and militias loyal to Saleh on the
other.[311]

After Saleh pretended to accept a Gulf Cooperation Council-brokered plan allowing him to cede
power in exchange for immunity from prosecution only to back away before signing three
separate times,[312][313] an assassination attempt on 3 June left him and several other high-
ranking Yemeni officials injured by a blast in the presidential compound's mosque.[314] Saleh was
evacuated to Saudi Arabia for treatment and handed over power to Vice President Abdrabbuh
Mansur Hadi, who largely continued his policies[315] and ordered the arrest of several Yemenis in
connection with the attack on the presidential compound.[314] While in Saudi Arabia, Saleh kept
hinting that he could return any time and continued to be present in the political sphere through
television appearances from Riyadh starting with an address to the Yemeni people on 7 July.[316]
On 13 August, a demonstration was announced in Yemen as "Mansouron Friday" in which
hundreds of thousands of Yemenis called for Saleh to go. The protesters joining the "Mansouron
Friday" were calling for establishment of "a new Yemen".[317] On 12 September Saleh issued a
presidential decree while still receiving treatment in Riyadh authorizing Hadi to negotiate a deal
with the opposition and sign the GCC initiative.[318]

On 23 September, three months since the assassination attempt, Saleh returned to Yemen
abruptly, defying all earlier expectations.[319] Pressure on Saleh to sign the GCC initiative
eventually led to his doing so in Riyadh on 23 November. Saleh thereby agreed to step down and
set the stage for the transfer of power to his vice president.[320] A presidential election was then
held on 21 February 2012, in which Hadi (the only candidate) won 99.8% of the vote.[321] Hadi
then took the oath of office in Yemen's parliament on 25 February.[322] By 27 February Saleh had
resigned from the presidency and transferred power to Hadi.[323] The replacement government
was overthrown by Houthi rebels on 22 January 2015, starting the Yemeni Civil War and the
Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen.

Outcomes

Arab Winter

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring in various countries, there was a wave of violence and
instability commonly known as the Arab Winter[324] or Islamist Winter.[325] The Arab Winter was
characterized by extensive civil wars, general regional instability, economic and demographic
decline of the Arab League and overall religious wars between Sunni and Shia Muslims.

Areas of control in the Libyan Civil War (2014–present)

Although the long-term effects of the Arab Spring have yet to be shown, its short-term
consequences varied greatly across the Middle East and North Africa. In Tunisia and Egypt,
where the existing regimes were ousted and replaced through a process of free and fair election,
the revolutions were considered short-term successes.[326][327][328] This interpretation is,
however, problematized by the subsequent political turmoil that emerged, particularly in Egypt.
Elsewhere, most notably in the monarchies of Morocco and the Persian Gulf, existing regimes
co-opted the Arab Spring movement and managed to maintain order without significant social
change.[329][330] In other countries, particularly Syria and Libya, the apparent result of Arab Spring
protests was a complete societal collapse.[326]

Social scientists have endeavored to understand the circumstances that led to this variation in
outcome. A variety of causal factors have been highlighted, most of which hinge on the
relationship between the strength of the state and the strength of civil society. Countries with
stronger civil society networks in various forms underwent more successful reforms during the
Arab Spring; these findings are also consistent with more general social science theories such
as those espoused by Robert D. Putnam and Joel S. Migdal.[331][332]

One of the primary influences that have been highlighted in the analysis of the Arab Spring is the
relative strength or weakness of a society's formal and informal institutions prior to the revolts.
When the Arab Spring began, Tunisia had an established infrastructure and a lower level of petty
corruption than did other states, such as Libya.[326] This meant that, following the overthrow of
the existing regime, there was less work to be done in reforming Tunisian institutions than
elsewhere, and consequently it was less difficult to transition to and consolidate a democratic
system of government.[329][333]

Also crucial was the degree of state censorship over print, broadcast, and social media in
different countries. Television coverage by channels like Al Jazeera and BBC News provided
worldwide exposure and prevented mass violence by the Egyptian government in Tahrir Square,
contributing to the success of the Egyptian Revolution. In other countries, such as Libya, Bahrain,
and Syria, such international press coverage was not present to the same degree, and the
governments of these countries were able to act more freely in suppressing the protests.[334][335]
Strong authoritarian regimes with high degrees of censorship in their national broadcast media
were able to block communication and prevent the domestic spread of information necessary
for successful protests.

Countries with greater access to social media, such as Tunisia and Egypt, proved more effective
in mobilizing large groups of people, and appear to have been more successful overall than
those with greater state control over media.[328][336][337] Although social media played a large
role in shaping the events of revolutions social activism did not occur in a vacuum. Without the
use of street level organization social activists would not have been as effective.[338] Even
though a revolution did take place and the prior government has been replaced, Tunisia's
government can not conclude that another uprising will not take place. There are still many
grievances taking place today.[339]
Due to tourism coming to a halt and other factors during the revolution and Arab Spring
movement, the budget deficit has grown and unemployment has risen since 2011.[340] According
to the World Bank in 2016, "Unemployment remains at 15.3% from 16.7% in 2011, but still well
above the pre-revolution level of 13%."[340] Large scale emigration brought on by a long and
treacherous civil war has permanently harmed the Syrian economy. Projections for economic
contraction will remain high at almost 7% in 2017.[341]

Demonstrators holding the Rabia sign in solidarity with the victims of the August 2013 Rabaa massacre of pro-Morsi sit-
ins in Cairo

Still to this day, in countries affected by the Arab Spring, there is great division amongst those
who prefer the status quo and those who want democratic change. As these regions dive ever
deeper into political conflict time will show if new ideas can be established or if old institutions
will still stand strong.[342] The largest change from the pre-revolution to the post-revolution was
in the attempt to break up political elites and reshape the geopolitical structure of the middle
east. It is speculated that many of the changes brought on by the Arab Spring will lead to a
shifting of regional power in the Middle East and a quickly changing structure of power.[343]

The support, even if tacit, of national military forces during protests has also been correlated to
the success of the Arab Spring movement in different countries.[327][329] In Egypt and Tunisia, the
military actively participated in ousting the incumbent regime and in facilitating the transition to
democratic elections. Countries like Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, exhibited a strong
mobilization of military force against protesters, effectively ending the revolts in their territories;
others, including Libya and Syria, failed to stop the protests entirely and instead ended up in civil
war.[327] The support of the military in Arab Spring protests has also been linked to the degree of
ethnic homogeneity in different societies. In Saudi Arabia and Syria, where the ruling elite was
closely linked with ethnic or religious subdivisions of society, the military sided with the existing
regime and took on the ostensible role of protector to minority populations.[344] Even aside from
the military issue, countries with less homogeneous ethnic and national identities, such as
Yemen and Jordan, seem to have exhibited less effective mobilization on the whole. The
apparent exception to this trend is Egypt, which has a sizable Coptic minority.

The presence of a strong, educated middle class has been noted as a correlate to the success of
the Arab Spring in different countries.[345] Countries with strong welfare programs and a weak
middle class, such as Saudi Arabia and Jordaaweln turrectly connected to the existing political,
economic, and educational institutions in a country, and the middle class itself may be
considered an informal institution.[346] In very broad terms, this may be reframed in terms of
development, as measured by various indicators such as the Human Development Index: rentier
states such as the oil monarchies of the Persian Gulf exhibited less successful revolutions
overall.[347]

Charting what he calls the 'new masses' of the twenty-first century, Sociologist Göran Therborn
draws attention to the historical contradictory role of the middle class. The Egyptian middle
class has illustrated this ambivalence and contradiction in 2011 and 2013: "The volatility of
middle-class politics is vividly illustrated by the sharp turns in Egypt, from acclamation of
democracy to adulation of the military and its mounting repression of dissent, effectively
condoning the restoration of the ancien régime minus Mubarak.[348]

Long-term aftermath

Sectarianism and collapse of state systems

Yemeni capital Sanaa after Saudi Arabian-led airstrikes against the Shia Houthis, October 2015

Some trends in political Islam resulting from the Arab Spring noted by observers (Quinn Mecham
and Tarek Osman) include:
 Repression of the Muslim Brotherhood, not only in Egypt by the military and courts following
the forcible removal of Morsi from office in 2013; but also by Saudi Arabia and a number of
Gulf countries (not Qatar).[349][350][351] The ambassadors crisis also seriously threatened the
GCC's activities, adversely affected its functioning and could arguably even have led to its
dissolution.[351]

Rise of Islamist "state-building" where "state failure" has taken place—most prominently in
Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. Islamists have found it easier than competing non-Islamists
trying to fill the void of state failure, by securing external funding, weaponry and fighters –
"many of which have come from abroad and have rallied around a pan-Islamic identity". The
norms of governance in these Islamist areas are militia-based, and the governed submit to
their authority out of fear, loyalty, other reasons, or some combination.[349] The "most
expansive" of these new "models" is the Islamic State.[349]

Increasing sectarianism (primarily Sunni-Shia) at least in part from proxy wars and the
escalation of the Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict. Islamists are fighting Islamists across
sectarian lines in Lebanon (Sunni militants targeting Hezbollah positions), Yemen (between
mainstream Sunni Islamists of al-Islah and the Shiite Zaydi Houthi movement), in Iraq (Islamic
State and Iraqi Shiite militias)[349]

Increased caution and political learning in countries such as Algeria and Jordan where
Islamists have chosen not to lead a major challenge against their governments. In Yemen, al-
Islah "has sought to frame its ideology in a way that will avoid charges of militancy".[349]

In countries where Islamists did choose to lead a major challenge and did not succeed in
transforming society (particularly Egypt), a disinterest in "soul-searching" about what went
wrong, in favor of "antagonism and fiery anger" and a thirst for revenge. Partisans of political
Islam (although this does not include some prominent leaders such as Rached Ghannouchi
but is particularly true in Egypt) see themselves as victims of an injustice whose perpetrators
are not just "individual conspirators but entire social groups".[352]

"The repercussions of the 2011 uprisings have influenced Middle Eastern youth's experiences
providing impetus for questioning perennial sacred beliefs and positions, and forging ahead
avant-garde views and responses to the constraints they face."[22]

Contrary to the common discourse, Hussein Agha and Robert Malley from The New Yorker argue
that the divide in the post-Arab Spring in the Middle East is not sectarianism:

The bloodiest, most vicious, and most pertinent struggles occur

squarely inside the Sunni world. Sectarianism is a politically expedient
 fable, conveniently used to cover up old-fashioned power struggles,
maltreatment of minorities, and cruel totalitarian practices.[353]

Agha and Malley point out that even in Syria there has been a misrepresentation of the conflict,
that the Assad regime relied on an alliance that included middle class Sunnis along with other
religious minorities. Prior to the uprising, the Syrian regime enjoyed some financial and political
support from Sunni Gulf states. The "select rich urban bourgeoisie, the Sunni Damascene in
particular", according to Tokyo University researcher Housam Darwisheh, "now has a direct
interest in preserving stability and their relations with the regime as long as their businesses
prosper."[354] In the view of the Arab sociologist Halim Barakat, "the persistence of communal
cleavages complicates rather than nullifies social class consciousness and struggles."[355]

Arab Summer (Second Arab Spring)

Arab Spring: Revolution or reform

Very few analysts of the Arab societies foresaw a mass movement on such a scale that might
threaten the existing order. In his 1993 sociological study of the Arab societies, culture and state,
Barakat stated confidently that "one should expect the first Arab popular revolution to take place
in Egypt or Tunisia. This does not, however, exclude the possibility that revolutions may occur in
more pluralistic societies as well."[356] What was prevalent, according to the Syrian writer and
political dissident Yassin al-Haj Saleh was three 'springs' that ensured the status quo. One of
which was a "spring of despotic states that receive assistance and legitimacy from a world
system centered around stability".[357] Most democracy protests do not result in reforms.[358]

Two months into the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings, The Economist magazine in a leader
article spoke about a new generation of young people, idealists, "inspired by democracy" made
revolutions. Those revolutions, the article stated, "are going the right way, with a hopeful new
mood prevailing and free elections in the offing".[359] For those on the streets of Egypt the
predominant slogan was "bread, freedom and social justice".[360]

Some observers, however, have questioned the revolutionary nature of the 'Arab Spring'. A social
theorist specialising in social movements and social change in the Middle East, Asef Bayat, has
provided an analysis based on his decades-long of research as "a participant-observer" (his own
words). In his appraisal of the Arab revolutions, Bayat discerns a remarkable difference between
these revolutions and the revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s in countries like Yemen, Nicaragua
and Iran. The Arab revolutions, argues Bayat, "lacked any associated intellectual anchor" and the
predominant voices, "secular and Islamists alike, took free market, property relations, and
neoliberal rationality for granted" and uncritically.[361] New social movements' define themselves
as horizontal networks with aversion to the state and central authority. Thus their "political
objective is not to capture the state", a fundamental feature in the twentieth-century
revolutionary movements.[362] Instead of revolution or reform, Bayat speaks of 'refolution'.[363]

Wael Ghonim, an Internet activist who would later gain an international fame, acknowledged that
what he had intended by founding a Facebook page was a "simple reaction to the events in
Tunisia" and that "there was no master plans or strategies" a priori.[364] That the objective was
reform to be achieved through peaceful means and not revolution was explicitly put forward by
April 6 Movement, one of the leading forces of the Egyptian uprising, in their statements. It
called for "coalition and co-operation between all factions and national forces to reach the
reform and the peaceful change of the conditions of Egypt".[365] "Even in Tahrir Square with so
many people and the rising level of demands," recalls an activist in the movement, "we were very
surprised by the people wanting the downfall of the regime; and not a single one us had
expected this."[366] In comparing the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria, researcher
Housam Darwisheh concludes: "The Egyptian uprising, in neither dismantling the ancien regime
nor creating new institutional mechanisms to lead the transition, permitted the so-called 'deep
state' to reassert itself while the deepening polarization led many non-Islamists to side with the
military against the MB [the Muslim Brotherhood]."[367]

According to Cambridge sociologist Hazem Kandil, the Muslim Brotherhood did not aim at
taking power during the events leading up to the toppling of Mubarak. The biggest and most
organised organisation in Egypt in fact negotiated with the regime in "infamous talks between
Morsi and the then vice-president Omar Suleiman", and "an informal deal was reached: withdraw
your members from Tahrir Square, and we allow you to form a political party." Then the
Brotherhood wavered whether to file a presidential candidate and did not push for a new
constitution, choosing to work with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF):

The Brotherhood and the Salafists went all-out to keep the existing
constitution—originating under Sadat— with a few amendments. The
result was irrelevant, because the military scrapped the old
constitution anyway. But the Brothers managed to persuade over 70 per
cent of the voters, so it became clear to the military that they had far
more sway on the street than the secular revolutionaries who had
brought down Mubarak, yet seemed incapable of much organization
 once they had done so. For SCAF, the priority was to bring the street
under control, so it decided to start working with the Brotherhood to
stabilize the country.[368]

George Lawson from the London School of Economics places the Arab uprisings within the post-
Cold War world. He characterises the uprisings as "largely unsuccessful revolution" and that they
"bare a family resemblance to the 'negotiated revolutions'... Negotiated revolutions ... seek to
transform political and symbolic fields of action, but without a concomitant commitment to a
program of economic transformation."[369] In this 'negotiated revolution', comments Bayat,
"revolutionaries had in effect little part in the 'negotiations'."[370] What has been treated by some
analysts as intellectual weakness of the revolutionary movement is partly due to the pre-2011
stifling cultural environment under repressive regimes. Although Egyptian intellectuals enjoyed a
bigger margin of freedom than their counterparts in Tunisia, cultural figures sought protection
from political players, and instead of leading criticism, they complied.[371]

The post-Cold War era saw the emergence of the idea and practice of gradual reform and liberal
agenda. It saw an influx of humanitarian projects, NGOs and charity work, liberal think tanks and
emphasis on civil society work. This new juncture seemed to have made the idea and prospect
of revolution an outdated project. The focus instead shifted to individual freedoms and free
market. The new idea of civil society was different from the kind of civil society Antonio Gramsci,
for instance, envisaged: 'a revolution before the revolution'.

In her field study in Yemen, anthropologist Bogumila Hall depicts the effects of what she terms
as "the marketization of civil society and its heavy reliance on donors", which "led to a largely
depoliticized form of activism that by passed, rather than confronted, the state". Hall, with her
focus on the muhammashīn (the marginalized) in Yemen, described how in the 1990s and 2000s
international NGOs established charity projects and workshops "to teach slum dwellers new
skills and behaviours". But, besides the "modest changes" brought by the NGOs, concludes Hall,
"delegating the problem of the muhammashīn to the realm of development and poverty
alleviation, without addressing the structural causes underlying their marginalisation, had a
depoliticising effect. It led to a widely held assumption, also shared by the muhammashīn, that
ending marginalisation was a matter for experts and administrative measures, not politics."[372]

When Arab regimes viewed NGOs' leaders and other similar organisations with suspicion,
accusing Western governments of providing funding and training to 'illegal organisations' and
fomenting revolution, diplomatic cables reported "how American officials frequently assured
skeptical governments that the training was aimed at reform, not promoting revolutions".[373]
And when the Egyptian uprising was gaining its momentum, the American president Barack
Obama "did not suggest that the 82-year-old leader step aside or transfer power... the argument
was that he really needed to do the reforms, and do them fast. Former ambassador to Egypt
(Frank G.) Wisner publicly suggested that Mr. Mubarak had to be at the center of any change,
and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton warned that any transition would take time."[374]
Some activists, who read the American thinker the nonviolence advocate Gene Sharp, obtained
training from foreign bodies, including the Serbian opposition movement Otpor!, and April 6
Movement modelled its logo after Otpor's.[374] Otpor, writes Bayat in his discussion of the
agencies of the Arab Spring activism in Tunisia and Egypt, obtained funds from well-known
American organisations such as the American National Endowment for Democracy, USAID, and
the International Republican Institute. Thus Otpur, in line with these organisations' advocacies,
"pushed for political reform through nonradical, electoral, and market-driven language and
practices".[375]

Early 2019 witnessed two uprisings: one in Algeria and another in Sudan. In Algeria under
pressure of weeks of protests, the head of the army forced the ailing twenty-year-serving
president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, to abdicate. In Sudan, after four months of protests, the Sudani
defense minister ousted longtime President Omar al-Bashir in a coup.[376] Writing about what he
calls "a rebirth of Tahrir Square", the prominent Lebanese novelist and critic Elias Khoury, averred
that "perhaps the secret of the Arab Spring lies not in its victories or defeats, but in its ability to
liberate people from fear." Despite the "faded spirit of Tahrir Square" and an outcome that Khoury
describes as a "monarchy that abrogates legal standards", a renaissance of resistance is
unstoppable:

The defeat of the Arab Spring has seemed likely to extinguish this
glimmer of hope, to return the Arab world to the tyrannical duopoly of
military and oil and to crush the will of the people in the struggle
between Sunni and Shia, between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The
combination has thrown the region into Israelʹs lap. But the defeat
cannot and will not stop the renaissance. If the Arab world has reached
rock bottom, it canʹt go any lower and it canʹt last forever.[377]

There was a need, suggested Khoury, to turn "the uprisings of the Arab Spring into an intellectual,
political and moral project that gives meaning to the goals of freedom, democracy and social
justice". From the outset the 2011 Arab uprisings raised the banner of 'social justice'. The
concept, what it means and how to achieve it has been a major subject of discussion and
contention since then.

Social justice

In its economic and social manifesto, the Tunisian Ennahda Movement states that the
movement "adopts the social and solidarised market economy within a national approach based
on free economic activity, freedom of ownership, production and administration on the one hand,
and social justice and equal opportunities on the other hand" and that "national capital has to be
the axis in the development process."[378] The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt mainly focuses on
"reform of existing political systems in the Arab world. It embraces the idea of political activism
and social responsibility, organising charitable works and social support programmes as part of
its outreach to its core support base of lower-income populations."[379]

On its part the International Centre for Transitional Justice has set nine 'concrete and tangible'
goals with focus on "accountability for serious violations of human rights, access to justice,
facilitating peace processes, advancing the cause of reconciliation and reforming the state and
social institutions".[380] One of those goals was taken up by Truth and Dignity Commission
(Tunisia) that recorded and submitted to the relevant court the human rights abuses which had
been committed by the Tunisian regime. A new climate of freedom of speech, freedom of
organisation and elections characterised the political environment of post-Ben Ali Tunisia.

Some observers and social analysts remarked, however, that the issue of social justice remained
a rhetoric or was marginalised. According to Fathi Al-Shamikhi, an expert in debt issues and
founder of the Tunisian association RAID, different social forces played a crucial role in matters
related to social demands and achieving social justice. "This role varies between those who
advocate these demands and those who reject them, according to the social nature of each of
these forces."[381] "Bread, freedom and social justice" were the main slogans of the Arab
revolutions. But although social and economic demands were raised, argued researcher and
former editor in chief of the Egyptian Al-Shorouq Newspaper, Wael Gamal, "they were pushed
aside in the political arena, and more attention was given to issues such as the transfer of power
arrangements, the constitution first, the elections first, democratic transformation and the
religious-secular conflict."[382]

Counter-revolution and civil wars

With the survival of the regime in Egypt and the rolling back of what was gained in the short
period after the overthrow of Mubarak, the persistence, or even the worsening, of the socio-
economic conditions that led to the Tunisian uprising, a Saudi-led intervention in Bahrain
assisted the defeat of the uprising in the country, and especially the descent of other uprisings
into brutal civil wars in Syria, Libya and Yemen, with acute humanitarian crises, there are

many in capitals around the world who find it convenient to insist that
a strongman is needed to deal with the peoples of this region. It is a
racist, bigoted argument and should be called out as such, but many
political leaders of the region are quite comfortable promoting it.
Indeed, many of the counterrevolutionary moves in the region
happened precisely because they agree with that argument.[383]

Writing in April 2019, amidst an offensive to take Libya's capital Tripoli by Khalifa Haftar who
gained the backing of the U.S. president Donald Trump, Marwan Kabalan argued that "counter-
revolutionary forces are seeking to resurrect the military dictatorship model the Arab Spring
dismantled." Kapalan contended that "regional and world powers have sponsored the return of
military dictatorships to the region, with the hope that they would clean up the Arab Spring
'mess' and restore order." He also referred to Western powers' history of backing military rule in
the region, and how American interests in the Middle East clashed with French but mainly with
British ones, citing the American supported coups in Syria and Egypt, but generally how, as
former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice admitted, the United States "pursued stability at
the expense of democracy... and achieved neither". Kabalan concluded:

There seems to be a concerted effort to establish a crescent of military-

ruled countries from Sudan in northeast Africa to Algeria in the
northwest through Egypt and Libya to ward off popular upheaval and
keep "Islamist" forces in check.[384]

Analyst H. A. Hellyer atrributes the persistence of autocracy and dictatorship, as well as counter-
revolution, to structures that go back to colonialism. But also to the forms the states in the
MENA region took in the postcolonial era and the social pacts that were established in the
process. What we are seeing today since 2011, argues Hellyer, is a clash between those
"inherited structures" and the new "demographic realities" of the populations of the region.[385]

Compromise and dialogue with the entrenched regimes, followed by elections in Tunisia and
Egypt have produced either limited change or counter-revolution. In the first quarter of 2019
protests and mass mobilisation in Sudan and Algeria succeeded in toppling the head of states,
but it seems there is a dilemma, argues scholar and fellow at Woodrow Wilson Center Marina
Ottaway. The demands of the genuine grassroots movements are unlikely, unfortunately, "to be
attained through a peaceful process – one without violence and the violation of the human
rights of many". Ottaway points out to the experiences of Algeria and Egypt when in the former
the regime annulled the results of the elections in the early 1990s and in the latter when the
military carried out a bloody repression of the Muslim Brotherhood government during the 2013
coup.

Attempts to bring about radical changes, by punishing and excluding a

large part of the old elite, are not possible by democratic means,
because such efforts elicit a strong reaction – a counterrevolution –
leading to violence and repression.[386]

Space and the city in the Arab uprisings

For contemporary activists, protesting in Tahrir Square in the last decade always meant "a battle
to control the space, especially under an authoritarian regime and heavy police state".[387] In an
environment where people distrust formal politics, they find the streets almost the only space
available to them to express their grievances, discontent and solidarity. As sociologist Bayat
puts it, urban streets are not only a physical place for "street politics", but they also "signify a
different but crucial symbolic utterance, one that transcends the physicality of street, to convey
collective sentiments of a nation or a community".[388] Researcher Atef Said makes a connection
between previous events that took place in Tahrir and the 2011 occupation of the Square.
"Spaces," writes Said, "carry meanings that are constructed over time, redeployed and
reconfigured in the present, and carried forward as inspiration for the future."[389]

In a survey conducted by the National Center for Social and Criminological Research in Egypt,
and its results published by the daily al-Masry al-Youm, just a week before the beginning of the
uprising, the sample of 2,956 people expressed that achieving justice and political stability,
lowering prices, having access to clean drinking water, and providing comfortable transportation
topped the list of changes they desired for their country.[390]

By country

   Tunisia Jasmine revolution

   Algeria 2010-2012 Algerian protests

 Oman 2011 Omani protests

 

   Yemen Yemeni revolution

 Jordan 2011–2012 Jordanian protests

 

   Egypt Egyptian Crisis (2011–2014)

   Syria Syrian Civil War

   Morocco 2011–2012 Moroccan protests

   Iraq 2011 Iraqi protests

   Bahrain Bahraini uprising of 2011

 Kuwait Kuwaiti protests (2011–2012)

 

   Libya First Libyan civil war

See also

Arab Cold War

Arab Revolt

Arab Summer (2018–21 Arab protests)

Arab Winter

Democracy in the Middle East and North Africa

List of modern conflicts in North Africa

List of modern conflicts in the Middle East

Qatar–Saudi Arabia diplomatic conflict

Spillover of the Syrian civil war

Takfirism

Women in the Arab Spring

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funds were supposed to be used to pay salaries of public workers, who have not received payments for
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 Further reading

Aa. Vv. (2011), The New Arab Revolt: What Happened, What It Means, and What Comes Next, Council on
Foreign Relations, Foreign Affairs, Maggio-Giugno.

Al Mahameed, Muhammad; Belal, Ataur; Gebreiter, Florian; Lowe, Alan (7 June 2021). "Social accounting
in the context of profound political, social and economic crisis: the case of the Arab Spring" (http://eprint
s.whiterose.ac.uk/168291/) . Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal. 34 (5): 1080–1108.
doi:10.1108/AAAJ-08-2019-4129 (https://doi.org/10.1108%2FAAAJ-08-2019-4129) . S2CID 228819446
(https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:228819446) .

Abaza, M. (2011), Revolutionary Moments in Tahrir Square, American University of Cairo, 7 May 2011,
www.isa-sociology.org.

Abdih, Y. (2011), Arab Spring: Closing the Jobs Gap. High youth unemployment contributes to
widespread unrest in the Middle East Finance & Development, in Finance & Development (International
Monetary Fund), Giugno.

Alfadhel, Khalifa. The Failure of the Arab Spring (Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016). ISBN 978-1-
4438-9789-1

Anderson, L (May–June 2011). "Demystifying the Arab Spring: Parsing the Differences between Tunisia,
Egypt, and Libya". Foreign Affairs. 90 (3).

Beinin, J. – Vairel, F. (2011), (a cura di), Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation in the Middle
East and North Africa, Stanford, CA, Stanford University press.

Brownlee, Jason; Masoud, Tarek; Reynolds, Andrew (2013). The Arab Spring: the politics of transformation
in North Africa and the Middle East. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Browers, Michaelle (2009). Political Ideology in the Arab World: Accommodation and Transformation. New
York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-76532-9.

Cohen, R. (2011), A Republic Called Tahrir, in New York Times.

Dabashi, Hamid. The Arab Spring: The End of Postcolonialism (Palgrave Macmillan; 2012) 182 pages

Darwish, Nonie (28 February 2012). The demon We Don't Know: The Dark Side of Revolutions in the Middle
East (https://books.google.com/books?id=VjiKZwEACAAJ) . John Wiley & Sons.

Davies, Thomas Richard (2014). "The failure of strategic nonviolent action in Bahrain, Egypt, Libya and
Syria: 'political ju-jitsu' in reverse" (http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/13046/1/Manuscript-notanonymousREVI
SED.pdf) (PDF). Global Change, Peace & Security. 26 (3): 299–313. doi:10.1080/14781158.2014.924916
(https://doi.org/10.1080%2F14781158.2014.924916) . S2CID 145013824 (https://api.semanticscholar.
org/CorpusID:145013824) .

Gardner, David (2009). Last Chance: The Middle East in the Balance. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1-
84885-041-5.
Gause, F. G. (2011), Why Middle East Studies Missed the Arab Spring: The Myth of Authoritarian Stability,
in Foreign Affairs, July/August.

Goldstone, Jack A.; Hazel, John T., Jr. (14 April 2011). "Understanding the Revolutions of 2011: Weakness
and Resilience in Middle Eastern Autocracies" (http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67694/jack-a-gold
stone/understanding-the-revolutions-of-2011) . Foreign Affairs (May/June 2011).

Haddad, Bassam; Bsheer, Rosie; Abu-Rish, Ziad, eds. (2012). The Dawn of the Arab Uprisings: End of an
Old Order?. London: Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-3325-0.

Kaye, Dalia Dassa (2008). More Freedom, Less Terror? Liberalization and Political Violence in the Arab
World. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. ISBN 978-0-8330-4508-9.

Krüger, Laura-Theresa, and Bernhard Stahl. "The French foreign policy U-turn in the Arab Spring–the case
of Tunisia." Mediterranean Politics 23.2 (2018): 197-222 online (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Ber
nhard_Stahl2/publication/309756162_The_French_foreign_policy_U-turn_in_the_Arab_Spring_-_the_case
_of_Tunisia/links/5cefd4d54585153c3da67fb0/The-French-foreign-policy-U-turn-in-the-Arab-Spring-the-c
ase-of-Tunisia.pdf) .

Lutterbeck, Derek. (2013). Arab Uprisings, Armed Forces, and Civil-Military Relations. (http://afs.sagepub.
com/content/39/1/28.abstract) Armed Forces & Society, Vol. 39, No. 1 (pp. 28–52)

Ottaway, Marina; Choucair-Vizoso, Julia, eds. (2008). Beyond the Façade: Political Reform in the Arab
World (https://archive.org/details/beyondfacadepoli0000otta) . Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace. ISBN 978-0-87003-239-4.

Pelletreau, Robert H. (24 February 2011). "Transformation in the Middle East: Comparing the Uprisings in
Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain" (http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67546/robert-h-pelletreau/transform
ation-in-the-middle-east) . Foreign Affairs.

Phares, Walid (2010). Coming Revolution: Struggle for Freedom in the Middle East (https://archive.org/deta
ils/comingrevolution0000phar) . New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-4391-7837-9.

Posusney, Marsha Pripstein; Angrist, Michele Penner, eds. (2005). Authoritarianism in the Middle East:
Regimes and Resistance. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. ISBN 978-1-58826-317-9.

Roberts, Adam, Michael J. Willis, Rory McCarthy and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance in the
Arab Spring: Triumphs and Disasters (http://www.oup.com/uk/isbn/9780198749028) , Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 2016. ISBN 978-0-19-874902-8. Arabic language edition published by All Prints Publishers
(http://www.all-prints.com/book.php?id=718) , Beirut, 2017. ISBN 978-9953-88-970-2.

Rosiny, S. and Richter, T. (2016). "The Arab Spring: Misconceptions and Prospects". GIGA Focus Middle
East No. 4/2016 (https://www.giga-hamburg.de/en/publication/the-arab-spring-misconceptions-and-pros
pects)

Steinitz, Chris and McCants, William (2014). Reaping the Whirlwind: Gulf State Competition after the Arab
Uprisings (https://www.academia.edu/8395293/Reaping_the_Whirlwind_Gulf_State_Competition_after_t
he_Arab_Uprisings) . Arlington, VA: CNA Corporation.
Struble Jr., Robert (22 August 2011). "Libya and the Doctrine of Justifiable Rebellion" (http://catholiclane.
com/libya-and-the-doctrine-of-justifiable-rebellion/) . Catholic Lane.

Tausch, Arno (2015). Globalization, the environment and the future "greening" of Arab politics (https://idea
s.repec.org/p/pra/mprapa/64511.html) . Connecticut: REPEC.

Tausch, Arno (Fall 2013). "A Look at International Survey Data About Arab Opinion". Middle East Review of
International Affairs. 17 (3): 57–74. SSRN 2388627 (https://ssrn.com/abstract=2388627) .

Tausch, Arno (Spring 2016). "The Civic Culture of the Arab World: A Comparative Analysis Based on
World Values Survey Data". Middle East Review of International Affairs. 20 (1): 35–59.
doi:10.2139/ssrn.2827232 (https://doi.org/10.2139%2Fssrn.2827232) . S2CID 157863317 (https://api.s
emanticscholar.org/CorpusID:157863317) . SSRN 2827232 (https://ssrn.com/abstract=2827232) .

Tausch, Arno (2015). The political algebra of global value change. General models and implications for the
Muslim world. With Almas Heshmati and Hichem Karoui (1st ed.). Nova Science Publishers, New York.
ISBN 978-1-62948-899-8.

United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on International

Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy, and Global Women's Issues. (2012). Women
and the Arab Spring: Joint Hearing before the Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations,
Human Rights, Democracy, and Global Women's Issues and the Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South
and Central Asian Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred
Twelfth Congress, First Session, November 2, 2011. (https://purl.fdlp.gov/GPO/gpo18547) Washington,
D.C.: U.S. G.P.O.

Amanda Jacoby, Tamil (2013). "Israel's relations with Egypt and Turkey during the Arab Spring:
Weathering the Storm". Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs. VII (2): 29–42.
doi:10.1080/23739770.2013.11446550 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F23739770.2013.11446550) .
S2CID 148402328 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:148402328) .

External links

Arab Spring
at Wikipedia's sister projects

Definitions from
 
Wiktionary

Media from Wikimedia

 
Commons

News from Wikinews

 
 Quotations from
 
Wikiquote

Arab Spring (https://web.archive.org/web/20150209174836/http://www.teluguaspirant.com/a

rab-spring-background-causes-impact-present-situation-etc/1575/)

Right to Nonviolence (http://www.righttononviolence.org/)

United States Institute of Peace (http://www.usip.org/)

Civil Movements: The Impact of Facebook and Twitter (http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-n

ews/facebook-and-twitter-key-to-arab-spring-uprisings-report)

Middle East Constitutional Forum (http://www.righttononviolence.org/mecf)

Live blogs
Middle East (http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/) at Al Jazeera

Middle East protests (https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-12480844) at BBC

News

Arab and Middle East protests (https://www.theguardian.com/news/blog+world/middleeas

t) live blog at The Guardian

Middle East Protests (http://thelede.blogs.nytimes.com/) at The Lede blog at The New York
Times

Middle East protests live (http://live.reuters.com/Event/Middle_East_Protests) at Reuters

Ongoing coverage
A (Working) Academic Arab Spring Reading List (https://docs.google.com/document/d/1DU8
AOlkTV6F0ZyoGcbk_060iBZG5tWKwj_n97EJPe9M/edit) collected peer-reviewed academic
articles on the impact of social media on the Arab Spring

Constitutional Transitions Timeline (http://www.righttononviolence.org/mecf/timeline-me)

Collected legal and political changes and short analysis at Middle East Constitutional Forum
(http://www.righttononviolence.org/mecf/)

Unrest in the Arab World (http://www.carnegieendowment.org/topic/?fa=list&id=839)

collected news and commentary at Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Issue Guide: Arab World Protests (http://www.cfr.org/egypt/issue-guide-arab-world-protests/p

23929) , Council on Foreign Relations
 Middle East protests (https://www.ft.com/indepth/middle-east-protests) collected news and
commentary at the Financial Times

Unrest in the Arab World (http://edition.cnn.com/SPECIALS/2011/arab.unrest/) collected

map, news and commentary at CNN

Arab and Middle East unrest collected news and commentary (https://www.theguardian.com/
world/arab-and-middle-east-protests) at The Guardian

Arab and Middle East unrest – interactive timeline collected news and commentary (https://w
ww.theguardian.com/world/interactive/2011/mar/22/middle-east-protest-interactive-timelin
e) at The Guardian

Rage on the Streets (https://web.archive.org/web/20110408135635/http://www.hurriyetdailyn

ews.com/t.php?t=uprising) collected news and commentary at Hurriyet Daily News and
Economic Review

Middle East Unrest (http://www.thenational.ae/news/worldwide/syria-president-appoints-new-

government-orders-protesters-freed-from-jail) collected news and commentary at The
National

Middle East Uprisings (https://web.archive.org/web/20110926175159/http://showdownmide

ast.com/) collected news and commentary at Showdown in the Middle East website

"The Arab Revolution collected news and commentary" (http://www.spiegel.de/international/t

opic/the_arab_revolution//) . Der Spiegel.

The Middle East in Revolt (https://web.archive.org/web/20110203073650/http://www.time.co

m/time/specials/packages/0,28757,2045328,00.html) collected news and commentary at
Time

Other
Hassan, Oz (2015). "Undermining the transatlantic democracy agenda? The Arab Spring and
Saudi Arabia's counteracting democracy strategy" (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F13510347.201
4.981161) . Democratization. 22 (3): 479–495. doi:10.1080/13510347.2014.981161 (https://
doi.org/10.1080%2F13510347.2014.981161) . ISSN 1351-0347 (https://www.worldcat.org/is
sn/1351-0347) .

The Arab Spring—One Year Later: The CenSEI Report analyzes how 2011's clamor for
democratic reform met 2012's need to sustain its momentum. (https://www.scribd.com/doc/
90470593/The-CenSEI-Report-Vol-2-No-6-February-13-19-2012#outer_page_23) The CenSEI
Report, 13 February 2012
 Interface journal special issue on the Arab Spring (http://www.interfacejournal.net/2012/05/in
terface-volume-4-issue-1-the-season-of-revolution-the-arab-spring-and-european-mobilizatio
ns/) , Interface: A Journal for and about Social Movements, May 2012

"The Shoe Thrower's index (An index of unrest in the Arab world)" (https://www.economist.co
m/blogs/dailychart/2011/02/daily_chart_arab_unrest_index) . The Economist. 9 February
2011.

"Interview with Tariq Ramadan: 'We Need to Get a Better Sense of the Trends within
Islamism' " (https://web.archive.org/web/20110226115107/http://en.qantara.de/webcom/sho
w_article.php/_c-478/_nr-1164/i.html) . Qantara.de. 2 February 2011. Archived from the
original (http://en.qantara.de/webcom/show_article.php/_c-478/_nr-1164/i.html) on 26
February 2011. Retrieved 4 March 2011.

Sadek J. Al Azm, "The Arab Spring: Why Exactly at this Time?" Reason Papers 33 (Fall 2011) (h
ttp://www.reasonpapers.com/pdf/33/rp_33_18.pdf)

Tracking the wave of protests with statistics (https://web.archive.org/web/20140515004200/

http://revolutiontrends.org/) , RevolutionTrends.org

Arab uprisings: 10 key moments (https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-2062664

5) from BBC Middle East Editor Jeremy Bowden (10 December 2012)

How to Start a Revolution (https://www.howtostartarevolution.org/) , documentary directed by

Ruaridh Arrow

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