Gaspa2008 Ap 2009, SAAB17

State Archives ofAssyria Bulletin
Volume XVII (2008)
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES

IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY
Salvatore Gaspa
The superintendent is a dog (Sadr ad-dm sag),

the revenue collector is a camel (Jalal ad-dm Istarjam Qurban,),
the tax collector is a cow (Muhammad Kala gaw),
and the qadi is a donkey (Abü Sa^d khar^.
What then is the villager'sfate due to them?
To be kicked, to have to count money, and beating ...
Baba Sauda'T, poet (XIÍh century AD)
Introduction
The systematic rearrangement of the Neo-Assyrian anthroponomy along prosopographi-
cal lines in the group work known as The Prosopography ofíhe Neo-Assyrian Empire
(heneeforth PNA), although at present still inflen? allows us to take a fresh look at a
specifíc part of the NA ñame material, namely the profane onomastics, not only study-
ing the ñame typologies from the view-point of linguistic affiliation as well as the se-
manties of the ñames, but also reconsidering the anthroponymic data in light of their
special links to cultural, social and professional settings.
* This paper was written during a study period spent at the University of Helsinki in 2003-2004.1 would
like to express my deep gratitude to Prof. Simo Parpóla, Director of the Department of Assyriology at
the University of Helsinki, for his kind pennission to consult the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project's
datábase and to quote his transliterations and translations of two NA texts (MVAG 41, 60, and BBR
66+) for the preparation of this contribution. My thanks also go to Dr. Robert Whiting (University of
Helsinki), who patiently devoted his time to correct my English.
1. At the time of writing this contribution, only the fascicles l/I (A), l/II (B-G), 2/1 (H-K), 2/II (L-N), and
3/1 (P-S) of PNA were published.
120 SALVATORE GASPA
This paper is maMy aimed at evaluating some semantically-based typological and

distributional aspects of PNA's onomastic evidence from the view-points 1) of the rele-
vance of gender in name-giving and 2) of the relation between anthroponyms and the
/%
professional/social milieus of the bearers which can be recognized in some cases. Thus,
the enquiry will focus on some samples of profane personal ñames, even though a few
theophoric ñames related to the topic will equally be taken into account On the prove-
nance of the individuáis taken in consideration it is neeessary to note that most of the
persons mentioned in this study are supposed to be mainly Assyrians or at least Assyr-
ianized people, i.e., either native Assyrian people or originally foreign people recently
and differently integrated into the Assyrian society. Thus, both individuáis bearing a
typical Akkadian ñame and individuáis whose ñame is to be understood as of West
Semitic affiliation will be considered here,
Scholars already considered the impact of the Aramaization of the Neo-Assyrian
empire in the evidence of the onomastic data. On the one hand, it produced an increase
of the number of Aramaic-speaking people in the imperial periphery as well as in As-
syria proper at different levéis of society; on the other hand, it produced a progressive
Assyrianization of immigrants and deportees.^ Further, it has been noted that these ten-
dencies took place in a more and more markedly differentiated composition of the impe-
rial society.4 From this Aramaeo-Assyrian Irnguistic and cultural interaction, it seems
that the reason for using West Semitic ñames instead of the more traditional Akkadian
ones could merely be intended as the effect of familial name-giving fashions: actually, it
is very diffícult to distinguish Assyrian and non-Assyrian individuáis on the basis of the
ratio between Akkadian and West Semitic ñames.5 Consequently, West Semitic ono-
mastics must be considered only one of the different cultural traditions of NA society.
2, The present study is not intended to offer an exhaustive evaluation of all the profane ñames which are
attested in the entire NA corpus; my remarks only refer to the ñame material collected in PNA.
3. For a general view on the penetration of Aramaeans within the Assyrian society see Garelli 1982, pp.
437-447, and Tadmor 1982, pp. 449-470. For more literature on "Assyro-aramaica", see the references
quoted in Fales 1991, pp. 99-102 fes. 5-20.
4. For observations on the ethnolinguistic groups which can be detected from the evidence of NA ono-
mastics and for the relationship between onomastic data and ethnolinguistic composition of the Assyr-
ian empire see Zadok 1997, pp. 212-216.
5, See Zadok 1997, p. 215, who, however, observes that "while there is certainly no statistical identity be-
tween the percentage of individuáis bearing ñames of a certain dialect and the actual share of people of
the same ethnolinguistic group in the general population, the significance of onomastics (...) should
not be underestimated". Zadok remarks that "the Assyrians were capable of constant Assyrianization
of foreigners only in their core country, namely Assyria proper and certain adjacent regions, which
always had an adequate Assyrian demographic base, whereas in the periphery, notably the NW and
central Jezireh, the West Semitic (practically Aramean) majority prevailed and even increased in the
1
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYR1AN ANTHROPONOMY 121
Finally, I would like to note that in a few cases I have collected also ñames borne
by foreign people who are attested in Assyrian sources as enemies, specifically by
foreign rulers whose name-giving practices are extraneous to the NA society proper.
This has been done in order to make more evident the lexical variety characterizing the
so-called profane anthroponomy as a whole.
This contribution chiefly consists of three sections:
1. Description of samples of profane personal ñames divided into semantic categories;

2. Semantic analysis of some peculiarities of the selected profane personal ñames;
3. Classifícation of a more limited onomastic sample.
In the sphere of profane anthroponomy, as evidenced in the NA texts, there is a well at-
tested lexical field related to several ñames of animáis and plants, as well as of objects
of various kinds. This particular aspect of personal ñames, of course, is not at all limited
to the NA anthroponomy, First, it is well known that proper ñames formed with animal
or object ñames can be easily found in chronologically and linguistically different see-
tors of the ancient Near Eastern documentation, Further, the name-giving fashion based
on animal, flora and object ñames is also still in use at present in many Middle Eastern
eountries,6 as well as in the rest of the world, From a historic-anthropological point of
view, this tendency in naming characterizes numerous past and modern cultures; and
gives us clear evidence of a long-standing, deep-rooted habit, primarily based on the ob-
servation of the characteristics of the natural and domestic milieus. More precisely, the
natural and domestic milieus seem to be relevant in name-giving mainly on account of a
culturally limited selection of its aspects, which are more or less considered or expected
to be representative of the physical as well as of the behavioural characteristics of the
name-bearer. In this view, when dealing with profane onomastics it is chiefly required
not only to describe what are the "profane ñames", but also to understand why they are
so frequently attested. In other words, we are not merely dealing with personal ñames
mirroring the typical Mesopotamian fauna, flora and ítems of daily usage. Instead, we
are dealing with a very popular lore, whose main beliefs —as far as they are manifested
in the evidence of the ñames— we can try to investígate, albeit in a preliminary way and
from different and complementary view-points. This second and more signifícant task,
last generation of the Assyrian empire". (ibid,, pp. 215-216). For a multi-racial picture of ancient As-
syrian society see Postgate 1989, pp. 1-10, esp. pp. 5-9. On the cultural Assyrianization at work in dif-
ferent social strata of people of West Semitic provenance in the NA society see Pales 1991, p. 115.
6. For an introduction to Arabic onomastics in Islamic countries see, for example, the study of A. Sehim-
mel, Islamic Ñames (1989). On past and present Hebrew and Arabic ñames as seen from a lexicologi-
cal and sociolinguistic perspective, see Rosenhouse 2002.
122 SALVATORE GASPA
which can be defined the why of the profane ñames, obviously requires a very detailed
study, which is not possible in this context; in any event, I will attempt to draw some
preliminary conclusions on profane ñames, even in the framework of a limited onomas-
tic sample. Finally, the relevance of the cultural context in naming is significant espe-
cially when the anthroponyms can be understood also as nicknames on account 1) of
their meaning, 2) of the comparative evidence of the textual documentation dealing with
popular imagery, and, last but not least, 3) of the information about kinship, as evi-
denced in the patronymical filiation.
1. Profane onomastic samples
1.1. Animáis, insects, plants, eontainers and precious ítems in personal ñames
7.7.7. Animal Ñames

Ll.LL MasculineÑames
1.1.1.1.1. Generic Ñames
Among the ñames of animáis attested as proper ñames in NA texts, I shall first deal with
those anthroponyms bearing elements which seem to be specifically characteristic of the
masculine nomenclatura. More precisely, these ñames seem to express the parents' wish
to recognize or to attribute to their new-born the characteristics —such as physical
vigour, strength, innocence, and vitality— which are popularly considered to be distinc-
tive elements of animal offspring. Such ñames are mostly West Semitic formations based
on the root gwr, and refer in generic terms to "young animáis": e.g, Gura (*-Tgú^-ra-cP9
PNA, p, 431a); Guria (^gu-ri-ia, PNA, p. 432a); the hypocoristic form Gurráiu ^gur-ra-
a-a, lgur-ra-a, z'foW.);7 and a form with a comparative meaning, e.g, Gürüwa, "Like a
young animal" ^gur-u-u-a, PNA, p. 432b).8 To these we can add the AJkkadian theo-
phoric ñame Mür-Aia, "Cub of Ea" ^mu-ri-ia, PNA, p. 771a),9 Of course, this use of
generic qualifications for animáis in naming is not limited to our NA evidence,10 as
shown by certain MA ñames such as Büli and the hypocoristicon Bülia, which seem to
be derived forms from the AMcadian collective noun bülu, "animal";11 in NB nomencla-
7, In PNA the entry is Usted with the gentilic meaning "The Gurrean", though both the two possible
meanings are mentioned.
8, Cf. also the MB ñames lba-ak-ri and fba-ak~ra-tum, Cf. CAD B p. 35a s.v. bakru and Stamm 1939,
p, 253, See also the N/LB attestation of the West Semitic ñame gu-ra-nu (Zadok 1977, p. 143).
9, Cf. also the ñames Kalbi-Aia (§ 1.1.1.1.2) and Bür-Adad (fe. 189, below).
10, Cf. also the Palmyrene ñame *bdy, "wild animal" (Stark 1971, p. 63a),
11, OMAI,p. 184.
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY 123
ture, for example, we find ñames based on me word müránu, "puppy, cub", such as Mu-
10
ranu and Müránatu. Further, the above-mentioned anthroponyms can be compared with
some contemporary personal ñames whieh are similarly based on generic qualifícations
but concern young people, e.g. Batáli, "Virgin" (f¿>a-ía-/z, PNA, p. 277a), Batüíu, "Young
man" ?ba-tu-lu, PNA, p. 277b), Suhru, "Youth" (fsu-uh-ru, PNA, p. 1178a). Thus,
giving ñames which qualify animal offspring seems to be a lively and auspicious ex-
pression of vitality, not unlike the examples of generic youth ñames listed above.
A further element of comparison with these generic ñames can be also found in an-
throponyms qualifying the person just as a living being, like e.g. Adümu âd-u-mu,
PNA, p. 54a), borne by a Sidonian landowner from Kalhu (Sin-sarru-iskun's reign), and
Adámu (*a-da-mu, PNA, p. 42b), borne by a tribal ancestor of king Samsi-Adad I (ca.
1813-1781), as attested in the Assyrian King List, Both ñames have a West Semitic orí-
1^
gin and qualify the individual simply as "human being". On these particular cases of ge-
neric personal ñames, it can be questioned whether these ñames may be understood as an
expression of special taboos about proper ñames. In my opinión, it is possible that the
primary aim of these ñames was to keep the real ñame of the person hidden, and to
avoid pronouncing the ñame on account of its importance in the magic and religious
sphere.14 In many ancient societies the knowledge of the personal ñame was believed to
be a powerful tool for controlling the individual;15 on the opposite, the importance of
preserving the ñame is widely attested in the final curse sections of many Assyrian royal
inseriptions, where the concept of the royal successors' duty to preserve the king's ñame
(sumu safru, "written ñame") coincides with the preservation of historical memory.16
12. Streck2001,p. 114.

13. In addition, one can eonsider, for instance, the ñames qualifying the person as a "ereature", like
Bimtu (PNA, p. 345a), Bimtu-ahí, "The creature is my brother" (ibid.\d Qcmana, "Creature"
(PNA, p. 1006a). This kind of generic ñame may also be found in anthroponyms referring to the per-
son's role within his familial and social context, some of them being probably intended as affective
ñames, e.g. Binüm, "My little son" (PNA, p. 345a); Biranu, "Little son" (PNA, p. 345b); Bitttfa,
"(This is) my daughter" (PNA, p. 349a), Aftu» "Brother" (PNA, p. 68a), AMtá, "(This is my (little)
sister" (PNA, p, 58b); Kallutu, "Bride" (PNA, p. 599b), Another interesting case is that of ñames
qualifying the person simply as "ñame", which very probably should be understood as abbreviated
forms: e.g. Sumaia, "My ñame" (PNA, p. 1157b), Sumanu, "Our ñame (?)" or "Nickname (?)" (PNA,
p. 1158a). "Ñame", of course, has many semantic extensions, including "reputation", "son", "prog-
eny", etc., cf. CAD S/ffl p. 284a s.v. sumu.
14. Cf. also fb. 293, below.
15. On the use of ñames for magic purposes see Campbell Thompson 1908, pp. xlvi, 1,148-149.
16. On this topic see Radner 2005, pp. 114-175, esp. pp. 129-130. On the relevance of the king's written
ñame see the references quoted in CAD S/III p. 290a-b s.v. sumu; for the use of sumu with the
meaning of "offspring" in the curse sections of royal inseriptions see ibid,, p. 295a-b.
124 SALVATORE GASPA
1.1,1.1.2 Domestic Animáis

Among the ñames referring to domestic animáis there is a nomenclature specifically
masculine. Within this category are attested ovine ñames, especially concerning animal off-
spring,17 like the Akkadian ñame Immeru, "Sheep" (îm-me-ri, PNA, p, 539b);18 the
West Semitic formation with the suffix -an Immeranu, "Sheep" îm-me-ra-a-nu, lim~
me-ra-nu (ibid,); the Akkadian forms referring to "lamb", e.g. Kalümu, "Lamb" (f-ka-lu-
[mu\™ PNA, p. 599b);20 Hurapu, "Spring lamb" ^hu-ra-pí, lhu-ra-pi, PNA, p. 480a).21
Of Aramaic origin is the anthroponym Gadja, "Lamb" ^gad-ia-a, PNA, p, 418a),22
0^ T T
while another West Semitic proper ñame is Imrá, "Lamb(?) (Hm~ra~a, Hm-ra, PNA,
p. 540a). The term immeru is also present in the compound ñame built by adding the
preposition ¿>z-, e.g. Bi-immerá, "With [the help of] the lamb" (f-bi—im-me~m-a, lbi—
im-ra-a, PNA, p, 344a).24 This onomastic typology is widely attested in the ancient
Near East documentation, as proved by previous occurrences of similar ñames in other
Akkadian corpora25 as well as the evidence of anthroponyms such as Parganüm, Pasil-
latum, and the Amorrite, or perhaps Akkadian, Kabsatum26 Unlike the NA occurrences,
the earlier Akkadian attestations of this kind of ñame also document a feminine nomen-
17. Several examples of this onomastic typology may be found in other Semitic languages, see, e.g.,
(Ugaritic) bn ^glt, "junge Kuh"; gzl, "junger Vogel"; bn Hit, "junges Tier"; prt, prtn, bn prtn, "junge
Kuh" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28); (Palmyrene) )>1y9 bknv, "Yoxmg camel" (Stark 1971, pp. 72a, 76a),
mhr, mhrw, "Colt" (id., p. 93b). The same can be seen also in the case of wild animáis, e.g. (Palmy-
rene) gwr*, "Young lion" (id,, p. 8Ib), and the affective ñame gwry, "My young lion" (ibid,),
18. On the Hebrew ñame Vmmér, cf. Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, p. 67b; Zadok 1988, p. 236 no. 56.
19. The restoration of the term is uncertain, cf. PNA, p. 599b.
20. The ñame ka-lu-mu-um appears to be attested from OB to NB, cf. CAD K, pp, 107a-b s,v, kalümu.
21. The ñame is already attested in OB, see, e.g., hu-ra-pu-um in CAD H, p, 245a s.v, hurapu.
22. Already in MA, e.g. lga-di-ú (OMA I, p. 218). Cf. also the LB ñame ga-du-ú in CAD G p. 9a s.v.
gadü, A further comparison may be made with the Ugaritic ñame gadya, bn gdy, "Junges" (Grondahl
1967, p. 28).
23. Cf. PNA, p. 540a: "alternatively the ñame may be based on the root 5mr, 'to say, command'".
24. Cf. also the following ñames that are all West Semitic masculine ñames with the preposition bi-, e.g.
(with a divine ñame) Bi-Dadi, "With [the help of] Dadi" (PNA, p, 343b); Si-Nanaia, "With [the help
of] Nanaia" (PNA, p. 344b); (with abstracta) Bi-haiatu, "By [my] life" (PNA, p. 344a); Bi-sidqi"^Q-
cause of my righteousness [the child has come]" (PNA, p. 348a); (with other ñame elements denoting
realia) Bi-qatar, "With [the help of] the rock" (PNA, p. 345a). On this particular onomastic typology
and for literature see the discussion in PNA, p. 343b s.v. Bi-Dddi,
25. Cf. CAD I-J, p. 134a s.v. immeru the OB ñames im~me-ru~um, and the theophoric im-me-ir-i-lí. Un-
like the NA onomastic documentation, in the NB anthroponomy the feminine form of this ñame is
also attested, e.g. im-mir-tu^, cf. CAD I-J, p. 128b s.v, immertu. Cf. also Stamm 1939, p, 253.
26. See Huffmon 1965, p. 152.
1
REMAKKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY 125
clature, as in the case of ñames like Immeríum and Kalumtum, and the same can be seen
O1"?
for Akkadian ñames related to goats, such as Lalütum and Lalátum.
Similarly, ñames referring to cattle are limited to offspring and eonstitute an exchi-
08 T
sively West Semitic masculine nomenclature, see e.g. Igilu, "Calf (H-gi-lu, PNA, p.
507b); /g/a, "Calf (*ig-la-a, ibid,); a ñame with the suffix -án with a diminutive sense,
e.g. IgJanu, "Little calf fig-la-nu, PNA, p. 508a); ñames expressing a relation of af-
filiation, e.g. IgK, "His calf fig-H-i, ^-gi-li-i, ibid.), Iglú, "His calf (fi]g-íu-u, ibid,).
As to the last aspeet, one can find other cases in NA onomastics in which a relation of
9Q
affiliation is expressed, particularly in anthroponyms referring to family relations. Fi-
nally, to the group of bovine ñames we can also add the West Semitic Twrí, "Bull" (^tu-
ri-i, Itu-r[i-í]).
Ñames referring to swine too are attested as masculine ñames, e.g. Huriisá, "Piglet"
(lhu~ni-sa-a, PNA, p. 479b), Humsu, "Piglet" ^hu-ni-si, ibid.\ "Pig" ^hu-zi-ri-i,
PNA, p. 484a), HuzTru, "Pig" (^hu-zi-ri, lhu-zi-ru, lhu-zir, PNA, p. 484b), Kurkuzannu,
"Piglet" (^1wr-ku-za-nu, PNA, p. 642a). The anthroponyms based on the root hns are un-
11
derstood as West -3^Semitic, whereas their Akkadian equivalent is to be found in the
form Kurkuzannu. As to the other ñames of this type, that is, Huzm and HuzTru, it is
not clear whether they are West Semitic or Akkadian.33 Other examples of this onomas-
27. Ibid.
28. For further examples of this onomastic typology, see the Akkadian Büratum, and the feminine fonn
Bürtum, "Kalbchen" (Stamm 1939, p. 253); the Amonte al-pa-an (Huffinon 1965, p. 151); the Uga-
ritic bn >gít, "Farse, junge Kuh"; alpy, il(i)piya, "Ochse" (Grondahl 1967, pp. 27-28); the Hebrew
>Eglah (HAL, p. 785a; Zadok 1988, p. 229 no. 33); the Palmyrene *rwn\ "Calf (Stark 1971,
pp. 73a, 104a).
29. Family relations may be expressed by one-word ñames with possessive suffixes, e.g. Binüní, "My
little son" (PNA, p. 345a), Bittu, "His daughter" (PNA, p. 349a), AMtü, "His sister" (PNA, p. 59b),
Ahüté, "His sister" (PNA, p, 88a), Ahassunu, "Their sister" (PNA, p. 58b), or by compound ñames
explicitly qualifying the relative in question, e.g. Bir-ammá, "Son of the paternal únele" (PNA, p.
345a), Ahat-abTSa, "Her father's sister" (PNA, p. 59a), A¡}at-abü, "His father's sister" (íbid.\
immá, "Her mother's sister" (PNA, p. 59b). See Stamm 1939, pp. 242-246.
30. SAA 7, 189, r,14e; 191, r.9'; 192, r.15; 195, r.2; 210, r.18. The ñame is listed in APN, p. 235b, as
Tüñ. Cf. also Zadok 1977, p. 144,
31. See, e.g., the Ugaritic bn hnzr, hzr, hzrn, "Schwein" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28); the Phoenician 'wzr,
however meaning "Wild pig" (Benz 1972, p. 239); possibly, also the El-Amarna ñame hi~zi~rí (Hess
1993, p. 77); the Hebrew Hezir (HAL, p. 302b; Noth 1928, p. 230).
32. The term is already attested both in OB and in MA onomastics, e.g. respectively kur-ku-za-nu, ku-ur-
ku-za-ni, Cf. CAD K, p. 56Ib xv. kurkizamm,
33. Previous attestations of the ñame are (OAkk) hu-zi-ra; (Ur III) hu-zi-rí; (Nu2d) hu~zi~rí, see CAD H,
p, 266a s.v. huzíru, For the feminine form see the MA ñame fhu-zi-ir~te (OMA I, p, 227), The term
126 SALVATORE GASPA
tic typology are previously attested in the Akkadian anthroponomy, though they are
v v QA ^
based on the Akkadian noun sahü, like Sahü and the feminine Sahitu; the ñame SaM,
for example, occurs in NB nomenclature.35
The category of equine ñames is represented by some West Semitic (or Arabic)
ñames denoting the donkey, such as Himáru ^hi-ma-m, PNA, p. 472b),36 and the hypo-
coristicon Himári ^hi-ma-ri-i, ibid,), On the other side, one can mention the parallel
Akkadian ñames Imarí fi-ma-ri-i, PNA, p. 538b) and/márw (^-ma-a-rw, ibid.)?1
Concerning the dog, the Akkadian ñame referring to this common domestic animal
is widely attested as a personal ñame in several Semitic languages.38 Since the term
kalbu may be alternatively understood in a figurative sense as "servant", it is in seman-
tic correspondence to the words wrdu and abdu which are also attested in "servant-of-
DN" onomastic typologies,39 e.g. Kalbi-Aia, "Dog/Servant of Ea" (or hypocoristicon
Kalbaial40) ^kal-ba-a-a, lkal-bu-a-a, PNA, p. 598a); Kalbi-Ukü "Dog/Servant of Uku"
(^kal\-bi—dú-ku-u, \*-kal-bi\ú-ku-u-a, [lkal-b]i—ú-ku-ú-a, fkal-bi]—ú-ku-ú, ^.KU—
ú-ku-ú-a, lkal-bi—ku-ú~a, ibid,), The one-word form of this ñame is Kalbu (*kal-bu,
lka[T\-bu, lkal-bi, fkáll-bi, lka-al-bu, â-al-Tb^\ PNA, p, 598b).41
The category of the feline ñames is represented by the Aramaic diminutive ñame
Bassüná, "Kitty" ^ba-su-na-a, PNA, p. 277a);42 the hypocoristicon Bussf, "Cat/My cat"
huzírtu, derived from the masculine form huziru, "pig", is used for denoting a particular kind of in-
sect, cf. ibid., s.v, huzírtu.
34. SeeStamnil939,p.254.
35. Streck 2001, p, 114.
36. See the N/LB equivalen! forms hi-ma-ri and fyi-ma-ri-ia (Zadok 1977, p. 130).
37. Previous attestations of the ñame are (OAJkk) i-ma-ru-um; (Ur III) e-ma~ru-um, see CADI-J, p. 112b
s.v. imeru. For the MA onomastics see li~ma-ru (Freydank - Saporetti 1979, p. 64). For other exam-
ples of terms denoting equines in anthroponomy see, e.g, the Ugaritic ñames kdn, bn kdn, prdn,
"Maultier";pn, "Wildesel oder Zebra?" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28).
38. See, e.g., the Amonte ka~al-ba-an (Huffmon 1965, p. 152); the Ugaritic kalbu, kalbeya, kíb, klby
(Grondahl 1967, p. 28); the El-Amarna ñame kal-ba~ia-a (Hess 1993, pp, 95-96); the Hebrew Kaleb
(Zadok 1988, p. 203 no, 14); the Palmyrene klb\ (Stark 1971, p. 92b). For more references see
Huffinon 1965, p. 152 m. 40; Stark 1971, p. 92b; HAL, p, 476b. The West Semitic root klb appears
to be attested also in the Egyptian onomastic occurrence krby, see Hess 1993, p, 96,
39. See also Smith 1998, pp. 714-715.
40. For the NB form see Streck 2001, p. 114.
41. For previous attestations of the ñame see, for example, (OAkk) kal-pü-as-dar; (OB) ka-al-bu-[uiri]
and the feminine ka~al-ba~tum; (MB) ^kal-bi, see CAD K, p. 72a s.v. kalbu,
42. Cf also the N/LB feminine ñame fbi-is-sa-a (Zadok 1979, p. 25),
REMARES ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEOASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY 127
(^bu-si-i, PNA, p. 357a);43 the Akkadian Süránu, "Cat" (f-su-ra-a-nu, lsu-ra-nu, PNA, p.
1159b).44
Finally, as far as the category of domestic bird ñames is concerned, we can mention
here some Akkadian ñames probably referring to poultry, e.g. Kubsanu, "Rooster" (^ku~
ub-sá-a-nu, PNA, p. 632a); Kudurránu, "Cockerel" (*hi-du-ra-nu, PNA, p. 632b);45 ku-
rukku, "Gander" ^ku-ru-ku, PNA, p, 642b).
1.1.1.1.3. Wild Animáis

In addition to the above-mentioned animal ñames, the masculine nomenclature inehides
a rich series of anthroponyms denoting wild animáis, Thus, one finds an outstanding
frequency of ñames meaning "Gazelle", of which are documented 1) some forms possi-
bly of Arabic affiliation, e.g. Hazálu ^ha-za-íum, lha-za-la, lha-za-li, PNA, p. 469a),
with the variant common to both the genders Hazálá (*ha-za-la-a, fha-za-¡a-a, ibid.);46
2) the Akkadian forms, e.g. Huzálu (f-hu-za-lu, lhu-za-li, lhu-za-la, PNA, p. 484a),47
with a variant possibly having a comparative meaning, e.g. Huzülü, "Gazelle-like" ^hu-
za-lu-rü*> ibid.).4* Though not completely clear, we can mention here also two West Se-
mitic animal ñames that probably are to be understood as meaning "antelope", e.g. Süsu,
"Antelope(?)"49 (*su-u-su, lsu-ú-su, lsu-su, PNA, p. 1161a), and the possibly affective
name Süsüâ, "My antelope(?)" (^su-su-u-a, PNA, p. 1162a).
43. The name has been considered to have an Arabic origin; the meaning, however, is not clear, see
PNA, p. 357a. Cf. also the Palmyrene fe5 (Stark 1971, p. 77b).
44. An alternative etymology for the NA anthroponym Süranu may be the word sur, "wall"; cf. PNA, p,
1159b. The name is already attested in the Oíd Akkadian period, e.g, su-ra-núm, su~ra-nu-wn. As for
the NB form of the name, we can observe the well fcnown dialectically differentiated orthography of
the sibilant, e.g. su-ra-nu (vs. the NA <suranu> for /suranuí). Cf. CAD S/HI, p, 340a s. v. suranu,
45. In contrast to the NA occurrences, the MB onomastic evidence shows both the masculine and the fe-
minine form, e.g. ku~du-m-mi, ku-du-ra-ni-tum. The name is attested also in NB anthroponomy, e.g.
Iw-du-ra-nu, see CAD K, p. 494b s.v, kudwranu, For the West Semitic equivalent see the Ugaritic
ñames kdrn and bn kdrn meaning "Raubvogel" or "junger Hahn" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28).
46. One can observe that one of the two forms which are present in NA onomastics, i.e. Hazalu, is previ-
ously attested in the Amonte feminine name ha-za-la, cf. Hufrmon 1965, p. 151-152,
47. Previous attestations of the name are (OB, MB) hu-za-lum; (NB) hu-za-lu, see CAD H, pp. 265b-
266b s.v. huzalu; Streck 2001, p. 114. See also the Ugaritic ñames huzilü, bt hzíi (Grondahl 1967, p.
28),
48. Cf. also Noth 1928, p. 230.
49. Or "licorice-wood"? See PNA, p, 1161a, Note also that the text reference of the individual no, 3 has
been omitted in PNA.
128 SALVATORE GASPA
Another case is that of ñames referring to animáis belonging to the equine, ovine
and bovine categories, for which we find respectively a ñame of West Semitic origin, e.g.
Aradu, "Wild ass" fy-ra-di, PNA, p. 124a);50 the Aramaic /«>/«, "Mountain goat" (â-
c?-la-a, PNA, p. 490b);51 the common Semitic Didánu, "Bison" (^di-da-a-nu, ldi-da-nu,
Cf)
PNA, p, 382b), More frequently, one frnds ñames of predators, rodents and birds.
Ñames referring to the first animal group are those designating the "lion" such as the
Anadian Laba>ü (â-baû-u,53 PNA, p. 649a), Nesu fyé-e-su, *ni-$ü9 PNA p. 959a),54
the West Semitic or Hebrew KapTru, "Young lion"55 (f-ka-pi-ru, PNA, p, 605a),56 and
the common Semitic Lubáma ^lu-ba-a-ma, PNA, p. 666b); those denoting the "wolf',
e.g. Barbamnu51 ^bar-bar-a-ni, PNA, p. 269a), and the Aramaic DPbá (^di-f-ba-a, ldi-
ib~ba-a, PNA, p. 382b); those referring to "wildcats", e.g. Azarru, "Lynx" (â-zar-ri,
PNA p. 239a),58 and Murasü, "Wildcat" ^mu-ra-su-ú, PNA, p. 770a).59 The onomastics
designating the "fox" is very widespread, as attested, on the one hand, by West Semitic
ñames such as Süâli (^su-a-tt-i9 PNA, p. 1153a), and Ta^lá ^ta-cf-la-a, Iía-a/-a),60 and
50. Cf. the Amonte ha~ra~da-an, "wild donkey" (Hufímon 1965, p. 152). For the Hebrew ñame *
see Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, p. 881b; Zadok 1988,242 no. 40.
51. Cf. the Ugaritic y>¡, "Wildziege" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28), and the Hebrew feminine ñame Ya*él
(HAL, p, 420b; Zadok 1988, p. 218 no. 4).
52. Cf. the Ugaritic bn dtn, "Wisent(?)" (Grondahl 1967, p. 28),
53. Hypocoristic form, see PNA, p. 649a. Cf. the MA lla-a#~*u (OMA I, p. 297; Freydank - Saporetti
1979, p. 77).
54. The ñame may also be a hypocoristic form of an Elamic ñame, see PNA, p. 959a.
55. Alternatively, the ñame may be interpreted as a qafíl form from the root kpr, "to cover, hide", see
PNA, p. 605a,
56. Cf. the Phoenician kpr, "young lion(?)" (Benz 1972, p. 239). For other examples of ñames denoting
the lion in Semitic languages see the the El-Amarna la-ab-a-ya, for which see Hess 1993, pp. 102-
103, who compares it with the Ugaritic la-ab-î-ya and the Punic lbj (ibid,, p. 103); the Hebrew Layis
(Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, 529b; Zadok 1988, p. 223 no. 9), and the Palmyrene forms 3M sb» (Stark
1971, pp. 73a, 113a). And see also the possible Egyptian onomastic occurrence r-b-y^y-^\r which
see Hess 1993, p. 103. Cf. also m. 146.
57. For a previous attestation of the ñame see the Oíd Akkadian occurrence bar-bar, cf. CAD B, p, 108b
s,v, barbaru, Alternatively, the ñame may be compared to other anthroponyms possibly to be consid-
ered reduplícate formations based on the root ¿>rr, "to pmfy, to select", such as Barbarra, Barbíru,
ea\dBarburu,
58. Previously attested in the OB onomastics, e.g. a-za-ru-um, a-za-rí-im, see CAD A/II, p. 527a s,v.
azaru. However, the origin of the term is unknown.
59. The spelling with <s> for [s] is a proper NA dialectal feature, for which see Hameen-Anttila 2000,
pp, 9-10. For the N/LB variants of this ñame see CAD M/n, p. 219a s.v. murasú A. Cf, also m, 44,
60. SAA 11, 203 r,i, 13; 205 i 6'; SAA 12, 50:21, 40; cf. APN p. 229a, For other West Semitic occur-
rences of ñames denoting the fox see the possible Amonte diminutive ñame Su-ha-la-nu (Hufímon
1
on the other, the long-documented Akkadian ñame Seíebu,61 which appears to be at-
tested both in the variant 1) Séhbu/Sélebu/i ^se-H-pi,62 lse\-li-pi^ ^é^-li-bi,6* ê-llé-
b]il 65), 2) and in the variant Sélubu ^SeShF-buj* ê-llu-buf1). For the rodents, fírst we
can mention ñames meaning "jerboa", e.g. the Akkadian Akbaru/Akbáru âk-bar, lak-
ba-ru, PNA, p. 94b), the Canaanite variant Akbüru (^-ak-bur, ^-ak-bu-ru, la-ka-bur, ^-a-ka-
bu~ru, la-ga~bu~ru, ibid,);68 the Akkadian ñames Arrabu, "Dormoüse" (*ar-ra-bu, lár~
ra-bi, PNA, p. 132b),69 Asqüdu.» "Hámster" fis-qu-du, las-qu-du*> las~qu~di.> âs-qud> 1¿s-
qud~du, PNA, p. 137a),70 and Harriru, "Digger [i,e. a mouse]" ^ha-ri-ri, lhar-ri-ri,
PNA, p, 462b),71 Another Akkadian name appears to be commonly used by both gen-
ders, e.g, Pushu, "Rat" ^pu-us-hu, fpu-us-hu, PNA, p. lOOOb). This name is also attested in
an affective form, e.g, PushT, "My rat/Ratty" (tpus-hi, lpu-us~hi~i, lpu-us-hi, ibid,),12 As
1965, p. 152); the Ugaritic forms stfalanu, bn fl, fin, bn fin (Grondahl 1967, p. 28); the Hebrew
Stfal (Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, p. 1445b; Zadok 1988, p. 217 no. 18).
61. Listed in APN, p. 220a s.w. se-li-bi and se~li-pi. The ñame appears to be attested from the Oíd
Akkadian age on, e.g. (OAkk) sa-le-ba; (OB) se-le~bu-um; (MB) se-le-bu; (MA) se-lu~bu, se-le-bu;
(NB) se-le-bu, se-el-le-bi and passim, see CAD S/II, pp. 269b-270a s.v. selebu, On the NB form
§elleb(í) see Streck 2001, p. 114: "(Mein) Fuchs". Cf. also the Eblaic appellative sa-la-ab/bu (Kre-
bernik 1988, p. 6), and the Ugaritic flb, "Fuchs" (Grdndahl 1967, p. 28).
62. SAA6,210:1.
63. Ibid.,9.
64. StAT2, 103r.5e.
65. SAA18,95:5.
66. SAA14,465r.3'.
67. StAT2, 61r.l'.
68. Particularly, the name appears to be amply attested in Babylonian onomastics, e.g, (OB) ak-ba-rum,
ak-ba-ru-um\) ak-ba-ri; (MA) ak-bi-rí; (NB) ak-ba-ru, see CAD A/I pp. 265b-266a s.v, akbaru.
Cf. also the Phoenician masculine forms *kbr\ (Benz 1972, p. 239). For the Hebrew Âkbór see
Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, p. 823b; Zadok 1988, p. 256 no. 25. Cf, also rn. 89, below.
69. The name is frequently attested in Babylonian documentation, see, for instance, (OB) ár-ra-bu-um,
ár-ra-bu-ú-um; (NB) ár-rab ana passim, the masculine hypocoristicon ar-rab-íum, and the feminine
far-rab-ti, see CAD A/u, p. 303a s.v. arrabu; Streck 2001, p. 1 14.
70. The anthroponym is already documented both in Oíd Assyrian and in Oíd Babylonian, e.g. (OA) ás-
qú-dim; (OB) as-qú-du-um, as-qú-di; (Mari) as-qú-du-um, see CAD A/n p. 340a s.v, asqüdu. To
these occurrences we can also add the Amonte ha-ás-qú-da-an (Huffinon 1965, p. 152), possibly to
be understood as a variant of the Akkadian form asqüd-,
71. Previously attested in the Oíd Babylonian period, e.g. (OB) ha-ri-rum, ha-ar-ri-rum, See also (Nuzi)
ha-ar-ri-ri, cf. CAD H, p. 1 14b s.v. harriru,
72. A name denoting a rodent is also to be found in the theonym Ahu-mu-si-ru> referred to dMAR.TU in SB
religious texis, for which see CAD H, p, 236a s.v. humsiru, "mouse". For the NB onomastic form
Habasiru see Streck 2001, p. 114. Another example is represented by the OB name a-a-sum, possi-
bly to be referred to the weasel, see CAD A/I, p. 231a s.v. ajasu A. As for the feminine nomencla-
130 SALVATORE GASPA
for ñames denoting the "haré", we can mention the Aramaic Amaba (âr-na-ba-a, lár-
na-ba-a, PNA, p. 132a), and the Akkadian or Phoenician Arnubu/Arnübu êr-nu-bu,
PNA,p. 132b).73
In the group of bird ñames are present anthroponyms derived from noims denoting
ravens, like the Akkadian ñames Aribu, "Raven" â-ñ-bu, PNA, p. 131a),74 Hahhüru,
"Raven" or "Crow" fha-ah-hu-ru, PNA, p. 439b),75 Qaribu, "Crow(?)"76 (*qa-ri-bu,
PNA, p. 1008b). Another ñame, however of unknown origin, appears to be a fictitious,
onomatopoeic one, perhaps to be connected to the raven's cry, e.g, Quaqua, "Cawcaw"
(tqu-a-qu-a, PNA, p. 1017a), Further, we can also mention ñames referring to the "peli-
can", like the West Semitic or Arabic forras Quqí (*qu-qi-i, PNA, p, 1018b), Quqü (^qu-
qu-u, ibid.\ ^qu-qu-u-a, \u-u-qu-\u~á\> ibid.).17 Possibly to be referred to other
kinds of birds are the Akkadian anthroponyms Qaqá, "ga#«-bird(?)" ^qa-q^-a7], PNA,
p. 1007b),78 the West Semitic $así, "Wild bird" or "Vulture/eagle" ?sa-si-i, â-si-T,
PNA, p, 1168b), and two ñames that may be considered as designating the "eagle", of
which, however, the second one appears to be uncertain, e.g, Nasrá ^na-as-ra-a, PNA,
p. 933b), and Udini fú-di-ni).19
ture, one can also mention the OB form pí-ru-m-tum, derived from pirurüíu, "Hausmaus, a small
rodent", see AHw, p. 856b and CAD P, p. 420b s.v.
73. For the previously attested forras see (OAkk) or-na-ba and the female (OB Mari) ar-na-bu-um;
(Nuzi) ar-na-bu; (NB) ar-na-ba-a and the hypocoristicon ar-na-ba-tum, cf, CAD A/II, p. 294b s.v.
arnabu. See also the Ugaritic form bn arnbt, "Hase" (Grondahl 1967, p, 28),
74. For Palmyrene ñames referring to ravens, see, for example, the forras n*b\, and the syno-
nyra Vft (Stark 1971, p. 99b).
75. For the occurrence of the ñame ha-ah~hu~ru, cf, AHw, p, 308b, and CAD H, p. 30a, s.v. hahhuru, Cf,
also Nothl 928, p. 230,
76. Another meaning of the ñame is "relative". As to the origin of the térra it is not clear whether it is
AJkkadian or West Semitic. A comparison with Arabic has also been made, but it remains uncertain,
see PNA, p. 1008b, for references.
77. Ñames referring to this bird seem to be already attested in MA onomastics, e.g. lqu-qu-ú (OMA I, p.
377; Freydank - Saporetti 1979, p. 101), and the form tytP-'qT-i (OMA I, p. 377), though not cer-
tain. Cf. also the Palmyrene qwq\" (Stark 1971, p. 110a). Anthroponyms denoting aquatic
birds can also be found in NB nomenclature, see, e.g., the ñame Niqüdu (Streck 2001, p. 114:
"Sumpfhuhn").
78. However, it is not clear whether the térra has an Akkadian origin, cf. AHw, p. 901b s.v. qaqü "ein
Vogel",
79. SAA 7, 112 r.3. Cf. APN, p. 239a. For the meaning see AHw, p. 1401b, "ein Geier?". See also Sa-
lonen 1973, p. 282: "ein Vogel des Berglandes"; and CDA, p, 418a: "a mountain bird".
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEOASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY 131
This maseuline nomenclature also includes ñames referring to reptiles, like the West
Semitic Hamatütu, "Lizard" (^ha-ma-tu-tu, PNA, p. 446b);80 the Akkadian Raqqü, "Tur-
tle" ^ra-qu-ú, PNA, p. 1033b); an Akkadian or West Semitic form with a comparative
meaning,
_
perhaps denoting the "snake", e.g. _Séranu/Serránu/STranu, "Snake-like"
QO
81
^se-ra-a-nu, PNA, p, 1169a). The ñame Sarpí (^sar-pi-i, PNA, p. 1092b) may also re-
fer to the same animal. Other animáis that are represented in maseuline ñames are Sapü-
nu, "Rock badger"83 ^sa-pu-nu, PNA, p. 109 Ib),84 of Phoenician affiliation, and the
T R'Ñ
Akkadian Uqüpu, "Ape" ^ú-qu-pu). Concerning the fish, we can mention here a ñame
with a generic meaning, like Nüm, "My fish" ^nu-ni-ia, PNA, p. 967a),86 and two an-
throponyms, perhaps to be connected to the noun nahiru, "whale", e.g. Nahiru ^na-hi-
ru, PNA, p. 922b), and the form expanded by the suffix ~án Nahimnu ^na-hi-ra-fyu7],
PNA, p, 922a).87
1,1,1,2 Feminine Ñames

1.1.1.2.1 Domestic Animáis
Unlike the maseuline nomenclature, the feminine ñames do not show a similar lexical
riehness of animal ñames. Perhaps this aspect mirrors the general picture of the NA
onomastics, in which the masculine nomenclature most likely represents the great ma-
jority of the onomastic attestations. Thus, domestic animal ñames are represented in two
80. For proper ñames referring to the lizard in other Semitic languages, see, for instance, the Palmyrene
*b\" (Stark 1971, p. 102a).
81. For the possible alternative meanings of this ñame see PNA, p. 1169a.
82. Cf.Nothl928,p.230.
83. Procavia syriaca, cf. HAL, p. 1633b s,v, sapan,
84. For other oceurrences of this Canaanite form see the Phoenician spn, "badger" (Benz 1972, p, 239),
and the Hebrew Sapan (Noth 1928, p. 230; HAL, p. 1633b; Zadok 1988, p. 256 no. 22).
85. SAA 14,103:2, r.3; SAA 17,46 r,3. Cf. APN, p, 242b. For the NB form IfUqüpu see Streck 2001, p.
114. For the equivalent forms of the ñame in Palmyrene onomastics see qwp* and the plural form
qwpyn (Stark 1971, p, 110a). Other Palmyrene ñames referring to apes are qrd* (id,, p. HOb), and
rbh, "Male ape" (id,, p. 11 Ib). On the term uqüpu, a foreign loanword in Akkadian and in all
likelihood a "Kulturwort", see Klein 1979, pp. 156-160.
86. As in the case of generic ñames concerning cattle, cf. § 1.1.1.1.1. For the Hebrew ñame Nün see
HAL, p, 681a, and Zadok 1988, p. 203 no. 11.
87. Alternatively, the ñame may be intended as a qátil form meaning "snorter", cf. PNA, p. 922a-b. Cf.
also the MB ñames lna~hi-ri (CAD N/I, p. 137b s,v. nahini), and na-hi-ra-ni (CAD N/I, p. 136b s,v,
nahirami), The term nahiru occurs in Tiglath-pileser I's royal inscriptions as referring to an exotic
sea animal hunted by the king, and its tusks are mentioned as a tribute in Assurnasirpal n's annals,
cf. ibid. for references.
132 SALVATORE GASPA
ñames only, namely Anáqatu, "She-camel" (fa-72a-g[a-/w?], PNA, p. llOb),88 borrowed

from Arabic, and the Akkadian theophorie Inzi-Aia^ "She-goat of Ea" (fin-zi-a-a, PNA,
p. 559b).
1.1.1.2.2 Wild Animáis

A completely different picture emerges if we consider the feminine onomasties referring
to wild animáis. Tiras, one can frnd ñames designatrng rodents like tbe Aramaic Akbará,
"Female jerboa" (âk-ba-ra-a, PNA, p, 94b), with its Akkadian parallel Akbartu,
"Female jerboa" âk-bar-tu, ibid.)*9 and other Akkadian ñames like Arrabatu, "Female
dormouse" (far~ra-ba-ti, fár-ra-ba-ti, PNA, p. 132b), Hulutfi, "My little Mw-mouse"
^hu~lu-ut-ti, PNA, p, 477a),90 To these we can also add a ñame which is common to
both genders, e,g. Pushu, "Rat" ^pu-us-hu, fpu-us-hu, PNA, p. lOOOb), as stated above,
For feminine ñames referring to "gazelle", we can fínd two forms, of which the second
one appears to be commonly used by both genders, as in the above-mentioned case of
Pushu, e.g. the Akkadian ArbTíu (far-bi-tú, PNA, p. 128b),91 and the possibly Arabic
form Hazálá (^ha-za-la-a, fha-za-la-a, PNA, p. 469a). Concerning the categories of
goats, reptiles, and apes, one fínds respectively only one occurrence, e.g. the West
Semitic Arnü, "Wild goat" ($.ar-nu-u9 PNA, p. 132b);92 the Akkadian or West Semitic
Raqqitu, "Turtle"93 ($.raq-qí-tíi, PNA, p. 1033b); the Akkadian Uqüputu, "Female
ape" (fú-qu-pu-tü).94 Finally, we can mention two bird ñames, e.g. the AkkadianPa*ü95
88. For proper ñames referring to camels, cf. the Hebrew Gemallí (HAL, p. 197b; Zadok 1988, p, 207
no. 41); the Palmyrene forms *pfy, "Young camel" (Stark 1971, p. 72a), bkrw, "Young camel" (id,, p.
76a), gmP, "Camel" (id., p. 82a).
89. Cf. also the Phoenician feminine forms *kbrt and *kbrt (Benz 1972, p. 239). Cf, also fb. 68, above.
90. Already attested in Ur III onomasties, e.g. hu-li-um, cf. CAD H, p. 23 Ib s,v, hulü. One can also men-
tion the Eblaic appellative hu~li-ú, "Spitzmaus", and the reduplicated form hu~H-hu-íi (Krebernik
1988,p. 6).
91. The ñame appears to be widely documented already in Oíd Akkadian and Oíd Babylonian periods,
e.g. (OAkk) ar-wi-ú-wn, ar~bí-tum; (OB) ar-wi~um, ar-m-tum, cf. CAD A/H, p. 294a s.v. armü, and
see ibid. for more references.
92. For the Hebrew ñame *Arnan see HAL, p. 90a, and Zadok 1988, p. 265 no. 27.
93. In PNA the ñame is listed with both the possible meanings, i.e. "Favoured" and "Turtle", For the
West Semitic etymology of the ñame see Fales 1979, p. 68.
94. SAA6,45:3.Cf.APN,p.242b.
95. Understood as meaning "Meeresvogel" in AHw, p. 852a, and "a bird" in CAD P, p. 310a; CDA, p.
27Ib, Synonyms of the ñame qualifying this bird are issür támti and qaqanu, cf. Salonen 1973, p.
240.
(fpa-*u-ú, PNA, p. 993a), and the West Semitic Sastfa, "My wild bird(?)" (fsa-su-u-a,
PNA, p. 1169a), probably to be understood as an affective form.
1,1,1,3 Animal Ñames UsedbyBoth Genders

As one can see from the maseuline and feminine nomenclature presented above, some
proper ñames are commonly attested both with a maseuline form and a feminine one,
This particular aspect would prove that the choice of animal ñames, at least in the frame
of the NA documentation taken into account, was not motivated by the gender of the
person. Thus, it appears that some animal ñames are not exclusively masculine or femi-
nine, as in the cases of "Gazelle" (Hazálá, Hazaíu, Huzalu, Huzálü); "Jerboa" (Akbaru/
Akbaru, Akbüru, Akbará, Akbartu); "Rat" (Pushu, Pushi); "Dormouse" (Arrabu, Arrá-
bátu); "Turtle" (Raqqü, RaqqTtu); "Ape" (Uqüpu, Uqüputu),
In two particular cases, one can observe that there are ñames with a unique form,
whose occurrences are exclusively distinguished in the texts by means of the determina-
tives denoting male and female anthroponyms,96 One of these is the ñame of the mili-
tary offícial Hazalá, who is documented in a text of Tiglath-pileser III's reign in the
male form â-^za^-la-a (NL 90:9 = CTN 5, pl. 6), whereas the same form occurs in a
document of the age of Esarhaddon as the proper ñame of the slave woman fha-za-la-a
(SAA 6, 239:4). An analogous case is that ofPushu, The documentary evidence for this
ñame is restricted to Assurbanipal's reign and to the city of Kalhu. Probably from this
centre are both the carpenter lpu~us-hu (ND 3424 e. 1 = Iraq 15 [1953], p. 140) and the
young woman fpu-us~hul (CTN 3, 51:3).
LL2 Insect Ñames

Ñames formed from insects are represented only in the masculine onomastics. Some
ñames refer to "locusts", like the Arabic Gindiby? (^gi-m-di-bu-tf', PNA, p. 424a),97 and
96. For the improper use of gender determinatives in NA ñames, see, for instance, the ñame of the
queen's female scribe Attar-palfí, " 'Attar is my place of escape", that is erroneously written as a
male ñame on a text envelope (CTN 3, 39A:4), e.g. lat~tar-pal-ti (PNA, p. 235b, no. 2). A possibly
different case is that of the prophet Baia, "The desired one", whose ñame is written as fba-ia~a
(PNA, p. 253a, no. 5), probably because he belonged to the group of devotees of Istar, see Parpóla
1997a,p.il. '
97. Ñames referring to locusts may be found also in Palmyrene onomastics, e.g, gwb\y derived
from the Aramaic góba\" (Stark 1971, p. 8Ib), Perhaps one can also mention the West
Semitic ñame lha-sil-a-nu (PNA, p. 465a, usted with the meaning "little child(?)"), that may too be
understood as referring to a species of locusts (Zadok 1977, p. 126). Alternatively, it may mean
"ripe, mature", cf. Zadok 1979, p. 26. For other anthroponyms concerning grasshoppers in Semitic
languages, see, for example, the NB ñame Kalabuttu (Heimpel 1976-80, p. 109a); the Ugaritie
134 SALVATORE CASPA
the doubtful Sansuru ^sa-an-su-ru, PNA, p. 1168a),98 perhaps referring to the same
insect. Other ñames of this category are on one side the possible West Semitic forms
Gwgí, "Spider" Cgw-gH PNA, p. 427b), Nabüzá, "Centipede" (hia-bu-za-c?, PNA, p.
905a), Simsimánu, "Ant" (^si-im-si-ma-nu, PNA, p. 1112b),99 and on the other the
Akkadian ñames Sasu, "Moth" ?sa-a-su, PNA, p. 1095b),100 and Zunbu, "Fly" (lzu~un-
bu, lzu~un-b\i^)}^ Similar ñames can also be found in NB onomastics, as witnessed by
the ñames Parsü, "Flea", and Sasiru, "Cricket".102
1J3 Plant Ñames

Like the onomastic categories described above, the lexical repertory of ñames derived
from plants shows on the one hand a marked variety characterizing the masculine
nomenclature, on the other hand a very lexically limited feminine anthroponomy.
1.1.3,1 Masculine Ñames

A preliminary classification of the vegetal masculine onomastics may be made by dis-
tinguishing the anthoponyms on the basis of which a part of a plant is mentioned in the
personal ñame. In this way we can distinguish ñames referring to different types of
plants, fruits and/or flowers and roots.103 Among ñames concerning plants one can find
those designating the "eedar", like the following Aramaic forms, e.g. Arzáni âr-za-a-
fonns irbn, bn hgby, hgbn, hag(á)banu (Grondahl 1967, p, 28). For the Hebrew hgb see Noth 1928,
p. 230; HAL, p. 290a, and Zadok 1988, p. 286 no. 4,
98. Of xrafcaown origin. A possible comparison has been made with the Aiabic sarsuru, "locust", see
PNA, p. 1168a, for references.
99. Cf. the Eblaic appellative sa-sa-ma-nu, "Ameise" (Krebernik 1988, p. 6). For other ñames meaning
"ant" see the OB anthroponyms na-ma-lum and na-ma~Ja-tu[m], cf. CAD N/I, p. 208a 5.v. namalu,
From the same root as the previously mentioned ñames are also the Phoenieian forms nml and
nmlm (Benz 1972, p. 239).
100. Previous attestations of the ñame are (OAkk) sá~súm; (OB) sá-a~súm, sá-súm, and the feminine form sá-
sá-tum; (OB, MB) sa-si-ia, cf, CAD S, p, 196b s,v, sasu, and see íbid. for more references, A possi-
ble parallel form of the ñame may be found in Phoenieian nomenclature, e.g. ss\" (Benz
1972, p. 239).
101. SAA 6, 103:1, 6. Cf. APN, p. 249b. See the NB forms of the ñame, e.g lzu~um-bu, passim; lzu~um-
ba-a; and the logographically written MM-a, cf, CAD Z, p, 155b s.v. zumbu, For other ñames re-
ferring to the fly see, for example, the Amonte forms ba~aq~qum, ba-aq-qa~nu-um, and the possible
diminutive bu-qa~qum (Huffinon 1965, p. 152); the N/LB ñames ba-aq-qa, baq-qu (Zadok 1979, p.
25), To these one can also add the West Semitic dib-bu-ú~a and di-ib-ba-a (Zadok 1979, p. 25),
though doubtful.
102. Streck 2001, p. 114.
103. Cf. Noth 1928, p, 231.
ni, PNA, p, 135b),104 and the possible hypoeoristicon Arzaiu (*ar-za~a-a, ^-ár-za-a-a, PNA,
p. 135a),105 the Akkadian Erenu ê-re-nu, PNA, p. 398a); an Akkadian form referring
to the "juniper" which seems to be common to both genders, e.g. Burásu (*bu-ra-sú,
lbu-ra-su, fbu-m-sú, PNA, p. 353b);106 a West Semitic ñame perhaps to be connected to
the "nettle tree",107 e.g. Me^ísu (^me-i-su, lmi-e-su, ^mi-i-su, ^mi-ia-i-su,, ^meî-i-su., lme-
5z-sw, PNA, p. 747a); the West Semitic Tamránu, "Palm-tree"108 ^ta-am-ra-a-nu)^9 an
Aramaic ñame concerning the plant (or the substance) of the "myrrh", e.g. Mura ^mu-
ra-a, PNA, p. 770b);110 two other West Semitic ñames to be understood as meaning
"thistle", e.g. Dandaru ^da-an-da-m, PNA, p. 375b), Danduru ^da-an-du-ru, ibid.);
fínally, an Akkadian form with a comparative meaning, e.g. Butunaiu, "Pistachio-like"
^bu-tu-na-a-a, PNA, p. 357b).ni To these we can also add a few ñames probably re-
ferring to the "licorice-wood", like the West Semitic occurrences Süsá (^su-sa-a, PNA,
p. 1160a), Süsáia (^su-sa-a-a, PNA, p. 1160b), Süsí (^su-si-i, ibid,), Süsia (^su-si-ia,
104. Cf. the Ugaritic bn arz, "Sohn der Zeder" (Grondahl 1967, p. 29). And see also the El-Amarna ñame
ar~za-aw-ya, perhaps derived from the West Semitic root Vz, "cedar", though this etymology
appears uncertain; see Hess 1993, p. 41.
105. Altematively, it may be understood as an Akkadian gentilic form derived from the toponym Arza
and meaning "The man from Arza", see PNA, p. 135a for references.
106. The ñame is attested in NB onomastics too, e.g. lbu-ra~sú, fbu-ra-sú, cf. CAD B, p. 327a s.v.
burasu,
107. However, the interpretation of Zadok (Zadok 1977, p. 145; 1979, p. 21) has been considered not
convincing by Fales, cf. Pales 1991, p. 111 rh. 86. In any case, the ñame entry has been included in
PNA as referring to "a type of tree", see PNA, p. 747a.
108. The ñame may also be understood as meaning "fruit", cf. Zadok 1979, p. 25. See also the N/LB
tam-ri, "palm or fruit" (ibid). For the Hebrew Tomar see HAL, p. 1756b, and Zadok 1988, p. 197
no. 25. Note that the root smr (*tmr), "to bear fruit", is already attested in Amonte compound
ñames, cf. Huffmon 1965, p. 267, The choice of the proper ñame Tamar was probably due to the
characteristic height of the date-palm and the sweetness of its fruit, cf. HAL, p, 1756b. Cf. also § 2.
1.6., below. Another ñame denoting the date-palm is the NB Talaya (Streck 2001, p. 114: "Junge
Dattelpalme").
109. SAA 11,162:12. Cf. APN, p. 230a.
110. Cf. the Ugaritic ñame muranu, "Myrrhe(?)" (Grondahl 1967, p. 30).
111. A similar ñame meaning "pistachio" is the Oíd Akkadian bu-tu-um-tum, cf. CAD B, p. 359a s.v.
bututtu. And see also the Palmyrene forms sgr\ "Pistachio-nut" (Stark 1971, p. 113b). An-
other occurrence one can mention is the MA lbu~ut-nu (Freydank - Saporetti 1979, p. 46), though
its reading remains doubtful.
136 SALVATORE GASPA
112
PNA, p, 1161a), whereas it is not clear to what kind of plant the Akkadian or West
Semitic ñame Sansarüru (*sa-an-sa-ru-ru, PNA, p. 1168a)113 is connected,
Parts of plants are also represented in this masculine onomastic group.114 We can
consider for instanee the Akkadian anthroponym Illüranu/i, "Anemone/My anemone"
(îl-lu-m-a-ni, PNA, p, 521a), perhaps to be connected to the flower or to the particular
red colour of its fiuit;115 a few Akkadian ñames generically meaning "firiit", e.g. Imbuya,
"My fruit" fim-bu-ia, PNA, p. 539a), Inbá, "My fruit" fin-ba-a, PNA, p. 542a),116 the
_— T 11 *7
theophoric compound Inbi-Assur, "Fruit of Assur" (H-ni-bi—as-sur, ibid,\d the
sentence-name Inbu-isiha, 'The JBruit grew" (^GURUN—i-se-ha, ibid.). Another ñame may
be understood as referring to plant producís,118 namely the Hebrew Mesimesi, "Apricot"
^me-si-me-si, PNA, p. 749b), which, however, can refer both to the plant and its fruit
In the case of ñames meaning "root", even if in a figurative sense,119 we can mention
two ñames; the first is West Semitic, the second is Akkadian, e.g. Sürasu, "Root" (W-
ra-si, PNA, p. 1160a), SurSí, "Root" psur-si)}20 Finally, another masculine ñame to be
mentioned is the Akkadian or West Semitic Puglu, "Radish" ^pu-ug-lu, PNA, p. 998b).
112. According to the interpretation of Zadok, who also adds to this group of ñames the anthroponym
Süsu (PNA, p. 1161a), ef. Zadok 1977, p. 144.
113. The meaning is not certain. In CAD Z, p. 73b, the term zarzaru refers to "a vegetable".
114. For ñames referring to parts of plants in other Semitic languages see, for example, the Palmyrene
hbf, "Grain, seed" (Stark 1971, p. 87b), and htr\h (of a tree)" (id., p. 88a).
115. The word ittüru appears to be used only as a personal ñame whose meaning is to be referred to the
"colour of the z7/«rw-berry", see CAD I-J, p. 87b s.v, The anthroponym is already attested in the
Oíd Babylonian period as a female ñame, e.g. il~lu~ra-tum, see ibid.. And note that the occurrence
quoted in CAD as MA (KAV 26, r, 19) is our present NA reference for the ñame.
116. For the NB feminine form {in-ba-a, see CAD I-J, p. 146b s,v. inbu; Streck 2001, p. 114. For similar
ñames meaning "fruit" see the Ugaritic forms enbiycmu, imbunu, "Frucht" (Grondahl 1967, p. 29),
and the Palmyrene yribw, though with the mening of "Grape" (Stark 1971, p. 106b).
117. The term inbu appears to be especially used in theophoric onomastics, e.g. (pre-Sargonic) en-bi—
es^dar, en-bu—DINGIR; (OA) in-ba—a-sur, in-bi—is-tar andpassim, cf, CAD I-J, p. I46bs,v, inbu
for more references. In the MA nomenclature, one can also mention the anthroponym fin-ba~ra-mat
(OMA I, p. 256).
118. For such types of ñames in MA onomastics see the hypocoristicon gi-ri-ma~ia (OMA I, p. 220),
derived from girimmu and possibly referring to a kind of berry (OMA II, p. 122), and ha-bur-ra-ru,
perhaps derived from habburru "sprout(?)" (ibid,).
119. Note that the compound ñames, and especially the theophorics, based on the term sursu, as well as
on isdu, seem to stress the continuity of the family in the (new-born) heir, Consequently, they seem
to be specifically characteristic of the masculine nomenclature, cf. CAD I-J, p. 238b s.v. isdu.
120. Listed in APN, p. 226b as sur-si-a, The reading of the ñame, however, is now to be corrected to
Sursi, according to the newly established reading of the line as 1 lsur-si-i A! I10—EN—PAB, "1, Sur-
si, son of Adad-belu-usur" (SAA 7, 118 r.ii 15). Previous attestations of the ñame are (OAkk)
I*
1,1.3,2 Feminine Ñames

In the feminine nomenelature there are the typologies which are attested in masculine
onomastics, like Burasu, "Juniper" (fbu-ra-sú, PNA, p. 353b), and Bupiutu, "Pistachio"
(fbu-uí~nu-fú, PNA, p. 357b). Another feminine ñame may instead refer to fruits, like
the logographic-syllabically written oceurrence Karanutu, "Grape cluster" (fGE§riN-72w-
101
tú, PNA, p. 606b). Finally, two anthroponyms appear to be connected to plant prod-
ucts, like the Akkadian Qunnabatu, "Hemp flower/seed" (fqu-na-ba-tú, PNA, p,
1018a),122 and the West Semitic BTdü, "sprout" ^bi-du-ú, PNA, p, 343b), As stated
above, among the plant ñames used as proper ñames only Burasu shows a form shared
by both genders, e.g. lbu-ra-sú, lbu-ra-su, fbu-ra-sú (PNA, p. 353b).123
LL4 Container Ñames

Several terms designating household objects are also present in NA anthroponomy,124
SUHU§.GI, stlHUS-fo-zX su-ru-us~ki-in, su-ru-ús-Gi, (OB) su-ru-us-ke-en, cf, CAD S/IH, p. 364b s,v,
sursu. Ñames derived from the term sursu are to be understood as semantically equivalent to those
based on the word isdu, for which see CAD I-J, p, 238b s,v. Cf, also fh. 119.
121. Previous attestations of the ñame show that it is specifícally characteristic of the feminine nomen-
clature, e.g. (OB) ka-ra-na-tum (passim); (NB) fka-ra-na-tum, fka-m-na-ti, cf. CAD K, p. 202b s.v.
kamnatu, and ibid. for more references. Cf. also the Ugaritic forms karmunu, krmn, "Weinstock,
Weinberg"; bn krny, "Wein(rebe)" (Grondahl 1967, p. 30). For another Akkadian anthroponym
meaning "grape" see (OB) fis-hu-na-tum, and (NB) fis-hu-un-nu, cf. CAD I-J, p, 190b.
122. Also in NB onomastics this ñame is exclusive to the feminine anthroponomy, e.g. fqu-un~na-bi, and
the hypoeoristic form fqu-un-na-ba-tum, cf. CAD Q, p. 306a s.v, qunnabu. The word on which the
ñames are based probably refers to the "seed or flower of hemp" (Cannabis), Cf. ibid.
123. The same can be seen also in NB onomastics, in which one fínds a common form, e.g. lBu-ra-sü
and fbu~m-sú, cf, CAD B, p. 327a s.v. burasu.
124. Both in masculine and in feminine nomenelature, see, for example, the Akkadian Abattu, "Stone/
Pestle" (PNA, p. 2b); Akkullanu (a copper object) (PNA, p. 95b); the Aramaic Nargj, "Axe", at-
tested both in the variant Nargí, and in the variant Nirgí (PNA, p. 931a); West Semitic ñames
probably meaning "chain", e.g. Salsala (PNA, p. 1080b), and Salsati (ibid.'); the Akkadian theo-
phoric based on the term diparu, "torch", e.g. Bel-dipari "Bel is my torch" (PNA, p, 291b). Inter-
estingly, among ñames referring to various kinds of Ítems there is a group of ñames concerning the
"spindle", e.g. Pilaqqu, "Spindle" (PNA, p. 994a), the hypoeoristic form Pilaqqanu expanded by
the suffix —an (ibid.), the hypocoristicon Pilaqqá (ibid.), the sentence-name Pttaqqu-lipiré, "May
the spindle bear fruit(?)" (ibid.}. It may be noted that thesepilaqqu-namQs are especially character-
istic of the masculine onomastics — there is only one feminine variant, e.g. Pilaqqitu (ibid,).
Although Stamm usted this ñame type in a group of possible nicknames (Stamm 1939, p. 268), we
can suggest that probably they are devotional ñames, and that their frequency in onomastics is to be
referred to the cult of Istar, whose symbol was the "spindle". This object was also usually associ-
.
138 SALVATORE GASPA
Among them, a special lexical sector is represented by ñames formed of words de-
signating different kinds of containers, In most occurrences this onomastic group in-
eludes male anthroponyms. Two Akkadian ñames seem to be the most frequently at-
tested as container ñames. The first is documented in several orthographic variants, e.g.
10'í
KakkuMnu, "Shaped like a wooden box(?)/Shaped like a beer vessel(?)'y attested as
1) Kakkullánu/i ^kak-ku-la-nu., tyak-kul-la-nu., ^kak-kuF-la-nu., lkak-kul-\J\a-nu, ^kak-
rkuF-l[a-nu], lkak-\kul\-la~nu, lkak-kul~lo;-a-nu, ^kak-kul-la^-a-nu, lkak~kul~la-ni,
^•kaTP-kuy-la-ni., tyak-htl-la-a-ni, tyatf-kul-a-nu, lkak~kul~a~m, â-ku-la-nu, \^k\a-ku-
la-n[u], lka-ku-la-a-ni)i 2) Kukku(J)lánu/i (^ku~ku-la-a-nu, lku-ku-la-nu, ^ku-kû-la-nu,
lku-ku-la-ni, ^-ku-kul-la-nu, lku-kul~la-ni, Iku-ku-la-an~nr); 3) Kulku(l)lanu (^kul-lw~la-
ra¿, Ikul-ku-la-a-nu.> lkul-ku-la~a~\nu\., Ikul-kul-la~a-nu.l PNA, p. 595b).126 The second
Akkadian ñame too is a form extended by the suffix -án, with a comparative meaning,
e.g. Kandalanu, "Shaped like a kandalu-vsssQl" (^kan-dál-a-nu, lkan~da~la-nu, lkan-da-
— -t !}/-!
la-ni, ^ka-da-la-ni, PNA, p. 600b). Among ñames of West Semitic affiliation we can
mention the Aramaic Kandá, "Pitcher" (tkan-da-a, ibid.)\o ñames possibly derived
T 19R
from the same root, e.g. Küzá, *'Jug" ^ku-za-a, PNA, p. 646a), and Küzaiu, "Jug4ike"
^ku-za-a-a, ibid,); the Aramaic Kurzá, "Knapsack" ^kur-za-a, PNA, p. 642b). Another
possible case of container ñame is that of a feminine theophoric ñame possibly to be
connected to the West Semitic word gubbu, "cistern", e.g. Már-gubbT, "[The] Lord is
ated with devotional practices of emasculation consisting in "whipping oneself to the point of
fainting, stinging oneself with pointed spindles (italics mine), cutting oneself with swords and flint
knives, and even turning oneself into a eunuch in a frenzied act of self-mutilation" (Parpóla 1997,
p. xxxiv). On the spindle as an object used in ritual conñrmation of the biological gender and the
social role of newborns, specifically girls, see van der Toorn 1996, p, 97,
125. The entry is usted in PNA as having an unknown meaning, although the meaning proposed in CAD
K, p. 59b, has been quoted too. Cf. also AHw, p, 422b "Früchte-, Abfallkorb", and CDA, p. 141b,
"mash-tub, wooden box, basket or tray".
126. The tenn kakkullu shows the following variants in NA texts: 1) G&kak-kul-lu, SAA 7, 172:2;
G&,kaq-qul-lu, MVAG 41, 60-61, ii 22 ¡mdpassim; ka-ku-H, ZA 74, 80 s.le; kak-M, SAA 7,136 ii
2'; G&.kak-kui, SAA 7,136 ii1 3' mápassim; 2) G&.ku-kuP~u, SAA 11, 85:4.
127. Attested in Babylonian onomastics Jfrom MB age on, e.g (MB) lKan-da-la-nr, (NB) kan-da-la-nu
aadpassim. Cf. CAD K, p. 148b s.v. kandalanu,
128. Aecording to PNA, p. 646a the ñame may be "possibly based on Aram. kwz* 'jug' ". As for the
Neotestamental ñame Chuzas, whieh is attested in Jewish onomastics in late antiquity and may be
an element of comparison with the NA ñame, one must take into accoimt that onomastic fonns such
as Chus and Chuses are recordered also in Egypt Consequently, it has also been suggested that it
may be an Egyptian ñame or, alternatively, it may be referred to the Edomite god qws. Cf. Han
2002, p. 441b for more references.
my cistern(?)" (fmar—gu~bi-i, PNA, p. 737b),129 although it does not denote a vessel or

a bag, To these we can also add the Akkadian feminine ñame Püt-upriísu, "His prayer
bowl(?)" (fpu-u-tú—up-ni-su, [fpu]-ut—up-ni-[sú], PNA, p. 1001a),130 if we accept the
translation of the compound püt-upm as "prayer bowl", Alternatively, this ñame may
simply be intended as meaning "His prayer/His prayer gesture(?)".131 The second mean-
ing is also suggested by a comparison with an occurrence of the compound pit-upmm a
royal inscription of Shalmaneser IV, e.g, pi-tí up-ni-sú la i-sá-me-u-sú, "may they (= the
gods) not listen to his prayers" (RIMA 3, A.O, 105.1:17); that this word must be under-
stood as a synonym of ikribu, "prayer", is evident from the occurrence of the same curse
formula in the Antakya stela of Adad-nerarl III, e.g, [i]k~ri-bi-sú uí i-sá-mu-ú (RIMA 3,
A.O. 104.2:19). As to the possíbility that the NA word püt-upm denotes a kind of con-
tainer, R.M. Jas proposed the identification of this cultic object with a typology of fist-
shaped cups, whose evidence is given, for example, by an Hittite silver vessel in the
1 "Ô
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Another plausible candidate for this object may be a
typology of bowls or spoons whose production concéntrales in the ninth and eighth cent.
BC;133 generally, all these containers, known as "hand-lion bowls" or "spoons", are de-
corated with an open hand on the exterior of the base as though holding the cup in an
offering gesture.
129. Cf. the following N/LB ñames, possibly based on the same West Semitic term, e.g. ^m-gu-up-pí*
SMdgub-ba-ka-dv& (Zadok 1977, p. 101).
130. Cf. the theophoric ñame Nergal-upnFa, "[To] Nergal p open] my palm [i.e. pray]" (Idu.GUR—upl-
[ri]il-ia, SAA 14 252:2), probably to be understood as an abbreviated form of Ana-Nergal-upnFa,
see PNA, p. 958b.
131. Of the NA compoxmd noun püt-upni the following occurrences can be mentioned, e.g. ZAG—up-ni
(SAA 7, 62 i 3', 16', 18'; ii 4', 6', 9', 18', 20'; iv 5'; r.i 4, 7, 9; SAA 7, 81 r.4); Z[AG!—u]pl-rnf (SAA
7, 62 i 1'); Z[AG]—up-ni (ibid,, ii 11'); ZA[G—up-ni] (ibid., iii 3'); ZA[G—up-n]i (ibid., iii 9'); [Z]AG—
up-ni (ibid, iii 15'); ZAG—u\p-ni (ibid. r.i 2); rZAG—up^-ni (ibid, r.i 13); ZA]G—up-nu (SAA 7,59:7);
pu-ut—up-ni (SAA 10,193:9; SAA 13, 43:8); up-ni (SAA 7,129:7'). For the tentative rendering of
ZAG—up-ni as "prayer bowl", that is to say, as a nominal formation from the phrase upnupetu, see
Pales - Postgate 1992, p, xxv. The meaning is now accepted in the dictionaries, see CDA, p. 280b
s.v, pütu u: "prayer bowl", CAD P, p. 545b s,v, püt upnr, "a vessel". In any case, the NA word is to
be referred to "a cultic object dedicated to a god or goddess" (Parpóla 1983, p. 127). As to the sec-
ond meaning of the ñame Püt-upnisu, i.e. "His prayer", an interesting comparison can be made with
the OB ñame te-es-pi-tum (UET 5, 481:20, 21), possibly derived from the word tespitu, "prayer",
seeCADT,p. 371bs.v.
132. Jas 1998, p. 447,
133. On these bowls see Mazzoni 2005, pp. 49-57, figs. 5, 6, 7, pls. XII:4, XIH:5, XIV:6-7.
,
140 SALVATORE GASPA
LL5 Precious ítem Ñames

Ñames formed after jewels and precious stones represent another characteristic part of the
NA profane anthroponomy. Albeit referred to precious iteras, contrary to what one might
expect these ñames do not seem to be exclusively feminine; the majority of attestations,
however, is represented by feminine anthroponyms.
7.7.5.7 Masculine Ñames

Among masculine ñames we can mention a ñame referring to jewellery, e.g. SabTru,
"Bracelet" (^sa-bi~ri, PNA, p. 1058b), and two ñames of stones,134 e.g, Hulálu (*hu-la-la,
PNA, p. 476b),135 soáPindu, "Red speckled stone"136 ftri-in-du-w, PNA, p. 995a).137
7.7.5.2 Feminine Ñames

1 "^S
The feminine nomenclature includes several ñames meaning "necklace", some of them
of West Semitic and the others of Akkadian origin, e.g Inqá în-qa-a, PNA, p. 544b); the
hypocoristie form Inqáia în-qa-a-a, fi-qa-a-a, ibid.\ (fen~qa~a, PNA, p. 397a),139
and Gaga ^ga-ga-a, PNA, p. 418a), Gagáia (fga-ga-a-a, z&zW.).140 As for precious stone
134. Concerning proper ñames referring to stones, see, for example, the ñames Abattu (PNA, p. 2b),
Abnanu (PNA, p. 15a), Abm (ibid.), Kakkussu (PNA, p. 597a, uneertain), Pilu (PNA, p. 994b), Pülu
(PNA, p. 999a). Cf. also the MA Abattu (OMA I, pp. 24-25; Freydank - Saporetti 1979, p. 13).
And see CAD E, p. 107b s.v. eímesu for the OB ñame el-me-sum, refening to an especially brilliant
stone. This stone ñame oceurs also in a NA oracle to Esarhaddon, again in association to light, e.g.
ina ma~si-ki sa KUG.GI / ina MURUB4 AN-e a-ha-rí-di / nu-ur sa il~me-si / in IGI las-sur—PAB—AS MAN
KUR—as-sur / ú-sá-na-ma~m /ki~i a~ge-e sa SAG.DU-/O / a-ha-ri-su, "I watch in a golden chamber in
the midst of the heavens; I let the lamp of amber shine before Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, and I
watch him like the crown of my head" SAA 9,1.6 iii § 23'-29'.
135. Already attested in OB onomastics, e.g. hu-la-lum (Ranke 1905, p. 87a). For the interpretation of the
^w/a/M-stone see Campbell Thompson 1936, pp. 135-140, who understood the term bululú as mean-
ing "ceruse, white lead". For a more recent treatment on the matter and the definition of this stone
ñame see now Frahm 1997, pp. 147-148, who substantially rejects Campbell Thompson's interpre-
tation and suggests to interpret hulalu as meaning "onyx", a black-and-white striped stone.
136. Alternatively, it may mean "birthmark", cf, PNA, p. 995a.
137. See also Campbell Thompson 1936, p. 88: "fire-stone", i.e. a Mnd of iron pyrite. Previous attesta-
tions of the ñame are (OB) pi-in-du-um, pi-in-di-ia, see AHw, p. 854b and CAD P, p. 324b s.v.
pelmáu. But note that CAD suggests that the ñames may derive from another word.
138. Cf. Stamm 1939, p. 256.
139. Compare these forros with the Hebrew term ^naq, meaning "neck-chain", see HAL, p. 859a s.v.
140. Possibly to be referred to the Akkadian word gagu, cf, CAD G, p. 9b: "an ornament, probably a
necklace".
ñames one can mention the ñame HulálTtu, "[Precious] like the /zw/a/w-stone" (fhu-Ia-li-
fú, fhu-la-li-ti, PNA, p. 476b), which is also attested in the masculino onomastics, as
stated above.
2, Analysis
2.1, Semantic Remarks

2,1,1, The Animal and Insect Popular Imagery in theEvidence oftheAssyrían Royal
Inscríptíons
As seen above, the use of animal ñames characterizes the main linguistic components of
the Neo-Assyrian anthroponomy, i.e. both the Akkadian and the West Semitic onomas-
tics. I cannot clearly establish in what instances all these animal ñames are to be
understood as proper ñames or as nicknames, I can only suggest that nicknames, either
considered honorific by-names or aimed at mocking people, must have been used in the
Neo-Assyrian age too, although this practice does not seem to be explicitly attested in
Assyrian sources.141 The main reason for nicknaming is probably to be sought in the
familial and social context of the new-born, The choice of nicknames based on animáis
probably depends on a longstanding popular association of physical as well as of behav-
ioural human features with those that were commonly felt to be characteristic of some
domestic and wild animáis,142 Accordingly, animal by-names may be interestingly un-
derstood as expressing a series of affinities shared by human and animal life. Conse-
quently, we can study animal ñames as a specifíc cultural product of the popular im-
agery in which the animal life is perceived as a more immediate and vivid way of de-
picting physical and behavioural features, moral habits and clichés.
In order to clarify the semantic weight of some animal ñames, especially of those
which can be understood also as nicknames, for a comparative evaluation we can take
into account the animal similes attested in the NA royal inscriptions. The use of similes
in the narrativos of the royal res gesíae constitutes not a merely decorativo stylistical de-
vice, but an effícacious way of focusing the narrative action by means of popularly well
141. See Baker 2002, p. 6,

142. See the study of H. Holma (Holma 1914) on quttulu-foim ñames qualifying physical features of the
person, and also Stamm 1939, pp. 264-267. Ñames denoting physical characteristics are in all
probability to be understood as nietoaames.
142 SALVATORE GASPA
known exempla, such as those referring to animáis and animal behaviours.143 In my

opinión, the animal similes represent a very privileged source for attempting a semantie
evaluation of animal onomastics, although other methodological approaches are equally
possible,
Some animal ñames attested in our onomastic sample are also represented in many
animal similes of the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions. Particularly, in a number of simi-
les animal imagery is used in order to depict the characteristics of the enemy, of the
Assyrian krng as well as of the Assyrian troops during the battle. Among the examples
which I will present below I have also considered similes mentioning ñames of animáis
which are not attested in the present onomastic sample, since the same animáis are often
referred to in the royal inscriptions with different terms, probably for stylistical pur-
poses peculiar to the genre of the royal narrativos and of literary works.144 Further, one
must bear in mind that comparing animáis and people, which is evident looking at a se-
ries of similes, represents an important trait of animal onomastics, as we have seen in
ñames such as Gürüwa, "Like a young animal", and Séranu, "Snake-like".145
In this light, some animal ñames should probably be considered as honorific ones,
since they refer to animáis usually meant to be an expression of positive human quali-
ties. Thus, ñames of predatory animáis may have been felt as the best expression of
physical stre&gü\ DiffeTeatly from tlae aidmal onomastics, in which there are ñames
such as Labcfü, Luloama, Kapiru and Nesw, the ioya\' snm\es make use of
the Akkadian term labbu, from which are also derived the first attestations of Akkadian
anthroponyms as well as of theonyms referring to the lion,146 In some similes of
Assurnasirpal II, Sargon II, Sennacherib and Esarhaddon the king himself is equated to
the lion, a traditional image of kingship.147 And like the ferocious animal, the Assyrian
143. This explains the presence of animáis and insects in popular sayings and fables too, in which the
animal and insect imagery in proverbial comparisons played an important role in expressing com-
mon ideas, depicting and mocking human traits and clichés. Cf. also Alster 1975, pp. 50-51.
144. On the mention of animáis in the figurative language of Akkadian literary works see Streck 1999,
pp. 172-176. For a study of the use of animal-based depictions in Assyrian royal inscriptions, see
also Milano 2005, pp. 57-63.
145. See also § 1.1.3.1 and § 1.1.4, above.
146. See, e.g., the theophoric ñames (OAkk) sí~la-ba, is-tar-la-ba and passim, cf. CAD L, p. 25a s,v,
labbu. For the feminine form see, for example, the occurrence (OAkk) si-la-ba-at, cf, CAD L, p.
23a 5.v. labbatu. And see also (OAkk) su-la-pi; (OA) lá-ba-na-da, es^dar-ía-ba', (OB) la-ba-
DINGIR, la-ba-i-lum; (Mari Amonte ñame) sa-du-um-la-bu-a, see Gelb 19612, pp. 147-148. Cf. also
Huffmonl965,p,225.
147. Marcus 1977, p. 87 and fh. 5. The lion - king comparison is already attested in Fara period ono-
mastics, see, e.g,, the anthroponym lugal-pirig, "The king is a lion", and the Ur m personal
ñame lugal-pirig-bánda, "The king is a fierce lion", see Annus 2002, p. 102. For a comparison
king too rages and expresses his strength, as one can see in a Sargon simile where the
king is depicted while marching like a terrifying lion.148 Interestingly, one can fínd that
the lion is not the only fierce animal which is traditionally associated to the king's fig-
ure, both in sirm'les and in royal titulary epithets.149 Fierceness and mercilessness which
usually characterize the figure and the heroic deeds of the king can also be identified in
the extraordinary and aggressive strength of the wild bull, rimú.150 In Neo-Assyrian
royal narratives, similes equating the king with this animal are, for example, frequently
used in Sennacherib's texts to depict the leading role of the Assyrian sovereign when
marching with his troops, and to express the king's extraordinary capability in crossing
mountain áreas.151 Thus, considering also this traditional association of the king with
such wild animáis, ñames referring to bulls and bisons, like Türí and Didánu could well
be meant to convey an idea of strength and fierceness, and henee to be auspicious for
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the individuáis bearing these ñames.
The "fox", represented in onomastics by the ñames Sélubu/Sélibu, Stfalí, Ttflá, is
also attested in similes as a popular expression of cunning. Particularly, it is mentioned
in the description of the furtive and wily escape of Marduk-bel-usati through an under-
ground passage in Shalmaneser IIFs texts. Similarly, in Esarhaddon's texts this animal
1 ^"5
is used for depicting the escape of a Babylonian king. In royal narratives, however,
other animáis are mentioned for expressing the literary motif of the enemy's furtive
escape. One of these is the lynx, also attested in the sample of ñames considered here; it
is mentioned in Sennacherib's report on the flight of the Babylonian king Süzubu.154
of king Sulgi himself to a lion see ibid. And note also the particular relevance of the imagery of the
lion in Hittite royal ideology, in which the simile of the lion is the only one used for the king, as is
clear from Hattusili I, cf. Collins 1998, pp. 15-18. On the role of the lion hunted by the king as a
surrogate victim representing the wild forces threatening the order of society, and on the ritual
killing of the animal as the renewal of kingship and of the cosmic order as well, see Watanabe
1998, pp. 445-447. On the lion symbolism in the context of the kingship, see ead. 2002, pp. 42-56.
148. Marcusl977,p. 87.
149. For the mention of the lion as an epithet of the king in the royal titulary of the Assyrian royal
inscriptions (Adad-neran II, Assurnasirpal II, Esarhaddon) see Seux 1967, p. 147.
150. On the use of the image of the bull in Akkadian royal epithets see Seux 1967, p. 250. For a study
on the identification of the king with the wild bull and for more references see Watanabe 1998, pp.
446-447; 2002, pp. 57-64.
151. Marcus 1977, pp. 87-88.
152. Cf. also §2.1.4, below.
153. Marcus 1977, p. 88.
154. 7<¿,p.90.
^
144 SALVATOWE GASPA
Thus, the ñame Azarru, as well as Murasü, might probably express the idea of a furtive
and nocturnal person,155
As in the above-mentioned case of the lion imagery, the mention of other animáis
in similes is principally devoted to expressing positive qualities, especially physical. In
this view, ñames referring to wild goats, such as la^lá and Arnü, may be best explained
in the light of some similes mentioning armws, tumhus, and ctyyaíus. References to these
particular animáis occur in Sennacherib's royal inscriptions for depicting the king's
ability in pursuing enemies in a mountainous and difficult terrain. In a similar way, also
the ibex occurs as an example of extraordinary agility: in Sargon's annals the simile of
the ibex is used for portraying the ability of the Assyrian pack animáis to cope in
mountain peaks.156 Further, quarrelsomeness is another behavioural feature of goats, as
witnessed in Esarhaddon's royal inscriptions by the simile depicting the king's brothers
1 ^^7
as young he-goats vying with each other for the succession to their father's throne.
The ñame Aradu, referring to the wild ass, can be compared with the royal inscrip-
1 ^S
tions' references to the serremu, This animal is particularly used to express the ease
with which Sennacherib puts to flight the frightened people of Bit-Yakm,159 Similarly,
in Tiglath-pileser III's texts the Arabian queen is compared to a wild donkey or onager
escaping to an arid land,160 A nickname such as Aradu could, then, fit fearful and easily
frightened persons. In contrast, ñames refemng to eagles such as Nasrá may have been
used for expressing positive qualities like strength,161 as for example in the depiction of
1 f\J
Sargon's warriors as flying eagles, With regard to the hapax legomenon ú-di-m,
which occurs in portraying the enemy's mountain dwelling places as eagle's nests on
unreachable peaks in Assurnasirpal II's texts,163 this simile is used instead to express an
idea of isolation. Another bird mentioned in royal inscriptions is the pelican. It is repre-
sented in the ñames Quqí, Quqü, and Quqtfa, Sargon's simile referring to this type of
bird (kumü) is used to stress its particular habitat in marshy and fluvial áreas. Thus,
155. The interest for animáis such as wild cats in the royal inscriptions is also evident from the símiles
referring to mongooses and polecats, cf, Marcus 1977, pp. 90-91.
156. Ibid.
157. 7¿,p,94.
158. See the MA ñame lser-re~mi (Freydank - Saporetti 1979, p. 106),
159. Marcus 1977, p, 90,
160. Ibid,
161. For other personal ñames referring to predatory birds in other languages, see, for instance, the
Ugaritic forms nasu, bn ns, "Falke" (Grondahl 1967, p, 28), and the Palmyrene ns>, "Hawk" (Stark
1971, p. 100a),
162. Grayson 1991, p. 197 (i 50),
163. Marcus 1977, p. 95.
Marduk-apla-iddina setting up his camp on a river island is humorously compared to the

pelican.164
Turning now to the domestic animáis, references to lambs (aslu, zirqu, kalümu) oc-
cur very often in Assyrian royal inscriptions for depieting the ease in slaughtering ene-
mies. Besides the proverbial defencelessness of the lambs, we can also mention their
submissiveness, Thus, in Esarhaddon's inscriptions the simile of the lambs is used to
describe the submission of the Assyrian people after their unsuceessful revolt against
him.165 Similarly, sheep (sénu) are usually used in royal narratives for illustrating the
ease with which the Assyrian conquerors take away not only the enemies but also their
possessions, In this light, ñames like Gadjá, Hurápu, Imrá, Immeránu, Immeru., Kalümu
are probably to be understood as synonyms of innocence, docility, and submissiveness.
Similarly to the above-mentioned ñames of lambs and sheep, also anthroponyms
concerning the dog convey the idea of meekness as well as that of mere servilism. We
can consider, for example, the simile of the dog used in Sargon's inscriptions to depict
the deference of the Mannaean king and of his nobles for the Assyrian king.166
Another particular case about the dog imagery is provided in a context other than
that of the royal armáis: in the Neo-Assyrian correspondence, scribes who seem to be
particularly willing to regain the king's confidence and benefits often use the rhetoric
formula of comparing themselves with a "dead dog" or simply a "dog". In many cases
this may seem a mere rhetorical expression of servilism, but the writer uses it as a crafty
captatio benevolentiae}67
164. Id., p. 97. Probably the assonance in the line deseribing the event is not fortuitous, e.g. ina biñt
narati KTma humé kultar sarrüfísu iskun (Sg. Ann. 339-340; Prunk 129 = Fuchs 1994, pp. 160,227-
228). Is this a phonic play hinting at the pelican's cry? Cf. the Arabic term qüg, "Pelican" (Zadok
1977, p. 144), and note also the similarity in the Arabic language between the verb qaqa, "to
cackle, cluck" (said of the hen), and the bird ñame qaq, "raven", which is also used to desígnate the
cormorant, e.g. qaq al-ma*, cf. Wehr 1961, p. 797a. See also the Arabic verb qahqaha, meaning
"rire aux éclats de maniere qu'on entend le son de caha caha" and "crier (se dit des perdrix ou des
oiseaux bavards)", cf. Kazimirski 1860, p. 828b. On the use of homophonies and pseudoetymolo-
gies with humorous purposes in depicting enemies in royal narratives see Frahm 1998, p. 151. On
the specific animal símiles used in Sargon's texts to ridicule Marduk-apla-iddina see id., p. 154.
165, Marcus 1977, pp. 93-94.
166. /<¿,p.94.
167, See, for example, the usual synonymy of "(king's) servant" and "dog" in the frame of the "dog-
like" servant imagery used by scribes in the NA epistolary language, e.g, [a~ri]a-kul Id+EN—ú-se-zíb
ARAD~ka UR..[K\j]~ka üpa-lih-ka, "I am Bel-usezib, your servant and your dog who fears you [...],
SAA 10, 109:7'; a-na-ku ka-aí-bu /ka~rib LUGAL be~Ji~sú / an-nu-ú-ü ik~ri-bi / a-na LUGAL be-lí-ia
ak~tar-ba, "I, (nothing but) a dog, blessing the king, his lord, have blessed the king, my lord (with)
these blessings" (Adad-sumu-usur), SAA 10,198:10-13; TA* da-ba-bi / an-ni-i ik-rí-bi / an-nu-tí sa
146 SALVATORE GASPA
Unlike the dog, the main feature of the cat (suranu) and probably of people (nick)-
named after this domestic animal, as in the case of the ñame Süránu, is its stealthy
nature, In Sargon's texts Marduk-apla-iddina himself is portrayed as a cat because of his
entering the city by keeping cióse to the city wall.168
Ñames referring to swine luce Humsá, Humsu, Huzm, HuzTru, Kurkuzannu,, how-
ever, may be connected to the imagery of the pig, which is used to express an idea of
docility,169 as in the similar cases of lambs, sheep and dogs. Notably, the suicide of the
Urartian Mng Ursa by means of his own dagger is efficaciously described in a passage
of Sargon's texts with the image of the sahü; another reference to this animal is in a
simile used in Esarhaddon's texts for portraying the ease with which the Assyrian king
LUGAL be-lí / a~na UR.KLK$W ana LÚ.ARAD-ÍW / ü par-su-me / sá É-lw / is-pur-u-ni ü ik-ru-bu-u-ni,
"From these words and these blessings which the king, my lord, sent and with which he blessed his
dog, his servant, and the oíd man of his house" (Adad-sumu-usur), SAA 10, 218:11-e. 18; a-na-ku
sa kal-bu, "[,..] I, who [am] (but) a dog" (Marduk-sákm-sumi), SAA 10, 239:11'; LÚ la-ap-nu
DUMU la-ap-ni kal-bu mi-i-tu / \sak-T\u ü su-uk-ku-ku a-na-ku, "I was a poor man, son of a poor
man, a dead dog, a vile and limited person" (Urad-Gula), SAA 10, 294:14-15; \â-ri\a—dAG—at-kal
kal-bi mé~te, "[Iam An]a~Nabü-atkal, a dead dog, [.,,]", SAA 10,309 r.4; [MAN be-lí ú-da ki-i] kal-
bu sa MAN EN-zá / [a-na-ku-u-ni TA* MAN] EN-za ke-na-ku-u-ni, "[The king, my lord, fcaows that I
am] but a dog of the king, my lord, and that I am loyal [to the king], my lord " (Mar-Issar), SAA
10, 359:10'-H'; a-na-ku kal-bu /LUGAL be-lí ih-ta-sa-an~n[í], "I am a dog, but the king, my lord,
has remembered me" (Nabü-sumu-iddina), SAA 13, 102:6-7; a-na-ku ARAD-SU UR.KU-5W u pa-li¡i-
sú, "I am his servant and his dog, who fears him", SAA 16, 29:11; kal-bi me-e-ti a-na-'hF, "I am
(but) a dead dog", SAA 16, 127 r,15; kal-bu qa-ni kal-ba-ra''-\ni a-na]-ku\I am (only) a dog
among (other) dogs", SAA 16, 132:10; [LU*].ARAD sa [be-lí-iá] /UR.KU a-[x x x x inapa-ni-ia]
rif-tal-ka, "a] servant of [my lord], a [...] dog, carne [to me .,.]", SAA 15,129 r,22-23; a-ta-a be-lí
qa-la / ana-ku a-ki: UR.KU / a-sa-bu a-du-al-la, "Why is my lord silent [while] I wag my tail and
run about like a dog?", SAA 15, 288:4-6; UR.KU sa DUMU—LUGAL / a-na-ku ina as-ku-pe-te sa t-ka
/ [a-du-a]l, "I am a dog of the crown prince, [running abo]ut at the threshold of your house", SAA
16, 34 r.17-19; ki-i kal-bi/ina si-in-qi ina bu-bu~ti/sa'NiNDA,idl,A lu la a-mu-â-at, "May I not die of
distress and lack of food like a dog!", SAA 16, 31 r.3'-5'; ü a-na-ku TA* §Á É—AD-ia gab-bu /ki-i
kal-bi a-sa-ab-bu-u^, "And I (alone) out of the entire house of my father am bounding about like a
dog", SAA 16, 32 r,ll-12; LUGAL be-li re-e-mu a-na kal-bi-sú is-sa-kan, "Yet the king, my lord,
hadmercy onhis dog", SAA 16, 36:5'; en-na am—mi-ni LUGAL be-lí-a-ni / i-na su-lum a-na É~s[u] /
i-nt-ba-am-ma LÚ.A—K[IN s\á LUGAL / a-napa-an "UR.KU.MES [an-nu-tí] / la il-H-ka, "Now, why is it
that the king our lord has entered his house in well-being, but a messenger of the king not come to
[these] dogs?", SAA 17, 117 r.9-13. And see also Sennacherib's depiction of the newly appointed
Babylonian king Bel-ibni as a young puppy reared in his palace, cf. Marcus 1977, p. 94.
168. Marcus 1977, p. 94.
169. As noted by Marcus, "the pig is used in the annals not, as we would expect in a modern simile, to
express an idea of dirt or abuse, but curiously enough, to evoke an image of docility" (id,, p. 91).
1 ^n
fettered his enemy in Nineveh, In the case of ñames concerning fish, like Nuní, in a
few similes the fish imagery is used for depieting enemies as Hving in eoastal or swampy
áreas, that is to say, for conveying the idea of a special familiarity with water, as in the
1 TI
case of Sargon's depiction of the king of Dilmun,
Finally, insects are mentioned in other similes, as in the case of Sargon's and Sen-
nacherib's texts, in which the image of locusts (erbu/aribu) is used as a synonym of
devastation, One may wonder, however, why the Arabian ruler mentioned in Shalmane-
ser IH's Kurkh Monolith inscription was called Gindibu\y meaning "locust".
Maybe this ñame (or nickname) was an expression of destructive capability, of voracity
170
or something else. Another interesting case is that of similes mentioning ants (kul-
bábu), which are represented in our onomastic sample in the ñame Simsimanu. This in-
sect is usually used for conveying an idea of industriousness, but also of worthlessness,
and, last but not least, for portraying immense multitudes. Significantly, the simile of
ants is employed by Esarhaddon when he prays to Istar that she should let him regard
the totality of his enemies as if they were nothing but ants, On the other hand, the pro-
170. Id., p. 92. A different pieture, however, emerges about the pig imagery if one considers some popu-
lar sayings in which this animal too is frequently attested, e.g. SAH [x]x ul i-si té-e-ma / ra-bi-i\s
ina x (xy]x-me ik-ka-la ku-ru-wn-ma~tu / ul i~[qab~bu]-ú §AH me~nu-ú ku~ba~du~ú~a / i-qab~bi [ci-
ña s\K-sú sá-hu-ú tuk-la-ti, "The [...] pig has no sense; lying [in ...]... he eats his food. They do
not [say,] Tig, what respect have I?'. He says [to] himself, 'The pig is my support!' " (VAT 8807,
§§ 5-8); SAH u\l i~s]i té~ma su-ú-ma / se-am x[ ~\x i-na ÚTUL.ÍME§ / ni-hu ki-i [x x x] be-la-sú
sá-ni-is / be-la-su e-zib~s[u ... is-f\a-gi-is-su LÚ.GÍR.LÁ, "The pig himself has no sense; [,..] corn
[.,.] in the oil pot. When at leisure [...] he mocked his master, his master left him [...] the butcher
slaughtered him" (ibid. §§ 9-12); SAH la qa-sid [... mu-bal~T\ü ar-ki / mu~ba~hi~is su-qa-ni x [mu]~
ta-an-ni-pu É.MES, "The pig is unholy [...] bespattering his backside, making the streets smell ...
polluting the houses" (ibid,, §§ 13-14); §AH la si-maí É.KUR Ja LÚ \i\e-me la ka-bi-is a-gur-rí /ik~kib
DINGIR.MES DÜ-a-ma tah~da-a[t DIN]GIR ni-zir-ti duru, "The pig is not fit for a temple, lacks sense, is
not allowed to tread on pavements, an abomination to all the gods, an abhorrence [to (his) god,]
accursed by Samas" (ibid,, §§ 15-16), cf, Lambert 1960, p. 215. On the unholiness of the pig in the
Oíd Testament see HAL, p. 302b s,v, hazTr: "forbidden because unclean".
171. Marcus 1977, p. 100, and see ibid. for more examples.
172. Concerning nicknames referring animáis and insects, it is interesting to note the frequency of this
type of ñame in Arabic onomastics too; here, for example, a nickname like "loeust" may have been
fit for persons of olive complexión, as stated in the Latcfif al-maârif (The Book ofCurious and
Entertaining Information) by the Persian writer Tha'alibi (d. 1038) about nicknames given to great
leaders and prominent figures in Islamic times: "Jarada 'loeusf. This was Maslama b. 3Abd al-Ma-
lik, so-called on account of his pallid, yellowish complexión" (Bosworth 1968, p. 60). Curiously,
the ñame of Tha3alibi too is an animal by-name meaning "fox" (id., p. 1).
148 SALVATORE GASPA
verbial industriousness of ants is expressed in Sargon's texts in portraying the ability of

1 *~i*i
the enemies who were able to open up narrow passages through mountain terrain.
If the evidence of these similes may be accepted for a semantic evaluation of the
popular imagery about some animáis and insects, in general ternas we can state that
some of the animal (nick)names may have been used as honorific ones, especially those
referring to predatory animáis. This concept may be valid also in the case of ñames like
Barbaranu and Dfbá, In other cases, however, animáis and insects which occur in the
present sample but not in the animal similes of the royal inscriptions should be best ap-
proached by different considerations. For example, it appears that some anthroponyms
may have had a possible humorous or disparaging meaning, as we can assume for those
ñames not mentioned in royal narratives and referring to ravens (Iribú, Hahhüru), other
insects (Gugí, Sasu, Zunbu), reptiles (Hamatütu, Raqqu, Raqqitu, SarpT, Seranu), poul-
try (Kubsanu, Kudurranu, Kurukkü), But for many of them it is difficult to understand
why they were so frequently attested, as in the case of ñames designating gazelles (Ar~
bTíu, Hazálá, Hazálu, Huzalu, Huzálu), domestic asses (Himarí, Himaru, Imari> Imaru\s (Amaba, Arnu
like those referring to domestic animáis, as donkeys and sheep, may have been simply
intended to express features usually attributed to these animáis on account of their use in
everyday life and work, like physical resistance, industriousness, and prolificness. Yet,
the context of someone being named "badger" (Sapünu) is not at all clear.
2.7.2. Animal Ñames as "Kosenamen"

Another case is represented by animal ñames used as affective ñames.174 Interestingly, a
1 TÎ
few refer to animal offspring, especially "lambs" and "calves", which are a long-
standing popular expression of innocence, vitality and nature's bloom (Gadja, Hurapu,
Imrá, Kalümu, Igílu, Iglá, Igli, Iglú). In addition, there are ñames concerning little ani-
máis, especially rodents (Akbará., Akbartu, Akbaru/Akbáru, Akbüru, Arrábu, Arrabatu,
Asqüdu, Harriru, Pushu). In the particular case of rodent ñames, however, we cannot
rule out that their very frequent attestations are to be connected also to the relevance of
these animáis as refíned meáis.176
173. Maicus 1977, p. 99,

174. See Stamm 1939, pp. 11,243,253.
175. Cf. also § 2.1.4, below. Endearment names could be based also on the tenn "pig" (hzr\r which
see e.g the El-Amaina ñame hi-zi-rí (Hess 1993, p. 77).
176. Meat of jerboa and of other rodents was very apprecáated in the ancient Near East. It is interesting
to note that jerboas are mentioned in a NA text referring to the protocol for the royal dinner, e.g. [x
xxxxx DZU],ia-nu-qu vzu.hal-la-nu UZ!,MUSEN! / [#;c;c.MUSEN TU.GU]R4!.MUSEN ak-bi~rí nap-tu-nu
To the affective ñames we can also add some anthroponyms characterized by di-
minutive forms and by the use of possessive suffixes, e.g, Bassüna, "Kitty", Bussi, "My
cat", Iglanu, "Little calf', Hulutti, "My little ¿w/w-mouse", Pushí, "My rat/Ratty",
, "My antelope(?)", Sasü>a, "My wild bird(?)".
Z7.5. Animal Ñames in Feminine Nomenclature

As for animal ñames borne by women, we have observed that a few of them are affec-
tive ñames referring to rodents (Akbará, Akbartu, Arrábaíu, Hulutfi, Pushu), like in the
similar case of masculine anthroponyms. In addition, we have seen that the feminine
onomastics too shows ñames denoting wild goats (Arnü), gazelles (Arbitu, Hazálá), and
birds (Pa^ü, Sasüâ). But what was, one wonders, the meaning of feminine ñames like
Anaqatu, "She-eamel", or Raqqitu, "Turtle" ? Are these ñames to be understood as of-
1T7
fensive nicknames?
As for ñames referring to eamels, we may better understand this specifíc onomastic
datum if we consider the peculiarities of the camel's character. Interestingly, one fínds
that "the camel has a peculiar look of meekness and melancholy about his face, espe-
cially in his mouth and eye. He has no touch of dry humour or demiore drollery about
him as the donkey most certainly has, all over his face; yet he is not dull and unintelli-
gent, Mute patience is his eharaeteristic" (H. Bonar, The Desert ofSinai, London 1857,
pp, 90-91).178 However, one knows also that some people "have been witnesses of the
1 'TQ
angry look and the surly growl" of this animal, Revengefuhiess and the eharaeteristic
1 sn
capability not to forget any offence are indeed peculiarities of the camel, In this light,
and given the importance of this domestic animal in the ancient Near East as well as in
am—mar sapar-tu [xxx, "[...-meat], zam«7«-[meat], hind legs, goose, [...-bird, turtljedove, jer-
boas. All the meal that was served [...]", MVAG 41, 60, r, i, 30-31, And the same may be seen for
other Speisemáuse appreciated in royal meáis and for ritual offerings as well, cf. Heimpel 1987-90,
pp. 607a-608a. On terms denoting food used as proper ñames see Noth 1928, p. 223; Stamm 1939,
p. 257; Stark 1971, p. 82b.
177. Examples of possible offensive ñames in NA onomastics may be Kiqülanu (PNA, p. 618a), Kiqil-
lutu (PNA, p. 619a), perhaps both to be referred to the NA word Uqillutu, "dungheap", and Pu-
dránu, "Muck-raekef (PNA, p. 998b). The possibility that these ñames were used to insult people
seems to be suggested by a comparison with some present-day Iraqi Arabic insults such as khara,
"dung", ibn il-khara, "son of dung", and ikhriyyah, "a piece of dung" (Masliyah 2001, p. 303). Cf.
also the El-Amarna offensive ñames kal-ba-ia, nukwrtu-ya (wr. lKÚRur'tu-ya):> for which see Hess
1993, p. 193. On this typology of ñames see Stamm 1939, p. 268.
178. Quoted in Pesce - Garbato Pesce 1984, p, 62.
179. Ibid.
180. Ibid.
J/
150 SALVATORE GASPA
some modern Middle East countries, should we consider a ñame such as Anaqátu,
1521
which is attested also in post-biblical Hebrew and Arabic onomastics, a nickname

suitable for a particularly touchy woman?
ZL4* Calves, Lambs and Gazelles: Tracing the Symbolic Background

The frequent attestations of animal ñames used as proper ñames probably refleet also
1 SO
ancient beliefs about totemic animáis which were relevant in establishing the belong-
ing of the newborn to his own family and community. Alternatively, we can assume that
animal ñames were probably given to the newborn because the particular animal after
which the person was named was the first thing seen after the baby's birth. Generally
speaking, one can find that all nature served the ancient Near East people for proper
ñames. In such a view, not only animal ñames, but also those referring to plants and
household objects may have had a particular symbolic load in ancient Near East im-
agery, especially in the religious sphere. But here I would limit myself to draw only a
few preliminary remarks on the evidence of three typologies of anthroponyms. Among
the most frequently attested animal ñames, probably reflecting a significant symbolic
background, one can especially mention the onomastics referring to "calves" (Igiíu,
Iglá, Igíánu, /g/í, /g/w), "lambs" (Bi-immerá, Gadjá, Hurapu, Imrá, Kalümu\d "ga-
zelles" (ArbTtu, Hazálu, Hazálá, Huzálu, Huzálu). Concerning the first type of ñames,
i.e. that referring to calves, one must bear in mind that the bovine imagery is frequently
used in ancient Near East religious language to express divine power by means of im-
ages denoting instinctive, animal strength.183 The "Bull of the Heaven" as an expression
of divine fury in the Epic of Gilgames184 is a clear example of this aspect. Further, the
idea of divine strength as bovine strength is also evident if one considers that the use of
bovine appellatives was a usual way to desígnate goddesses, For instance, we may con-
sider that Mullissu/Istar is designated in NA texts as "wild cow", and that in the Gilga-
mes Epic the ñame of the hero's mother, Ninsun, means "Lady wild cow".185
181. Goitein 1970, p, 523. Moreover, this animal "is proverbial in Arabic also for something unusually
big and unshapely", cf. ibid,
182. Lipinski 1997, p. 568.
183. Terms referring to cattle appear to be widely employed also in the Oíd Testament as epithets of di-
vine power, e.g. sor *él, "Bull El" (Has, 8:6). And see also the use of réêm as an epithet of El
(Num, 23:22 = 24:8). Srmilarly, Jacob too shows appellatives which are based on the bovine im-
agery, e.g. bekór sory "the first-born of the Bull" (Deut. 33:17), âbír ycfáqob, "Bull of Jacob"
(Gen. 49:24; Ps. 132:2, 5; Is. 49:26; 60:16), cf. for all these references DDD, pp. 345-346.
184. Parpóla 1997b, p, 92 (1. vi 94 passirn).
185. See for all these references Parpóla 1997a, p. XL, and esp. fes. 187-189.
Another clear example of the signifícance of the bovine imagery in portraying the
divine sphere is represented by the "cow-and-calf motif, a variant of which is repre-
1 Síí
sented by the parallel "ewe-and-lamb" motif, Through this motif the special affilia-
tion of the believer to a protective deity is expressed, In a more marked form, this con-
cept becomes ideologically crucial in portraying the special role of the Assyrian king as
Mullissu's son in the time of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, And signifícantly, the ani-
mal appellatives by which the goddess addresses the Assyrian king as her own son in
1 R'? -^_,_
NA prophetic texts make use of the "calf terminology. Bearing this in mind, we can
now return to the onomastic data. On the one hand, some bovine ñames may be un-
derstood as simply expressing the idea of animal strength in itself and animal strength in
its association to the divine power as well as the concept of leadership, like in the evi-
152 S?
dence of ñames referring to bulls and bisons, such as Turf and Didanu; on the other
hand, ñames referring to calves would reílect the special affíliation which exclusively
links the believer to his god, In such a view, the above-mentioned "calf ñames, espe-
cially those forms meaning "Calf and "His calf, might be semantically compared with
1 20
the "calf-of-DN" theophoric ñame type, though it is not certain whether they are short
forms referring to a relation to a deity or a relative, since these animal appellatives are
also signifícant from the perspective of the familial affective naming, as seen above. In
any case, it is the theophoric anthroponomy which provides further signifícant compara-
tive evidence for the study of these animal ñames. Actually, in theophoric onomastics
the ñames of the "calf-of-DN" type may be considered parallel with those meaning
"fruit-of-DN" 19° and "son-of-DN", which are also widely attested in the NA ñame
corpus. In all these three onomastic typologies one can see an interesting conceptual
parallelism, principally based on the religious correspondence of the terms "calf,
186. SeezW.,p. ICfn. 165.

187. E.g.d!5 sá URU.arba-il / a~na EDIN ta-at-tu-si / sul-mu a-na mu-ri-sá / a-na bi-rit URU ta-sap-ra,
"Istar of Arbela has gone out to the steppe and sent (an oracle of) well-being to her calf in the city"
(SAA 9, 1.9, v, § 27-30); [la ta-pa-láh] mu-u-ri, "[Have no fear], my calf!" (SAA 9, 2, 6, 20);
rma-a> at-ta la ta-pal-láh mu-u-ri sá ana-ku ú-rab-bu-u-ni, "As for you, have no fear, my calf,
whom I (have) rear(ed)" (SAA 9, 7, r. 11).
188. The ñame is that of one of the seventeen Amonte tribal ancestors of the king Samsí-Adad I. Cf. the
OB ñame Ditanu-sar, quoted in Ranke 1905, p. 225 fn. 7. Cf. also § 2.1.1.
189. On the "calf-of-DN" ñame type see the ñame Bür-Adad, "Calf of Adad" (PNA, p. 353a). The term
büru oceurs also in the MA hypocoristica Bu-ra-nu, Bu-ri-ia, Bu-ru-ia, and perhaps also in the ab-
breviated form Ibu-ri (OMA I, p. 187). And note that it is also used as an appellative and a symbol
of deity, e.g. lábur-na-sir, Id¿>wr-LUGAL (ibid.),
190. Cf. § 1.1.3.1. and fn. 117.
152 SALVATORE GASPA
"fruit", and "son",191 by which the person may be designated, Indeed, the animal, the
vegetal, and the kinship imagery and terminology played a significant role in expressing
on the one hand the multiform creative power of the god, and on the other hand the
special affiliative nature linking the divine and the taiman sphere.
As regards the symbology of the lamb, references to this domestic animal occur
very frequently in ancient Near Eastern texts, especially beeause the lamb was a privi-
1QO
leged sacrificial animal in ancient Mesopotamia. The general imagery about lambs
and sheep has been already illustrated above in the frame of the similes used in royal
narratives; in this light ñames refemng to these animáis may be basically connected to
the idea of innocence and defencelessness. Furthermore, the lamb as a religious motif
expressing the idea of divine affiliation must be considered as part of the "ewe-and-
lamb" imagery, which mirrors the above discussed "cow-and-calf' motif. Though not
attested in NA empire theophoric onomastics for expressing the divine affiliation of the
lamb-named believer to a particular deity, as in the case of the "calf-of-DN" typol-
1Q"^
°gy> we can assume that the lamb too could represent in anthroponomy a synonym
for "son". In such a perspective, we can consider the ñames referring to lambs as be-
longing to the sphere of the family affective language, where naming children after ani-
mal offspring like lambs was essentially meant to convey the idea of the parents' joy
191, See, e.g,, the "son-of-DN" and "offspring-of-DN" onomastic typologies, which seem to be parallel
to names of the type "ealf of DN", e.g, ("son of DN"-typology) Bur-Aia, "Son of Ea" (PNA, p,
353a), Bur-Anate, "Son of Anat" (íbid.\ "Son oPAttar" (PNA, p. 353b); ("offspring [of
DN]-typology") PirWirhu, "Oñspring" (PNA, p. 996a), Pirahu, "Offspring" (PNA, p. 995a),
Pirâia or Pir'-Aia, "Offspring/Offspring of Ea" (PNA, p. 995b), PirÂmurru, "Offspring of
Amurra" (ibid.), Picana, "Offspring(?)" (ibid,}, In a more comprehensivo view, names qualifying
the person as "calf or "son/offspring" of a god may be also compared with anthroponyms which
desígnate the individual as "creature/creation of god", like in the case of the West Semitic Qcmá-il,
"El has created" (PNA, p. 1006a),
192, On the qualification of the lamb as e//w, "(ritually) puré", in ritual texts, see Wilson 1994, p. 78, For
the importance of lambs in extispicy see, for example, the diviner's prayer The Lamb: "[/ caT\l to
yon, Samas, I beseech you to cleanse me! In the lamb I offer, place the truth! (...) on the right of
this lamb, on the left of this lamb, place the truth!" (Foster 19962, p. 153), For comparative evi-
dence of the complex symbology of the lamb in the Bible see DDD, p. 938ff. A special case is re-
presented by the mention of lambs in curse formulae of NA treaties, in which the use of the ritually
slain lamb imagery for the transgressors is to be understood as an expression of rightful sanction,
see SAA 2, 2, i, 10' andpassim (Treaty of Assur-neran V with Matfilu, king of Arpad); SAA 2 6,
551 (Esarhaddon's succession treaty), and cf. also SAA 3, 44, r, 2 (Assur's response to Assurbani-
pal's report on the war against Samas-sumu-ulon).
193, But see the OB ñame Im~me-ir-l-lí (CAD I-J, p. 134a), which seems to be similar in form to the
"calf-of-DN" and "son-of-DN" onomastic typologies.
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYKLAN ANTHROPONOMY 153
over the birth, as seen above.194 Furthermore, qualifications of the newborn in terms of
animal offspring may be framed in a peculiar family-based religious conception, in
which anything which happened in the family and in the individual life was understood
as a result of divine intervention.195 This aspect is clearly confirmed by the onomastic
data, where the event of birth is reflected in frequently attested ñame typologies such as
"DN has given/created", Thus, it is highly probable that naming the newborns after
terms referring to calves and lambs represented also a way of thanking the deity for his
intervention, and this thanking, I believe, could be expressed by "offering" ñames, i.e.,
ñames denoting usual sacrificial animal offspring that offcen formed the most precious
part of the main riches owned by families,196
Moreover, what we have discussed about ñames related to calves and lambs may
also be referred to the above-mentioned anthroponyms referring to the dog, e.g. Kalbi-
Aia, "Dog/Servant of Ea"; Kalbi-Uku, "Dog/Servant of Uku"; and the goat, e.g. Inzi-
Aia, "She-goat of Ea". In this case too, ñames based on domestic animáis such as dogs
and goats are to be intended as an expression of piety of the believer towards his god as
1Q'?
well as endearment ñames stressing the particular link between man and divinity.
A different case is represented by the gazelle. It can be noted that ñames referring
to this animal were rather common in ancient Mesopotamia. The reason for the fre-
quency of this onomastic typology probably lies in the fact that people considered some
positive and negatives qualities of wildness as particularly embodied in the gazelle, as a
sort of totemic animal. In this view, a few considerations can enlighten the signifieance
of this animal in popular imagery, though they are not meant to be exhaustive. First of
all, one must take into account that this particular wild animal is mentioned in one of the
194. Cf. §2.1.2.

195. Indeed, ñames are ofíen, to use van der Toorn's words, "miniature confessions ilhuninating the
conceptual universe of family religión", see van der Toorn 1996, pp. 95-97.
196. It is not clear to me if the frequency of ñames referring to lambs and sheeps, especially to firstborn
animáis, is also to be connected to the substitution rite involving the firstborn, as attested in the
Biblical world, for which see, for example, Campbell Thompson 1908, pp. 219-221. In any event,
anthroponomy referring to animal offspring in its religious setting would deserve a specific study
of its own.
197. On the usage of the terms "calf and "dog" to connote "subservience, service, perhaps even endear-
ment" in Ugaritic texts see Smith 1998, p. 716. As noted by Smith, "the usage [of these animáis]
seems to derive from their domestication; under normal conditions, they are safe and pliable ser-
vants (...) Humans were also helped by calves as beasts of burden. Cosmic animáis functioned
similarly as servants in divine society" (ibid,). And note that the goat, especially the ibex, was
usually associated with the god Enki/Ea and with the Apsü, cf. Jacobsen 1976, p, 111,
154 SALVATORE GASPA
most widely known Mesopotamian literary texts, the Gilgames Epie.198 In this poem,
the references to gazelles are clearly used as a suitable literary means to portray the con-
cept of spontaneity and freedom, Spontaneity and freedom are characteristics of wild-
ness and they are especially embodied in the character of Enkidu, who is, significantly,
precisely the son of a gazelle.199 As a gazelle's son, he is the expression of a counter-
human world, that is to say, a uncivilized world,200 Moreover, in ancient Mesopotamia
this animal was also considered a very valuable prey in royal hunts, perhaps on account
of the ideological role of the kingship as a domination over the wild world, as the
O Al
evidence of the Assyrian royal inscriptions confirms. Further, the gazelle may also be
connected to cultie contexts, as attested, for example, in a Babylonian hemerology,
where the term referring to this animal is associated with the adjective eílu, which is
generally used to denote ritually puré offerings.202 Finally, another interesting point in
analyzing the symbolic load of the gazelle can be found in the mentioning of this wild
animal in the wasf style member-for-member description of the beloved's body203 which
characterizes the erotic imagery in the NA poetic composition of Love Lyñcs ofNabü
198. Westenholz - Koch-Westenholz 2000, p. 437 and fe, 1, Moreover, also the NA profane anthropo-
nomy shows clear evidence of the widespread knowledge among people from different social strata
about the ancient Mesopotamian epic poems, as one can see from ñames which seem to be charac-
teristic of a fashion of naming after popular héroes, e.g, Gilgames-edasu-saksid, "O Gilgames,
make [him] achieve renewal!" (PNA, p, 423b), Atra-hasTs, "The very wise one" (PNA, p, 233b),
The former is the ñame of an individual from Nineveh (Assurbanipal's reign), whereas the latter is
a man from the town of Kannu5 (after Assurbanipal's reign), In addition, it is very interesting to
note that in the second case the spelling of the ñame is the same which is attested for the mythical
sage, e.g. la-tar—Pl, see PNA, p, 233b, To these two above-mentioned anthroponyms one can also
add the ñame borne by the son of a goldsmith from Kalhu (Adad-neraií III's reign?), e.g, Adapu-
ncfdi, "Adapu is praised" (PNA, p. 43a). In this last case, the frequency of the ñame may be con-
nected also to the religious significance of the mythical sage in NA royal ideology as a model for
the king, for which see the frequent use of the sage's ñame in símiles used by the scholars to por-
tray Esarhaddon and his capabilities in their letters, see PNA, p, 43a s,v, Adapu for references,
199. Parpóla 1997b, p, 99 (1. viii 3), and see also pp, 72-73 (11. i 93,158).
200. Consider also the Biblical concept of siyyim, "wild beast", usually associated with "desert/dry
places", which are a favourite habitat for sinister animáis and demons as well, cf. DDD, p. 1689-
1691. And note that it is probably not fortuitous that one of the stones cursed by Ninurta in the
myth of the judgement over the stones in the Sumerian poem Lugal-e is called mas-da, a word
homophonous to the ñame usually attested for gazelle, i.e, MA§.DA, see Parpóla 2001, p. 188.
201. See CAD S, p, 43a s.v. sábitu for references.
202. Ibid.
203. See Nissinen 1998, pp. 611-612.
II
and Tasmetu.204 As a wild and exotic animal, it can be no doubt considered as a part of
the erotic imagery; in this perspective, the frequency of ñames referring to gazelles is
thus probably to be related to the significance of this animal as an iconic and vivid
expression of savage beauty, attractiveness and spontaneity.
Z7.5 Compamtive Meaning in Container Ñames

As stated above, terms donoting objects were used in NA onomastics as proper ñames.
A particular case is represented by container ñames used as anthroponyms. First, we
shall consider the ñame Kakkullanu, This ñame has been referred to kakkullu, an Ak-
kadian word essentially denoting two distinct typologies of containers, i.e, 1) a vessel
on^
for making beer and storing liquids; 2) a wooden box. As far as the NA documenta-
tion is concerned, this term is usually mentioned only as referring to a container of the
second type, that is to say, a wooden box; most NA attestations of this word are charac-
terized by the use of the determinative Gis. Further, in administrative texts the term kak-
OOA
kullu especially designates a container for fruit In a ritual text conceming the proto-
col for the royal dinner this wooden box is one of the utensils to be entrusted to the sa-
OÍV7
béti-sanie, a lackey. A variant of the term possibly appears in a compound noun
OAQ
designating a profession, namely the rab-kaqquhi, "basket(?) master".
204. E.g, KI.MIN [sa sá-pu]-la~ki MAS.DÁ ina EDIN [xxxx] /KI.MIN [sa ki]-rsar~la~ki GIS.HASHUR m.si[G4
xxxx] /KI.MIN sa a-si-da-ki~NA4,zú~ma ''xx'' [xx] /KI.MIN sa mim-mu-ki tup~pu NA^ZAGÍN [x] rx''
[xx], "Ditto, [whose] thighs are a gazelle in the plain! [Refrain.] Ditto, [whose] ankle bones are an
apple of Siman! [Refrain.] Ditto, whose heels are obsidian! [Refrain.] Ditto, whose whole being is a
tablet of lapis lazuli! [Refrain]" (SAA 3,14, 5-8). For the importance of the body deseription in an-
cient Near Eastern love poetry see Nissinen 1998, pp, 612-613, who also remarks that "a gazelle,
for instance, is oñen identified with a goddess, and in ancient Near Eastern iconography it fre-
quently appears as an escort of a goddess and within the Tree of Life motif. In the Song ofSongs it
appears as a metaphor for the beloved, both male and, notably in the deseription texts, female". In-
terestingly, this last aspect too could be useful to understand the use and frequency of gazelle
ñames both in masculine and in feminine ancient Near Eastern nomenclature.
205. SeeCADK,p. 59a s,v,
206. E.g. 1 G&Mk-hil-lu NU.ÚR..MES /1 :. GI§!.KIN!.GE§TIN.ME§, "1 wooden box of pomegranates; 1 ditto
of grapes" (SAA 7,172,2-3); TT GiS.katt-kuJ- rHA§HUR!"'.KUR,RA 3 kak-M GIS.MA.MES/ 1! Gis.kak-M
GI§.KIB, "2 wooden boxes with quinces, 3 boxes with figs, 1 box with prunes" (SAA 7, 136, ii', 2'-
3'); [xxxxx Gis.kak-k]ulT<íU.tR.M[A7]/[xxx GS].kak~rkuF GIS.KTO [0], "[.., wooden box]es of po-
megranates, [... wooden] boxes of apricots" (SAA 11, 40, 2'-3'); 2 G&.ku~kul?-u /Gis.ha-ah-hi, "2
wooden boxes of peaches" (SAA 11, 85,4-5).
207. MVAG41,60,ii,22,26;r.i,47.
208. E.g. iú,GAL—rkaq"-qul-te: StAT 2,3, r. 3; [LÚ.GAL]—ka-qul-ti; SAA 14,202,2'.
1
156 SALVATORE GASPA
The ñame Kandá is instead to be connected to the West Semitic noun kandu. The
term is attested once, in a NA inventory text listing several food contributions offered
by officials to the "Lady of the House" as audience gifts. In this text the kandu is men-
tioned as a jar for wine.209 A look at the occurrences of the term in the NB documenta-
o1 n
tion provides further evidence that the kandu was used for wine. Another case is rep-
resented by the ñames Küzá and Küzáiu, both possibly derived from West Semitic kwz\1
"jug", whereas the anthroponym Kurzá is to be connected to a West Semitic root de-
010
noting a kind of bag.
O1^
In all likelihood, these anthroponyms are to be understood as nicknames, Specifi-
cally, these ñames may be seen as a figurative way to express physical peculiarities of
their bearer. As is well known, another considerable part of the profane onomastics in
Semitic languages is formed of ñames denoting physical characteristics and defects;
such ñames offcen appear in the NA anthroponomy too,214 Consequently, the use of
209. E.g, [xxxx] vuG.kan~dul GI§.GE§TIN: SAA 7,130,9.

210. CADK,p. 148b.
211. Sokoloff 2002, p. 557b: "pitcher, liquid measure". Cf, also íbid, s.v, kwzf: "a small pitcher used for
wine".
212. For the Arabic attestation of the root see Kazimirski 1860, p. 883b s.v, Tmrz, "sac de berger". And
see also the Ethiopic word &werz, "case, pouch, wallet", an Arabio loanword, cf. Leslau 1987, p.
295b.
213. As suggested by Stamm for ñames like Kandalánu'. Stamm 1939, p. 266 fh. 5. On the use of terms
designating containers as nicknames see, for example, the Hebrew anthroponym Puráh (Zadok
1988, p. 218 no. 10), listed in HAL, p. 964b, with no certain meaning, but probably to be under-
stood as a "nickname, meaning tub" (ibid,\n fact, the ñame may be connected to the term pürah,
"tub, trough", cf. HAL, p. 920b. In other cases, terms for containers used as proper ñames may be
considered also as endearment ñames, as, e.g., in the El-Amarna personal ñame gu-la-ti-j, possibly
derived from West Semitic g//, "basin, bowl", for which see Hess 1993, p. 68.
214. Consider, for instance, Amrá, "The blind one" (PNA, p. 238a); GalMu, (The boss-eyed one" (PNA, p.
419b), GaUnssu, "The boss-eyed one" (PNA, p. 420b); Ganda, "Baldhead" (PNA, p. 421b);
Garrusu, "The scuríy one" (ibid.); Habbusu, "Swollen" (PNA, p. 436b); Halli-arrakaü, "Long-
legs" (PNA, p, 444a, fictitious character); Ñamaba, "The one with abundant growth of hair"
(PNA, p. 453b); Hawarab, "The palé one" (PNA, p. 467a); Karsanu, "With large belly(?)" (PNA,
p, 607a); Kurü, "Short" (PNA, p. 642b); Labanu, "The white one(?)" (PNA, p, 648b); Muqquru,
"Deaf (PNA, p, 770a); QarM/Qarháia, "Baldy" (PNA, p. lOOTb); Qañhu, "Bald" (PNA, p.
1008b); Qarqipa, "The round head" (ibidj; Qarrahá, "The bald(?)" (PNA, p. 1009a), Qitmu,
"Small, Tiny" (PNA, p. 1017a); Qutnu, "Skinny" (PNA, p. 1026b); Rabbanu, "The big one" (PNA,
p. 1027a); Sakkuku, "Deaf, obtuse" (PNA, p. 1068a); Suhüru, "Black" (PNA, p, 1153b); Sabbuta-
nu, "Lame, Paralysed" (PNA, p. 1162a); Sadduru, "Squinting(?), Crooked(?)" (PNA, p. 1163b);
Salimtu, "Black" (PNA, p. 1166b); Sallamu, "Black" (PNA, p. 1167a); Salmüü, "[My] black-
ness(?)" (PNA, p. 1168a).
REMAPxKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ANTHROPONOMY 157
ñames denoting containers seems to be principally aimed at emphasizing physical pe-

culiarities such as fatness.215 From the point of view of the popular imagery, comparing
people with specific typologies of containers indeed may have been an alternative way
to describe stout persons. This aspect is clearly evident in ñames which have a compara-
tive meaning, sueh as Küzáiu, "Jug-like", or Kandalánu^ "Shaped like a kandalu-ves-
sel".216 We can quote two interesting NA examples about comparing people and con-
tainers, though they have different meanings and purposes. On the one hand, in an
oracle the king Esarhaddon is figuratively qualified as a kasu-cwp filled with poison: he
017
is the "vessel" of the divine vengeance against the usurpers of the throne. On the
215. For other attestations of this onomastic typology in Semitic languages see, e.g., the West Semitic
ñames Gu~ub-ba and Gu-ub-ba~a, meaning "cistern" (Zadok 1979, p, 25); the Hebrew fonns
bqbwq, bqbqyh, bqy, bqyh, "Flasche"; grb, "groBer Krug"; swph, "bauchiger Krug"; klwb and swbl,
"Korb" (Noth 1928, p. 226); the Palmyrene ñames meaning "bottle", e.g. bqy (Stark 1971, p. 78a);
grb (id, p. 82b), zq* (id, p. 87a), $y$t\" (id., p. 114a); the Jewish Aramaic qdr, "pot"
(Hoftijzer - Jongeling 1995, p. 993 s.v. qdr\: "used as a nickname"). And note that the frequently
attested root *bq is also present in the tribal ñame of the BeneBaqbüq, i, e. the "Sons of the Bottle"
(Ezr. 2:51), a Jewish clan returning from Babylonia to Jerusalem under Cyrus, cf. Goitein 1970, p.
518, who explains the ñame on the basis of the Arabic onomatopoeic term baqbaq, "the gurgling
sound of the water when poured out from a bottle"; no doubt a by-name fit for a ehatterbox, Sur-
prisingly, this fashion of naming with nouns denoting containers seems to be still in use in Arabic-
speaking countries, as one can see from some container ñames used both on the level of isms and
on that oflaqabs, e.g. Salm (a kind of bucket), Hafs, "leather basket"; Bakraj, "coffee-pot" (Schim-
mel 1989, p. 3); Finjan, "cup" (ead,, p. 47); Ziqq alâsal, "leather bag for honey" (ead., p. 53).
216. Consider, for example, the Arabic term musaffat, "qui a la tete large et grosse, semblable au safaf
(Kazimirski 1860, p. 1 lOOb; for the word safat, a ñame of basket, see ibid., p, 1100a s.v.~), Cf. also
the ñames Huzalü, "Gazelle-like" (§ 1.1.1.1.3), Séranu, "Snake-like" (ibid.), and Butunaiu, "Pista-
chio-like"(§ 1.1.3.1).
217. E.g, las~sur—PAB—A§ ap-lu /ke-e-nu DUMU îN.LfL /ha-an-ga-ru ak-ku /ina §U.2-/ez /LÚ.KÚR.ME§-
ka / ú-qa~at-ta / las-sur—PAB—AS MAN KUR—as~sur / ka-a-su sá ma-lu~u qi-iJ-te / ka-Ja-pu sa 2 GÍN /
las-sur—PAB—Â§ ina URU.§Á—URU / UD.MES ar-ku-u-tí / MU.MES da-ra-a-ü / a-da-nak-k[á\ las-
5wr—PAB—A§ ina §Á-Z?z \mj.arba-i[f] / a~ri-it~ka de-iq-tú a-[na-ku], "Esarhaddon, righful heir, son
of Mullissu! With an angry dagger in my hand I will finish off your enemies, O Esarhaddon, king
of Assyria, cup filled with lye, axe of two shekels! Esarhaddon! I will give you long days and ever-
lasting years in the Inner City. O Esarhaddon, I will be your good shield in Arbela" (SAA 9,1.6, iv
§ 5-19). Note that in this passage the oracular speech is thoroughly charaeterized by terms hinting
at armed vindictive action (hangaru, kaJlapu, arTtu), The same container to which Esarhaddon is
compared is a cup of poison, the cup of vengeance, cf. Parpóla 1997, p. 8 fhs, iv 7-13. On the figu-
rative usage of vessels in the Bible see Rienecker 1960, p. 449 s.v. Gejqfi 4: "Im übertragenen Sinn
werden in der HS auch Menschen G. genannt (Rom 9,22ff; 2 Tim 2,20f), wobei der Apostel an den
Topfer denkt, der die verschiedenen G. tur die verschiedensten Zwecke anfertigte. Die 'G. des
Zorns' sind dabei die Menschen des Unglaubens und die 'G. der Barmherzigkeif die durch Jesu
158 SALVATOKE GASPA
other hand, the comparison of individuáis with containers may have had also an insult-
ing purpose: Bel-etir, the leader of Blt-Iba, in Assurbanipal's royal propaganda is desig-
nated a (shit) bucket218
To sum up, ñames like Kandalánu and Küzá/Küzaiu may be understood as by-
names characterizing stout men; but it cannot be ruled out that in other cases the par-
ticular function of containers influenced the choice of such nicknames. In other words,
we can tentatively suggest that also some usual habits such as the immoderate appetite
or drinking which were characteristic of a person could be humorously expressed by
means of by-names denoting large vessels and jugs that were usually used for storing
01Q OOft
food or liquids, as probably is the case of ñames like Kakkullánu and Kandá.
Blut Erlosten, In 2 Kor 4,7 nennt Paulus den Leib des Menschen ein G,, das den kostbaren Schatz
des Evangeliums und damit den Heiligen Geist beherbergt 1 Thess 4,4 ist ebenfalls der Leib oder
auch die Ehefrau gemeint".
218. E.g. ís-pík §É INUMUN—GIN TU]5-<z-7í« tap-pe-e lnu-um~mur~a-a ni-i-Tm, "The shit bucket of Zeru-
kinu, an empty talker, a raped comrade of Nummuraya" (SAA 3, 29, 4); Ali-ba-a a-dan-nu la me-
na-nu is-pík §fe Tsaf-ri-tim / qin-nu sap-il-tú ARAD 5a DINGIR [m]i-te, "Son of Iba, unspecified
deadline, shit bucket of a farter, lowly family, servant of a dead god" (SAA 3, 30, 2). See also
PNA, p. 299b s.v, Bel-etir (no. 17). The image of the ispikku in Bél-etir's derisory titulary is based
on an ironic usage of this term and reminds of parallel, although positive, qualifications of deities,
as seems to be suggested by a comparison with the following designation referred to the god Uras,
e.g. MlfrnwKjB . dj^ $¿ fapft ik-ri-bi, "Uras = ditto (= Anu) as storage bin of prayers" (CT 24,19, i
2), The use of ñames of containers for insults can also be found in Iraqi Arabic, see, e.g., barbüg (a
flask with a wide opening or a useless glass), said of a prostitute (Masliyah 2001, p. 284), and tatff
(a bathroom bowl), used to insult a man who acts like a woman (zW., p. 308).
219. See, e.g., the simile in Job 32:19: "My belly is like wine not yet opened, like jugs of new wine
ready to burst" (quoted in Sasson 1994, p. 413 fh. 42), Note also that in a Babylonian tablet in
which parts of the body of a god are equated with containers for liquids, the stomach is equated
with a waterskin (BM 55551+, V, 12'), see reynolds 2002, pp. 217-223.
220. A possible parallel with Kandá may be found in the MA ñame Ku-ut-ta (OMAII, p. 133), probably
derived rrom the term kütu wich designates a large vessel used for liquids, as clearly attested also
by the following NA occurrences, e.g. 1) as a container for water: rvuG.ku-u-tú sa A.MES"1 (BBR
66+, 48'); [T>]uG.ku-u-tú sa A.ME§ (ibid., 50'); 2) as a container for wine: r4n DuapAw-fcf-fe sa GES-
HN.ME (ND 2790, r. 3' = Iraq 23 [1961], pL XXVHI); 1 DUG.Aw-to GE§TIN (SAA 7,121, r. i' 3); 3) as
a container for beer: 2 ~DUG,ku-ta-te KA§ (SAA 7,161, r. i 7); 4) as a container for oil: 2 "DUG.ku-ta-a-
te IME§ (SAA 7, 119, ii 10'), As to the ñame Kakkullánu, it cannot be ruled out that this anthro-
ponym might derive not from the NA kakkullu, but from the Babylonian gakkul/£aMw//w, i.e. a
beer container used in the fermenting process and analogous to the namzTtu, On the Mesopotamian
popular interest in the kakkullu and in the fermenting process, see Maul 1994, p. 104; Sallaberger
1996, pp. 85-87.
2.1,6Preciousness, Purity, and Attmctiveness in Profane Onomastics
Unlike the ñames denoting containers, other profane anthroponyms may be best ex-
plained focusing on the concepts of "preciousness", "purity", and "attractiveness". The
first aspect is particularly evident in ñames referring to jewels (Inqá, Inqaia, Enqá,
Gaga, Gagáia, SabTru), as well as to precious stones (HuJalu, Hulafitu, Pindü), To these
we can add a ñame based on the tema for "gold", the precious metal par exceílence, e.g.
Hurasí, "The golden one": ^.UG.GI-Z (PNA, p. 480b),221 As a whole, all these ñames,
both feminine and masculine, are probably to be understood as an expression of the par-
ents' wish to give the newborn an auspicious ñame. The concept of preciousness seems
ooo
to express feelings of gratitude and joy over the birth of a child: thus, the newborn
00^1
may be named affcer precious Ítems. This aspect can also be noted in other typologies
of ñames, namely 1) in ñames designating the person as "precious",224 e.g, Aqru (âq-ru,
laq-ri, laq-ru~ú: PNA, p. 123a), Iqrija fig-ri-ia225: PNA, p. 508b), Maqartu (fma-qar-
íú: PNA, p. 702a), QTmaia fyi-ma-a-a: PNA, p. 1015a);226 2) in ñames in which the
ideas of "preciousness" and "ornament" explicitly qualify the relatives of the person,
especially brothers and sisters, e.g. Ahu-uqur, "The brother is precious" ^PAB—ú-qur,
ÂB—u-qur: PNA, p. 88b), laqar-ahhé, "My brothers are precious" (fia-qar—PAB.MES:
PNA, p. 493a), Ahütu-hidT, "The sister is [my] ornament" (1?AB7-u-tú—hi-di?: PNA, p.
221. Earlier attestations of the ñame are (OA) Hu~ra-sa~nu, Hu-ra-sa-nu~um, KHG.Gi-sa-nim, (OB) Hu-
ra-sa-7nV-tum: CAD H, p. 245b s.v, hurasánü; Stamm 1939, p. 249. Terms denoting metáis as
proper ñames are also attested in other Semitic languages, see, e.g., the N/LB ñame Da-ha-ba-nu,
"gold" (Zadok 1979, p. 25); the Ugaritic forras hurasánü, hrsn, "Gold" (Grondahl 1967, p. 30), and
httn, "Silber" (ibid,); the Pahnyrene zwzy, perhaps from Aramaic züz, "silver coin, money" (Stark
1971, p. 86b), hrws, "gold" (id,, p. 90a), ksp\" (id,, p. 92b). Note, however, the different
case of the ñame Siparranu (PNA, p. 115 Ib), probably to be understood as referring to a physical
feature of the person, namely the colour. If so, it is to be compared to other widely attested ñames
which refer to red colour, for which see, e.g., Barruqu, "Redhead(?)" (PNA, p. 27 Ib), Guhüru,
"Red-spotted" (PNA, p. 428b), Stfumu, "Reddy" (PNA, p. 1097a), and possibly also the ñames Sa-
qiru and Saqru (PNA, p. 109Ib).
222. It seems, however, that the birth of a male heir was best appreciated by parents, as is clearly proved
by such an unfiiendly fenúnine ñame as La-sahittu, "The unwanted" (PNA, p. 654b; also in NB
texis, see Wunsch 2003, text no. 47 [BM 77474]), derived from the word sahittu, "wish, desire", cf.
CAD S, p. 179a s.v, sihittu, Very interestingly, similar ñames are still used nowadays in Middle
Eastern countries, Consider, for example, the feminine ñames Naktiâsteh, "Unwanted"; Dukhtar-
bas, "Enough daughters!" (Irán); Kifaya, "Sufficience!" (Yemen); Yeter, "Enough!" (Turkey); Kafi,
"Enough!", tmdKhatíma, "Finisl" (Tashqwghan); HaddT, "Stop!" (Tunis): Schimmel 1989, p. 42.
223. Noth 1928, p, 223.
224. On these typologies of ñames see Stamm 1939, p. 293-297.
225. See PNA p. 508b s.v. Igria.
226. Cf. the Pahnyrene ñame qymy, "precious, valuable" (Stark 1971, p. 110a),
160 SALVATORE GASPA
00^7 __
88a), Further, ñames based on the concept of preciousness may be also compared to
some feminine ñames mainly based on the idea of pleasantness and desire, like Eristu,
"Object of desire"228 (fe-ris-tú: PNA, p. 404a), Subetu, "The desirable" (fsu-bé-e-tú,
fsu-bé-t[ü\\, p, 1 177b), Sihati, "Delight" (W-ha-ttf]: PNA, p, 1 170a).
Besides the idea of joy over the child's birth expressed by ñames denoting precious
Ítems, the evidence of these ñames, particularly of those referring to precious stones,
may be approached considering also the magic and religious importance that some
stones have in ancient Mesopotamia. The importance of stones, for example, is clearly
reflected at the mythological level in the episode of the judgement of Ninurta over the
stones in the Sumerian poem Lugal-e. This episode reflects a long-standing conception
which attributed to some kinds of stones theological significance and magic proper-
OOQ
ties, Interestingly, among the various stones named and assigned a good fate by Nin-
urta is hulálu (NA4.NÍR.),230 a term occurring also in historical texts. In NA royal inserip-
tions the /m/a/w-stone is mentioned in the list of the materials used by Sennacherib for
0^ 1
building a canal dedicated to Ea, as well as in the same king's report about the accu-
mulation of precious Ítems to be used for decorative works in the temple of the New
O'ÍO
Year Festival. No wonder, then, that the anthroponomy too may mirror the religious
and magic relevance of a stone like the hulálu, as in ñames like Hulálu and Hulálitu,
which were without doubt considered auspicious ñames.
The religious significance of proper ñames related to precious stones can be ap-
proached more specifically. For example, some kinds of stones were specifically used as
amulets. The main function of stones as amulets was essentially to reconcile man with
227, Cf. the OB theophoric Aja-zi-ma~at-ma-tim, "Aja is the ornament of the eountry" (Ranke 1905, p,
182b). And see also the Palmyrene hdyr\e who is adorned" (Stark 1971, p, 84a),
228. Possible abbreviated form of the name-type "desired by DN", cf. the ñame Irissi-ilani, "Desired by
gods" (PNA, p. 564b).
229, Annus 2002, pp, 164-167,
230, "Since you made yourself general of the assembly, you, nir, shall be chosen for syrup and for wine.
You shall all be decorated with precious metal, The principal among the gods shall cause the for-
eign lands to prostrate themselves before you, putting their noses to the ground" (quoted in Annus
2002, p. 166).
231. E.g. NA4.GUG NA4.ZA.GÍN NA4.MU§.GÍR NA4.NÍR NA4.BABBAR.DE<LME§, "Camelian, lapis lazuli, musmni-
stone, Aw/a/M-stone, agate(?)" (OIP 2, H3,27),
232. E.g. KUG.UD KUG.GI NA4.GUG NA4.2A,Gl^í NA4.T^ÍR NA4.MU§,GÍR / NA4.BABBAR.DIL NA4.BABBAR.MIN5 M,
SIG7.SIG7, "Silver, gold, carnelian, lapis lazuli, Aw/a/w-stone, mwlsarw-stone, agate(?), papparmmu-
stone, eâ'maíM-paste" (OIP 2,12, §§ 52-53). From these passages of the Assyrian inscriptions we
may note that the stone ñames NAJ.GUG (carnelian), NA4.ZA.GÍN (lapis lazuli) and NA4.NÍR (hulalu-
stone) occur, although in a different order, i,e, NA4.NÍR, NA4.GUG, NA4.ZA.GÍN.NA, also in Lugál-e 528-
542 and in a NA incantation linked to the king's coronation ceremony, see Annus 2002, p, 166,
the gods and to prevent misfortunes. This seeond property of amulets is prophylactic:
and in ancient Mesopotamia several amulet-stones have a variety of prophylactic pur-
O"3O
poses. Here, I shall consider a particular amulet-stone, the gem callQdpmdü (NA4.dSE.
TIR) which is mentioned in the royal inscriptions of Sennacherib.234 This precious stone
seems to have properties common to other amulets affecting the person, whose purposes
are: "being reconciled with a god; having a good reputation with man, success in social
oo-c
and economic terms, happiness and harmony." Other qualities of this stone, such as
warding off flooding, seem instead to be related to the typical disasters affecting people
in ancient Mesopotamian cities, whereas another peculiarity of the pindü-gem was to
prevent diseases,236 Consequently, as in the case of amulet-stones, it is very interesting
to note the occurrence in masculine profane anthroponomy of a ñame like Pindü, in all
probability meant to bear the same good qualities usually attributed to the jpMw-gem.237
Widening our approach, the theological aspect of stones is probably to be related also to
theophoric ñames qualifying gods as stones or mountains, although such qualifications
seem to be mainly used for expressing the gods' greatness and divine protection.238
233. "Some were used in a very general way against 'any evil, of the countryside and the town'. Others
intended to preclude the diré consequences of bad portents like seeing 'strange' birds, having bad
dreams, unlucky days, months or years, malformed births. The reason of such portents was divine
anger (kimiltu} and some stones were worn to undo ('loosen') it or to 'reconcile' the god. Amulets
were also used against demons; the best example are the strings of stones hung around the body of
a pregnant woman exposed to the demon Lamastu, They could 'loosen' sorcery caused by black
magic"(Stoll993,p. 108).
234. E.g. NA4.d§E.TiR sa GM NUMUN qis-se-e GAR.-SÚ nu-su-qu ma-la NA4.GÚ aq-ru w^ qa-bé-e / ma-ga-ri
ü ri-ih-su su-tu-qi mur-su a~na NA la TE-e, "pindu, whose beautitul structure has the appearance of
cueumber seeds, amounting to a valuable neck(stone): a stone of speaking (by a human being) and
(then) being heard (by the god), of making pass (without harming) a heavy flooding, of a disease
not approaching man" (OEP 2, H4, §§ 72-73: translation from Stol 1993, p. 108; cf. also OIP 2, H4,
76, 80, 83), The ñame of this precious stone occurs also in NA records of various Ítems, e.g. 1 pi~
in-du-u MÁ§! KUG.GI, "1 of (red)/j/7ze?w-stone (with) gold setting" (SAA 7, 118, r, i 12; cf. also SAA
7,64,r.i'5').
235. Stol 1993, p. 108.
236. Sesibid,
237. And note also the figurative sense of the stone ñame in the qualification of the king aspindé nama-
ri, "stone of illumination", in a MB letter: CDA, p. 272a s.v. pendü; CAD P, p. 324b s.v. pendü 4,
238. Consider, for example, the ñames Aia-türi, "Ea is my mountain" (PNA, p. 93b), Assür-saddü'a,
"Assur is my mountain" (PNA, p. 215b), Assür-saddüm, "Assur is our mountain" (ibid,\
duni, "Gula is our mountain" (PNA, p. 429b), Issár-saddüni, "Istar is our mountain" (PNA, p.
576b), Marduk-saddüni, "Marduk is our mountain" (PNA, p. 72 Ib), Nabü-saddtfa, "Nabü is my
mountain" (PNA, p. 867b), Nabü-saddüni, "Nabü is our mountain" (PNA, p. 868a), Nusku-sad-
dtfa, "Nusku is my mountain" (PNA, p. 974a), Sadünu, "Our mountain" (PNA, p. 1059a), Nasuh-
162 SALVATORE GASPA
The second coneept to be taken into account is that of "purity", by which I mean
"ritual purity". This coneept was usually associated with objects and substances linked
to the cultic sphere, Significantly, among the traditional cultic elements used in Meso-
potamian rituals there are the cedar (GIS.ERIN) and the juniper (SEM.LI). These plants were
O'ÍQ
usually associated with the abzu, and were among the most important sacred sub-
stances employed in rituals.240 Particularly, cedar wood was also widely used in the
building of temples,241 We can tentatively suggest that the frequency of ñames referring
to the cedar and the juniper, like Arzani, Arzaiu, Erénu, and Burasu, represented a way
to express the moral purity of the person, henee his predisposition to receive divine be-
nevolence,242 The same aspect can be noted, for example, in ñames possibly related to
the cultic sphere like Qaritáiu, "(Divine?) banquet" fya-ri-ta-a-a, lqa-rit-a-a\, p,
1008b), RéMti, "Leftovers (of temple offerings)" ^re-ha-a-ti, ê-ha-te: PNA, p,
1037a), and also Qutari, possibly meaning "Fumiganf'243 (^qu~ta-ri-i\, p, 1026b).
Naming people by means of terms denoting sacred objects and ritual acts that were par-
qatar, "Nasuh is a rock" (PNA, p, 936b), Sey-qatar, "Se5 is [my] rock" (PNA, p. 1104a), Qatar-ilf
Qatar-Il, "Rock of god / The god/El is a rock" (PNA, p, 1009b), Bi-qatar, "With [the help of] the
rock" (PNA, p. 345a), and also in the one-word ñame Qatara, "The rock" (PNA, p, 1009b). Simi-
larly, in Oíd Testament "David regards Yahweh as his rock, his fortress and his deliverer, In short,
the tenor of the metaphor may be summarized as 'protection' " (DDD, p. 1339), Besides the ñame
"rock" (sw), also the word "stone" (*bri) is frequently used as a divine epithet in the Hebrew Bible
(DDD, pp. 1338-1339,1547-1550), See also the qualification of Yahweh as >eben in Gen,, 49:24.
239. See Wilson 1994, p. 27.
240. See CAD E, p. 276b-277a s.v. erenu; CAD B, p. 328a s,v. burasu for references. Consider also the
diviner's prayer The Cedar, "O Samas, I place to my mouth sacred cedar, for you I knot it in a lock
of my hair, for you I place in my lap bushy cedar" (Foster 19962, p, 150),
241. See Nebuchadnezer's description of the Ekua, e.g. "The best of my cedar, which I brought from
Lebanon, the puré forest, to put a roof on the Ekua, the celia of the god of his lordship, I selected"
(Wilson 1994, p, 72). But note also in the Gilgames Epic the particularly sacrilegious act of felling
the sacred cedars by the two héroes, see Westenholz - Koch-Westenholz 2000, p. 442,
242. For ñames referring to the coneept of "purity" consider, e.g,, Bar-zTku (PNA, p. 274b), Naqe (PNA,
p. 929b), Naqfa/Niqâ (ibid., Akkadianised as Zakütu\d Naqqm (PNA, p, 93Ob), This aspect
may also be found in theological qualifications denoting the divine nature, as one can see, for ex-
ample, in the ñame Ilu-zuku, "God is purity" (PNA, p, 538a),
243. On fumigation (qutani) used as a magic technique especially aimed to eradicate demons like "an.
ta.sub.ba, Lugal-urra, Hand of a God, Hand of a Goddess that are 'upon a man' ", see Stol 1993,
p, 106-107, For apossible alternative Aramaic etymology of fhis ñame see PNA, p. 1026b s.v.
ticularly appreciated by the gods was probably believed to be the most appropriate way
of expressing the closeness of the believer to his god.244
Further, it is not clear if the significance and the frequency of proper ñames refer-
ring to plants should be connected only to the sacredness of some types of trees; these
ñames, actually, could also represent endearment ñames.245 In the particular cases of an-
throponyms meaning "pistachio-tree" or "terebinth", the occurrence of terms designat-
ing these plants in Assyrian texts does not seem to be specifícally referred to ritual con-
94&
texts. The pistachio-nut (bututtu) occurs as a refíned food suitable for royal banquets,
as is evident in Assurnasirpal II's royal inscriptions, whereas the terebinth (butnu) is
usually mentioned in the same type of texts among other precious kinds of timber that
O ATI
were used to build the king's residences. Moreover, one must keep in mind that the
mention of trees has a particular signifícance in love literature, where the occurrences of
images of exotic trees through the well known garden-based literary motif are often
used for depicting the lovers and their attractiveness, especially the woman and her
O¿152
physical characteristics, as, for example, although referred to a god, in the Love Lyr-
ics ofNabü and Tasmetu, where the goddess and her sanctuary are depicted as the shade
of cedar, cypress and juniper trees.249 Interestingly, the use of some erotically conno-
244. Cf. the Phoenieian ñame qrbn, "Oñering(?)" (Benz 1972, p, 240). And note also that incensé offer-
ings were "expressly destined to celestial gods as opposed to food and drink offerings presented to
their earthly images" (Parpóla 1997a, p, xciv in. 127).
245. See Hess 1993, p. 41, who tentatively suggests an alternative West Semitic etymology as an en-
dearment ñame for the El-Amama ñame ar~za-aw-ya,
246. Consider, however, that in the Oíd Testament the terebinth frequently occurs in association with
holy places (Gen., 35:4, Judg,, 6:11.19, IChr., 10:12), an aspect that probably should be connected
to the very ancient Near East tradition about sacred trees. More specifically, in the Biblical tradition
the altitudes towards the terebinth as well as the oak are ambiguous. Both trees signalled the holy,
and both were metaphorically used to announce the coming king. In all likelihood these two trees
were probably connected to fertility cults and linked to particular goddesses, as it is evident in the
prophetie and Deuteronomistic literature, in which "gardens and trees as scenes for cultic practices
or erotic encounters" are condemned "since they are seen as revolting and idolatrous" (Lapinkivi
2004, p. 216), For the Biblical references to these plants and specific literature on the subject see
DDD,pp. 1201-1203,1601-1603.
247. See CAD B, pp. 358b-359a-b s.w. bupiu and bututtu for references.
248. Note that Karanutu and Qunnabatu are characteristic of the feminine nomenclature, cf. § 1.1,3.2
and fes. 121, 122, above. On the "vineyard" as a metaphoric image for the girl's body in the Song
ofSongs see Lapinkivi 2004, p. 212ff.
249. E.g. SU GI§.ERIN Sil GI&ERIN sil GI§.ERIN pU-ZüT LUGAL / Sil GI§.§UR.MtN LU.GAL.MES~.SW / sil kan-Tll Su
G&.Llpu-zar ána-bi~um-a-a mi-lul-a, "The shade of the cedar, the shade of the cedar, the shade of
the cedar, the king's shelter! The shade of the cypress (is for) his magnates! The shade of a sprig of
juniper is shelter for my Nabü and my games!" (SAA 3, 14, 9-11). As observed by Nissinen, "trees
164 SALVATORE GASPA
tated plants and vegetal substances is also attested in NA mystical explanatory works
O^fl
for depicting the divine presence as real.
Summing up, ñames referring to plants could reflect both the layer of symbolic sig-
nificance, i.e. related to the cultic sphere, and the layer referred to the profane imagery
0^1
about physical attractiveness.
3. Notes for an Evaluation of Ñames and Name-Bearers

in Their Social, Professional and Cultural Settings
3.1. Profane Ñames in their Social and Professional Contexts

The third part of this study on profane onomastics is devoted to the study of the social
and professional status of the individuáis bearing the ñames we have presented above
(cf. § 1.0). We may ask whether some profane ñames should be connected or not to the
specific social and/or professional milieus of their bearers. In other words, what can be
stated about the distribution in social and employment groups of profane onomastics?
The evidence of the NA documents, especially legal texts, letters and administrative re-
cords, provides a rich picture of the NA onomastics. In some cases it is possible to
not only produce shade but also raw material for luxurious buildings as well as for fragrant oils
with which beds are perfumed and which in general form an essential part of the erotíc atmosphere,
Thus, cedar, cypress and juniper opérate on several levéis of meaning srmultaneously: as building
materials and fragrant substances, but also as images of divine protection, extravagance and
eroticism (...)" (Nissinen 1998, pp. 604-605), On the relevance of the garden-motif in the ancient
Near Eastern love poetry and especially in Mesopotamian sacred marriage texts see Lapinkivi
2004, esp.pp. 214-217.
250. Nissinen 1998, p. 612. E.g. [sá] dKÁR.KÁR LÁL sar~ka-[su] / [GI§.§I]NIG qim-mat-su GI§.§UR.MÍN la-
an-[su] / [G&.q\u-nu-bu za-bcP-siC G'&.dup-ra-nu sa-pu-ía-[su] / [G&.e]-re~nu bw-ka-su GI&KIB ki-
sil-la-\su\ \kzs\-su1"1 ú~ba-na-sú GI§.§EM.§E§ ni~íu-[sü] / \su-r~\a-nu MÚD.ME§-5« G&,aJ-Ja-nu
Á2.ME§-[5w] / [KUG.G]I ri-hu-su Ú.HI.IS.SAR tu-la-a-\sü\ \e-dá\~tú SÍG.tiz" sá-pu-li-sú G&,pu-qut-tú
SÍG.ÍIZ s[u-ha-ti-sü\ [GIS.MJM SÍG.ÍK GABA-[SÜ], "Honey is the pus of the Kidnapped God. Tamarisk
is his topknot. Cypress is [his] trunk. [Ca]nnabis is his bristle. Juniper is [his] thighs. Cedar is his
knees. The mediar is [his] ankle bones. [The bundle ofré\eds is his fíngers. Myrrh is his semen.
[The c]at is his blood. Oak is [his] arms, Gold is his sperm. Lettuce is [his] breasts. [The box]thorn
is the hair of his groin, The thorn plant is the hair of [his arm]pits. The hair of [his] breast is [...]"
(SAA 3, 38, r. 9-17). On this text see Nissinen 1998, pp, 585-634; id. 2001, pp. 114-115.
251. Cf. also rh. 108, above. In any case, personal ñames referring to plants, as well as precious Ítems,
are not only to be intended as Zartlichkeitsbemnmmgen (cf. Stamm 1939, p. 11), but also in view
of the specific religious and magic significance, as stated above.
collect many different and complementary prosopographical data about an individual,

but in other less fortúnate cases we only know his personal ñame. Let us now take into
account some personal ñames from the view-point of the information we have about the
oecupation and/or the social milieu of the bearer. I will present below a sample of 137
profane ñames of individuáis — a more limited onomastic selection than that we have
presented above. The anthroponyms I have collected from the PNA evidence have been
classified according l)to the social and professional data, and 2) the chronological
distribution of ñames. Within every group the ñames have been usted by professional or
social qualifícations according to the PNA data. The superscript Román numeráis mark
the homonyms (e,g.,, PN1, PNn, PNm, etc.); they are employed both in the fírst and in
the second classifícation, Although a more extensive approach to the subject would be
necessary for a better study of such ñames, the results of this classification can be sub-
ject to a preliminary discussion. In grouping the selected individuáis, different ap-
proaches could be attempted as well. For example, the ñames could be classified ac-
cording to the work place where the individuáis are attested. This can be done, for in-
OÔ
stance, for those farmers, scribes, servants, and craftsmen whose professional role
seems to be linked to the temple or to the palace. Another instance is represented by
some individuáis who are mentioned with different professional/social qualifications:
e.g,, two landowners were sold as slaves,253 and a courtier worked as a tailor.254 Further,
some individuáis shared the same social milieu. Consequently, some categories of my
classification could include more individuáis than they actually do. For example, the
category of court members could comprise other individuáis who are mentioned in the
252, See, for example, the cases of the individuáis KakkuUamt, Kandalanu,, and Nasrá. The farmer Kak-
kullanu is listed among 41 men given by Sennacherib to the temple of Zababa and Babu in Assur
(SAA 12, 87, r. 11), while the seribe Kandalanu is associated with the temple of Arbail according
to the colophon of the Khorsabad King List (JNES 13, 222, r, iv 34 = Hunger 1968, no. 350, 2).
Nasrá is attested as one of the servants of Istar of Huzirina who are given to the god Nusku (SAA
12, 91, 8), cf. PNA, pp. 596a, 600b, 933b. People who have connections with palace élite are, for
instance, the tanner Hurapu, servant of the Palace Herald (Deller - Fadhil 1993, no. 6, 1); SüsTa,
goldsmith of the vizir (SAA 6, 19, r. 7', 8'), and the tailor Süsí, who is the servant of the deputy of
the governor of Kalhu (SAA 6,31, r. 23), cf. PNA, pp. 480a, 1160b, 1161a.
253, The seribe Asqüdu is mentioned in SAA 6, 325, 2 as one of the owners of a town to be sold to the
king's chariot driver Remanni-Adad, whereas the slave Igli occurs as the owner of a field near the
town Ke-lamsi (SAA 6,31,10). Cf., respectively, PNA, pp. 137a and 508a.
254, This is the case of the sa-ziqni Seranu: he is mentioned among other tailors in ND 2498,4' (Iraq 23
[1961], pl. XVIII), see PNA, p. 1169a.
166 SALVATORE GASPA
^jCff
texts as having relationships with the palace milieu or with members of the royal
family.256
Onomastic group abbreviations:

An - Animal (Ñame); Co = Container (Ñame); In — Insect (Ñame); Pl = Plant (Ñame);
PrI- Precious ítem (Ñame).
Other abbreviations: Aei = Assur-etel-ilani (c. 630-627); Asb = Assurbanipal (668-630);
Asd III = Assxir-dan III (772-755); Esh = Esarhaddon (680-669); Sg II = Sargon II (721-
705); Slm V = Shalmaneser V (726-722).
LO. Classification bvProfessional and/or Social Grouvs 257
U, Mihtary group (23 people)

(a) Military officials: (An) Arrábu1*, Gadjá, Hazala1, Himarí, HuzM, Kalbu1, Nahiru, Sa-
pünu, (Co) Kakkullanu111**
(b) Guards:
(bi) King's personal guards: (An) Kalbi-Aia
(b2) Royal bodyguards: (An) Barbaranu, Imárí, (Co) Kakkullanu1, Kakkullanu11
(bs) Gate guards: (PJ) Arzani
(c) Charioteers:
(ci) Chariot fighters: (An) Igla
(02) Chariot drivers: (An) Nahiranu
(03) "Third man" charioteers: (An) Murasü
(d) Cavalrymen: (An) Swanu1
(e) Commanders:
(ei) Cohort commanders: (Co) Kaldkullanu17
(62) Team commanders: (An) Kalbun
(f) Horse trainers: (An) Kapíru, Quqü'a1
Total of people: ^4?? = 18; Co ~ 4 (4 homonyms); Pl = 1
* Or team commander [1.162], ** Mentioned as a witness among military officials who
are also witnesses for a cohort commander.
255. Both the architect Kalbu and the prophet Quqí seem to be connected to the royal court of Nineveh,
seePNA,pp,598b, 1018b.
256. Asqüdu is explicitly mentioned as LÚ*.A.BA rsa AMA1"1—MAN, "scribe of the queen mothef (SAA 6,
325,2),seePNA,p. 137a.
257. The professionaVsocial onomastic groups are listed according to two-figures-only niunbers (1,0,
1.1,1.2, ...2.0,2.1, etc.).
1.2. State officials (9 people)

(a) Officials: (Ári) Kalbi-Ukü, (Co) Kakkullanuv*
(b) Officials in charge of deportees: (An) Süsü'a
(c) Officials responsible for building activities: (An) Igli1
(d) Officials responsible for horses: (Pl) Me'isu1
(e) Recruitment officials: (Ari) Sasi
(f) Officials in charge of groups of people: (Pl) Arzaiu
(g) Governors: (Pl) Me'isu11
(h) Village managers: (An) Iglanu
Total of people: An = 5; Co = 1; Pl = 3 (2 homonyms)
* Uncertain.
1.3. Palace employees andservants (4 people)

(a) Employee responsible for the royal tomb: (Co) KakkullánuVI
(b) Associated with the Review Palace of Kalhu: (Pl) Me5Isum
(c) Servants of the palace supervisor: (Pl) Sansarüru
(d) Women belonging to the palace: (Ari) Arbltu
Total of people: An= l;Co= l;Pl = 2
1.4. Other servan ts (1 per son)

(a) Outriders: (Ari) Quqü'a™
Total of people: An = 1
1.5. Temple group (8 people)

(a) Prelates: (Ari) Huzalu1
(b) Priests: (Ari) Harriru*
(c) Temple enterers: (PrI) Hulalu
(d) Associated with the Assur Temple: (Pl) Süsa
(e) Temple farmers: (Co) Kakkullánuvn
(f) Temple scribes: (Co) Kandalanu111
(g) Temple servants: (Ari) Nasrá
(h) Temple offerings administrator : (An) TM
Total of people: An = 4;Co = 2;Pl=l; Prl= 1
* Uncertain.
1.6. Dependents (IB people)

(a) Dependents: (Ari) Gura, HuzTru, Iglin, Süranu11, (In) Gugi, Sasu, Simsimanu
(b) Dependent farmers: (An) Bassüná, Laba3u, (Pl) Danduru
1 68 SALVATORE GASPA
(c) Dependent bronzesmiths: (PT)

(d) Dependent women: (An) Anaqatu
(e) Staff member of the household of the governor: (An) Gurraru
Total of people: An = 8; In = 3; Pl = 2
L7. Craftsmen (17 people)

(a) Bronzesmiths: (An) Hunisa
(b) Goldsmiths: (PT) Süsía1
(c) Tanners: (An) Hurápu1, (PT) Erenu
(d) Bow-makers: (An) Nüni/NCO
(e) Carpenters: (An) Pushu
(f) Bakers: (An) Quqtfa11, Quqü3am
(g) Oil-pressers: (An) Asqüdu1, (Co) Kandalanun
(h) hunduraim'?59 (An) Süsu1
(i) Merchants: (In) Nabüzá", (PrI) Sabira
(j) Tailors: (Pl) Süsi1*, (Co) Kandalanu1
(k) Belt-makers: (Co) Küza
(1) Horse-traders: (An) Igli17
Total of people: An = 9 (2 homonyms); Co = 3 (2 homonyms); In = 1; Pl = 3; PrI- 1
* Perhaps he is the same person named Süsin who is attested also as a landowner
[1.13a].
L8. Workers and other professional groups (5 people)

(a) Workers: (An) Igilu1, Igilun
(b) Architects: (An) Kalbum
(c) Head porters: (An) Quqtf
(d) Messengers: (An) IJuzalu11
Total of people: An = 5 (2 homonyms)
1,9, Countrymen (7 people)

(a) Farmers: (An) Igilu111*, Ta'la1, Ta5lan
(b) Gardeners: (An) Amaba, Ta5lam
(c) Shepherds: (Co) Kurza
258, Another possible variant of this ñame may be the form lpu-us-hi which is mentioned in ND 5450
r.8 (Iraq 19 [1957], pl. XXDQ, see PNA, p. lOOOb.
259. For an interpretation of the professional term hunduraiu as refening to crañsmen of Mannean ori-
gin and probably "specialized in weaving activities", see Fales - Jakob-Rost 1991, pp. 23-24.
REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES IN THE NEO-ASSYR1AN ANTHROPONOMY 169
(d) Fowlherds: (Co) Kandalanu^

Total of people: An = 5 (3 homonyms); Co = 2
* Possibly a farmer, since he is mentioned along farmers.
U O, Slaves (15 people)

(a) Slaves: (An) Akbaru1, Akbaran, Áribu, Iglím*, Lubama, Süsun**, (PJ) Mura, (Co)
Kandalanuv, KandaláW^1
(b) Slave women: (An) Akbará, Hazalán, Uqüputu, (PT) Bidü, (PrI) Inqaia1
(c) Slave girls: (Co260) Püt-upnisu
Total of people: An = 9 (2 homonyms); Co = 3 (2 homonyms); PJ = 2; PrI— 1
* And landowner [1.13a]. ** Possibly a slave.
1.11, Deportees (2 people)

(a) Female deportees: (Co) Mar-gubb!*, (PrI) Inqaia11**
Total of people: Co = 1; Prl= 1
* Probably a deportee, since she is mentioned among other possibly female deportees.
** Unclear, but probably a deportee,
1.12, Debtors (1 per son)

(a) Debt bondswomen: (An) Sasüâ
Total of people: An~\ Qwners (11 people)
(a) Landowners: (An) Aradu, Huzalu111, Séranu1, (PT) Burásu, Mesimesi, Süsin, Süsim,
(Co) Kandalanu^*
(b) Recipients of estates: (An) Asqüdu^**
(c) Slave owners: (An) Akbüru1, Akbüru11
Total of people: An = 6 (2 homonyms); Co = 1; PJ = 4 (2 homonyms)
* Uncertain. ** Or a dependent.
1.14, Courtmembers (2 people)

(a) Court members: (PT) Süslan
(b) Bearded eourtiers: (An) Seranu11*
Total of people: An=\;Pl=l
* He is also a tailor [l.Tj],
260. The interpretation of this name as referring to a "container", however, is doubtfill, see § 1.1.4.
170 SALVATORE GASPA
U'5, RuHng élite (2 people)

(a) Princes: (Ari) Hurapu11
(b) Kings : (Co) Kandalanu1*
Total of people: An = 1; Co = 1
U 6. Scholars (4 people)
(a) Scholars: (Ari) Kalbu™
(b) Physicians of the royal court: (Ari) Asqüdun, (Pl) Puglu
(c) Exoreists: (Ari) Arrabun
Total of people: An = 3; Pl = 1
1.17, Prophets (1 person)

(a) Prophets: (Ari) Quqi
Total of people: An=\ Scribes (6 people)
(a) Scribes: (Ari) Asqüdum*, Quqün, Quqü3av, (Pl) Dandaru, Me'isu^, (Co)
Kandalanu™
Total of people: An = 3;Co=l;Pl = 2
* And owner [1.13a] of a part of the town of Dannaia.
1.19, Foreign leaders (5 people)

(a) Commanders: (Ari) Nesu
(b)Kings:(^7?)Akbarum
(c) Rulers: (In) Gindibu5, (Co) Kanda*
(d) Governors: (Ari) Sü'ali*
Total of people: An = 3;Co=l;In=l
* Uncertain.
1.20. Crimináis (1 person)

(a) Sheep-rustlers: (Pl) Me5Isuv
Total of people: Pl=\ Chronolosical Distribution
2.1. Assurnasirpal II (883-859)

Temple group: (Ari) Huzalu1 [1.5a]
Total of people: An=l
2.2. Shalmaneser III (858-824)

Foreign leaders: (In) Gindibu3 [1.19c]
Total of people: In—\ Adad-mráñ III (810-783)
Military group: (Ari) Himarí [l.la], Imán* [I.lb2], Süránu1 [l.ld], (Có) Kakkullánu1
Dependents: (An) Gummi [1.6e]

Crañsmen: (An) Hurápu1 [1.7c], (Pl) Erenu [1.7c], (Có) Kandalanu1 [1.7j], (PrI) Sablru
[1.7Í]
Workers and other professional groups: (An) Igilu1 [1.8a], Igilu11 [1,8a]
Slaves: (An) Áribu [1.10a]
Owners: (An) Arádu [1.13a]
Court members: (Pl) Süsia11 [1.14a]
Ruling élite: (An) Hurapu11 [1.15a]
Total of people: An=W (2+2 homonyms); Co = 2;Pl = 2; Prl= 1
* Uncertain, possibly Slm V or Asd III.
2.4. Assur-dan III (772-755)

Crañsmen: (An) Nüni [1.7d]
Total of people: An=\ Tiglath-pileser III (744-727)
Military group: (An) Hazalá1 [l.la]

Palace employees and servants: (An) Arbitu* [1.3d], (Pl) Sansarüru [1.3c]
Temple group: (Co) Kandalánu111 [1.5f]
Dependents: (In) Sasu [1.6a]
Crañsmen: (Pl) Süsia^l.Tb]
Slaves: (An) Akbaru1** [1.10a]
Deportees : (Co) Már-gubbí [l.lla]
Court members: (An) Seranu11* [1.14b]
Total of people: An = 4;Co = 2;In=l;Pl = 2
* Or Sg II. ** Or Slm V or else Sg II.
2.6. Shalmaneser V (726-722)

Owners: (An) Huzalu111 [1.13a]
Total of people: An=l
172 SALVATORE GASPA
Z7, Sargon 11(721-705)

Military group: (Ari) Arrabu1* [l.la], Gadjá [l.la], HuzM [l.la], Kalbu1 [l.la], Kalbu11
[Ue2], Nahiru [l.la], Quqü'a1 [l.lf], Sapunu [l.la], (Co) Kakkullánu11 [l.lbj
State officials: (Ari) Igli1 [1.2c], KalbMJkü [1.2a], Sasi [1.2e], (Pl) Arzaiu [1.2f],
MeW* [1.2d]
Temple group: (Prí) Hulalu [1.5c]
Dependents: (Ari) Huzrru [1.6a], (Pl) Me'isu™ [1.6c]
Craftsmen: (Ari) ijunisa [1.7a], (Pl) Süsi1 [l.Tj], (Co) Küz§ [l.Tk]
Coimtrymen: (Ari) Amaba [1.9b], Ta'lá1 [1.9a], Ta'lá111 [1.9b], (Co) Kurza [1.9c]
Slaves:(^)Iglim[1.10a]
Owners: (Ari) Seranu1 [1.13a], (Pl) Süsin [1.13a]
Scribes: (Ari) Quqü3av [1.18a]
Total of people: An = 19 (2+2+2+2 homonyms); Co = 3; Pl= 5 (2+2 homonyms); Prl= 1
* Uncertain.
2.8, Sennacherib (704-681)
Military group: (Ari) Nahiranu [1.102]
Temple group: (Co) KaÓoillanu^ [1.5e]
Dependents: (Ari) Anaqatu [1.6d]
Craftsmen: (Ari) Asqüdu1* [1.7g], Quqü5an [1.7f|, (Iri) Nabüza [1.7i]
Slaves: (Ari) Akbara [l.lOb], Uqüputu [l.lOb], (Pl) Bldu [l.lOb], Mura [1.10a], (Co)
Kandalanuv [1.10a], Kandalanu^ [1.10a]
Scholars: (Ari) Kalbu™ [1.16a]
Scribes: (Pl) Dandaru [1.18a], Me'Tsu^** [1.18a]
Total of people: An = 7; Co = 3 (2 homonyms); In=l;Pl = 4
* Uncertain. ** And Esh.
2.9. Esarhaddon (680-669)

Military group: (An) Murasü [1.103]
Other servants: (Ari) Quqü'a™ [1.4a]
Craftsmen: (Ari) Quqü3am [1.7Í]
Workers and other professional groups: (Ari) Kalbum* [1.8b]
Slaves: (Ari) Akbarun [1.10a], Hazalán [l.lOb]
Owners: (Ari) Akbüru1 [1.13c], (Pl) Mesimesi [1.13a]
Scholars: (Ari) Asqüdu11* [1.16b], (Pl) Puglu* [1.16b]
Prophets: (Ari) Quqí* [1.17a]
Foreign leaders: (Ari) Akbarum [1.19b], (Co) Kanda [1.19c]
Total of people: An = 10 (2+2 homonyms); Co = 1; Pl = 2
* Or Asb.
2JO. Assurbanipal (668-630)

Military group: (An) Kalbi-Aia [l.lbi], (Pl) Arzani [I.lb3], (Co) Kakkullanum [l.la],
Kakkullánu^tl.leí]
State offícials: (An) Iglanu [1.2h], (Co) Kakkullanuv [1.2a], (Pl) Me'isu11 [1.2g]
Palace employees and servants: (Pl) Me5Isum [1.3b]
Dependents: (An) Bassüná [1.6b], Gura [1.6a], Laba5u [1.6b], Süranun [1.6a], (In) Gugí
[1.6a]
Craftsmen: (An) Pushu [l,7e], Süsu1* [1.7h], (Co) Kandalanu11 [1.7g]
Workers and other professional groups: (An) Quqü1 [1.8c]
Countrymen: (An) Ta5lan [1.9a]
Slaves: (Co) PüVupmsu [UOc]
Debtors: (An) Sasü'a [1.12a]
Owners: (Pl) Süsim [1.13a]
Ruling élite: (Co) Kandalanu1* [1.15b]
Scholars : (An) ArrSbun [1.16c]
Scribes: (An) Asqüdum [1.18a], Quqün [1.18a]
Foreign leaders: (An) Nésu [1,19a]
Total of people: An = 15 (2 homonyms); Co - 6 (3+2 homonyms); In = 1; Pl = 4 (2
homonyms)
* Or later.
2.11, After Assurbanipal

Military group: (An) Barbaranu [l.lb¿|, Iglá [1.1 cj
Palace employees and servants: (Co) KakkullanuVI [1.3a]
Dependents: (An) Iglin [1.6a], (In) Simsimanu* [1.6a], (Pl) Danduru* [1.6b]
Slaves: (An) Süsun [1.10a]
Owners: (Pl) Burasu [1,13a]
Scribes: (Co) Kandalanu™ [1.18a]
Total of people: An = 4; Co = 2; In = 1; Pl = 2
* Aei.
2.12. Individuáis assigned to the 81 century

Crimináis: (Pl) Me3Isuv [1.20a]
Total of people: Pl=\ IB. Individuáis assigned to the 71 century
Temple group: (An) Nasra [1.5g], (Pl) Süsa [1.5d]

Countrymen: (Co) Kandalanuvra [1.9d]
Owners: (Co) Kandalánu™ [1.13a]
174 SALVATORE GASPA
Slaves: (Prl) Inqáia1 [1.1 Ob]

Deportees: (Prl) Inqáia11 [l.lla]
Total of people: An = 1; Co ~ 2 (2 homonyms); Pl = 1; Prl— 2 (2 homonyms)
2,14, Not chronologícally assignable

Military group: (An) Kapíru [l.lf]
State offícials: (An) Süsü'a [1.2b]
Temple group: (An) Harriru [1.5b], Türi [1.5h]
Craffcsmen: (An) Igli™ [1.71]
Workers and other professional groups: (An) Huzalu11 [1.8d]
Countrymen: (An) Igilum [1.9a]
Slaves: (An) Lubama [1.10a]
Owners: (An) Akbüru11 [1.13c], Asqüdu™ [1.13b]
Foreign leaders: (An) Sü°alí [1.19d]
Total of people: An=\l
3.2 Remarks on the Social and Professional Distribution of Some Personal Ñames
From the first classification, it can be easily deduced that a large majority of the per-
sonal ñames built according to animal and container ñames occurs in the military group;
plant and insect ñames, however, are more frequently attested respectively in the groups
of owners and of dependents. As to the chronological classification, the documentation
from the Sargon and Assurbanipal periods provides more information about this ono-
mastic sample, probably as a reflex of the general state of the chronological distribution
of the NA documents. More precisely, animal and plant ñames frequently occur in the
onomastics of Sargon's reign, whereas the ñames referring to containers are attested
more frequently during the reign of Assurbanipal. Further, the chronological evidence
about the onomastic distribution shows that the majority of individuáis bearing animal
ñames can be found in Sargon's military group. On the presence of the West Semitic
ñames in the sample, the ratio between the attested West Semitic ñames and the other
ñames261 during the best onomastically documented reigns of Adad-néran in, Tiglath-
pileser ni, Sargon II, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and Assurbanipal, is respectively of
6:15, 3:8,18:26, 8:15, 7:12,13:26, whereas in the period after the reign of Assurbanipal
the ratio is 5:9, It is clear that the highest number of West Semitic profane ñames is par-
261. The ñames Sansarüru, Puglu, HuzTrí and HuzTru have been excluded because it is not clear whether
they are Akkadian or West Semitic, see § 1.1.3,1, and § 1,1,1,1,2.
ticularly concentrated in the reigns of Sargon and Assurbanipal, and espeeially in that of
the former.262
As for the specific contexts in which these ñames occur, a large part is attested in
several social and/or professional groups, though in different proportions, For example,
the ñame Kakkullanu is by no means limited to a single group only, since individuáis
bearing this ñame can be easily found among soldiers, state officials, palace employees
as well as temple farmers, Similarly, Kandalánu is attested as the ñame of a scribe, of
an oil-presser, of a tailor, of a fowlherd, of two slaves, of a landowner, and, last but not
least, of the man who was installed by Assurbanipal as the king of Babylonia (647-627)
after the revolt of Samas-sumu-ulon, The same applies to ñames like Meîsu and to
ñames referring to rodents, espeeially the several onomastic variants meaning "jerboa".
As for the group of slaves, ñames referring to rodents can be found also in the onomas-
tics of free-born people. In fact, such popular ñames are attested also among socially
high-ranking individuáis, i.e. priests, owners, scholars, scribes and foreign leaders.
Similarly, ñames meaning "gazelle" are attested not only in socially low groups, but
also among priests and owners. The diffusion of free-born ñames in the slaves' onomas-
tics probably depends on the fact that these people were originally free, but had been
sold or had sold themselves because of debts.263 A particular case could be represented
by the ñame Püt-upmsu, meaning "His prayer bowl(?)" or "His prayer(?)": it was borne
by a slave girl from Assur, according to a document of the reign of Assurbanipal (YAT
9844:6). This ñame is also borne by another woman, who is mentioned in a text dated to
the period following the reign of Assurbanipal (ND 3441 e.7 =Iraq 15 [1953], pl, XII);
this confirms that it was probably peculiar to the feminine onomastics, although there is
no additional information about the social role of the second woman. From this evi-
dence, I can only tentatively suggest that Püt~upnísu might have been a proper ñame of
a slave, i.e. a ñame given to the slave by her owner. Accordingly, it can be compared
with other possibly slave ñames which were essentially aimed at expressing the prayer
r^CA
for the welfare of the slave owner. As a "prayer replica", and from the point of view
262. This picture substantially coincides with Fales's suggestion that the number of West Semitic ñames
was espeeially high during the reign of Sargon but progressively waned in the following period, see
Fales 1991, pp. 115-116. Our present sample, however, shows that there is a considerable number
of West Semitic ñames also in the age of Assurbanipal.
263. This has been suggested for the evidence of Oíd Babylonian slave onomastics, see Harris 1977, pp,
47-48, On the selling of children into temporary slavery see van der Toorn 1996, p, 30 and rh. 130
for more literature.
264. For an introductory study of the main typologies of Akkadian slave ñames, espeeially of slave
ñames honouring their owner, see Stamm 1939, pp. 307-314, and Harris 1977, pp. 46-51.1 would
suggest that slave owners used to change ñames also in the NA period. Thus, among the slaves
176 SALVATORE GASPA
of her owner and name-giver, then, also the ñame of the slave girl Püt-upmsu could rep-
resent a further manifestation of the owner's devotion towards his god.265
The study of the homonymy occurring in onomastics is also very interesting,
especially in those cases in which homonymous individuáis belong to the same or very
similar professional/social groups. For example, two individuáis named Quqtfa are at-
tested in Assur. One is the chief baker Quqüâ, son of Ahu-lamur, who is mentioned in a
text of the reign of Sennacherib. The other too is a baker, who is documented in the age
of Esarhaddon. What kind of relation between them should be inferred? Ubru-Dadi, the
brother of Quqüâ son of Ahu-lamur, was also a baker, as is evident from the contract of
Sebetti-ahu-iddina,266 Was, then, the ñame Quqüâ a ñame especially occurring in bak-
ers' families?
Another case is that of two workers mentioned in a document of Adad-neran III's
reign.267 Both are attested in the Guzana área, and their ñame is Igilu. Another man from
Guzana, bearing the ñame /g/w, is mentioned in a document of Adad-néran Ill's time
OAQ
listing men, probably workers. This onomastic typology clearly shows West Semitic
affiliation and is also documented by similar forms like Iglá, Iglánu, and Igli in Kalhu
and Assur during the Sargonid age as well as after the reign of Assurbanipal. At present,
the documentary evidence does not allow to establish whether such ñames were already
present also in the heartland of Assyria during.the reign of Adad-nerán III or were ex-
clusively characteristic of the Guzana onomastics.
As for the ñame 7a3/«, at least three men bearing this anthroponym are attested,
namely two individuáis of Sargon's reign, mentioned respectively as a farmer and as a
bearing common free-born ñames, there are a few bearing ñames expressing the obedience to the
lord and the servile condition, although these and similar anthroponyms are borne also by people
who are not slaves, see, e.g., La—marianu, "For the lord" (PNA, p. 65 Ib, slave from Kalhu),
Masamá, "Obedience" (PNA, p. 743a, slave woman from Diar-Katlimmii/Magdalu), Masamatanu
"Obedient" (ibid., man from Dür-KatlimmuyMagdalu), Abdanu, "Little slave" (PNA, p. 4b, man
from Guzana), Abdünu, "Little slave" (PNA, p. 8a, three men), Ibdiné, "Slave" (PNA, p. 500a, man
from Guzana), Qallissu, "Slave girl" (PNA, p. 1005a, woman from Assur), It is also possible, how-
ever, that these ñames were referred to the personal god ("the Lord") of the name-bearer.
265. "The slave might be a kind of physical prayer entreating for the longevity and welfare of his or her
owner" (Harris 1977, p. 51).
266. SAAB 9,73, r. 10.
267. TH21,10,14.
268. TH114,12.
gardener, and another farmer, attested in the time of Assurbanipal, Other attestations of
0/^Q
homonymy in NA texts may be explained as simply referring to the same person,
Besides these examples, some anthroponyms may have been variants of a unique
onomastic typology, Interestingly, the two men bearing a ñame based on the West Se-
mitic root hns referring to the "pig" are both attested in a Harran census tablet during
o^ft
the reign of Sargon. As shown above, Humsá is documented as a bronzesmith,
Notably, in the same census tablet where our bronzesmith is mentioned, a man named
O TI
Humsu is also attested. Apart from the similarity of the ñames borne by these two
men, it is remarkable that Humsu is mentioned possibly as the father of the two iron-
smiths Se'-hari and Adad-sallim. May this be another case of coincidence of onomastics
and professional milieu?272
As regards some anthroponyms referring to insects, we do not know whether insect
ñames had a particular meaning in the popular imagery; one wonders why someone was
named "spider", "moth", or "ant". It is very interesting, however, to find all three ñames
r)'~l*) O'?/! 0^7^
(Gwgf, Sasu, Simsimanu ) in a group of individuáis who are mentioned in grant

documents as dependent personnel,276
269. See, for example, the occurrences of Hazálu, which is borne by three men from Dür-Katlimmu/
Magdalu from the reign of Assurbanipal onwards. It is very likely that all these occurrences refer to
the same person, see PNA, p. 469a s. v.
270. SAAll,220,i4 f .
271. ibid., s. ii 2.
272. The recurrenee of particular onomastic typologies within professional groups deserves a more ex-
tensive approach. Special attention should be given to ñames which probably reflected name-giving
fashions in priestly clans. In all likelihood, these were aimed at expressing a sort of sectarian af-
filiation of the name-bearer, as suggested by ñames of some priests of the Anu-Adad temple in As-
sur, e.g. Anu-balHtanm, "O Anu, keep me alive!" (PNA, p. 11 Ib), Anu-Kí~abija, "Anu is like my
father" (ibid.'), Anu-malik, "Anu is counsellor" (ibid.\ "O Anu, protect the king!"
(PNA, p. 112a). Another interesting case is represented by ñames possibly typical of prophets, like
Dunnasa-amur, "I have seen her strength" (PNA, p. 388b), Ilüssa-amur, "I have seen her divinity"
(PNA, p. 535b), Issar-befcdá>yini, "O Istar, strengthen my lord!" (PNA, p. 568a), Issar-la-tasTat,
"Do not neglect Istar!" (PNA, p. 572b), La-dagil-ili, "One who does not see god" (PNA, p. 649b),
Mullissu-kabtat, "Mullissu is honoured" (PNA, p. 766b), Remüt-AIÍati, "Giñ of AUatu" (PNA, p.
1045b), Smqisa-amur, "I have seen her distress" (PNA, p. 114 Ib), Tasmétu-éres, "Tasmetu de-
sired" (SAA 9, 6, r, lie), for which see Parpóla 1997a, pp. IL-LH. The same phenomenon occurs in
Ningiszida-based ñames borne by lamentation-priests, e.g. Nmgiszida-beí-mati, "Ningiszida is the
lord of the land" (PNA, p. 963b), Ningiszida-iqbi, "Ningiszida has spoken/commanded" (ibid.\e
Baker 2002, pp. 5-6. On the change of ñames in connection with the change of familial, social, and
professional status of a person, see the general remarks in Edzard 1998-2001, pp. 109b-l lOb; Rad-
ner 2005, pp. 28-32.
273. SAA 12,27,27.
178 SALVATORE GASPA
As to the topographical distribution of ñames, anthroponyms denoting rodents are

especially attested in Nineveh, Kalhu and Assur during the whole Sargonid age. Also
ñames referring to birds are to be found in the heartland of Assyria, most attestations
stemming from Nineveh and Assur, Speeifieally, the onomastic typology QuqtfalQuqü
is particularly frequent in Assur. From a chronological point of view, ñames referring to
"pelican" are borne by individuáis attested in the reigns of Sargon (Quqüâ1, Quqü^),
Sennacherib (Quqüâ^ Esarhaddon (Quqtfa1*1, Quqüâ™, Quqi), and Assurbanipal
(Quqü1, Quqün).211 This popular interest in aquatic birds in NA Assur might have
possibly stimulated the author of the pelican simile which is used in portraying Marduk-
0*7S
apla-iddina in Sargon's report on his campaign against Bít-Yakm.
3,3 Peculiarities in Family Onomástica in the Evidence of the Patronyms

Finally, I will address another aspect which seems highly relevant when deahng with
onomastics, i.e., the continuity of name-giving based on animáis in family onomastics.
Let us consider the ñame of the homonymous bakers discussed above, Among the nine
persons called Quqüâ mentioned in NA texts, the occupation of only five is known,
Besides the two bakers, a horse trainer, a scribe and an outrider are attested. The in-
formation about their kinship are primarily to be found in the evidence of the patro-
274. SAA12,16,5'.
275. SAA 12,38, r. 4'.
276. The use of animáis and insects in the Mesopotamian gnomic tradition may help in clarifying some
onomastic data, The fly is mentioned, in Alster's words, "in símiles which describe people being
busy everywhere" (Alster 1975, p. 50), for which see the Inanna's Descent passage GIS ig nim-
gim u-mu-un-dal-dal-ze-en, "you must fly around the door like flies" (quoted in Alster 1975,
p. 117). The depiction of habits and daily situations by means of images referring to insects and
little animáis might have had also a humorous as well as a derisory sense, and eonsequently it
might have stimulated the forming of certain popular sayings, like the following examples from a
NA tablet: ina [s]u-ú-qí rku*-za-zu a~na si~i[í]-te ki-i il-li-ku /ha-mit za~re~e ka-pi-su a-na mu-kin-
nu-ú-1e il-su-ú-ni / ha-me-tu KU.KIL it-ta-ad~du-ú bi-re-e-ü / Ti-ncf pu-ut eqli ina KA hur-ri pi-a-zi
n\á\4M~ú-sa na-kis, "As the wood-wasp went along the street to a lawsuit the ... summoned the ...
sand-wasp to witness. The spiders threw the sand-wasp in fetters, and on the edge of the field in the
entrance to the mouse's hole he was cut in pieces" (VAT 8807, r. iv §§ 19-22); [it-]tu~tú ra~na zu*-
um-bi ih~ta-dal pu-un~zir~ru / [EMJE.DIR U[G]U pu-un-zi-ir-ri / [i]t-ta-si~is a-na \i\t~tu~u-ti, "The
spider spun a web for a fly, A lizard was caught on the web, to the spider's disadvantage!" (ibid,,
§§ 23-25), cf. Lambert 1960, p. 220. As noted by Stamm, anthroponyms referring to little animáis
as well as insects may have been used as affective or humorous ñames (Stamm 1939, p. 253). In
fact, in the case of insect ñames a derisory sense is not to be ruled out at all.
277. Qaqá (PNA, p, 1007b) may be possibly added to the ñames mentioned above,
278. Cf.tn. 164, above.
nyms. As for the ñame Quqüâ, a scribe with this ñame is attested in Libbali (Assur)
during the reign of Sargon: he is listed as a witness in a land sale contract and his patro-
nym is also reported. Quqüâ is the son of Sélubu, a ñame which means "fox". No
doubt, the use of animal ñames must have been a custom in Sélubu's family onomas-
97Q
tics. Alternatively, we can consider these ñames as nicknames, In this case it would
be interesting to study what kind of semantic relation existed between by-names
referring to pelicans and by-names referring to foxes in the popular imagery of the NA
age. In any event, the scribe of Libbali and his father bear two well-attested animal
ñames, It is important to stress, however, that if the evidence of the NA onomastics is
considered more carefully, only in few cases the patronyms of the individuáis bearing
animal as well as insect ñames as proper ñames are known. In most attestations the
fathers' ñames, on the contrary, are traditional Assyrian ñames.280
The curious patronymic relation attested in Quqüâ son ofSélubu —in other words,
"Pelican son of Fox"—, is to be compared to another surprisingly similar case, An in-
dividual named Hahhüru2*1 is attested in a NB letter, in all likelihood written in the
reign of Assurbanipal. Few details about this person are known: he is attested in Baby-
lonia and his father's ñame is given, Thus, in a letter of Bel-iddina, this Babylonian is
mentioned as DUMÜ-SÚ sá ^-/[e-'-Z?]/-', "son of Sel[eb]u".282 Curiously, both Hahhüru
279. VAT 9763 r.8. Cf. also the occurrenee of the Babylonian ñame Murasü, "Wildcat", in the
genealogy of the fífth century BC Murasü family in the stemma given by Stolper, cf. Stolper 1976,
p. 192. And see also in the Sumerían King List, among other post-diluvian kings bearing animal
ñames, the "gazelle" ñames of two kings of Kis, e.g. ar-wi-ú~um DUMU mas-dá-ke^, "Arwi'um, son
of Masda" (Jacobsen 1964, pp. 17-18, 80). On the presence of name-giving patterns within the
family see the remarks in Baker 2002, pp. 9-11.
280. Several patronyms of people bearing animal and insect ñames are very conservative forms, e.g.
Bussí, "My cat", son of Issar-na^di (after Assurbanipal); Imáru, "Ass", son of Nabü-iqbi (reign of
Adad-neran III); Kalbu, "Dog", son of Nabü-etir (Sennacherib); Kalbu son of Bun-Aia (Sennach-
erib); Kalbu son of Abu-Samsi (Sennacherib); Kalbu son of Adad-bani-ilani (Assurbanipal); Ak-
baru, "Jerboa", son of Mannu-ki-ahhé (Esarhaddon); Akbüru son of Adda-sumkT (Sargon II); Ar-
nabá, "Haré", son of Sé^-aplu-iddina (Sargon II); Asqüdu, "Hámster", son of Qurdi-iláni (after As-
surbanipal); Nüní, "My fish", son of Samas-nasir (Assur-dan III); Pushu, "Rat", daughter ofNür-
[...] (Assurbanipal); Quqüâ, "Pelican", son ofAhu-lamur (Sennacherib). A similar case is that of
ñames of sons whose fathers bear animal or insect ñames, e.g. Di^bá, "Wolf, father ofAdda-dalá
(Assurbanipal); Harríru, (a mouse), father of Nabü-étir-napsate (date unknown); Hazalu, "Ga-
zelle", father oflddin-ahi (Assurbanipal); Huzálu father ofTappuâ (Assumasirpal II); Pushi, "My
rat/ratty", father of Nür-Samas (Assurbanipal); Gugí, "Spider", father of Adad-ballit (Assurbani-
pal); Zunbu, "Fly", father of Nergal-étir (Sennacherib).
281. SAA18,95,5, 13.
282. Ibid., 5. Note, however, that in PNA l/II (B-G), p. 312b s.v. Bel-iddina (no. 20), the ñame of Hah-
hüru's father is given as Nisaba-uballit, whereas in PNA 2/1 (H-K), p. 439b s.v. Hahhüru, the ñame
180 SALVATORE GASPA
and Quqüâ are ñames denoting birds; and both these individuáis have a father whose
ñame is "fox", if the rendering of Hahhüru's patronym is corred As is well known, the
ñame Selubu shows several variants which however must be referred to the word sele-
bu,m Further, the ñames Hahhüru and Quqifa witness a popular interest in ravens and
pelicans in the NA period, as is evident considering, on the one hand, other proper
ñames refemng to ravens284 (Aribu, Qáribu, and the fictitious onomatopoeic Qua-
qua2*5), and, on the other hand, those denoting pelicans (Quqi, Quqü). Are these ñames
to be understood as nicknames? If so, are these raven and pelican nieknames exprés-
sions of particular clichés? Hahhüru son ofSellibi is a Babylonian of the time of Assur-
banipal, whereas Quqüâ son ofSelebu is attested as a scribe in Libbáli during the reign
of Sargon. Is it possible that the onomastic relation "Raven/Peliean - Fox" itself had a
particular significance, and that it expressed common behavioural traits baown to every-
body in NA period?
In the letter quoted above, Bel-iddina expresses his complaints to the king about the
behaviour of Hahhüru, whose men are defaming his father's house in Babylon. In an-
cient Near Eastern societies calumny was a social misfortune, and was much feared, as
052A
is clear from some NA ñames. Accordingly, the significance of some animal ñames
is now listed as SelHbi, according to the new collation of the text SAA 18, 95 (ABL 780+), cf. Rey-
nolds 2003, pp. 80,223.
283. The various forms of the ñame attested in NA texts are always listed s.w, Selebu and Selubu in the
SAA and StAT 2 Glossaries, cf. SAA 6, p. 336a (Selebu); SAA 14, p. 352b (Selubu); SAA 18, p.
203b (Selebu); StAT 2, p. 254a (Selubu).
284. References to ravens can be found in other NA texts. Take, for instance, the mention of this bird in
a mystical text describing the body of a deity, e.g. Ú.NA.GA.MUSEN (= aribu) ki-pil-sú, "The raven is
his mole" (SAA 3, 39, 9; cf. also ibid., r. 9). Consider also the star named MUL.UGAá~ga, "Raven"
(SAA 8,74, r. 1; 82, 5; 414, r.l, see DDD, pp. 1300-1301 for more referenees),
285. Attested as the ñame of a witness in a contract document (SAA 6, 288, r. 10); this text should not
be taken as parodistic, but, on the contrary, should probably be connected to a eultic context of
devotees associated with the cult of the godNergal, cf. Kwasman - Parpóla 1991, p. 232, fh. 1.
286. Consider, for example, the widely attested motifs referring to denunciation, shame, and ill-wishers
in male personal ñames, e.g. Dannu-karsi, "Calumny is strong" (PNA, p. 378a); Karsi-adur, "I feared
my denuneiation" (PNA, p, 607a); Nabü-karsi-ubás, "Nabü brings calumny to shame" (PNA, p.
838b); Nabü-sarhu-ubása, "Nabü puts the proud to shame" (PNA, p. 873a); Assür-la-kénu-ubása,
"Assur brings the unjust to shame" (PNA, p. 192b); La-abási, "May I not come to shame!" (PNA,
p. 647a); La-abási-ilu, "May I not come to shame, O god!" (PNA, p. 647b); Lá-tubascmni, "Do not
put me to shame" (PNA, p. 656a); La-tubasanni-Adad, "Do not put me to shame, O Adad!" (ibid.);
La-tubasanni-Assür, "Do not put me to shame, O Assur!" (PNA, p. 656b); Lübasanm-Assür, "May
Assur not put me to shame!" (PNA, p, 667a); Lübasanni-tiu, "May god not put me to shame!"
(ibid,); La-tubasanni-Dadi, "Do not put me to shame, O Dadi!" (PNA, p. 657a); La-tubasanni-ilu,
"Do not put me to shame, O god!" (PNA, p, 657b); La-tubasanni-Issar, "Do not put me to shame,
should not be undervalued. As is well known, in Mesopotamian fables and popular

sayings some animáis frequently portrayed human habits, though in a stereotyped
manner. Thus, the fox is commonly connected with cunning, and, accordingly, it may
have been used to describe people who were able to cope in difficult situations, even by
harming somebody else,287 In this case, Bel-iddina explicitly states that the slanderers288
are [E]RIM.MES sá lha-ah-hu-ru, "[m]en of Hahhüru". Thus, also m Hahhüru's case more
ORO
than a mere reference to the ungraceful bird can be found. In fact, besides of "raven",
the term hahhüru is also to be understood as a synonym of "spy", as is clearly attested
in an Oíd Babylonian legal document.290 The particular, troublesome and inquisitive
nature of this bird might have been the reason for using the ñame Hahhüru as a
nickname. But what matters here is the connection which links the patronymic relation
of Hahhüru and Sélebu —"the raven and the fox"— with problems about denigration
O Issar!" (PNA, p. 658a); La-tubasinni, "Do not put me to shame" (ibid.); Libüsü, "May they [i,e.
the ill-wishers] come to shame!" (PNA, p, 661b); Lidbubü, "Let them [i.e. the ill-wishers] speak!"
(PNA, p. 662a); Lidbubu-liba.su., "Let them speak, let them come to shame!" (ibid.); Lidbubü-
lipusü., "Let them speak, let them do [whatever they will]!" (ibid.); Hadé-fipusü, "May the ill-wish-
ers do [whatever they will]" (PNA, p. 438a); Muzammefí-libüsu, "May he who makes me sing come
to shame" (PNA, p, 787b); Assür-gáru*a-nere, "O Assur, kill my adversary!" (PNA, p. 185b),
Nabü-ner-gárüâ, "O Nabü, kill my adversary!" (PNA, p. 858a); Nabü-mr-rasaia, "O Nabü, kill
the one who has Jjpower over] me!" (ibid.); Nabu-ner-hádaia, "O Nabü, Mil the one who gloats over
me!" (ibid.); Assür-gimittu-tére., "O Assur, wreak vengeance!" (PNA, p. 186a), On the importance
of fame, esteem and respect in ancient Babylonian society see van der Tooin 1996, pp. 102-103,
140-142 and fn, 111.
287. Cf. Lambert 1960, pp. 187-189 (introduction to the "Fable of the Fox"), and consider the particular
depiction of this animal, e.g. sa-ra se-Ja-ba, "the truce-breaking Fox" (VAT 13836, 26); en-qu
mus-te-pi-su li-du-ku se-li-bu, "Let them kill the wise one, the sorcerer, the Fox" (K 3641, 18);
[sar\-raq EDIN KA5.A mut-tah~l[ü ..., "the Fox is the thief of the open country, the prowler [on ..."
(K 8570, 8), see id., pp. 194,200,204.
288. E.g. kar-si [sá] ^—AD-ia i-ta-kal, SAA 18, 95,14-15.
289. Note the interest of the Mesopotamian physiognomic tradition on the particular and ridiculous gait
of the raven, e.g. DIS ha-ah-hu-rat-ta GIN UKÚ kur-kat-tam ha-ah~hu-rat-ta GIN, "If he walks like the
raven he will become poor, (that means) that he walks like the goose, like the raven" (Kraus 1939,
no, 22, iv 10); DI§ ha-ah-ku-rat-tam GIN i\\-sár-rum ina la-li-sii ús sá ina GIN-5M IGI AN-e ú-mcm-du-
ú, "If he walks like the raven he will become rich (but) will die in his prime, (that means) that he
measures the surface of the sky when he walks" (ibid., 12).
290. ana hahhürim u munaggirim sa ibbassü PN LUGAL.E BAM.iB,Gl4.Gi4, "(The sakkanakku-ofñciú PN
has taken an oath by the king with regard to the big and the small cattle of the Amontes who are
under the supervisión of PN2, should an ox or a sheep be missing) PN will be responsible to the
king in case a hahhüru or an informer (should prove that) they exist", cf. CAD H, p. 30a s.v. hah-
hüru.
1
182 SALVATORE GASPA
and cheeky impunity. Unfortunately, from the NA anthroponymic data it is not possible
to state whether some animal ñames were indeed used also as nicknames and why. In
the specific case of Hahhüru and Sélebu, we do not know whether these appellatives
were their real proper ñames or by-names; but we know that a ñame like that of the
father of Hahhüru may have been used also as a nickname, as one can see in the case of
the Oíd Babylonian onomastics: a man called Iddin-Lagamal was also mentioned by a
second, different ñame, namely Sélebu, in all probability a nickname,291 Accordingly, if
the ñames of the two Babylonians are more correctly to be understood as Spitznamen,
then in all likelihood they should have expressed behavioural traits that were charac-
teristic of Hahhüru and his father; in other words, the patronymic relation itself might
not have been fortuitous,
In conclusión, this contribution, although based on a very limited onomastic sample,
can be useful for stressing the different and complementary aspects to be taken into ac-
count when dealing with profane onomastics, especially if the aim is to evalúate profane
anthroponomy from the point of view of its reflection of specific social and cultural
settings. Ñames are necessarily to be considered as rooted in their milieus, and the first
task should be to attempt to understand the popular imagery which is behind the choice
of the ñames as well of the nicknames, The NA onomastic examples discussed above
can illustrate some particular beliefs of the ancient Near Eastern peoples, and how they
were expressed in profane ñames. Specifically, it seems that ñames were intended to
give to the person the same qualities of animáis or objects after which they were called.
Ñames could be intended as constitutive parts of the family-based religious attitudes and
practices towards the gods and of the magic sphere as well, as in the special case of
ñames referring respectively to animal offspring and to precious stones, In all likeli-
hood, this concept was rooted in the ancient and widespread popular belief that ñames
OQO
were an inseparable and concrete part of the individual. This aspect has a particular
signifiance in the field of magic, especially of black magic, since the knowledge of a
personal ñame allowed the (magical) control of its bearer.293
291. See Stol 1991, p. 210, who remarks that " 'the Fox' could be a nickname because this animal was
proverbial for its cunning. It also was a common proper ñame", On the use of alternative ñames see
Radner 2005, p. 32. The case of the Oíd Babylonian man Erra-abí ("Erra is my father") is very in-
teresting: he was also called by the animal ñame Arrabum, "Dormouse"; the latter ñame seems to
be based on a derisory mispronouncing of the former, For this ñame see ibid,, fh, 184,
292. See Radner 2005, pp, 15-16.
293. On this particular conception see the J.G, Frazer's classical work The Golden Bough. A Síudy in
Magic and Religión, Part II: Taboo and the Penis oftheSoul (19113), especially chapter 6, § 1, on
personal ñames tabooed, which includes a legión of examples collected from different cultures, see
Frazer 19113, pp, 318-334, Cf. also fh. 13, above.
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State Archives ofAssyria Bulletin

Volume XVII (2008)

REMARKS ON SOME PROFANE ÑAMES

The superintendent is a dog (Sadr ad-dm sag),

This paper is maMy aimed at evaluating some semantically-based typological and

1. Description of samples of profane personal ñames divided into semantic categories;

1. Profane onomastic samples

7.7.7. Animal Ñames

12. Streck2001,p. 114.

1.1,1.1.2 Domestic Animáis

1.1.1.1.3. Wild Animáis

1,1,1,2 Feminine Ñames

ñames only, namely Anáqatu, "She-camel" (fa-72a-g[a-/w?], PNA, p. llOb),88 borrowed

1.1.1.2.2 Wild Animáis

1,1,1,3 Animal Ñames UsedbyBoth Genders

LL2 Insect Ñames

1J3 Plant Ñames

1.1.3,1 Masculine Ñames

1,1.3,2 Feminine Ñames

LL4 Container Ñames

my cistern(?)" (fmar—gu~bi-i, PNA, p. 737b),129 although it does not denote a vessel or

LL5 Precious ítem Ñames

7.7.5.7 Masculine Ñames

7.7.5.2 Feminine Ñames

2.1, Semantic Remarks

141. See Baker 2002, p. 6,

known exempla, such as those referring to animáis and animal behaviours.143 In my

Marduk-apla-iddina setting up his camp on a river island is humorously compared to the

verbial industriousness of ants is expressed in Sargon's texts in portraying the ability of

2.7.2. Animal Ñames as "Kosenamen"

173. Maicus 1977, p. 99,

Z7.5. Animal Ñames in Feminine Nomenclature

which is attested also in post-biblical Hebrew and Arabic onomastics, a nickname

ZL4* Calves, Lambs and Gazelles: Tracing the Symbolic Background

186. SeezW.,p. ICfn. 165.

194. Cf. §2.1.2.

Z7.5 Compamtive Meaning in Container Ñames

designating a profession, namely the rab-kaqquhi, "basket(?) master".

209. E.g, [xxxx] vuG.kan~dul GI§.GE§TIN: SAA 7,130,9.

ñames denoting containers seems to be principally aimed at emphasizing physical pe-

3. Notes for an Evaluation of Ñames and Name-Bearers

3.1. Profane Ñames in their Social and Professional Contexts

collect many different and complementary prosopographical data about an individual,

Onomastic group abbreviations:

LO. Classification bvProfessional and/or Social Grouvs 257

U, Mihtary group (23 people)

1.2. State officials (9 people)

1.3. Palace employees andservants (4 people)

1.4. Other servan ts (1 per son)

1.5. Temple group (8 people)

1.6. Dependents (IB people)

(c) Dependent bronzesmiths: (PT)

L7. Craftsmen (17 people)

L8. Workers and other professional groups (5 people)

1,9, Countrymen (7 people)

(d) Fowlherds: (Co) Kandalanu^

U O, Slaves (15 people)

1.11, Deportees (2 people)

1.12, Debtors (1 per son)

1.14, Courtmembers (2 people)

U'5, RuHng élite (2 people)

1.17, Prophets (1 person)

1.19, Foreign leaders (5 people)