The Murid Order and Its 'Doctrine of Work'

The Murid Order and Its 'Doctrine of Work'
Author(s): Kota Kariya

Source: Journal of Religion in Africa , 2012, Vol. 42, Fasc. 1 (2012), pp. 54-75
Published by: Brill
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Journal of
Religion in
AFRICA
Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75 brill.nl/jra
The Murid Order and Its 'Doctrine of Work'
Kota Kariya
Institute for Advanced Studies on Asia, the University of Tokyo,
7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, JAPAN
kotakariya@ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp
Abstract
The Murid order was founded by Ahmad Bamba (d. 1927) at the end of the nineteenth century
in the area corresponding to the western region of contemporary Senegal. Many scholars have
referred to a characteristic item of faith in this order, known as the 'doctrine of work'. On the
basis of a review of studies that refer to the doctrine and an analysis of Bamba's writings and other
Arabic works, this paper indicates problems that result from insisting on a relationship between
the doctrine and Bamba's thoughts without citing appropriate sources, as well as from a biased
interpretation of his passages.
Keywords
Islam, West Africa, Senegal, the Murid order, Ahmad Bamba, the 'doctrine of work'
Introduction
Contemporary Senegal is a place where many Sufi orders (sg. tariqa) of Islam
conduct numerous activities in the political, economic and social spheres.
Among them, the Murid order (Murldiya), founded by Ahmad Bamba
(d. 1927) at the end of the nineteenth century, is one of the most powerful
orders.
Islam reached the northwestern region of sub-Saharan Africa, including

Senegal, in the eleventh century at the latest. After the initial period when this
new religion was supported chiefly by political authorities, it spread by degrees
among the people and took root in this region. Moreover, as Sufis' activities
intensified around the eighteenth century, Sufi orders gradually expanded
their influence over the society of West Africa.
One of the religious circumstances peculiar to contemporary Senegal, where
Muslims comprise almost ninety percent of the population, is that most of
them belong to one of many Sufi orders. Owing partly to this affiliation of the
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2012 DOI: 10.1163/157006612X629041

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K. Karìya / Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75 55
majority of the people, these orders have maintained great influence on varied
spheres of the nation. We can regard this enormous presence of the orders as
one of the most remarkable features of Senegalese Islam.
Among these influential orders, the Murid has been regarded as particularly
energetic and prosperous and has inspired scholars to study it from various
disciplinary viewpoints since the French colonial era. Examination of these
studies makes it evident that many refer to a particular characteristic of the
faith, which is known as the 'doctrine of work'.
Broadly speaking, this doctrine states that Murid disciples' gratuitous work for
their masters is sanctified, and that such disciples are guaranteed a place in Paradise
in the next world. It appears that contemporary Murids continue to adhere to this
doctrine that connects work to future salvation; moreover, this teaching occasion
ally leads to the surprising view that disciples can substitute their labor, which
benefits their masters, for religious obligations such as prayer and fasting.1
Historically speaking, the doctrine of work had the effect of efficiently
organizing Murids' gratuitous labor under the control of their masters. It also
contributed to the expansion of the order and the increase of its economic
power because the main tasks to which the labor force was assigned, such as
the cultivation of new land, the construction of villages, and the production
of cash crops, were essential for the early development of the order.
Until now, this doctrine has been transmitted from generation to genera
tion among Murids, and it appears that the number of contemporary Murids
who recognize it as Bamba's own idea is not small. It is interesting that some
scholars refer to sayings attributed to Bamba or quotations from his writings
and attempt to relate them to the doctrine. However, even if it is evident that
Murids share the doctrine, it remains questionable whether the doctrine can
be attributed to Bamba. It is therefore necessary to return to some fundamen
tal questions. Should the doctrine of work be attributed to Bamba? Did the
doctrine play a significant role in his thoughts? Did he actually try to propa
gate this unusual doctrine as his own?
This paper considers these simple but essential questions on the basis of a
review of studies that refer to the doctrine of work and an analysis of Bamba's
writings and other Arabic works. However, in order to avoid misunderstand
ings, I would like to clarify that the aim of this paper is neither to call the
doctrine of work into question nor to criticize its acceptance by Murids. It is
not my intention to evaluate their faith; rather, I hope to stimulate construc
tive discussion in order to revisit Bamba's thoughts in general, as well as those
that pertain specifically to the doctrine of work.

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56 K. Kariya / Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75
Sayings Attributed to Ahmad Bamba: A Problem in Several Studies
For my review of sayings that have been attributed to Bamba, I have selected
some of the best-known and typical studies that cite them. My analysis of
these citations identifies a particular problem common to all the studies.
The first saying to be considered is reproduced by Lucy E. Creevey, who
writes in her study on Bamba's life, Ahmad Bamba, popular report insists,
went so far as to promise his followers "Work for me and I shall pray for
you"'.2 This saying is often used to link Bamba to the doctrine of work. The
idea or belief that disciples' work for their masters could replace daily obliga
tory prayer developed from this saying. However, what should be noted here
is that Creevey does not cite any specific sources that can testify to a link
between the maxim and Bamba; she seems to take it for granted.
The second saying under consideration appears in various works, including
Donai B. Cruise O'Brien's comprehensive study on the Murid order. Cruise
O'Brien, one of the pioneers in the study of this order, writes, 'Amadu Bamba,
both in his religious verses and through the spoken word, encouraged his fol
lowers to work. The phrase, "work is a part of religion", has been attributed to
him, and was certainly used by several of his associates. Today, this proverb is
much in use among the Mourides'.3 Together with slightly different versions,
this type of saying implies that performing work is a vital ingredient in the
Murid religious system. However, none of the scholars who attributed this
saying to Bamba, including Cruise O'Brien, Creevey, and Cheikh Tidiane Sy,
name its source.4
Among the articles that deal with this type of saying, that by Abdoulaye
Wade, which was written long before he became the president of Senegal, is
remarkable. In his article Wade presents two maxims—'Travailler est un des
comportements d'un esclave de Dieu' (Work is one of God's slave's behaviors)
and 'Travailler fait partie de l'action de "suivre" Dieu' (Work constitutes part
of the action of following God)5—and declares, before analyzing them in
detail, 'The Murid doctrine turns work into a link between God and the crea
tion and is contained in Ahmad Bamba's two formulas'.6 Just as with the arti
cles mentioned above, this author cites no sources that testify to a direct
relationship between the sayings and Bamba. They are attributed to him with
out skepticism, while being treated as profoundly significant words.
Our examination of sayings in this genre continues with Vincent Monteil,
who was a researcher at the Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire in Dakar.
Without citing any sources, Monteil asserts that Bamba used the maxim 'Le
travail fait partie de la religion' (Work is part of religion) to send his followers
to the fields.7 Moreover, he suggests that there is a semantic link between that

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K. Kariya / Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75 57
saying and several hadiths (prophetic traditions).8 As an example, he offers the

hadith 'No one has ever eaten better food than that which one has eaten from
the work of one's own hand, and Allah's Prophet, David—may peace be upon
him—used to eat (the food obtained) from the work of his own hand'.9 Yet if
a link exists between this hadith and the saying attributed to Bamba, the latter
exhorts a disciple neither to work for a master in the hope of future salvation
nor to engage in the type of labor that supported the early development of the
order. Rather, the disciple is encouraged to kasb, takassub or iktisàb. These
three synonyms have often been discussed in the context of tasawwuf{Islamic
mysticism), and can be translated as earning one's daily bread'. Therefore this
prophetic tradition does not appear to correspond with the doctrine of work,
which the aforementioned authors have attributed to Bamba. In the third sec
tion I argue this aspect in greater detail, taking into consideration another
word, tawakkul (absolute trust in God).
The third typical saying attributed to Bamba is: 'Work as if you would never
die and pray as if you were to die tomorrow'.10 As with the two preceding
examples, Creevey attributes these words to Bamba without referring to any
sources.11 According to Philippe Couty, Médoune Thiam, long before Creevey,
referred to this saying in Cheikh Amadou Bamba, fondateur du mouridisme
without citing its source.12 It may be assumed that Creevey quoted it second
hand from Thiam's work because she counted that work among 'the most
important articles and unpublished sources on Bamba'. She described it thus:
"This study is no more than a pamphlet on Bamba, but it does include copies
of several important letters and resumé of Bamba's life'.13
From the discussion in this section it follows that although many studies
assert a connection between the sayings attributed to Bamba and the doctrine
of work, none of them properly cites a source that proves a definitive link
between him and these words. Needless to say, it is not necessary to provide
the provenance for every thought in an article. However, when we are dealing
with words that constitute the core of a faith and when we attempt to link
those words to a particular person, it is critically important to prove their
authenticity by citing specific sources. For the doctrine of work it is essential
to reveal the time when, the place where, and the person to whom Bamba
uttered these sayings. In addition, the chain of transmission along which they
have been conveyed should also be stated if possible. In the absence of these
scholarly conventions, caution must be exercised in relating the doctrine of
work to Bamba.

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Ahmad Bamba's Writings and the 'Doctrine ofWork' (1): Amar Samb's
Study
Given the large number of studies that have been composed on Bamba's
thoughts, it is strange that so few are based on his writings in Arabic as
compared with those based on participant observation or analysis of French
colonial archival material. However, Amar Samb's solid work, Essai sur la
contribution du Sénégal à la littérature d'expression arabe, is a remarkable study
that examines various Senegalese Arabic writings, including those of Bamba.
Samb seeks to link Bamba to the doctrine of work on the basis of an analysis
of Masàlik al-jinàn fi jam ma farraqa-hu al-Daymànì, currently the most
popular of Bamba's innumerable writings. For example, Samb writes, 'How
ever, "Muridism" is not only a mystique du travail [mysticism ofwork]; in fact,
its founder [Bamba] insists much on the duty of acquiring knowledge and of
combining theory with practice'.14 Samb goes on to present a translation of
several lines quoted from Masàlik al-jinàn. The first two lines are:
1. It is an obligation to show as much interest in positive knowledge as in mystic

knowledge, if one wants to obtain a substantial reward.
2. Know that knowledge and work are the two roads that surely lead to happiness.15
Samb does not quote the Arabic text, and the original lines that correspond to
his translation seem to be part of the muqaddima (introduction) of Masàlik
al-jinàn. Strangely enough, however, they are not two successive lines. I do not
know why Samb reproduced them in successive order, nor do I know why
tafaqquh (Islamic jurisprudence) is translated as science positive (positive
knowledge).
However, what is most questionable here is that the Arabic word 'amai
(pi. amai) is translated as the French word travail (work), which is obviously
related to the context of the mystique du travail. Judging from the general
meaning and the context of the preceding lines, 'amai is used in the muqad
dima in the broadest sense of the word, its meaning rendered by words such as
action', 'behavior', 'deed', and 'conduct'. Moreover, if the lines that follow the
relevant passages are taken into consideration, it should be translated as 'a
religious act'. In order to illustrate the full context, I present below a transla
tion of the beginning of the muqaddima,1S
Section 1: According to the 'ulama [Muslim intellectuals], knowledge, as a hidden

secret, is divided into exterior and interior parts. The exterior part improves actions,
and the interior part improves states of mind. The former is called by the name of
tafaqquh, and the latter is recognized as tasawwufby them. Then, the necessity for
the young to make fiqh [Islamic jurisprudence] precedent to tasawuiuf became clear.

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Those who violated the former perished in this world at the hand of the 'ulama . Who
is the violator of the latter perishes in the future [the next world] at the hand of the
Lofty One. cTherefore, in order to obtain a reward, uniting the two is an obligation
for all (Allah's) slaves.>
Section 2: Who (is engaged in) tafaqquh without tasawwufis the one who manifestly
deviates from the right course. Know (it). Who is the opposite of him inclines his
affairs to atheism. Who has united fiqh with tasawwufis the one qualified to be fol
lowed (by others). Imam Malik17—may the Owner have mercy on him and be pleased
with him—extracted this decision.
Section 3: <Know that knowledge and action are certainly means for welfares There
fore, make efforts for the two, and exert yourself to cleanse and purify (them) from
every harm. Correct both of them with sincerity and honesty as well as with obedience
to the sunna [practice, custom or convention] of the chosen one [the Prophet
Muhammad]—may the Creator bless him and grant him peace—, and you will gain
a privilege.
Section 4: My brother, knowledge is superior to action and is the basis of it; therefore,
who has obtained it wins. However, the fruit of it as well as the profit of it is in the
action based on it, so be one who unites (knowledge and action). Without doubt, a few
actions based on knowledge have more reward than many actions with ignorance.18
In Section 1 the term 'actions' corresponding to amai means man's exterior

behavior, which can be influenced by tafaqquh. This is compared with states
of mind, which can be influenced by tasawwuf. In the context in which the
necessity of uniting the two kinds of knowledge, tafaqquh and tasawwuf, is
discussed, action corresponds to 'amai and is contrasted with united knowl
edge. Furthermore, in Section 4 knowledge and action are compared, and the
author asserts that the latter should be based on the former. That is, in brief,
'amai in this context means the religious action based on the religious knowl
edge composed of tafaqquh and tasawwuf. Therefore narrowing its meaning to
the 'work' of the 'mysticism of work', as Samb did, is a misrepresentation.
Masdlik al-jindn is fundamentally a versification of Khàtima al-tasawwuf
(or Khàtima fi al-tasawwuf),19 a prose piece written by Muhammad al-Yadàli
(d. 1753), a well-known Muslim intellectual from southwestern Sahara,
although Bamba inserts quite a few words that he quotes from other writings.
It appears that Samb did not attempt to consult the original prose work; if he
had, he would not have stumbled into the above-mentioned misunderstand
ing of the meaning of 'amai.
Know that knowledge relating to the exterior such as actions is called tafaqquh and is
prior (to knowledge relating to the interior), that (the knowledge relating) to the inte
rior such as states of mind is called tasawwuf and that the exterior is subsequent to the
interior. The violator of the former perishes in this world at the hand of the 'ulama,
and (the violator of) the latter (perishes) in the next world at the hand of the King of

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60 K. Kariya t Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75
kings; therefore, uniting the two is indispensable. Know that knowledge and 'ibàda
[worship or adoration] are the two means of welfare; so make efforts for them, exert
yourself to cleanse them from harm, and correct them with honesty and sincerity as
well as with obedience to the sunna.10
At a glance, it is evident that this portion clearly corresponds to Sections 1 and

3 of Masàlik al-jinan, and it can be agreed that Bamba's attempt to versify the
original prose work is generally successful. What is important is that 'amai
(action) at the beginning of Section 3 is the substitution for 'ibàda (worship or
adoration) in Khàtima al-tasawwuf. It must be recollected here that this is the
very word that Samb translated as travail (work). It is obvious that Bamba
replaced the word for the sake of poetic meter. In fact, from a metrical view
point, the usage of the word 'ibàda is impossible here whereas 'amai is entirely
possible. That is, Bamba selected the word 'amai because it not only preserves
the meaning of ibàda from the original prose work, but also solves the metri
cal problem.
Section 2 has no corresponding portion in Khàtima al-tasawwuf. In fact,
this section seems to be based on a part of Ahmad Zarrùq's prose work,
Qawa id al-tasawwuf, to which Bamba frequently refers in his writings. Zarrixq
writes the following sentences on the union of tafaqquh and tasawwuf.
(The following) remark of Malik—may Allah have mercy on him—is on it [discussion

on the relationship between tafaqquh and tasawwuf ]: 'one who has been engaged
in tasawwuf but not in tafaqquh is an atheist, and one who has been engaged in
tafaqquh but not in tasawwuf is a deviant from the right course, but who has united
the two is convinced (of truth)'.21
When arguments regarding the union of tafaqquh and tasawwuf pass from
Bamba to al-Yadàli and Zarruq, the appearance of Abu Hàmid Muhammad
al-Ghazàll (d. 1111), probably the most influential author in Bamba's writ
ings, becomes evident as their intellectual source. As a comprehensive study
on his thought puts it,22 what al-Ghazàll hoped to accomplish in his works,
such as Ihya 'ulùm al-din and al-Munqidh min al-dalàl, was restoring tafaqquh
and other Islamic sciences around a pivot, tasawwuf. It therefore seems reason
able to suppose that his intellectual heirs' successive discussions on the union
of tafaqquh and tasawwuf have taken into consideration issues raised by their
predecessors, including al-Ghazàli. Moreover, from a geographical viewpoint
we realize that the chain of discussion stretched from West Africa through
North Africa to West Asia. In other words, West African Muslims like Bamba
and al-Yadili shared the same religious and intellectual issues with North Afri
can and West Asian Muslims like Zarruq and al-Ghazàlì.23

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Let us return to Samb's study. In addition to the above-mentioned passage,

he states, 'It is not wrong to say that "Muridism" is a mysticism of work.
A Murid taalibe [pupil or disciple] observes strictly the masters [Bamba's]
advice recorded in Masàlik al-jinàrì.u The following is a listing of this advice,
according to Samb:
1. It is obligatory (for a taalibe) to work for the sake of the one thanks to whom he can
obtain satisfaction in the presence of God.
2. It is obligatory to work for the sake of the one who, if he is content, protects his
taalibe against what he dreads in this world and the other (world).
3. The taalibe must work for the benefit of the one who represents all for him.
4. The taalibe must work for the one who, by his supernatural power, gives him all that he
desires on the condition that he observes all the instructions received (from him).25
What is important here is that Samb's wish to attribute the doctrine of work
to Masàlik al-jinàn causes him to neglect the context of the original text and
produce a false image of Bamba, that is, a master who preaches the doctrine of
work through his writing. Samb apparently interprets this quotation as a
description of a master-disciple relationship; however, this is not possible. In
order to provide the reason for the impossibility, I present below a longer
translation that includes the above-mentioned selection:26
And a remedy against the two [fame and hypocrisy] is to know that all affairs are
always in His hand. A man cannot profit himself at all;27 then, how (can he profit)
other slaves than himself? Oh, friend, (a remedy against the two is to know that) the
Merciful obviously intensified threat about the two. A hypocrite was compared to the
one who, although possessing a precious jewel whose value was equal to many thou
sands (pieces of gold), sold it for an negligible coin—if his weakness had not been
serious, it would have been possible to sell it for thousand of thousands (pieces of
gold)—, or the one who selected the contentment of a poor one [human being],
though he had been able to obtain the gratification of the Almighty in exchange for
his effort. If the poor one hated him after the Almighty became angry with him, and
his action went to waste—even if he [the poor one] noticed that he had acted only for
him—, what (should he do)? «Therefore, act for the One whose gratification you can
obtain if you sincerely acted for Him. Act for the One who protects you from what
you fear in the two houses [this world and the next world] if you gained His gratifica
tion. Act for the One who dispenses who sought to satisfy Him by means of obedience
from everything but it. Act for the One by the grace of whom you can gain honor and
every wish if you avoided what was prohibited by Him.>28
Masàlik al-jinàn discusses sum a (fame) and its 'sister', riya (hypocrisy), in the
context of enumerating al-radhail al-bàtina (inner vices) and their dawa
(remedy). The following is an explanation of the main point of this discussion.
First, every action taken for worldly purposes that is accompanied by concern

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62 K. Kariya /Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75
for man's evaluation of it engenders one of the inner vices, namely hypocrisy.
Second, the way to escape from inner vices is to attach great importance to
Allah's evaluation, not man's evaluation, in every action. The passage that I
translated above discusses the latter aspect. Given this larger context, we can
now see that the four lines Samb translated do not describe the relationship
between a master and his disciple, but rather the relationship between Allah
and mankind. That is, the word 'work (for a master)' in Samb's translation
should be interpreted as act (for Allah)'. In order to confirm this view, I quote
a passage from Khàtima al-tasawwuf\
A remedy against the two [fame and hypocrisy] is to know that all affairs are in the
hand of Him—may He be exalted. A man cannot profit himself; then, how (can he
profit) other (people) than himself? (In addition, a remedy against the two is to know
that) threat about the two is severe. A hypocrite may be compared to the one who,
although he had been able to sell a jewel for thousand of thousands (pieces of gold),
sold it for a coin, or the one who, although he had been able to obtain the gratification
of the Greatest King in exchange for his effort, sought the contentment of a mean one
[human being] in exchange for it. (In case) the mean one hates you and becomes angry
with you because of the anger of the King—even if he knew that you acted for him—,
what (should you do)? Therefore, act for the One who loves you, confers honor upon
you, and exempts you from everything if you act for His sake.29
The problem with Samb's interpretation is significant. In his desire to draw a

link between Masàlik al-jinàn and the doctrine of work, he selected particular
lines, gave arbitrary meanings to words while disregarding the context, and
fabricated the latter in the former. Although he must have known that the
material he analyzed was a versification of a prose work, he apparently did not
examine the original. Consequently, an opportunity to amend his view on the
link between Bamba's thought and the doctrine of work was lost.
Having discussed amai, we must refer to another important concept—khidma
(service)—that is related to the master-disciple relationship. Given the history of
Sufis' discussion of the master-disciple relationship, it is normal to suppose that a
disciple should utterly obey his master and that khidma can be analyzed in this
framework of obedience. For example, Abù al-Qasim Abd al-Karim al-Qushayri
(d. 1072), a prominent Sufi of the eleventh century, states:
Companionship is classified into three: (first,) companionship with the one above
you, which in essence is khidma As for the one who accompanies a master who is
above him in terms of degree, (some of) his good manners are to abstain from opposi
tion (to the master), to relate what appears from him to good meaning, and to accept
his states with faith in him.30

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At the same time, the concept of khidma includes the disciple's wish for reward
in exchange for his services. In his Ihya 'ulum al-din al-Ghazall states, 'Allah—
may He be exalted—revealed David—may peace be upon him—saying, "Oh,
David, if you saw the one seeking Me, be a servant [khàdim] of him". The
servant enters into his service desiring a reward and what Allah—may He be
exalted—prepared for (Allah's) slaves [mankind]'.31 Given these quotations,
we notice that khidma seems relevant to the Murid master-disciple relation
ship related to the doctrine of work; that is, in exchange for their services
disciples wish for material and spiritual rewards from Allah through their mas
ters. In fact, the word khidma is often used by contemporary Murids and
scholars to explain this relationship.
Taking into account this fact, it will still be useful for our analysis of the
doctrine of work to reconsider this concept in the framework of Bamba's
thoughts more precisely. It is well known that he called himself—and is still
called by contemporary Murids—khadìm (or khàdim) rasici Allah (servant of
Allah's Apostle), namely, servant of the Prophet Muhammad. Examining his
writings and biographies on him, it is evident that he began to recognize the
Prophet Muhammad as his only master in the first half of the 1890s, and the
khidma that he repeatedly refers to in those materials mainly comprises pray
ing for his master and writing prayers for him in prose and verse. In particular,
in his eulogistic poems and prayer books for the Prophet Muhammad, Bamba
often states that his composition of prose and verse pieces for his master is one
of the most important khidma-.
(Oh, Allah,) through him [the Prophet Muhammad], make my composition of verse
pieces protection against two disgraces and two fires in two residences [this world and
the other]. Put it [the composition of verse pieces] first as khidma, which is sinless,
pure, worthy of thanks and satisfying.32
I put the best of (Allah's) creation [the Prophet Muhammad] in possession of pure
khidma. (Allah) brought from him to me knowledge that cured (me) The One who
brought me success and help put me in possession of pens and ink. Illuminating my
heart, my Lord called my ink and pens to writings. My (knowledge of) grammar and
prosody put joy into the heart of the master of the creation and joyful annunciation
[the Prophet Muhammad].33
My miracle is my handwriting for the sake of khidma to the one supported (by Allah)
[the Prophet Muhammad]. Allah was the One who brought me generosity with the
most profitable thing.34
Moreover, in one of his well-known writings, Muqaddama al-khidma fi al-salàt

ala nabi al-rahma aw miftàh al-sa'àdafi al-salàt ala khayr al-sàda (the Intro
duction of Service in Prayer for the Prophet of Mercy, or the Key of Happiness

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in Prayer for the Best of Masters), Bamba enumerates 721 titles of the Prophet
Muhammad and prays to Allah to bless him and grant him peace on each title.
If this content as well as the title of this prose piece is taken into account, it is
not difficult to guess what is indispensable for Bamba's khidma,35
In order to avoid misunderstanding, it is necessary to note that Bamba did
not deny the validity of the idea that a disciple should absolutely obey his
master and render all types of services to him, including labor. However, this
only means that he approved of a traditional concept of obedience and
regarded it as a basic element of tasawwuf in general. Judging from the above
analysis of his writings, it is evident that work is not the prime ingredient of
his khidma. Rather, his concept of khidma centers on his writing prayers for
his master, the Prophet Muhammad, as well as praying for him. Thus it is dif
ficult to adequately explain why the doctrine of work has been attributed to
Bamba, even if we analyze the concept of khidma in the framework of his
thoughts.
Ahmad Bamba's Writings and the 'Doctrine ofWork1 (2): Kasb and Work
In this section we provide another example of an attempt to link Masàlik

al-jindn with the doctrine of work without regard to the context. A project
team from the Japan Broadcasting Corporation produced a written document
for general readers. One of its sections is titled ' "Performing Work Is Prayer",
the Birth of the Murid Order' and contains the following quote, 'In Masàlik
al-jindn, Bamba's writing that (Murid) followers can read today, it is written
"Work is not contradictory to devotion to God"—work leads to prayer. The
source of the labor force of Senegal is Murid followers and Bamba's doctrine'.36
In order to examine this stereotyped view that attributes the doctrine of work
to Bamba's writing, it seems appropriate to first translate the relevant lines of
Masàlik al-jinàn, including that mentioned above:37
Then, with concern (about mankind) accompanied, abandoning kasb in order to insist
on tawakkul is the behavior of an inexperienced person if it is clear. Know that <kasb
is not contradictory to tawakkul.> Do not be a destroyer. Concerning tawakkul, it is
enough for you that you do not perceive any givers of sustenance except the Lord of
mankind. What is best is the union of the two [kasb and tawakkul], even if there is a
difference that should be listened to.38
These lines are the versification of the following portion of Khàtima al-tasawwuf.
As for the case that the abandonment of takassub takes the form of tawakkul
with expectations for mankind and anger (against it), know that takassub is

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not contradictory to tawakkul and that what is most preferable is the union of
the two, even if (reasons)39 differ about that'.40 According to these two pas
sages, the assertion of the compatibility of kasb with tawakkul was made in
order to address a particular situation. Apparently, the incorrect view that the
abandonment of kasb establishes tawakkul prevailed among people who were
too concerned with evaluation by others. They forgot the original relationship
between kasb and tawakkul: the purification and growth of the latter lead to
the abandonment of the former. In other words, this argument says that the
abandonment of kasb is not necessarily a proof of tawakkul-, in reverse, it is not
impossible to prove tawakkul without abandoning kasb. Given this context,
we cannot interpret the meaning of this portion of Masàlik al-jinàn as 'work
leads to prayer', as was presented in the above-mentioned work. Furthermore,
judging from the fact that these lines are the versification of another author's
prose work, we should avoid representing them as 'Bamba's doctrine'.
In the Japanese work, kasb is translated as 'work', and tawakkul is translated
as 'devotion to God'. Since the rise of Islam, particularly in the context of
tasawwuf the concepts of kasb, takassub, or iktisdb have often been contrasted
with tawakkul in disputes on the way of Muslim life.41 Which is preferable for
a Muslim: earning his daily bread, or surrendering himself to Allah completely
and abandoning all activities, including the earning of daily bread?
For example, a section of Qut al-qulùbA2 by a famous tenth-century Sufi,
Abu Tàlib Muhammad al-Makki (d. 996), is titled dhikr al-takassub wa
al-tasarruffi al-ma àyish (account of takassub and free disposal in the ways of
life). It begins with the following words: 'For the one whose tawakkul is sound,
free disposal and takassub are not harmful'.43 Subsequently, his discussion
turns to the idea that kasb was esteemed by the Prophet Muhammad and is
not contradictory to tawakkul. Al-Qushayri makes a similar point. In the
chapter on tawakkul in his Risàia (treatise), he speaks of traditions that refer to
kasb as the Prophet Muhammad's practice and tawakkul as his state and qual
ity, and the possibility of their compatibility.44
Given the context of successive discussions held by intellectuals and Sufis,
including al-Makki and al-Qushayri, it is obvious that kasb means 'earning
one's daily bread', and that it has been contrasted with tawakkul, 'the total
abandonment of human active behaviors'. Therefore it is a clear misrepresen
tation to interpret kasb as disciples' special work for the masters' sake.
Should it be necessary to quote an authoritative or doctrinelike passage
from the above lines from Masàlik al-jinàn, we could present the idea that the
union of kasb and tawakkul is most preferable in the case that one cannot
discard concern for mankind: it is better to accomplish both at once, not just
one of them. However, this view is also included in al-Yadali's prose piece.

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If we interpret the lines regarding the compatibility of kasb with tawakkul

as a doctrine of Bamba, as the Japanese production team did, all the lines
based on Khàtima al-tasawwuf could be recognized as part of Bamba's doctrine
because there is no proof that the lines regarding the compatibility of kasb and
tawakkul take precedence over the others in Masàlik al-jinàn or in Bamba's
overall thought.
What is more interesting is that al-Yadall's words that were examined here
also seem to have their origin in a predecessors work. Once again, it is
al-Ghazàll's Ihya 'ulùm al-din. In this work he writes, 'And the state of this
person is nobler than the state of a person sitting in his house and is the proof
of the fact that kasb is not contradictory to the state of tawakkul'. " The latter
part of this passage is quite similar to the words from Khàtima al-tasawwuf.
Although it is evident that in Masàlik al-jinàn Bamba derived his view on the
compatibility of kasb and tawakkul from al-Yadàlì's prose work, it is highly
probable that al-Yadall also depended on a predecessor's writings, such as those
of al-Ghazàlì. It therefore seems reasonable to suppose that at the end of the
nineteenth century the idea of kasb and tawakkul passed through an intellec
tual network established by many scholars and Sufis of West Asia, North Africa
and West Africa, and reached a Senegalese Muslim, Ahmad Bamba.
For a more detailed analysis, let us now leave the contents of Masàlik
al-jinàn and turn to the date of its writing. According to two biographies, the
young Bamba made a declaration urging a group that had been organized
around his deceased father to disband and form a new group around himself.
This occurred one year after his father's death. It appears that Masàlik al-jinàn
was written around that time, the first half of the 1880s.46 Even if this is true,
during this period Bamba continued to travel and visit many scholars and
Sufis in order to collect various writings and find a true guide who could show
him Allah and the Prophet.47 In other words, Masàlik al-jinàn was written by
a young Muslim intellectual who was not yet satisfied with the extent of his
own knowledge. Therefore, despite Bamba's additions that were derived from
a variety of other works, Masàlik al-jinàn should be recognized as his attempt
to versify a prose piece written by a great local scholar in the hopes of facilitat
ing the reading and memorization of that prose work. Given this fact, it is not
reasonable to assume that the author incorporated an unusual doctrine of his
own in that type of verse work.
Up to this point the discussion in this paper has focused on the relationship
between Masàlik al-jinàn and the doctrine of work. If we turn to Bamba's
other writings, can we conclude that he systematically propagated the doctrine
of work in them? Some Murids refer to the legend that Bamba left as much as
seven and a half tons of books. The crucial point about this saying is not its

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precise total weight, but rather the legend's implicit recognition of Bamba's
prodigious passion for writing. Taking this into account, we can come to a
simple conclusion. If Bamba actually recognized the doctrine of work as an
indispensable part of his overall thought or even as just one of his teachings to
be conveyed to his disciples, he ought to have lucidly recorded it in as many
passages as possible. Yet I have never seen a systematic description of the doc
trine of work in his innumerable writings, including those in the collection
compiled by the order of his third khalifa (successor), Abd al-Ahad (d. 1989).
At this time I have not seen the entire 'seven and a half tons' of writings; the
writings I have examined are just a selection from his entire body of work.
However, I have been able to access quite a few of his writings, and the doc
trine of work is not systematically recorded in any of them.
As mentioned above, Bamba considered absolute obedience to masters,
including labor for their sake, to be appropriate for disciples. This thought is
not unique to Bamba, but has historically occupied a significant position in
the framework of tasawwuf. In the doctrine of work, however, work for mas
ters is clearly deemed superior to other kinds of obedience and is said to be of
such excessive religious worth that it guarantees future salvation, although no
valid reasons are offered to support these assertions. Therefore it should not be
considered in terms of or confused with the obedience generally advocated in
Sufi writings.
Bamba's thought, which was expressed in countless works, is by and large
not exceptional and eccentric but relatively 'normal' and 'orthodox'. He has
taken into account the history of Islamic thought, and his attitude, based on
religious knowledge and pious deeds, is also said to have been moderate and
calm as if the thought recorded in his writings was personally embodied. If
this is so, it is difficult to imagine that Bamba actively propagated an unprec
edented doctrine that assigned a special religious value to disciples' work for
their masters' benefit or that replaced general religious obligations with labor.
What Bamba expected of people who gathered around him seems to have
been, above all, the constant fulfillment of their daily religious obligations as
Muslims. According to his words recorded in a biography, he appears to have
intended to fulfill his responsibility as a master exclusively to disciples who
could, in turn, strictly fulfill their obligations:
Certainly, I ordered all who clung to me for the sake of the face of Allah, who is the
Generous One—may He be exalted—, to learn the doctrines and the unity of Allah
and (to fulfill) the provisions of purity, prayer, fasting and all of the other ones that
were obligatory for mukallaf [the one obligated to observe the precepts of Islam]; and
then, I become responsible to you.48

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68 K. Kariya /Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75
Conclusion
This paper has not been written to eliminate the possibility that a relationship
between the doctrine of work and Bamba's thought exists. Rather, it was pro
duced to highlight the problems associated with insisting on this relationship
without citing appropriate sources and by adhering to a biased interpretation
of Bamba's passages.
In order to completely deal with the doctrine of work it is necessary to dis
cuss, in addition to Bamba's thought, that of another significant figure,
Ibrahim Fai (Ibra Fai, d. 1930), a leading disciple of Bamba. He is well known
as the founder of Baay Faal, a particular faction of the Murid order; the
replacement of prayer and other religious obligations with labor is often men
tioned in the context of this faction. Cruise O'Brien writes about Ibrahim Fai,
'Shaikh Ibra did not pray at all, for he declared that prayer was merely a means
to turn one's mind to God, of which he had no need as the service of God was
the object of his whole life. During the month of Ramadan he did not fast, as
this impaired his capacity to work for his marabout\49 In fact, Bamba's biogra
phy, written by his son Muhammad al-Bashlr, emphasizes Ibrahim Fàl's devo
tion to his master Bamba; however, it reports at the same time that his zeal for
the education of his disciples was highly esteemed by Bamba's other leading
disciples.50 Moreover, an Arabic writing attributed to Ibrahim Fai vividly illus
trates his belief that Muslims must execute daily religious obligations and
value the other world above this one.51 Given these materials, it is difficult to
believe that he completely abandoned ordinary religious obligations in
exchange for labor or recommended this neglect to his disciples. If some mem
bers of Baay Faal set aside normal religious obligations on the authority of
Ibrahim Fai and value labor above prayer and fasting, it may be necessary to
reconsider our understanding of his thoughts while taking into consideration
the possibility of their transformation. Although a deeper study of this prob
lem is beyond the scope of this paper, we must tackle it in the future in order
to gain a comprehensive understanding of the doctrine of work.
Generally speaking, it is much more difficult to prove the nonexistence of
something than to prove its existence. This axiom certainly applies to the ques
tion of a link between the doctrine of work and Bamba's thought. Therefore it
is highly probable that in the future new evidence will strengthen their con
nection; however, in order to adequately establish the relationship we must
stop taking the link for granted. The Murid religious system revolves around
Bamba's thoughts. Therefore, all efforts to grasp the order without knowing
the hub will inevitably be inadequate or inaccurate. Hence we must reconsider
his thought by means of close examination of various sources, including

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careful and detailed reading of his writings, and by verifying the chains of
transmission of sayings attributed to him. In publishing this paper I hope to
extend an invitation to accept this challenging task, which is indispensable for
an accurate understanding of Bamba's thought in general as well as his rela
tionship to the doctrine of work.
References
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'Abd al-Karim a!-QushayrI. n.d. al-Risdla al-Qushayrìya fi 'ilm al-tasawwuf Damascus:

Maktaba Abl Hanifa.
Ahmad Bamba. 1975a. Masàlik al-jinàn fi jam mà farraqa-hu al-Daymdni. In the third part
of his Diwdn fi al-tawhìd wa al-fiqh wa al-tasawwuf wa al-nahw wa ghayr-hà min
sbatta al-funùn. Touba: Matba'a al-Ghawth al-A'zam, 1-101.
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al-tawhìd, 19-24.
— —. 1975/6a. Bidàya al-khidma. In the second part of his Dìwàn al-salawàt 'aid al-nabi
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. 1975/6b. Muqaddama al-khidma fi al-salàt ala nabi al-rahma aw miftdh al-sa'dda
fi al-salàt 'alà khayr al-sàda. In the first part of his Diwdn al-salawàt, 1-98.
. 1985a. Min al-mukhlisin bi-ka. In his Diwdn al-qasà'id al-muqayyada bi-ghayr
al-àyàt al-Qur dnìya. Touba: Matba'a al-Ghawth al-A'zam, 646-647.
. 1985b. Muhammadi-ya al-qàrì'. In his Dìwàn al-qasà'id, 592-593.
Ahmad bn Hanbal. n.d. Musnad al-imdm Ahmad bn Hanbal. 6 vols. Beirut: Dar Sàdir.
Ahmad Zarrùq. 2005. Qawa id al-tasawwuf. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al- 'Ilmiya.
Ibrahim Fai. n.d. Jadhb al-murid. [Dakar]: n.p.
Muhammad al-Amln al-Dagàni. n.d. Irwà' al-nadìm min 'adhb hubb al-khadim. Manu
script. K-l, Fonds Amar Samb, Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire, Dakar.
Muhammad al-Bashir. n.d. Minan al-bdqi al-qadimfi sira al-shaykh al-khadim. 2 vols, in 1.
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Muhammad al-Bukhiri. 2000. Sahìh al-Bukhdri. 5 vols. Casablanca: Maktaba al-Wahda
al-'Arabiya.
Muhammad al-Ghazàll. 2002. Ihya ulum al-din. 5 vols. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiya.
Muhammad al-Jazùll. n.d. Dalà'ilal-khayràt. n.p.: Dar al-Imàn.
Muhammad al-Makkì. 2003. Qùt al-qulùb fi mu amala al-mahbùb wa wasftarìq al-murìd
ila maqàm al-tawhìd. 2 vols. Beirut: Dar Sàdir.
Muhammad al-Yadàll. n.d.a. Khàtima fi al-tasawwuf. Manuscript-(a). Maktaba Shaykh
al-Islàm al-Hàjj Ibrahim Niyàs, Kaolack.
. n.d.b. Khàtima fi al-tasatvwuf. Manuscript-(b). Record 433 / Collection 508, al
Markaz al-Mùritànl li-l-Bahth al-limi, Nouakchott.
. n.d.c. Sharh khàtima fi al-tasawwuf. Manuscript-(c). Maktaba Shaykh al-Islàm
al-Hàjj Ibràhim Niyàs, Kaolack.
. n.d.d. Sharh khàtima fi al-tasawwuf. Manuscript-(d). Maktaba Shaykh al-Islàm
al-Hàjj Ibràhim Niyàs, Kaolack.

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Other languages
Cahen, Claude. 1978. 'Kasb'. In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition. Vol. 4. Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 690-692.
Couty, Philippe. 1972. 'La doctrine du travail chez les Mourides'. In J. Copans, Ph. Couty,
J. Roch and G. Rocheteau, Maintenance sociale et changement économique au Sénégal:
I. Doctrine économique et pratique du travail chez les Mourides. Travaux et Documents
de l'Office de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer, No. 15. Paris: Office
de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer, 67-83.
Creevey, Lucy E. 1979. 'Ahmad Bamba 1850-1927'. In John Ralph Willis (ed.), Studies
in West African Islamic History, Vol. 1; The Cultivators of Islam. London: Frank Cass,
278-307.
Cruise O'Brien, Donai B. 1971. The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organ
ization of an Islamic Brotherhood. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Kariya, Kota. 2011. 'Khàtima (fi) al-Tasawwuf. An Arabic Work of a Western Saharan
Muslim Intellectual'. Journal of Asian and African Studies 81,133-146.
Lewisohn, Leonard. 2000. 'Tawakkul'. In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition. Vol. 10.
Leiden: Brill, 376-378.
Mbacké, Serigne Bachir. (Muhammad al-Bashlr). 1995. Les bienfaits de l'Eternel ou la biog
raphie de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba Mbacké. Translated by Khadim Mbacké. Dakar:
Imprimerie Saint-Paul.
Monteil, Vincent. 1966. Esquisses sénégalaises (Wàlo-Kayor-DyolofMourides-un visionnaire).
Dakar: IFAN.
Nakamura, Kojiro. 2002. Isuramu no shùkyou shisou: Gazàri to sono shuhen [Religious
thought of Islam: Al-Ghazàll and affairs around him]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
NHK 'Africa' Project. 2002. Afurika 21-seiki: Naisen, ekkyou, kakuri no hate ni [Africa, the
twenty-first century: At the end of civil wars, crossing of borders, and isolation].
Tokyo: Japan Broadcast Publishing.
Samb, Amar. 1972. Essai sur la contribution du Sénégal à la littérature d'expression arabe.
Dakar: IFAN.
Sy, Cheikh Tidiane. 1969. La confrérie sénégalaise des Mourides: Un essai sur l'Islam au Séné
gal. Paris: Présence Africaine.
Wade, Abdoulaye. 1967. 'La doctrine économique du Mouridisme'. In Annales Africaines.
Paris: Editions Pédone, 175-206.
Notes
1. We refer to this aspect in the conclusion.

2. Lucy E. Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba 1850-1927', in John Ralph Willis (ed.), Studies in
West African Islamic History, Vol. 1: The Cultivators of Islam (London: Frank Cass, 1979), 281.
3. Donai B. Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organ
ization of an Islamic Brotherhood (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 90.
4. Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba', 281; Cheikh Tidiane Sy, La confrérie sénégalaise des Mour
ides: Un essai sur l'Islam au Sénégal (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1969), 138.
5. Abdoulaye Wade, 'La doctrine économique du Mouridisme', in Annales Africaines
(Paris: Editions Pédone, 1967), 187.
6. Ibid. The French text is: 'La doctrine mouride fait du travail la liaison entre Dieu et
la création et est contenue dans deux formules de Ahmadou Bamba.

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7. Vincent Monteil, Esquisses sénégalaises (Wàlo-Kayor-Dyolof-Mourides-un visionnaire)

(Dakar: IFAN, 1966), 191.
8. Ibid.
9. Muhammad al-Bukhàri, Sahih al-Bukbdri (5 vols., Casablanca: Maktaba al-Wahda
al-'Arablya, 2000), 2: 9 (kitàb al-buyu, 15 [bàb kasb al-rajul wa amal-hi bi-yad-hi]). The
Arabic text is:
ma akala ahad ta'im" qatt khayr"1 min an ya'kula min amai yad-hi, wa inna nabi
Allah Diwud alay-hi al-salàm kàna ya'kulu min 'amai yad-hi.
10. When considering the latter half of this maxim, it clearly recommends prayer as
well as work. Even though some insist on the basis of these same words that Bamba or
the Murid order defined work as a special religious deed, this is simply not a compelling
argument.
11. Creevey, Ahmad Bamba', 281. Although Sy says that this saying corresponds with a
prophetic tradition, he cites neither the prophetic tradition in question nor the source of
the saying. See Sy, La confrérie, 138.
12. Philippe Couty, 'La doctrine du travail chez les Mourides', in J. Copans, Ph. Couty,
J. Roch and G. Rocheteau, Maintenance sociale et changement économique au Sénégal: I.
Doctrine économique et pratique du travail chez les Mourides, Travaux et Documents de
l'Office de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer, No. 15 (Paris: Office de la
Recherche Scientifique et Technique Outre-Mer, 1972), 74.
13. Creevey, 'Ahmad Bamba', 304-305.
14. Amar Samb, Essai sur la contribution du Sénégal à la littérature d'expression arabe
(Dakar: IFAN, 1972), 468. The French text is: 'Cependant, le Mouridisme n'est pas qu'une
mystique du travail; en effet, son fondateur insiste beaucoup sur le devoir d'acquérir le
savoir, d'allier la théorie à la pratique'.
15. Ibid. The French text is:
1. C'est une obligation d'accorder à la science positive et à la science mystique le
mème intérèt, si l'on veut obtenir une récompense substantielle.
2. Sache que la Science et le Travail sont les deux voies qui mènent, à coup sur, au
bonheur.
16. In order to make the discussion clear, the translation is divided into four sections,
and the two lines corresponding to the above-mentioned translation of Samb are enclosed
by angle brackets.
17. This imam Malik is apparently Malik bn Anas (d. 795), the father of the Maliki
School of Law. If we consider the process of historical changes in relation to tasawwuf, it is
difficult to assume that he, as an eighth-century Muslim, uttered this kind of saying. As we
will confirm below, Bamba apparently quoted this tradition from a work of Ahmad Zarriiq
(d. 1493). Therefore this inaccuracy does not spring from Bamba. It is highly probable that
Zarriiq referred to a source in which this incorrect tradition was presented, and Bamba
made reference to Zarrùq's citation of it.
18. Ahmad Bamba, Masàlik al-jindnfijam ma farraqa-hu al-Daymdni, in the third part of
his Dìwdn fi al-tawhid wa al-fiqh wa al-tasawwufwa al-nahw wa ghayr-hà min sbatta al-funùn
(Touba: Matba'a al-Ghawth al-A'zam, 1975), 6-8. The Arabic text, whose meter is rajaz, is:
al-'ilmu inda-l-'ulamà'i yanqasim / li-zàhirin wa bàtinin sirran kutim
zàhiru-hu-1-muslihu li-1-a'màlì / wa-1-bàtinu-l-muslihu li-1-ahwàll
fa-awwalun bi-smi tafaqquhin dui / wa-th-thàni an-hum bi-tasawwufin will
thummata taqdìmu-1-fata-l-fiqha ala / tasawwufin wujùbu-hù qadi-njalà
fa-man ila ikhlàli-1-awwali-ntamà / halaka fi-d-dunyà bi-hukmi-1- ulama

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wa-man yakun bi-th-thàni dha-1-ikhlàll / yahlik ghadan bi-hukmi dhi-1-jalàll

fa-wàjibun ala-l-'ibàdi turrà / jam'u-humà li-kay yanàlu-1-ajrà
wa man tafaqqaha bi-là tasawwufi / fa-dhu tafassuqin sarihin fa-'rifl
wa man yakun bi-aksi dhà fa-inna-hù / ila tazanduqin amàlù sha'na-hù
wa man li-fiqhin wa tasawwufin jama' / fa-hwa-lladhl huqqa la-hù an yuttaba'
akhraja dha-l-hukma-l-imàmu Màlikù / rahima-hù radiya an-hu-l-màlikù
wa-1-ta'laman bi-anna ilman wa amai / humà wasllata-s-sa adati ajal
fa-fl-hima-jtahid wa fi-t-tasfiyatl / min kulli àfatin wa fi-t-tanqiyatl
wa sahhihan bi-s-sidqi wa-l-ikhlàsl / kilay-himà tazfar bi-li-khtisàsl
wa bi-ttibà'i sunnati-l-mukhtàri / sallà wa sallama 'alay-hi-l-bàri
wa-l-'ilmu afdalu akh-ì mina-l- amal / wa ussu-hù fa-fàza man la-hù hasal
làkinna-mà thamaru-hù ka-n-nafl / fi 'amalin bi-hi fa-kun dha-l-jamì
qalllu-hu bi-l-'ilmi aktharu thawàb / mina-l-kathiri ma'a jahlin la-rtiyàb
19. The original texts presented in footnotes are quoted from an edited version (Kota
Kariya, 'Khàtima [fi] al-Tasawwuf. An Arabic Work of a Western Saharan Muslim Intel
lectual', Journal of Asian and African Studies 81 [2011], 136-146), which is reconstructed
on the basis of two manuscripts of Khàtima fi al-tasawutufijsfahzmmìà al-Yadàll, Khàtima
fi al-tasawwuf manuscript-[a], Maktaba Shaykh al-Islàm al-Hàjj Ibrahim Niyàs, Kaolack;
Muhammad al-Yadàll, Khàtima fi al-tasawwuf manuscript-[b], Record 433 / Collection
508, al-Markaz al-Mùritànl li-l-Bahth al-'limi, Nouakchott), two manuscripts of its self
commentary (Muhammad al-Yadàll, Sharh khàtima fi al-tasawwuf manuscript-[c],
Maktaba Shaykh al-Islàm al-Hàjj Ibrahim Niyàs, Kaolack; Muhammad al-Yadàll, Sharh
khàtima fi al-tasawwuf manuscript- [d], Maktaba Shaykh al-Islàm al-Hàjj Ibràhlm Niyàs,
Kaolack), and Bamba's Masàlik al-jinàn.
20. Kariya, 'Khàtima', 136; Muhammad al-Yadàll, Khàtima, manuscript-(a), 2-3;
Muhammad al-Yadàll, Khàtima, manuscript-(b), 1. The Arabie text is;
i Lini anna al-'ilm al-muta'alliq bi-al-zàhir, ka-al-a'màl, yusammà tafaqquh wa huwa
muqaddam, wa bi-al-bàtin, ka-al-ahwàl, yusammà tasawwuf, wa al-zàhir tàbi' li-1
bàtin. fa-al-mukhill bi-al-awwal hàlik fi al-dunyà bi-hukm al- ulamà', wa bi-al-thànl fi
al-àkhira bi-hukm malik al-mulùk. fa-lazima jam'-humà. wa i lam anna al-'ilm wa
al-'ibàda humà sababà al-sa'àda. fa-ijtahid fl-himà wa fi tasfiyat-himà min al-àfàt. wa
sahhih-humà bi-al-ikhlàs wa al-sidq wa ittibà' al-sunna.
21. Ahmad Zarruq, Qawà'id al-tasawwuf (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-ìlmlya, 2005), 22
(qà'ida 4). The Arabie text is:
wa min-hu qawl Màlik rahima-hu Allàh : man tasawwafa wa lam yatafaqqah fa-qad
tazandaqa, wa man tafaqqaha wa lam yatasawwaf fa-qad tafassaqa, wa man jama'a
bayn-humà fa-qad tahaqqaqa.
22. Kojiro Nakamura, Isuramu no shùkyou shisou: Gazàri to sono shùhen [Religious
thought of Islam; Al-Ghazàll and affairs around him] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2002),
36-48, 78-86.
23. Since Bamba could refer to preceding intellectuals' works, he probably noticed their
chain of thought and recognized himself as a contributing link.
24. Samb, Essai, 467. The French text is: 'On n'a pas tort de dire que le Mouridisme est
une mystique du travail. Le talibé mouride observe strictement ces conseils du maitre con
signés dans les Itinéraires du Paradis'.
25. Ibid. The French text is:
1. II faut travailler pour celui grace auquel on peut obtenir satisfaciton auprès de
Dieu.

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K. Kariya / Journal of Religion in Africa 42 (2012) 54-75
2. Il faut travailler pour celui qui, s'il est content, protégera son talibé contre ce qu ii
redoute dans ce monde et dans l'autre.
3. Le talibé doit travailler au profit de celui qui représente tout pour lui.
4. Le talibé doit travailler pour celui qui, par son pouvoir surnaturel, lui donnera tout
ce qu'il désirera, à condition quii observe toutes les consignes re^ues.
26. The four lines corresponding to the above-mentioned translation by Samb are
enclosed by angle brackets.
27. Although the meaning of the word layàd in the original text is not clear, Bamba uses
it in his another writing as a synonym of shay ('thing'). See Ahmad Bamba, Nahj al-haqiqa
fi hatk sitr al-'aqiqa, in the second part of his Diwàn fi al-tawhid, 22. This word is not
found in Khàtima al-tasawwufi thus it is reasonable to conclude that Bamba inserted it in
order to fulfill the requirement for the poetic meter and it does not appear to be significant
from a semantic viewpoint.
28. Ahmad Bamba, Masalik, 63. The Arabic text is:
thumma dawà'u dhayni an ta'lama an / bi-yadi-hl kullu-1-umùri fi-z-zaman
wa-l-khalqu là yanfa'u nafsa-hù layàd / fa-kayfa ghayra-hu idhan mina-1-ibàd
thumma-l-wa'idu fi-himà yà sàhl / shaddada-hu-r-rahmànu bi-ttidàhi
wa maththalù mura iyan bi-man hawà / jawharatan naflsatan qadi-stawà
thamanu-hà ma'a ulùfin kathurat / fa-bà'a-hà bi-falsatin qad haqurat
wa kàna bay'u-hà bi-alfi alfì / amkana-hù law la-shtidàdu-d-du'fi
wa bi-lladhi amkana-hù rida-l-qadir / bi-sa'yi-hl fa-khtàra ridwàna-l-faqir
fa-kayfa in abghada-hu-l-faqirù / min ba di mà sakhita-hu-l-qadirù
lammà darà bi-anna-hù là ya'malù / illà li-ajli-hi fa-dà'a-l-'amalù
wa-'mal li-man idhà la-hù amiltà / bi-wajhi-li-khlàsi ridà-hu niltà
wa-'mal li-man in taktasib ridà-hù / yakfi-ka fi-d-dàrayni mà takhshà-hù
wa-'mal li-man yughnì mani-stardà-hù / bi-tà'atin an kulli mà siwà-hù
wa-'mal li-man idha-jtanabta nahya-h / nilta-l-karàmata wa-kulla bughyah
29. Kariya, 'Khàtima, 142; Muhammad al-Yadàlì, Khdtima, manuscript-(a), 27-29;
Muhammad al-Yadàli, Khdtima, manuscript-(b), 7-8. The Arabie text is:
fa-dawà'-humà an ta'lama anna al-amr kull-hu bi-yad-hi ta'àlà, wa al-makhlùq là
yanfa'u nafs-hu fa-kayfa ghayr-hu wa anna al-wa'ìd fi-himà shadid. wa mithàl al-murà
man amkana-hu an yabf a jawhara bi-alf alf fa-bà'a-hà bi-fals wa man amkana-hu rida
a'zam malik bi-sa'y-hi fa-talaba bi-hi ridà dani fa-kayfa wa al-danl yubghidu-ka wa
yaskhatu alay-ka bi-sakhat al-malik in 'alima anna-ka ta'malu li-ajl-hi. fa-i'mal li-man
idhà amilta li-ajl-hi ahabba-ka wa akrama-ka wa aghnà-ka an al-kull
30. 'Abd al-Karxm al-Qushayrì, al-Risàla al-Qushayriya fi 'ilm al-tasawwuf (Damascus:
Maktaba Abl Hanifa, n.d.), 448. The Arabie text is:
wa al-suhba alà thalàtha aqsàm: suhba ma' man fawqa-ka: wa hiya fi al-haqiqa khidma,
fa-man sahaba shaykh " fawq'-hu fi al-rutba, fa-adab-hu tark al-i'tiràd, wa haml
mà yabdù min-hu ala wajh jamil, wa talaqqì ahwàl-hi bi-al-imàn bi-hi.
31. Muhammad al-Ghazàli, Ihya 'ulùm al-din (5 vols., Beirut: Dàr al-Kutub al-'Ilmìya,
2002), 5: 76 (kitàb awàrif al-ma'àrif, al-bàb 11 fi sharh hàl al-khàdim wa man yatashab
bahu bi-hi). The Arabie text is:
awhà Allàh ta'àlà ilà Dàwud alay-hi al-salàm wa qàla: yà Dàwud idhà ra'ayta 1-i tàlib1"
fa-kun la-hu khàdiman, al-khàdim yadkhulu fi al-khidma righib" fi al-thawàb wa
fi-mà a'adda Allàh ta'àlà li-l-'ibàd,—
32. Ahmad Bamba, Bidàya al-khidma, in the second part of his Diwàn al-salawàt 'ala
al-nabt al-Hàshimì al-manzùma wa al-manthùra (Touba: Matba'a al-Ghawth al-A'zam,
1975/6), 175. The Arabie text, whose meter is rajaz, is:

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wa-j'al bi-hl nazmi-ya fi-d-dàraynì / wiqàyata-l-'àrayni wa-n-nàraynl

wa-j'al-hu bad'an khidmatan zaklyah / khàlisatan mashkùratan mardiyah
33. Ahmad Bamba, Muhammadi-ya al-qdri', in his Diwàn al-qasaid al-muqayyada bi
ghayr al-dydt al-Qur'dnìya (Touba: Matba'a al-Ghawth al-A'zam, 1985), 592. The Arabic
text, whose meter is rajaz, is:
mallaktu khayra-l-khalqi khidmatan safat / wa qàda 1-1 min-hu ulixman qad shafat
mallaka-ni-1-qilàma wa-l-midàdà / man qàda 1-i-t-tawfìqa wa-l-amdàdà

da'à midàd-i wa qilàm-i rabbi-yà / ila-t-ta'àlìfi munlran qalbi-yà
yudkhilu nahw-I wa 'arùd-i bishrà / fi qalbi sayyidi-l-baràya-l-bushrà
34. Ahmad Bamba, Min al-mukhlisin bi-ka, in his Diwàn al-qasaid, 647. This poem
consists of four segmental lines. The first segment rhymes with the second and third seg
ments in each line, and the fourth segments of all the lines have a common rhyme. The
Arabic text is:
karàmat-ì khattu yad-i / fi khidmati-1-mu'ayyadì
/ wa kàna 1-3 bi-l-afyadi / Allàhu mùli-1-karami
35. It is likely that Bamba composed this prose work following the model of one of his
favorite writings, Dalail al-khayrdt, written by a Moroccan Sufi, Muhammad al-Jazùlì
(d. 1465). This Sufi enumerates 201 titles of the Prophet Muhammad in the introduction
of his work; many of those titles are found in Muqaddama al-khidma. However, it is not
appropriate to regard Bamba's prose piece as an awkward imitation of Dalail al-khayrdt
because, as mentioned above, many more titles are enumerated in Muqaddama al-khidma
than in the introduction of Dalail al-khayrdt. Moreover, unlike al-Jazuli, Bamba painstak
ingly put the titles in alphabetical order. See Muhammad al-Jazuli, Dalail al-khayrdt
(n.p.: Dar al-Imàn, n.d.), 36-47; Ahmad Bamba, Muqaddama al-khidma fi al-salàt 'ala nabi
al-rahma aw mifidh al-sa'àda fi al-saldt 'aid khayr al-sdda, in the first part of his Diwdn
al-salawdt, 1-98.
36. NHK Africa' Project, Afurika 21-seiki: Naisen, ekkyou, kakuri no hate ni [Africa, the
twenty-first century: At the end of civil wars, crossing of borders, and isolation] (Tokyo:
Japan Broadcast Publishing, 2002), 127.
37. The passage corresponding to the words presented in the translation above is
enclosed by angle brackets.
38. Ahmad Bamba, Masalik, 68. The Arabic text is:
fa-tarku kasbin li-ddi'a-t-tawakkull / ma'a-ltifatin fi'lu ghumrin in jail
wa-'lam bi-anna-l-kasba là yunàfi / tawakkulan là taku dhà itlàfì
hasbu-ka min tawakkulin allà tarà / mujriya rizqi-ka siwà rabbi-l-warà
wa-l-afdalu-l-jam'u li-hàdhayni ma'à / wa in atà fi-hi khilàfun sumi'à
39. This supplementary word is based on the self-commentary on Khdtima al-tasawwuf.
See Muhammad al-Yadàli, Sharh, manuscript-(c), 823; Muhammad al-Yadàlì, Sharh,
manuscript-(d), 380.
40. Kariya, 'Khdtima', 143; Muhammad al-Yadàli, Khdtima, manuscript-(a), 35-36;
Muhammad al-Yadàlì, Khdtima, manuscript-(b), 9. The Arabic text is:
wa ammà tark al-takassub, tawakkul " ma' al-tashawwuf li-l-khalq wa al-sakhat,
fa-i'lam anna al-takassub là yunàfi al-tawakkul, wa anna al-afdal jam'-humà wa in
ikhtalafa fi dhàlika.
41. Claude Cahen, 'Kasb', in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, vol. 4 (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1978), 690-692; Leonard Lewisohn, 'Tawakkul', in The Encyclopaedia of Islam,
new edition, vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 376-378.

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42. It seems worthwhile to mention that this work is one of the most important sources
for Minan al-bàqi al-qadimfi stra al-shaykh al-khadim, a biography of Bamba written by his
son Muhammad al-Bashlr (d. 1966).
43. Muhammad al-Makkl, Qùt al-qulùb fi mu'àmala al-mahbùb wa wasftariq al-murid
ila maqàm al-tawhid (2 vols., Beirut: Dar Sàdir, 2003), 2: 34. The Arabic text is:
wa là yadurru al-tasarruf wa al-takassub li-man sahha tawakkul-hu
44. 'Abd al-Karim al-Qushayri, ai-Risàia, 270-280. In hadiths we can find cases in
which the Prophet Muhammad admitted the value of kasb as one of the most preferable
means of earning. See Muhammad al-Bukhàri, Sahih, 2: 8-9 (kitàb al-buyu, 15 [bàb kasb
al-rajul wa amal-hi bi-yad-hi]); Ahmad bn Hanbal, Musnad al-imdm Ahmad bn Hanbal
(6 vols., Beirut: Dar Sàdir, n.d.), 2: 334, 357-358; 3: 466; 4: 141.
45. Muhammad al-Ghazàlì, Ihya, 4: 234 (kitàb al-tawhid wa al-tawakkul, bayàn a mai
al-mutawakkilìn). The Arabic text is:
fa-hàl hàdhà ashraf min hai al-qà'id fi bayt-hi, wa al-dalil ala anna al-kasb là yunàfi
hàl al-tawakkul
46. Muhammad al-Amin al-Dagàni, Irwa al-nadim min adhb hubb al-khadìm, manu
script, K-l, Fonds Amar Samb, Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire, Dakar, 19-20;
Muhammad al-Bashlr, Minan al-bàqi al-qadtm fi sira al-shaykh al-khadim (2 vols, in 1,
Casablanca: al-Matba'a al-Malakiya, n.d.), 1:120-122; Serigne Bachir Mbacké (Muhammad
al-Bashir), Les bienfaits de l'Etemel ou la biografine de Cheikh Ahmadou Bamba Mbacké,
trans. Khadim Mbacké (Dakar: Imprimerle Saint-Paul, 1995), 111-112.
47. Muhammad al-Amin al-Dagàni, Irwa, 34-40; Muhammad al-Bashir, Minan, 1:
49-51, 158-159; Mbacké, Les bienfaits, 37-38, 143.
48. Muhammad al-Amin al-Dagàni, Irwa, 30-31. The Arabie text is:
fa-inn-i amartu kull man ta'allaqa b-i li-wajhi Allàh ta'àlà al-karim bi-ta'allum al-'aqà'id
wa al-tawhid wa ahkàm al-tahàra wa al-salàt wa al-siyàm wa ghayr-hà min kull mà
yajibu 'alà mukallaf wa inn-i takaffaltu la-kum.
49. Cruise O'Brien, The Mourides, 143-144.
50. Muhammad al-Bashir, Minan, 1: 92-95; Mbacké, Les bienfaits, 75-77.
51. Ibràhim Fai, Jadhb al-murid ([Dakar]: n.p., n.d).

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The Murid Order and Its 'Doctrine of Work'

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The Murid Order and Its 'Doctrine of Work'

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