Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou

Art and Archaeology in
Byzantium and Beyond

Essays in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti
and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou
Edited by
Dionysios Mourelatos
B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 3 0 4 6 2021
Art and Archaeology in
Byzantium and Beyond
Essays in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti
and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou
Edited by
B A R I N T E R NAT I O NA L S E R I E S 3 0 4 6 2021
Published in 2021 by
BAR Publishing, Oxford
BAR International Series 3046
Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond
ISBN 978 1 4073 5648 8 paperback

ISBN 978 1 4073 5390 6 e-format
doi https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407356488
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
© the editors and contributors severally 2021
Cover image based on the Panel with Saint George and a Georgian King
at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai (copyright: Saint Catherine’s
Monastery at Mount Sinai), processed and designed by Elias Kouris.
The Authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs

and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted.
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Of Related Interest
Archaeology of a World of Changes. Late Roman and Early Byzantine Architecture,

Sculpture and Landscapes
Selected Papers from the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies
(Belgrade, 22–27 August 2016) – In memoriam Claudiae Barsanti
Edited by Dominic Moreau, Carolyn S. Snively, Alessandra Guiglia, Isabella Baldini,
Ljubomir Milanović, Ivana Popović, Nicolas Beaudry and Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska
Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2020 BAR International Series 2973
Lucid Transformations
The Byzantine–Islamic transition as reflected in glass assemblages
from Jerusalem and its environs, 450–800 CE
Tamar Winter
Proceedings of the XXth International Congress on Ancient Bronzes

Resource, reconstruction, representation, role
Edited by Philipp Baas
Hadrianopolis IV
Early Byzantine mosaics and frescoes from northwestern central Turkey
Sami Patacı and Ergün Laflı
For more information, or to purchase these titles, please visit www.barpublishing.com
iii
Contents
Preface �� vii
Introduction �� 1
Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Sophia Kalopissi-Verti: Researchers, Professors, Colleagues..................................... 5
1. A
Brief Survey of the Monumental Painting of Chalke in the Dodecanese from the Early Christian
Period to the Beginning of the Period of the Knights (1309)................................................................................... 13
Maria Z. Sigala
2. A Royal Panel at Sinai. Contribution to the Study of Byzantine-Georgian Artistic Relations................................... 21
3. I nterpretative Approaches On the Anthropomorphic Depictions of the Holy Trinity
in Byzantine Monumental Painting........................................................................................................................... 29
Kyriaki Tassoyannopoulou
4. T
he Funerary Representation of a Lady in the Church of Agioi Anargyroi
Outside Kato Sagri on Naxos (First Half of the 13th Century?)............................................................................ 43
Theodora Konstantellou
5. T
he Ιmage of the Ηoly Maccabees in Byzantine Literature and Art: the Case of an
Unknown Depiction in St George at Karynia, Mesa Mani, Peloponnese (1281)................................................... 55
Anna Takoumi
6. ‘ Byzantine’ Saints in Georgian Monuments: Routes of faith – Routes of Art...................................................... 73
Nikolaos Fyssas
7. D
onors, Funerary Inscriptions and Portraits in 15th-Century Constantinople................................................... 81
Nicholas Melvani
8. The Iconographic Cycle of the Revelation of John in the Spelia Monastery at Agrafa, Greece......................... 89
Georgios D. Tsimpoukis
9. Middle Byzantine Architectural Members from the Museum of Sicyon (Vassiliko) in Corinthia.................... 103
Eleni G. Manolessou
10. ‘Lions Frighten Wild Beasts…’: An Inscribed Marble Arch of the Middle Byzantine Period from
the Chalkis Region, Euboea, Greece........................................................................................................................113
Giannis Vaxevanis
11. ‘Inside the Holy Chancelli’: Byzantine Architectural Sculptures from Patmos................................................. 135
Konstantia Kefala
12. Observations On the Altar-Screen of the Late Byzantine Church at Prangi, Thrace ...................................... 147
Maria Kontogiannopoulou
13. Τhe Plough in the Byzantine Material Culture compared to its Western medieval counterpart..................... 157
Sophia Germanidou
14. Traces of Weaving Activity at Halassarna/Kardamaina, Kos/Greece. Preliminary Remarks.......................... 165
Smaragdi Arvaniti
15. Western Influence on Palaeologan Coins................................................................................................................ 173
Pavla Gkantzios-Drápelová
16. Visualizing a Lost Monument of Early Constantinople. The Basilica or Basileios Stoa.................................... 181
Dimitris Chatzilazarou
17. Ludi Scaenici in Late Antique Constantinople: Aspects of Theatre in Late Antiquity...................................... 195
Christina Papakyriakou
18. The Tombs of Gregory and Apasios Pakourianos in the Monastery of the Mother
of God Petritzonitissa at Bačkovo........................................................................................................................... 209
Penelope Mougoyianni
19. Church Architecture in the Mesa Mani during the Thirteenth Century............................................................. 219
Angeliki Mexia
20. The Chapel of the Mother of God in Chorēb: Testimonies for a Lost Sinai Church......................................... 231
Georgia Foukaneli
21. Bosphorus-on-Thames: Neo-Byzantine Architecture in Victorian London ....................................................... 241
George Manginis
Contributors.................................................................................................................................................................... 249
Copyright of the Photos.................................................................................................................................................. 251
v
Figure P.1. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Mystras.
Preface
The present volume is dedicated to both professors of Byzantine Art and Archaeology at the University
of Athens — Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou (Fig. P.1). In honour of their long
term collaboration (see introductory text by P. Petridis), their students decided to organize a conference
after their retirement: this took place in 2014 at the University of Athens (see introductory text by the
organizing committee of the conference). This volume is, in its larger part, the proceedings of this
conference.
For the realization of this book numerous reviewers served with their constructive remarks to improve the
papers of this volume. Many thanks are owed to them. Dr. Doniert Evely offered significant help, improving
the English texts. Finally, I would like to warmly thank the members of the organizing committee of the above
mentioned conference for their assistance at different stages in the preparation of this book.
The book consists of 21 papers, which represent the width of the research interests of both professors;
they have been divided into four units and each unit is set in chronological order.
The first unit is dedicated to Byzantine and Post-Byzantine painting, including papers on wall-paintings
and icon paintings: it is made up of eight offerings. The second unit contains four papers: their theme is
Byzantine sculpture, showcasing examples from different regions of the Byzantine Empire. The third unit
concerns material culture (coinage and minor arts); it has three papers. The fourth and final unit concerns
architecture and topography in Byzantium and beyond; with six papers, it tackles matters of topography in
Byzantine cities and pilgrimage sites, and investigates aspects of Byzantine architecture and its perception.
Overall this volume offers new perspectives on familiar topics, as well as new material for discussion. We trust
and believe that it successfully represents the collaboration and the range of interests of the honorary professors.
Most of all, it is an offering from their grateful students to acknowledge the help, support and advice so unstintingly
received.
vii
Introduction
The idea of organizing one conference to honour two

professors may seem unusual, but it merely reflects the
esteem they jointly enjoy in the hearts of their students.
Further, given their long cooperation in numerous research
projects, undergraduate and postgraduate seminars, and
postgraduate and doctoral theses, the resolution is actually
quite logical and appropriate.
Their collaboration started when they first met at the

University of Athens as assistants to Professor N.
Drandakis and joined his research in the Mani during the
late 1970s. Later in the early 1980s, the pair started their
own joint research program in Epidauros Limira. However
their partnership blossomed fully when they collaborated
as co-directors in the excavation of the settlement of
Early Christian Halasarna (modern Kardamaina) in Figure I.1. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-
Kos, that began in 1985 (Fig. I.1). This was followed by Kesisoglou, Kardamaina, Kos.
another similar project, the survey and excavations being
undertaken by the Hellenic Mission in South Sinai since Numerous indeed are the students who have participated in
1998 (Fig. I.2). In the framework of these projects they their research projects, excavations, seminars and outings,
gave numerous of their students the chance to participate benefitting from their generous and sharing spirits and minds.
and acquire formative research experiences and memories.
Because of the enormous number of students they have
Moreover, they organized together educational excursions taught in the almost forty years of their careers, we were
(Fig. I.3) and undergraduate and postgraduate seminars. compelled to invite to the scheduled conference only those
Figure I.2. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Nikolas Fyssas, Dionysis Mourelatos, Sinai.
1
Introduction
Figure I.3. Educational excursion, Ag.Achileios, Prespes.
who had had at least one of them as their supervisors, it attracted hundreds of attendees in January 2014 at
although mostly it turned out they had studied with both. the central building of the University of Athens. A great
success (Figs. I.4 & I.5), it was a fitting celebration and
The conference was entitled “Perceptions of Byzantium: display of esteem.
Tradition and Ruptures”. With almost 40 lectures given,
Figure I.4. University of Athens, reception of the conference in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria
Panayotidi-Kesisoglou.
2
Introduction
Figure I.5. University of Athens, reception of the conference in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-
Kesisoglou.
This volume — the majority of its papers were presented

at this conference — is another and more permanent
way to demonstrate our respect and to acknowledge our
professors’ stimulating academic input.
It is dedicated to them both from all their students.
The organizing committee
Smaragdi Arvaniti
Charikleia Diamanti
Nikolaos Fyssas
Anna Takoumi
3
Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Sophia Kalopissi-Verti:
Researchers, Professors, Colleagues
Prologue
It is a time-honoured tradition in university institutions –

when the administrative machine obliges teachers to cease
work once they have reached a certain tally of years –
that sooner or later the time will come when they will be
themselves honoured by those who benefited most from
their years in office, namely their students. It is considered
that there is no greater pleasure for older academics than
for their juniors to take up their mantles, to follow their
teachings on the paths laid down, not blindly obedient to
their laws, but because they whole-heartedly believe in
such an approach to research and life. But in fact what
Figure P.1. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-
greater joy is there for the students than to reciprocate in Kesisoglou, Saint Mark, Venice.
kind, even in the simplest of ways, for the succour they
have received, by publicly expressing their gratitude by
word and deed? …..
Lay stronger foundations now,
Maria-Aphrodite Panagiotidi-Kesisoglou and Sophia So that war cannot destroy them.
Kalopissi-Verti (Fig. P.1) were jointly honoured in 2014 Dig deep. So what if many have forgotten you.
by a conference organized1 by their students. They now One day, they too will remember
present in this volume their scientific contributions as a The weight you carry on your shoulders like Atlas,
just recompense for what they have learned from the two Patience! Build the castle of society, wise man!4
in the lecture-room and in the field. At the same time, (from the translation by Evelyn Kritikos)
an honorary volume has been published for the first in
2014,2 while another has being published very recently Without a doubt in the forty or so years of their teaching
for the second,3 thus completing the circle of respect and careers, the honorees have imparted knowledge, but
gratitude. so much more have they sculpted souls, tirelessly
and selflessly. They dug deep indeed – literally and
In searching for a topic and approach that perfectly metaphorically – not only on the excavation sites, but
epitomises the two professors, I think that above all such also with the souls of their students, to establish therein a
must reflect their most obvious quality: that of the teacher solid foundation of science. And they lifted many a heavy
and the mentor. The lyrics of a moving poem by Kostis weight – in truth and in metaphor again – even after their
Palamas, dedicated to the Master, automatically spring to retirement, as they both remain active in research as well
mind. This poem, while perhaps a little high-flown for our as in tutoring.
own down-to-earth lyrical measures, nonetheless perfectly
captures those qualities that we could hope to recognize As students
in many university teachers and certainly in our two
honorees: Starting from quite separate backgrounds, and being
of different temperaments (and therefore happily
Chisel souls, once more, teacher! complementary), Maria Panayotidi and Sophia Verti,
….. after completing their first course of study at the National
Build your castle, wise teacher! and Kapodistrian University of Athens, carried on their
development in two different “schools” of Byzantinology.
1
The Scientific Meeting at Athens (January 30-February 1, 2014) held MP followed the French way, having as her teacher André
in honour of the Emeritus Professors of the National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens, Sofia Kalopisi-Verti and Maria Panagiotidi-
Grabar; whilst SV continued on a German one – or, more
Kesisoglou: their students at the Faculty of History and Archaeology
speak on and dedicate to them subjects on the theme of Perceptions of
Byzantium. Tradition and ruptures. K. Palamas, To the Master. The poem has been set to music by H.
4
2
Petridis, Foskolou 2014. Stasinos (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xewvPW4dIxo) and by V.
3
Diamanti, Vassiliou 2019. Tsantilas (https://soundcloud.com/vasilis_tsantilas/the-teacher).
5
Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Sophia Kalopissi-Verti
Figure P.2. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Mani.
precisely, in German – with Professors Claus Wessel lasted from 1976 to 1983. The fruit of this study and also
and Hans Georg Beck in Munich and then Beat Brenk in of their more general involvement with the monumental
Basel, where she also took a postgraduate course. Maria painting of the Mani region was a series of joint6 and
Panayotidi was awarded a doctorate by the University of individual articles.7 It also saw the first generation of
Paris with her thesis Les monuments de Grèce depuis la students, following in their footsteps in the field of
fin de la crise iconoclaste jusqu’à l’an mille and Sophia Byzantine monumental painting.
Kalopissi received her doctorate from the University of
Munich with a dissertation on Kirche der Hagia Triada This cooperative research was to continue in 1985
bei Kranidi in der Argolid (1244). Ikonographische und when they undertook, together with other colleagues
stilistische Analyse der Malereien.5 in the Department of Archaeology and Art History,
excavation at ancient Halasarna, in the coastal settlement
As researchers of Kardamaina on Kos: here an ancient sanctuary and
the early byzantine settlement that succeeded it, had
Their paths eventually crossed at the National and been desecrated by the attempt to build a hotel. Though
Kapodistrian University of Athens, where Sophia deeply experienced as connoisseurs of Byzantine art,
Kalopissi first worked as a curator at the Archaeological but with little prior and direct experience of excavation
School, and Maria Panayotidi was hired as a curator practices, they undertook not only the excavation but
after serving four years at the Aristotle University of also the training of students in what was a difficult
Thessaloniki. From 1982 to 2001, they were promoted up situation in many ways. They were initially confronted
four teaching grades. not only with the prejudice of the local community and
even aggression on the part of the owners of the plot,
These two up-and-coming Byzantine scholars were united but also with the management problems attending a
by their love for Byzantine painting, under the influence multi-facetted enterprise. That they triumphed is made
of a very important researcher in Byzantine art, the then manifest by the fact that they ran and still run, thirty-five
Professor of Byzantine Archaeology at the University of years on, this successful excavation: this has covered
Athens, Nikolaos Drandakis. most of the now expropriated plot of land; study and
the publication of architecture and small finds proceeds
Their first joint field research, along with other colleagues apace.8 This last stage is taking place under the aegis of a
at the department with whom they served until their
retirement, was the recording and study of Byzantine and 6
Drandakis et al. 1978; Drandakis et al. 1979; Drandakis et al. 1980;
post-Byzantine monuments in the Mani and Epidaurus Drandakis et al. 1981; Drandakis et al. 1982; Drandakis et al. 1983.
Limira, under the direction of Nikolaos Drandakis 7
Kalopissi-Verti 1984; Kalopissi-Verti 1994; Kalopissi-Verti 2003;
(Fig. P.2). Their participation in the research program Kalopissi-Verti 2005; Panayotidi 2005 ; Panayotidi 2006; Kalopissi-Verti
2008-9; Panayotidi 2008-9; Panayotidi 2012.
8
To date, an archeological guide has been published (Alevras, Kalopissi-
Verti, Panayotidi 2006 and Alevras, Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2010),
5
Kalopissi Verti 1975. excavation reports (Alevras et al. 1985 ; Alevras et al. 1986 ; Alevras
6
Figure P.3. University excavation, Kardamaina, Kos (1996).
research project9 led by the co-director of the excavation During their time working on all of the above research
and their inseparable friend, Professor Emerita Georgia projects, yet another common goal was to unite the two
Kokkorou- Alevras. From an educational point of view, collaborators and friends: the creation of a truly original
their most important contribution in this field was work, a tool for all architects, archaeologists and historians
the education in the field of hundreds of students who of Byzantine architecture and sculpture: the Multilingual
received their first excavation baptism in Kardamaina Illustrated Dictionnary of Byzantine Architecture and
(Fig. P.3). From the days of those pioneers in 1985, to Sculpture Terminology, or the “Glossary” as they spoke
whom I have the honour to belong, down to today’s active of it. This titanic work was published in 2010 by the
students, much has changed in the excavation methods. University Publications of the University of Crete, after
And yet nothing has changed one iota: not in the patience thirty years of hard labour and with the participation
with which these teachers took us through our steps in of a select group of collaborators. Unique of its kind,
learning our field-craft, not in managing the harmonious the Glossary, was honoured by the Academy of Athens
coexistence of often different characters, not in enduring (Fig. P.4). In its more than seven hundred pages, one
our craziest plans, and always conducted in that uplifting can search for terms in nine languages, with many terms
spirit of enthusiasm with which we could outface the illustrated by photos or by original architectural drawings
exhausting rhythms of excavation. (to the number of 835 images).11
The next joint research effort of Maria Panayotidi and In the forty years or so – since their careers began until
Sophia Kalopissi was to undertake excavations in Sinai in their receipt of the title of Emeritus Professors, their
1998: in Gebel Musa (Holy Summit), where a three-aisled research interests have not been limited merely to the four
basilica of Justinian’s time is being excavated, and also to main research projects that I have outlined above and to yet
the southeast of the fortification walls of the monastery of other, if smaller ones, such as the Byzantine presence in
St. Catherine. Leading a group of students, they excavated Georgia.12 The books, dozens of reports, talks and articles
and studied in adverse conditions – and not only those of touch on a variety of aspects of Byzantine material culture.
the climate – the traces of the Byzantine presence in the First of all comes the monumental painting of the Middle
area.10 and Late Byzantine periods (Fig. P.5), in all its aspects:
iconography, stylistic analysis, study of workshops, the
social position of and level of literacy among painters,
study of donors and the phenomenon of sponsorship, and
et al. 1987; Alevras et al. 1990) and articles (Alevras, Kalopissi-Verti,
relationship between donors and painters. But also grist to
Panayotidi 1995; Alevras, Kalopissi, Panayotidi 1995-6; Kalopissi- their mill were painting, sculpture, ceramics, architecture
Verti 1998; Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2001). Recently a volume was and epigraphy. Their output overall is an indispensable
published with the proceedings of a conference, held in Kos (Alevras,
Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2020)
reference point for scholars in any specialty.
9
Programme «THALES» of the operational program Education and
Lifelong Learning.
10
The fruits of this effort are the publications: Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 11
Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2010a.
et al. 2002; Kalopissi, Panayotidi 2010b. 12
See Panayotidi, Kalopissi-Verti 2014.
7
Figure P.4. Academy of Athens, receiving a prize for their book on the terminology of Byzantine Architecture and Sculpture.
Figure P.5. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou.
As teachers only in the classroom but also in the educational trip, in

the museum, at the very monument itself, whose correct
If the scholars trained in the excavations they led number comprehension and the revelation of whose secrets they
in the hundreds, and very many are those who wrote were communicating to the neophytes (Figs. P.6, P.7).
dissertations under their guidance on very different topics,
then the students who listened to the two professors in Many of their students took up field archaeology and
lectures, seminars and on educational excursions will have staffed the ranks of the Archaeological Service;
be in their thousands. And all this despite their many some in positions of responsibility. Others followed
internal and external university obligations. Whether it their examples more closely and have won, with their
concerns painting or architecture, small finds (like textiles support, a teaching role either in secondary or tertiary
or ceramics) or any other area of Byzantine material education, as philologists, historians and archaeologists.
culture they have dealt with and taught to their students, Remembrances of their lectures, visits to monuments and,
the ceremonies and mysteries of initiation took place not most of all, discussions had in person remain evergreen in
8
Figure P.6. Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou in the Chora monastery (Constantinople).
Figure P.7. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti in an educational excursion.
their memory. But most of all, they uphold the passion for Ultimately, the thing that their students never forget is the
teaching that they inherited, for the diffusion of knowledge almost maternal affection with which they forgave our
and the search for the historical truth: skills and attitudes mistakes and rashness.
to which they were guided – be it in the classroom, the
office or the excavation storeroom – through dialogue and As colleagues
often disagreement, all parts of a liberating, if at times
painful, process of self-knowledge. During the years in which I was happy serving as a
colleague of Sophia Kalopissi and Maria Panayotidi, in
But those younger generations of students both boys the very Faculty from which I graduated, I continued to
and girls, the colleagues who will enter the professional learn from them on a daily basis. This time, however,
arena in the years to come, they too – and despite the it was not knowledge I got from them. Or rather, not
uncertainties in the profession they have chosen – insist on scientific or academic knowledge. Rather I was taught the
recording the thanks of their own for encouragement and administrative duties of a faculty member: one of the main
help received. aspects that concerned me was the proper functioning of
9
the Faculty, as an autonomous and self-sufficient unit, just Alevras et al. 1987: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση, Σοφία
as they had known and served it faithfully since the 1980s. – Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, ‘Ανασκαφὴ
I learned from them and from other worthy colleagues στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω)’,
that one should not shy away from administrative Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1987, 325–355.
responsibilities even though they do steal valuable time
Alevras et al. 1990: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση, Σοφία
from research; I learned to strive to improve infrastructure.
– Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, ‘Ανασκαφὴ
I also learned from them that one’s responsibilities and στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω), κατὰ τὰ
concerns on schedules and teaching obligations do not stop ἔτη 1988 – 1990’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας
at the way out of the classroom and are not limited to the 1990, 342–367.
preparation and presentation of the lesson, but continue in
the office, hallway, library, wherever the student may seek Alevras et. al. 1995: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση,
out advice or support from his teacher. Σοφία –Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,‘Ανασκαφὴ στην
Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω)’, Κωακὰ
At other times, with their words but more often than not Ε΄(1995), 141–184.
simply by their own example, they have taught me that one Alevras et al. 2001: Αλευρά- Κοκκορού, Γεωργία –
should turn a deaf ear to the sirens of safely following the Λαιμού, Άννα – Σημαντώνη-Μπουρνιά, Ευαγγελία
majority opinion and not to be afraid to stand up for one’s (eds.), Ιστορία – Τέχνη – Αρχαιολογία της Κω, Α΄
beliefs. But equally, I have observed them back down to Διεθνές Επιστημονικό Συνέδριο. Κως, 2–4 Μαΐου 1997
preserve the cohesion and harmony of our working space. (Δημοσιεύματα Περιοδικού «Αρχαιογνωσία» 1),
A t h e n s 2001.
Epilogue
Alevras, Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 1995– 6: Kokkorou-
I will close this short text with a remark that has nothing Alevras, Georgia, Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia and
to do with work, but to an element of character they hold Panayotidi, Maria, ‘Excavations at Kardamaina
in common: modesty. An essentially unpretentious way (ancient Halasarna) in Kos’, Αρχαιογνωσία 9 (1995–
of life is what those of us fortunate to have worked with 1996) 313– 335.
them experienced and will remember. At moments of Alevras, Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2006: Kokkorou-
triumph in their academic careers, when they enjoyed, as Alevras, Georgia, Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia and
they still do, international honours and decorations, when Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Maria, Kardamaina – Ancient
the professional body of Byzantine archaeologists and Halasarna on the Island of Kos: A Guide. The
historians of art rewards them for years on end with high Sanctuary of Apollo and the Early Christian Settlement
positions on their most important academic bodies, such as at Kardamaina (Ancient Halasarna) on the Island of
the Christian Archaeological Society to which they devote Kos, Athens 2006.
and dedicate a lot of time, and both the Greek and the
Alevras, Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2020: Κοκκορού-
International Committee of Byzantine Studies, Maria and
Αλευρά, Γεωργία, Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σοφία,
Sophia walk with absolute modesty and reverence for God.
Παναγιωτίδη-Κεσίσογλου, Μαρία, Όψεις της ιστορικής
διαδρομής ενός αρχαίου δήμου από την προϊστορική
But also with wisdom. And here I will paraphrase the poet
έως και την πρώιμη βυζαντινή περίοδο, Kos 2020.
a little, hoping that you will share with me this exhortation
that is a supplication too: Diamanti, Vassiliou 2019: Charikleia Diamanti, Anastasia
Vassiliou (eds.), Ἐν Σοφίᾳ μαθητεύσαντες. Essays in
Build the palace of society, wise ladies twain!! Byzantine Material Culture and Society in Honour of
Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, Oxford 2019,
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National and Kapodistrian University of Athens 135– 182, tables 114– 130.
Drandakis et al. 1979: Δρανδάκης, Νικόλαος σε
Literature συνεργασία με Σ.Καλοπίση, Μ.Παναγιωτίδη, ‘ Έρευνα
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Σοφία – Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, 156– 214, tables 114– 131.
Μαρία,‘Ανασκαφὴ στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Drandakis et al. 1980: Δρανδάκης, Νικόλαος σε
Αλάσαρνα της Κω)’, Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίδα 1985, συνεργασία με Σ.Καλοπίση, Μ.Παναγιωτίδη, ‘ Έρευνα
Χρονικά, 1–18. στη Μεσσηνιακή Μάνη’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής
Εταιρείας 1980, 188– 246, tables 131–147.
Alevras et al. 1986: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση, Σοφία
– Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, ‘Ανασκαφὴ Drandakis et al. 1981: Δρανδάκης, Νικόλαος σε
στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω)’, συνεργασία με Ε.Δωρή, Σ.Καλοπίση, Β.Κέπετζη,
Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1986, 298–330. Μ.Παναγιωτίδη, ‘ Έρευνα στη Μάνη’, Πρακτικά
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267–304. and Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Maria, Multilingual
Illustrated Dictionary of Byzantine Architecture and
Sculpture Terminology, Herakleion 2010.
συνεργασία με Ν.Γκιολέ, Ε.Δωρή, Σ.Καλοπίση,
Β.Κέπετζη, Χ.Κωνσταντινίδη, Μ.Κωνσταντουδάκη, Kalopissi-Verti – Panayotidi 2010b: Kalopissi-Verti,
Μ.Παναγιωτίδη, ‘ Έρευνα στην Επίδαυρο Λιμηρά’, Sophia and Panayotidi, Maria, ‘Excavations on the
Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1982, 349–466, Holy Summit (Jebel Musa) at Mount Sinai: Preliminary
tables 222–248. Remarks on the Justinianic Basilica’, in Sharon E. J.
Gerstel and Robert S. Nelson (eds.), Approaching the
Holy Mountain. Art and Liturgy at St. Catherine’s
συνεργασία με Σ.Καλοπίση, Μ.Παναγιωτίδη, ‘Έρευνα
Monastery in the Sinai Turnhout, Belgium 2010,
στην Επίδαυρο Λιμηρά’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής 73– 106, figs. 20– 39, plans 1–2.
Εταιρείας 1983, 209– 263, tables 169–178.
Panayotidi 2005: Panayotidi, Maria, ‘Monumental Painting
Kalopissi-Verti 1975: Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia, Die Kirche in the Churches of Mani– a means of expression and
der Hagia Triada bei Kranidi in der Argolis (1244). communication’, in P.Kalamara, N. Roumeliotis and
Ikonographische und stilistische Analyse der Malereien A. Mexia (eds.), Tales of Religious Faith in Mani
(Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia 20). Munich, 1975 (Network of Mani Museums 2), 85–97, Athens 2005.
(PhD thesis).
Panayotidi 2006: Panayotidi, Maria, ‘Παρατηρήσεις για
Kalopissi-Verti 1984: Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σοφία, ‘ Ἡ ένα τοπικό εργαστήρι στην περιοχή της Επιδαύρου
«Σπηλιὰ τῆς Ἁγίας Mαρίνας» στὴ Λαγκάδα τῆς Ἔξω Λιμηράς’, Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής
Mάνης’, in Ἀμητός. Στὴ μνήμη Φώτη Ἀποστολοπούλου, Εταιρείας 27 (2006), περίοδος Δ΄, 193–206.
162– 190, Athens 1984.
Panayotidi 2008–2009: Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,
Kalopissi-Verti 1994: Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σοφία, ‘Ο ναός ‘Σχολιάζοντας τους ζωγράφους. Μερικά παραδείγματα
του Αρχαγγέλου Μιχαήλ στον Πολεμίτα της Μέσα τοιχογραφιών από τη Μάνη’, in Euaggelia Eleutheriou
Μάνης (1278)’, in V. Katsaros (ed.), Αντίφωνον. and Angeliki Mexia (eds.), Πρακτικά Επιστημονικού
Αφιέρωμα στον καθηγητή Ν. Β. Δρανδάκη, Thessaloniki Συμποσίου στη μνήμη Νικολάου Β. Δρανδάκη για τη
1994, 451–474. Βυζαντινή Μάνη, Sparta 2008– 2009, 221–232.
Kalopissi-Verti 1998: Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σοφία, Panayotidi 2012: Panayotidi, Maria, ‘Observations on a
‘Παλαιοχριστιανική λίθινη μήτρα κοσμημάτων από Local Workshop in the region of Epidaurus Limira’,
ανασκαφή στην Καρδάμαινα της Κω’, Δελτίον της in I.Stevovic (ed.), ΣΥΜΜΕΙΚΤΑ Collection of Papers
Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας, Κ΄ (1998), Dedicated to the 40th Anniversary of the Institute for Art
Περίοδος Δ΄, 245–252. History, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade,
Belgrade 2012, 75–289,
Kalopissi-Verti 2003: Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia, ‘Epigraphic
evidence in Middle-Byzantine churches of the Mani: Panayiotidi-Kesisoglou and Kalopissi-Verti 2014:
Patronage and art production’, in M. Aspra-Vardavaki Panayiotidi-Kesisoglou, Maria and Kalopissi-Verti,
(ed.), Λαμπηδών. Aφιέρωμα στη μνήμη της Nτούλας Sophia (eds.), Medieval Painting in Georgia, local
Mουρίκη, vol. 1, 339– 354, Athens 2003. stylistic expression and participation to byzantine
Oecumenicity, National and Kapodistrian University of
Kalopissi-Verti 2005: Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia, ‘Patrons
Athens – Department of Archaeology and History of
and Craftsmen in Mani during the Byzantine and Post-
Art, Athens 2014.
Byzantine period’, in P.Kalamara, N. Roumeliotis
and A. Mexia (eds.), Tales of Religious Faith in Mani Panayotidi et al. 2002: Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, – Καλοπίση-
(Network of Mani Museums 2), 98– 109, Athens 2005. Βέρτη, Σοφία – Φύσσας, Νικόλαος – Μαγγίνης,
Γεώργιος – Φουκανέλη, Γεωργία, ‘Ἀνασκαφὴ
Kalopissi-Verti 2008– 9; Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Σοφία, στὴν Ἁγία Κορυφὴ τοῦ Ὄρους Σινᾶ (Gebel Musa).
‘Επιγραφικές μαρτυρίες από τη βυζαντινή Μάνη’, Προκαταρκτικὰ Πορίσματα.’ Πρακτικὰ Συνεδρίου
in E. Eleftheriou and A. Mexia (eds.), Επιστημονικό «Τὸ Σινὰ διὰ μέσου τῶν αἰώνων», Ἀθῆναι 25–28
Συμπόσιο στη μνήμη Νικολάου Β. Δρανδάκη για τη Νοεμβρίου 1998, Σιναϊτικὰ ᾽Ανάλεκτα Α´, (2002),
βυζαντινή Μάνη, Καραβοστάσι Οιτύλου, 21– 22 Ιουνίου 69–90, εἰκ. 1–12.
2008, Πρακτικά, 89– 97, Sparta 2008– 2009.
Petridis, Foskolou 2014: Πετρίδης, Πλάτων και
Kalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi 2001: Καλοπίση-Βέρτη, Φωσκόλου, Βίκυ (eds.), Δασκάλα. Απόδοση τιμής στην
Σοφία – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, ‘Ταφικὸ συγκρότημα Καθηγήτρια Μαίρη Παναγιωτίδη-Κεσίσογλου, Athens
στον παλαιοχριστιανικὸ οικισμὸ της Αλάσαρνας (σημ. 2014.
Καρδάμαινας) στὴν Κω’, Ιστορία–Τέχνη– Αρχαιολογία
της Κω, Athens 2001.
11
1
A Brief Survey of the Monumental Painting of Chalke in the

Dodecanese from the Early Christian Period to the Beginning
of the Period of the Knights (1309)
Maria Z. Sigala
Abstract: In this article we present the remnants of ten layers of wall paintings on the island of
Chalke, dating from the 6th c. to 1309. They are found in a hermitage and four chapels. Three
Early Christian layers survive at Kellia, an ascetic settlement. St Adrias, a middle- Byzantine
chapel, and Palarniotis or Taxiarches Michael Panormites, a late -Byzantine chapel, were also
of monastic use. Most of the surviving wall- paintings are poorly preserved, with features
common in the provinces of the Byzantine Empire and sometimes archaic. They are valuable
though, both because they include Early Christian murals, which are rare, as well as the best
preserved intact 11c. iconographic program in the Dodecanese, and because they date the
chapels they decorate. This in turn dates “kyphes”, the huts found near the chapels, and makes
it possible to talk about hamlets and monastic settlements on the island of Chalke.
Στη Χάλκη σώζονται τριάντα ένα (31) τοιχογραφικά στρώματα, που χρονολογούνται από
τα μέσα του 6ου έως και τον 19ο αιώνα, σε είκοσι δύο εκκλησάκια (22) και σε κατάσταση
από πολύ κακή έως πολύ καλή. Αδιάγνωστα σπαράγματα τοιχογραφιών σώζονται σε επτά (7)
ακόμα εκκλησάκια.
Στο χρονικό διάστημα που καλύπτει το παρόν άρθρο, κατατάσσεται ο ζωγραφικός διάκοσμος
ενός σπηλαιώδους ασκηταριού, ενός κτιστού κελλιού και τεσσάρων μικρών ναών, με ένα ή
δύο ζωγραφικά στρώματα το καθένα.
Στα μέσα του 6ου-αρχές 7ου αιώνα χρονολογούνται οι τοιχογραφίες του σπηλαιώδους
Ασκηταριού στα Κελλιά, και στα μέσα του 7ου αιώνα και γύρω στα 700 αντίστοιχα, τα δύο
στρώματα τοιχογραφιών στο κτιστό κελλί στην ίδια θέση, στην είσοδο του σπηλαιώδους
Ασκηταριού, στα βόρεια παράλια της Χάλκης, όπου είχαν εγκατασταθεί μοναχοί ήδη από την
παλαιοχριστιανική εποχή.
Στη μεσοβυζαντινή περίοδο ανήκουν πέντε (5) στρώματα τοιχογραφιών σε τρία εκκλησάκια στο
εσωτερικό του νησιού: στον Άι Αντριά στου Άι Αντριά το Βουνό, στον Άι Σάββα (ή Πανορμίτη)
στα Κοίλα και στον Άι Νικήτα στην Αμαλή. Καλύτερα διατηρούνται οι απλοϊκές λαϊκότροπες
τοιχογραφίες του δευτέρου στρώματος του Άι Αντριά, κατά πάσα πιθανότητα μοναστικής
εγκατάστασης, που αποτελούν και το καλύτερο σωζόμενο εικονογραφικό πρόγραμμα του 11ου
αιώνα στα Δωδεκάνησα. Στον Άι Σάββα (ή Πανορμίτη) στα Κοίλα σώζονται σπαράγματα από
δύο μεσοβυζαντινά στρώματα, από τα οποία το δεύτερο χρονολογείται γύρω στα 1200. Τα
λιγοστά σπαράγματα από το πρώτο στρώμα του Άι Νικήτα στην Αμαλή χρονολογούνται κατά
πάσα πιθανότητα στον 12ο αιώνα. Τα προγράμματα και των τριών ναϋδρίων είναι αρχαϊκά. Και
στα τρία σώζονται σταυροί, κυρίως ζωγραφιστοί αλλά και έγγλυφοι στον αρχικό σοβά, που
έχουν μάλλον αποτροπαϊκό χαρακτήρα. Πολύ ενδιαφέροντα είναι τα χαράγματα πλοίου και
σκηνής ψαρέματος στον Άι Σάββα στα Κοίλα.
Η υστεροβυζαντινή περίοδος στα Δωδεκάνησα καλύπτει μόνο τον 13ο αιώνα, εφόσον το
1309 τα νησιά, πλην ελαχίστων, καταλαμβάνονται από τους Ιππότες του Αγίου Ιωάννη
της Μάλτας και, επομένως, ξεκινά για αυτά η περίοδος της Ιπποτοκρατίας. Στο 13ο αιώνα
ανήκουν δύο ζωγραφικά στρώματα της Χάλκης: το δεύτερο του Άι Νικήτα στην Αμαλή, που
έχει χρονολογηθεί γύρω στα 1230–1260, και το πρώτο του Ταξιάρχη Μιχαήλ του Πανορμίτη
στην Πλαγιά, γνωστού και ως Παλαρνιώτη στου Άι Νόφρη το Βουνό, που παρουσιάζει κοινά
στοιχεία με μνημεία του δεύτερου μισού και κυρίως του τέλους του 13ου αιώνα. Πρόκειται και
εδώ για μοναστική, κατά πάσα πιθανότητα, εγκατάσταση.
13
Maria Z. Sigala
Παρά τον αποσπασματικά σωζόμενο διάκοσμο των μνημείων μπορεί κανείς να διακρίνει
τόσο κοινά χαρακτηριστικά με άλλες περιοχές στην περιφέρεια της αυτοκρατορίας, όσο και
επιχωριάζουσες προτιμήσεις στην εικονογραφία.
Η χρονολόγηση των ναών, με βάση τον αποσπασματικά σωζόμενο τις περισσότερες φορές
τοιχογραφικό διάκοσμο, βοήθησε και στη χρονολόγηση των κυφών, των πέτρινων καλυβιών
στην ύπαιθρο της Χάλκης που βρίσκονται κατά κανόνα κοντά στα εκκλησάκια, στην ίδια,
πάνω-κάτω με αυτά εποχή.
Keywords: Dodecanese, Chalke, wall-paintings, Early Christian, Middle-Byzantine, Monasticism,

Asceticism.
On the island of Chalke, thirty-one layers of wall paintings un-datable head, high up on the rock, above the entrance
survive, dating from the mid-6th to the 19th century, to the cave, which probably belonged to a cell that has
distributed between twenty-two chapels. They are mostly collapsed.
poorly preserved.1
Three painted chapels belong to the Middle-Byzantine
Most important amongst them are undoubtedly the mid- period: Ais Adrias on Ais Adrias’ mountain (10th century),
6th to early 7th century wall-paintings of Ascetario, a Ais Savas at Koila (11th century?) and Ais Niketas at Amali
cave hermitage at Kellia.2 They depict the young Christ (12th century).
Emmanuel between the Archangels Michael and Gabriel
who present to him martyrs, the two surviving on his
right offering a wreath and a gospel (Fig. 1.1). Τheir
importance lies both in the rarity of Early Christian wall-
paintings in Greece and especially so in the Dodecanese,3
and in the raising of the question of the existence of
Asceticism in the islands of the Aegean already in the
Early Christian Era.4 There are many references in the
above wall-paintings to Italian monuments, mainly in
Ravenna.5
To the middle of the 7th century is dated the first

layer of wall-paintings in the ‘built cell’ at Kellia,
set at the entrance to the above mentioned Ascetario,
on archaeological grounds combined with the
iconographic features of the surviving full-length
colossal warrior saint (Fig. 1.2a). To around 700
is dated the classical head of the apostle Andrew,
from the second layer in the same cell6 (Fig. 1.2b), Figure 1.1. Ascetario at Kellia.
which resembles mostly that of the archangel in the
church of Drosiani on Naxos (7th century),7 but also
that of the same apostle in Santa Maria Antiqua in
Rome (705–707).8 The scanty fragments of wall
paintings in the ‘built cell’ are as important lyas those
in the Ascetario, not only for their rarity but also for the
proof they provide for the use of the site as a place for
reclusion, at least till the 8th century. To the same group
of wall paintings belongs an isolated, unidentified and
1
Unidentified remnants of wall paintings exist in seven more chapels.
2
Sigala 2009, 151–156, 157.
3
For the surviving Early Christian wall-paintings in the Aegean Islands,
see Sigala 2009, 153 f. 31, 158 f. 70; Mastoropoulos 2007, 67–68;
Drosoyianni 1998.
4
Sigala 2009, 157; Sigala forthcoming.
5
Affinities with the wall-paintings of Rome have been observed apropos
the Early Christian wall-paintings of Naxos. Chatzidakis 1989, 10.
6
Sigala 2009, 156–157.
7
Drandakis 1988, pl. V. Figure 1.2. Built Cell at Kellia: a. Warrior saint (first layer).
8
Nordhagen 1968, 5, 15, pl. VI, IX. b. Head of St Andrew (second layer).
14
A Brief Survey of the Monumental Painting of Chalke in the Dodecanese from the Early Christian Period
a donor in the Dodecanese. In the conch of the prothesis, a

cross incised into the mortar has partly destroyed the angel
depicted there.
The wall-paintings have been dated with some uncertainty,

and without any reference to their two different layers, to
the beginning of the 11th century,10 due to their archaic
iconographic program: except for the Annunciation, only
figures are depicted,11 St Andrew, the patron saint, is
depicted in the conch of the apse12 and frontal hierarchs13
are present both in the sanctuary and the nave.
Stylistically, the two layers are quite close and can be

compared to wall-paintings of ca. 1000 in the Mani.14
Figure 1.3. Ais Adrias on Ais Adrias’ mountain (first layer):
Amongst their main characteristic features are the big red
a. St Andrew. b. St Basil and unknown saint.
spots on the cheeks, the wide red-brown shadows on one
cheek and one side of the neck, the dominant linearity,
the big, wide-open, ecstatic eyes, the straight line which
joins the two inner corners of the eyes and defines the
upper part of the nose. These features generally appear
also in 10th-century wall-paintings.15 If the well preserved
second layer dates to the beginning of the 11th century,
that obviously gives an even earlier date for the first layer
and the chapel itself.
The importance of the monument, in spite of the simple

and ‘popular’ character of its wall-paintings, is profound.
It preserves a small sample of 10th century or even earlier
Figure 1.4. Ais Adrias on Ais Adrias’ mountain (second wall-paintings in the Dodecanese (first layer). It also
layer): a. The Annunciation. b. An archangel. preserves, almost intact, a Middle-Byzantine iconographic
program, presenting archaic features (second layer).
Ais Adrias (St. Andrew), with a tripartite bema, most To around 1100 or even a bit later could be dated the
probably a small monastic establishment,9 is full of wall- first of the two layers of wall-paintings in Ais Savas (or
paintings, on two different layers. Fragments of the first Panormites) at Koila, which also bears a tripartite bema.
layer are preserved in the southern side of the sanctuary. From this layer, the sketch of the Pantokrator (Fig. 1.5a)
Τhey comprise a foot underneath the Angel of the is preserved at the front of the apse, a remnant from the
Annunciation of the second layer in the lower part of the presentation of the Deisis, which is found in this position
vault, and the remnants of two frontal figures on the wall– from the 11th century onwards.16 Aniconic decoration
the one on the left holding a gospel being a hierarch. The consisting of crosses painted and incised in the plaster is
first layer probably also includes the full-length figure also preserved both in the sanctuary and in the nave. It is
of Saint Andrew in the conch of the apse (Fig. 1.3a), either an archaic program,17 or more probably an apotropaic
revealed in 1998 underneath a later wall, and two half- decoration made by the artisan who prepared the plaster.18
length figures in medallions, on the northern half of the
front of the apse, the one on the left being the hierarch
Basil (Fig. 1.3b).
10
Katsioti 2002, 114–115.
11
See, also Myriokephala Monastery on Crete (beginning of 11th century)
and St Mercourios on Corfu (1074/5). Panayotidi, 1986, 87–88, 100–101.
The second layer covers almost all the chapel, in two 12
Although archaic, the depiction of the patron saint in the conch of
zones, forming the earliest nearly intact iconographic the apse survived in provincial churches till the 13th century. Here,
like in St Mercurios in Corfu, it is full-length in the semicircular wall
program in the Dodecanese. Apart from the Annunciation (Vokotopoulos 1971, 154. 155, 171, 172), and not half-length and
(Fig. 1.4a) in the southern barrel vault of the sanctuary, praying in the conch of the apse, as is usual elsewhere. Chatzidakis &
both in the sanctuary and in the nave only figures are Bitha 1997, 66, pl.15 and 147 pl.6.
13
Not co-officiating. Chatzidakis 1960, 92–99.
depicted: hierarchs, angels and saints — medical, warrior 14
St Panteleimon at Pano Boularioi (991/992), St Peter at Palaeochora, St
and female — mainly full-length, but also half-length in Philippe at Korogonianika, St Niketas at Kipoula. Panayotidi 1986, 86;
medallions, arranged in two zones. Underneath a conch Drandakis 1995, 371, 376 pl.10, 377 pl.11, 378 pl.12, 383 pl.20, 60, 61,
62, 64 pl.4, 346 pl.5,7, 347; Panayotidi 2008/9, 223 pl.XI, 39, 40.
in the northern wall of the sanctuary, a female donor is 15
Drandakis 1995, 61 pl.7, 62 pl.8, 64, 365, 376 pl.10.
probably portrayed, perhaps the oldest known depiction of 16
Mouriki 1974, 93.
17
See Episkopi at Euritania. Panayotidi 1986, 77.
18
On similar crosses, see Acheimastou 1989, 50. Crosses incised in
plaster appear also in St Georgios (and Pachomios) at Apeiranthos on
9
Sigala 2013, 95; Sigala forthcoming. Naxos (unpublished).
15
Maria Z. Sigala
Figure 1.5. St Savas at Koila: a. Sketch of the Deisis (first

layer). b. Diaconicon - St Nicholas (second layer).
Figure 1.7. St Niketas at Amali; a. A hierarch. b. The angel
in the conch on the north wall of the sanctuary c. St John
the Baptist.
with fragments of wall-paintings, very poorly preserved,

as well as crosses incised by finger in the original mortar,
both on the north and on the south wall of the main church.
The two layers are clearly discernable on the northern wall
of the nave.
From the first layer survive fragments of scenes on the

southern vault of the nave and of saints on the walls. In
the sanctuary, most probably to the initial programme of
decoration belong remnants from the Ascension in the vault,
a figure in a medallion and a deacon on the northern wall,
and a decorative pattern, consisting of spirals, in the lower
Figure 1.6. St Savas; Graffitti of a boat, digitally processed parts of the front of the southern apse. Since the second
by Dr. Ch. Diamanti. layer has been dated to the 13th century, we consider it quite
probable that the first should be dated to the 12th century.
The second layer also presents archaic features, like the
depiction of the Deisis at the front of the apse on top of the The second layer of wall-paintings in St. Niketas belongs
earlier one, and of frontal busts of hierarchs in the conches to the Late Byzantine period, which in the Dodecanese
of the diaconicon (Fig. 1.5b) and of the prothesis. It also lasts only one century, 1204 to 1309, when most of the
comprises remnants of the Ascension in the vault of the islands were brought under the rule of the Hospitaller
sanctuary, decorative triangles, the one inside the other, Knights. Nevertheless, the majority of the orthodox
underneath the conch of the diaconicon, the sketch of a churches remained entirely byzantine in character.20
full-length angel on the northern vault of the nave, traces
of a destroyed scene and the sketch of a female saint on The surviving fragments of the second layer show that, in
the western wall. The frontal bust of St Nicholas on a red the sanctuary, the Deisis was depicted in the front of the
ground, the only figure preserved well enough to allow two apses (St John the Baptist is preserved on the right),
stylistic remarks, plus a few iconographic features, date angels in the diaconicon, the prothesis, as well as in a small
these wall-paintings to ca. 1200.19 conch on the northern wall, scenes in the vault, hierarchs
and a deacon on the walls (Fig. 1.7).
Of special interest are, apart from the crosses painted
and incised on and in the plaster, two graffitti with boats In the nave, saints were depicted on the walls and most
(Fig. 1.6), the one most probably presenting a fishing scene. probably scenes on the vault. Only unidentified fragments
are now preserved.
To the Middle-Byzantine period also belongs the first of
the two layers in St Niketas at Amali, a twin-apsed church As for the style, the eyes are big, round or almond-shaped;
the line surrounding them extends towards the temples; the
pupils are big, round and dark. The fingers of the archangel
19
Similar features appear in monuments dating from the end of the 12th are thin and sinewy. Although line plays an important role,
till the first decades of the 13th century. See Katsioti & Archontopoulos
2000, 380, 381; Konstantinidi 1990, 160 pl.3; Acheimastou-Potamianou
1994, 88 pl. 61 (red ground) and 108 pl. 84, 86 (drapery). 20
Kollias 1994, 123.
16
Figure 1.9. Taxiarches Michael o Panormites (or Palarniotes):

a. The deacon Romanos the Melodist. b. St Nicholas.
The northern wall of the nave.
outlining the facial characteristics, the painting, made On the northern wall, from West to East, are presented
of light green shadows and wide brush-marks, shows a the warrior saints Niketas and Georgios on horseback
tendency toward plasticity. The figures are gentle and calm (Fig. 1.8), riding eastwards, as well as a standing archangel,
with a sense of monumentality. The background is deep on a pedestal, a spear in his hand.
blue. The inscriptions are calligraphically written. They
have been dated around 1230–1260.21 The figures are modelled in warm ochre, with red-
brownish outlines, (Fig. 1.10), thin light green shadow
To the 13th century is also to be dated the first layer of usually placed on the left cheek and left side of the
Palarniotis or Taxiarches Michael o Panormites, most neck, but also in other nude parts of the body, very few
probably a small monastic establishment.22 highlights, big eyes, all on a deep blue ground. This
style is close to monuments like St George at Kouneni
Full-length saints are preserved in the lower part of the Chanion on Crete (1284),24 St George Vardas at Apolakkia
walls, both in the sanctuary and in the nave, separated by on Rhodes (1289/90)25 and Panaghia (Virgin Mary) “stis
red vertical bands, and a register with medallions above Yallous” on Naxos (1288/89).26 It dates the wall-paintings
them (Fig. 1.8). The decoration of the vault has vanished. to the second half of the 13th century and more precisely
towards the end of it.27
In the sanctuary, in the conch of the diaconicon, which is
surrounded by a black plait on a white ground, the deacon To sum up, the surviving wall-paintings on Chalke, from
Romanos the Melodist is depicted (Fig. 1.9a). On the the Early Christian Period to 1309, are partly found in
walls, frontal hierarchs, St Nicholas (Fig. 1.9b) and most churches with monastic use. In the Middle-Byzantine
probably St Basil on the northern, and two unidentified period, the best-preserved iconographic program, the
hierarchs on the southern wall, are depicted. Three of them, second layer of St Andrias (beginning of 11th century),
under the influence of the co-officiating hierarchs, wear consists almost entirely of saints, whilst almost from the
multi-crossed chasubles. On the upper, narrow register of same period, St Savas, from the surviving decoration,
the walls, there are hierarchs in medallions, three on the has only one scene depicted (the Deisis) together with
southern, and probably initially three on the northern wall. aniconic, most probably apotropaic, decoration.
The space between the medallions is decorated with black
or deep red spiral motifs. Over the window of the southern Generally, in the painting preserved on Chalke, iconographic
wall there is a painted “icon” of one more hierarch.23 and stylistic features can be detected that are held in common
with other parts of the Empire. From the Middle Byzantine
On the southern wall of the main church, from East to period onwards, the painting presents lots of archaic
West, there are presented the Enthroned Virgin Mary features, like the depiction of the Deisis on the front of the
between standing Angels, damaged by hammering and apse and “hierarchs – icons” in the sanctuary. These survive
greatly destroyed by the opening of a much later window till the 13th century, when on Rhodes and elsewhere, the
there, and also St Constantine, frontal, holding a scepter Deisis has consolidated its place in the conch of the apse,
with a cross, and the sketch of St Helen, bearing imperial and the hierarchs, as a rule, are already co-officiating. On
vestments and standing on a pedestal. Chalke, as generally on the islands, already since the Early
21
Katsioti 2000, 279, pl. 95. 24
Lassithiotakis 1962, 41, 51, pl. 22. 2, 3 and 23.2,3.
22
Sigala 2013. 25
Kephala 2015, 167, 219, fig. 115, 116.
23
On “icons” of hierarchs together with officiating ones, see, Lazarev 26
Drandakis 1989, 102, pl. 5.
1967, pl. 351 (Backovo, mid-12th century). 27
Katsioti 2000, 283.
17
Maria Z. Sigala
Literature
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Μυρτάλη, ‘Άγιος Ιωάννης ο Θεολόγος στ΄ Αδησαρού’,
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Drandakis 1988: Δρανδάκης, Β. Νικόλαος, Οι
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«στης Γιαλλούς» ’, ΝΑΞΟΣ, Athens 1989, 100–104.
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επιστημονικού Συνεδρίου (15–19 Σεπτεμβρίου 1996)
υπό την αιγίδα του Οικουμενικού Πατριάρχου κ.κ.
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της μνημειακής ζωγραφικής του 13ου αιώνα στα
Δωδεκάνησα’, Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 51/52 (1996–
97), Μέρος Α΄ - Μελέτες, Athens 2000, 269–302.
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οικογένειας των Αρμενόπουλων στη Ρόδο και η τέχνη
του 12ου αιώνα στα Δωδεκάνησα’, Ρόδος 2400 χρόνια,
Byzantine period, a special preference can be observed for ΥΠΠΟ 2000, 375–386.
the worship of the angels, who occupy prominent places
inside the church. A preference can also be detected for Katsioti 2002: Katsioti, Angeliki, ‘The earliest wall-
specific saints, like Kerykos, who is depicted at Kellia paintings of St George at Plakoto, Malona on Rhodes.
(6th– 7th century), in St Andrias (11th century) and later Remarks on the eleventh-century art in the Dodecanese’,
on, in Enniameritissa (1367)28. Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας ΚΓ΄
(2002), 105–120.
More than any contribution, poor or not, they make to Kephala 2015: Κεφαλά, Κωνσταντία, Οι τοιχογραφίες
the history of Byzantine painting, the study of the wall- του 13ου αιώνα στις εκκλησίες της Ρόδου, Χριστιανική
paintings of Chalke has allowed the dating of the chapels Αρχαιολογική Εταιρεία- Εθνικό Κέντρο Τεκμηρίωσης
themselves, plus the dating of the ‘kyphes’,29 the humble (ηλεκτρονική έκδοση), 2015.
huts which are found near them. This fact makes them a
precious instrument in the effort to understand the society Kollias 1994: Κόλλιας, Ηλίας, Η μεσαιωνική πόλη της Ρόδου
and the history of the island more broadly. και το παλάτι του μεγάλου Μαγίστρου, Athens 1994.
Konstantinidi 1990: Κωνσταντινίδη, Χαρά, ‘Ο Άγιος
28
Sigala 2000, 361 pl. 21, 362. Ioulitta and Kerykos are also especially Μάμας στον Καραβά Κούνου Μέσα Μάνης (1232) ’,
venerated in Kastoria. Λακωνικαί Σπουδαί Ι΄(1990), 141–165.
29
Sigala. 2019.
18
Lassithiotalis 1962: Λασσιθιωτάκης, Κωνσταντίνος, ‘Δύο

εκκλησίες στο νομό Χανίων’, Δελτίον Χριστιανικής
Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 2 (1960/61), Athens 1962,
9–56.
Lazarev 1967: Lazaref, Victor, Storia della Pittura
Bizantina, Torino 1967.
Mastoropoulos 2007: Mastoropoulos, St. Georgios,
NAXOS: Byzantine Monuments, 2007.
Mouriki 1974: Μουρίκη, Ντούλα, ‘Οι βυζαντινές
τοιχογραφίες των παρεκκλησίων της Σπηλιάς
Πεντέλης’, Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής
Εταιρείας Ζ΄(1973–74), Athens 1974, 79–119.
Nordhagen 1968: Nordhagen, Jonas, The Frescoes of John
VII (A.D. 705–707) in S. Maria Antiqua in Rome, Rome
1968.
Panayotidi 1986: Panayotidi, Maria, ‘La peinture
monumentale en Grèce de la fin de l’ Iconoclasme
jusqu’ à l’ avènement des Comnènes (843–1081) ’,
Cahiers Arheologiques 34 (1986), 75–102.
Panayotidi 2008/9: Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία, ‘Σχολιάζοντας
τους ζωγράφους’ in Ε. Ελευθερίου-Α. Μέξια (επιμ.),
Επιστημονικό Συμπόσιο στη μνήμη Νικολάου Β.
Δρανδάκη για τη Βυζαντινή Μάνη, Πρακτικά, Sparta
2008/9, 221–232.
Sigala 2000: Σιγάλα, Ζ. Μαρία, ‘Η Παναγία Οδηγήτρια ή
Εννιαμερίτισσα στη Χάλκη της Δωδεκανήσου (1367)’,
Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 55 (2000), Μέρος Α΄- Μελέτες,
Athens 2004, 329–381.
Sigala 2009: Σιγάλα, Ζ. Μαρία, ‘Τα Κελλιά της Χάλκης
Δωδεκανήσου. Η χρονολόγηση των τοιχογραφιών και η
σημασία τους’, Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής
Εταιρείας Λ΄(2009), 149–158.
Sigala 2013: Σιγάλα, Ζ. Μαρία, ‘Μοναστικές εγκαταστάσεις
στη Χάλκη της Δωδεκανήσου κατά τη Μεσοβυζαντινή
και την Υστεροβυζαντινή περίοδο’, Πρόγραμμα και
Περιλήψεις Εισηγήσεων και Ανακοινώσεων, 33ο
Συμπόσιο Βυζαντινής και Μεταβυζαντινής Αρχαιολογίας
και Τέχνης (17–19/5/2013), Athens 2013, 95–96.
Sigala 2019: Sigala, Z. Maria, ‘The “Kyphes” of Chalke.
A Primitive Type of Medieval Housing in a Small
Island of the Dodecanese’, in Charikleia Diamanti and
Anastasia Vassiliou (eds.), Εν Σοφίᾳ μαθητεύσαντες,
Essays in Byzantine Material Culture and Society
in Honor of Sophia Kalopissi -Verti, Archaeopress
Archaeology 2019, 25–38.
Sigala forthcoming: Sigala, Z. Maria, ‘Hermits, monks and
Nuns on Chalke the small island of the Dodecanese’, in
Byzantine Greece: Microcosm of Empire?, Proceedings
of the 46th Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies in
Birmingham, 23–25 March 2013, [forthcoming]
Vocotopoulos 1971: Vocotopoulos, L. Panayiotis,
‘Fresques du XIe siècle a Corfu’, Cahiers Arheologiques
21 (1971), 151–180.
19
2
A Royal Panel at Sinai. Contribution

to the Study of Byzantine-Georgian Artistic Relations
Abstract: The present paper presents a panel depicting St. George and a Georgian king. It
should not be considered as an “icon”, an object of piety, but rather as a “royal panel”. It was
a gift from King Davit of Georgia, possibly to the Georgian monks of the monastery of Sinai
direct, or to a monastery in Jerusalem whence it later ended up at Sinai, where there was also
a strong Georgian monastic community. In addition, the iconographical motifs in the king’s
clothing are analysed, as are the motifs in the armor of St. George, in relation to the content of
the two extensive inscriptions on the painting (one in Greek and one in Georgian).
Στην παρούσα μελέτη εξετάζεται ένας «πίνακας» που απεικονίζει τον Άγιο Γεώργιο και
έναν Γεωργιανό βασιλιά. Θεωρείται ότι δεν πρόκειται για λατρευτική εικόνα αλλά για ένα
«βασιλικό» δώρο εκ μέρους του βασιλέα Δαυίδ της Γεωργίας, ενδεχομένως στους γεωργιανούς
μοναχούς του Σινά ή κάποιου μοναστηριού στην Ιερουσαλήμ, όπου επίσης υπήρχε ισχυρή
γεωργιανή κοινότητα μοναχών. Επιπλέον αναλύονται τα εικονογραφικά μοτίβα του ενδύματος
του βασιλέα αλλά και στην πανοπλία του αγίου Γεωργίου σε συνδυασμό με τις δύο εκτενείς
επιγραφές του πίνακα (μία στα ελληνικά και μία στα γεωργιανά).
Keywords: Sinai, icons, medieval Georgian painting, Byzantine icon painting, royal panel,
Byzantine iconography, motifs in painted clothing, Byzantium, text and image.
This paper sets about answering a series of questions

arising from a royal panel at Sinai. Should we use the term
‘icon’ for a panel with a royal portrait, especially when
that person is one of the dominant figures in the picture,
or not? If not, what was the original use and placement
of such panels? What is the function of the inscriptions
and the figures represented in such panels? Is the use
of motifs accidental or intentional? Finally, do the figures
and ornaments complement each other here? How may
the interrelation of figures and ornaments help us interpret
the panel?
This panel (Fig. 2.1) at Sinai represents Saint George on

the left, turning towards the center, where a Christ figure
making a blessing is depicted on a small scale at the top
of the icon.1 There is a Greek inscription on the upper
left side that identifies the holy figure as Saint George,
acting as intercessor, who is represented in military garb.
His shield, standing on the lower left side, is decorated
with a Kufic inscription in the center and the motif of the
crescent, used in a decorative arrangement around a star: it
forms a focus of interest. On the right, a king is represented
in a frontal pose. He wears a crown and a Byzantine
royal garment2 and he holds a labarum and a scroll. His
1
Soteriou 1956–58, fig.152, 131–132; Patterson Ševčenko 1993–94,
160, fig.5; Eastmond 1998, fig.43, 67–70.
2
For the Byzantine imperial iconography, see Grabar 1971 and Wessel Figure 2.1. Panel with Saint George and a Georgian King at
1976, cols. 722–853. Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai.
21
garment is decorated with valuable stones, while on his

chlamys there are ornamental motifs that include that of
the crescent and at least one cross and another to-date
unidentified ornament.3 On the upper right side, there is
a Greek inscription in capital letters that names the king
as ‘Pious emperor of all the East, Bagratounianos’.4 The
position of this inscription is the symmetrically the equal
of the inscription that names Saint George.5 Moreover,
there is a more detailed Georgian inscription between
the two main figures that names the king as ‘king of the
Abxazetians, Kartlians, Ranians, and K’axetians’.6
The main purpose of this paper is to interpret the role of

the figures, the motifs and the inscriptions in this panel and
draw some concluding remarks on such royal panels. The
first matter for enquiry is the definition of the character of
this panel, its function. Was it purposed for cult, public
or personal usage? Was its function commemorative
or dedicatory? The exploration of the original use
and placement of such a peculiar panel is more easily
undertaken if we compare it with similar panels known
from Byzantine culture, because there are apparent in it
Byzantine features, like the style of Saint George’s face7
(Fig. 2.2) and the royal garments of the king.
Such panels that represent emperors are known in

Byzantium from the 10th century onwards.8 A remarkable
difference is, however, noticed between the panel in Sinai
and these Byzantine (or Byzantinizing) panels. The size Figure 2.2. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a
of the royal figure (Figs. 2.1 and 2.3) is equal to that of Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount
the saint. This might be explained by its later date and Sinai.
therefore the use of a more sophisticated ideology in a
multicultural environment concerning the identity of
royalty. Furthermore, the figure of the Georgian king is
represented in connection to Saint George. In the panel
3
See fig. 6.
4
Rhoby 2010, 60–63. According to Rhoby 2010, following the
transcription by V. Benesevic at the beginning of the 20th century, 60:
πιστό[ς] βασιλ[εύς] πάσ[ης] ἀνατολ[ῆς] ο Πανγκρατονιανός.
5
According to Rhoby 2010, following the transcription by V. Benesevic
at the beginning of the 20th century, 60: [Γε]ώ[ργιος].
6
Kldiasvili 1989, 107–128.
7
For similar modeling in Kakopetria and Asinou, see Stylianou 1985, 64,
fig.25, 116, fig. 57 and 118, fig.58.
8
Such panels are dated to the middle or the second half of the 10th
century. An ivory plaque from Dumbarton Oaks, dated about the middle
of the 10th century, that represents an emperor, has been identified as
Constantine the Great, Leo VI or Constantine VII (see Goldsmidt –
Weitzmann, 1979, 47; Jeffrey Anderson, in Evans–Wixom 1997, nr. 139,
202–203.), another ivory plaque in Paris, where Christ is depicted in the
center crowning a royal couple, Romanos and Eudokia (see Goldsmidt
–Weitzmann 1979, 52–53), an ivory plaque from Berlin, where Leo
VI is depicted as being crowned by the Virgin Mary (see Goldsmidt –
Weitzmann 1979, 35; Cutler 1994, 76, 131, 142, 195–7, 203, 208, 235,
238, 251; Ioli Kalavrezou, in Evans–Wixom 1997, nr. 307, 469.), and an
ivory plaque from the Pushkin Museum in Moscow, where Constantine
VII Porphyrogennetos is represented being proclaimed Roman Emperor
by Christ (see Goldsmidt –Weitzmann 1979, 35; Kalavrezou–Maxeiner
1977, 307–25. Cutler 1994, 24–5, 27, 106, 198–9, 203–5, 210, 211, 220,
233–5, 238, 251; Cutler 1995, 605–10).
For the practice of the use of imperial images in Byzantium see
Magdalino–Nelson 1982, especially for the beginnings of the
12th century, 124–130. See in detail Mourelatos in press. Also for Figure 2.3. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a
the portraits and the self–portraits of the painters in Byzantium, see in Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount
Kalopissi–Verti 1994. Sinai.
22
A Royal Panel at Sinai
Figure 2.4. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a

Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount
Sinai.
from Sinai the Georgian king is depicted wearing a crown

and holding a labarum. On his garment are represented
flower ornaments along with the motif of the crescent and
of the cross.
Furthermore, there are the two inscriptions.9 Both the

portrait and epigrams add to the complexity of this
sophisticated panel (Figs. 2.4 and 2.5). Recent scholarship
considers epigrams on icons as a verbal expression of
the act of prayer and the depiction of the holy figures the
visual equivalent.10 It should, therefore, be considered that
the function of an epigram or an inscription in the case
of a royal panel is equally or even more significant than Figure 2.5. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a
the visual aspect. Consequently, the use and content of the Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount
Sinai.
inscriptions cannot be ignored and should be considered
along with the visual information.
overlordship. It has been considered therefore that this
panel is dated between 1104 and 1118.12 The usage of the
The more detailed Georgian inscription (Fig. 2.4) on the
term ‘Arabs’ in Byzantine written sources to mean the
panel of Sinai painted between the two main figures names
Turks is common.
the king as ‘king of the Abxazetians, Kartlians, Ranians,
and K’axetians’. Furthermore, the Greek inscription, that
The usage of the term of the ‘entire East’ in the Greek
is no longer readable, says (after the recent reconstruction
inscription (Fig. 2.5) remains to be further explored,
by A. Rhoby) – ‘You have subdued…..the Arabs and
especially because it was used later by Davit’s successors,
other Magicians….powerful Davit…your power over
Giorgi III and Lasa Giorgi (Giorgi IV). Is therefore
the Daemons’.11 The first part of this inscription (after
the Greek inscription with the capital letters a brief
this reconstruction) probably refers to a victory over the
interpretation of the Georgian more detailed inscription
Arabs. It is attested that in 1118 the title of the king of
or is there another added value in this title? What is the
Armenians was added to the titles of the Georgian kings,
meaning of the concept of ‘the East’ in different contexts?
after the conquest of Lori. Therefore this panel has to be
dated between 1104, after the abolition of the kingdom
Coins from the reign of Malik Muhammad, who reigned in
of Kakhety and the addition in his title the king of the
Sivas from 1134 to 1142, attest the use of the term Anatoli
Kakhetians, but before the acquisition of the Armenian
in connection to his authority – ‘The Grand malik of the
entire Rhomania and the East, Muhammad’, in Greek.13
9
Both portrait and epigrams add to the complexity of this sophisticated However the idea of the East can be also found in the
panel. For the function of epigrams and inscriptions in works of art in
Byzantium, see Rhoby 2011, especially 319 and 326 and Papalexandrou
Arabic titles of the Great Seljuqs, in particular during
2001, 283. Papalexandrou notes that clearly the inscriptions were the reign of the Sultan Sanjar, a contemporary of Malik
important for both patron and beholder; the inscriptions indicate an Muhammad, who reigned from 1118 to 1157.14 Sanjar’s
interactive understanding by the contemporary audience. For the portraits
and the self–portraits of the painters in Byzantium, see in Kalopissi–
Verti 1994 and specifically for the two portraits in this hexaptych in 12
Eastmond 1998, 70.
Kalopissi–Verti 1994, 134–136. 13
Shukurov 2001, 264; ο μ[έγας] μελήκις πάσης Ρωμανίας και Ανατολής
10
Nelson 2010, 120–137. μαχαμάτης.
11
Rhoby 2010, 61–62. 14
Shukurov 2001, 270–272.
23
Persian title contains the clause ‘the king of the East and a supplementary position. However, it is much more
the West’. This term has been interpreted15 as the lands reasonable to find Saint George in a panel that reflects
to the east of Sivas, namely Malatya, Cilicia and Syria. Georgian royal ideology, since he was the patron of the
However, it has been also thought that the use of the country.19 It is interesting to note here a reference from
term ‘East’ could also be considered in a more abstract the Georgian chronicle Kartlis cxovreba, where an icon
sense, even in this Seljuq cultural and political context. of Saint George is mentioned; in this reference king
Furthermore, the addition of Anatoli to Muhammad’s title Constantine III of Ap’xazeti (899–915/6) prayed before
has been considered a result of the amalgamation of the this icon in the eastern Georgian cathedral of Alaverdi
Byzantine and Seljuq title-making models. It seems that after his victory in Heret’i.20 His successor, Giorgi II
is common for Georgian kings to add to their titles their (915–959) promoted his cult even more and ordered
new conquests, especially in official circumstances that hymns and sermons from Ioane Minchi on Mount Sinai.21
represent the state, like in the case of issuing a coin. The representation of the warrior saints in Georgia and
more particularly in Svaneti seems, however, to follow the
In a Byzantine context, the term ‘πάσης ἀνατολῆς’ (the iconography of the Byzantine models of the 10th to 12th
entire East) is not strictly defined, as is proved by the text of centuries. The predominant position of Saint George after
Alexias, written by Anna Komnene, that mentions:16 ‘Your the 11th century was probably due to the important role
scepter is extended from the Adriatic Sea to the entire East attained by this saint within the united Georgian kingdom.
and alongside the great Asia’. It is clear that in this context In the reign of Davit II, one of military expansion, Saint
the definition of the East (ἀνατολή) is a very abstract one. George became the patron of the army and the official
Furthermore, in the typicon of Petritzou, dated to 1083, are saint of the state. Moreover, in the Georgian chronicle he
mentioned17 three chrysobulls concerning the possessions is described as the heavenly leader of king Davit at the
in the East, namely one about the district of Anion, the battle of Didgori (1121) which led to a victory over the
second about the district of Tais, and the third about the Seljuqs.22
district of Tzourmere. Even in this bilingual context at
Backovo the term ‘Anatoli’ (East) reflects even regions The decorative motifs displayed by both figures are
in Georgia and Armenia. The title of ‘the entire East’, also of particular importance. First, the shield of Saint
therefore, in Greek and consequently in a multicultural George (Fig. 2.6): there is an antique tradition of placing
context under the influence of the Byzantine culture inscriptions on shields that was continued in the medieval
may be interpreted as of one who claims the lordship of Mediterranean world, as is evident from the iconography
different regions in the Middle East and Caucasus, even of the warrior saints. Greek inscriptions are however
perhaps all these regions. The above examination of the exceptional. More often the shields are decorated with
title-making habits among the Seljuqs and the Georgians, an ornament reminiscent of Kufic script that runs around
the perception that the term East had for the Byzantines the rim of the shield. Although the function of such
and the selection of the terms for the titles of this king on inscriptions remains unclear, we may consider that the use
this panel, along with the bilingual inscriptions, indicates of a script that imitates the Kufic one is a reference to the
its multicultural environment. Furthermore, the existence main rival army of the Byzantines during that period, the
of these inscriptions also indicate that this panel was Muslims.23
destined for public display, probably in a secular context,
and made probably not in an environment close to the Stylianou24 has suggested that the Byzantines may have
Georgian king himself. It looks like the inscriptions and attempted to create an independent heraldic tradition to
the portrait reflect a perception of his kingdom, rather than rival the western practice of the Crusaders, who were
a personalized perception of himself. present in the region from the 11th century onwards. A
cross25 set on a crescent26 is depicted on a shield of one of
Of equal importance to the figure of the king and the the soldiers kneeling before the Tomb of Christ after his
inscription is the other figure represented on this panel, resurrection, as seen at Ateni.27 The use of this motif at
namely the figure of Saint George (Fig. 2.2). The selection Ateni and later in Asinou (Cyprus),28 both in the border-
of Saint George would be an odd one in a purely Byzantine zone between different cultures, argues perhaps that this
context,18 for a panel of this category, since it is Christ motif was produced in a multicultural context as result
who is the bearer of the imperial power; Christ is also
represented here, for sure, but he is clearly depicted in
19
Eastmond, 1998, 70.
20
Thomson 1996, The book of K’art’li, 267.
15
Oikonomides 1983, 201–202. 21
Schrade 2001, (note 22), 171–173.
16
Reinsch & Kambylis 2001, XIII 12,6 lines 71–71, 415–416; τὰ 22
Schrade 2001, 175–176
ὑμέτερα σκῆπτρα ἐξ αὐτοῦ δήπουθεν τοῦ Ἀδριαντικοῦ πελάγους καὶ 23
Grotowski 2010, 242–243.
ἄχρι πάσης ἀνατολῆς καὶ κατὰ μῆκος τῆς μεγάλης Ἀσίας, ἔνθα τὰ τῶν 24
Stylianou, 1982, 139–140.
Ῥωμαίων ὁρίσματα ἦν. 25
For the motif of the Cross, see Grotowski 2010 (note 31), 244–246.
17
Petit 1904, 7.60, lines 12–14, 54; Χρυσοβούλλια τρία περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ 26
Grotowski 2010, 236–237, footnote 421.
ἀνατολῇ κτημάτων ἡμῶν, ἤγουν τὸ μὲν ἓν τοῦ μέρους τοῦ Ἀνίου, τὸ δὲ 27
For the dating of Ateni, see Mouriki 1981, 728–731. See a detail in
ἕτερον τοῦ Ταΐς, καὶ τὸ ἕτερον τοῦ Τζούρμερη. Virsaladze 1984, 99.
18
See though for the interrelation between imperial image and warrior 28
Stylianou 1985, 137–138. On Saint George’s shield on a fresco in the
saints in Byzantium even in the 11th century in Magdalino & Nelson narthex of the church of the Virgin in Asinou on Cyprus a cross set on a
1982, 158–160. crescent is depicted.
24

Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount
Sinai.

Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount evil and snakebite. As a result of this function there is
Sinai. association of the moon with dragons.32 An interpretation
of the motif of the entwined dragons in Islamic art is
provided by Mesopotamian metal work and manuscripts
of cultural interactions between the Islamic, Byzantine, of the 13th century which show the juxtaposition of the
Crusader and Georgian cultures29. It seems that the use of entwined dragons with solar or lunar symbols within an
this combined motif symbolized the East. astrological context. The lunar emblem is given a specific
designation by its association with a pair of entwined
However, in the case of this panel the four crescents that dragons. The juxtaposition of the lunar emblem and the
surround a star (Fig. 2.6) are probably used in order to entwined dragons provides a graphic expression of a
underline the superiority of the Saint in the East or over specific astronomical phenomenon known also from
the ‘East’, as is attested by his miracles, for example in other representations in Islamic art. The earliest Islamic
the case of an Arab who attempted to destroy a mosaic example of the motif of the entwined dragons is found on
image of St. George, and was killed for his sacrilege. The the coins of Qara Arslan (1109–1144), Artuqid ruler of
mosaic was said to have depicted the saint in full military Diyarbakr. 33 It seems thus that at least in this context an
dress.30 Furthermore, as mentioned, he is described as the Eastern provenance of the motif is more probable.
heavenly mentor of king Davit at the battle of Didgori.31
His image, consequently, at least in this region is strongly The existence of the crescent both on the shield of Saint
connected to the victory against the Muslims. George and on the garments of the king (Fig. 2.7), in this
latter case along with the symbol of the cross34 (Fig. 2.8)
The source(s) of this motif seems to be mostly ‘Eastern’ denotes the importance of the motif for the interpretation
in character. The lunar emblem (crescent) has been of this panel. The hypothesis that Saint George replaced
interpreted as a prophylactic or talismanic device against the pagan moon God of the old Georgian pantheon,35 his
29
The Byzantines and the Turks were the main rivals in this region, the 32
Azarpay 1978, 364.
Crusaders were a military presence in the region that inspired traditions 33
Azarpay 1978, 365–366, fig.5 (367).
connected to the army and the Georgians were a new power in the Middle 34
The symbol of the cross signifies Christendom and was also used as
East. apotropaic symbol on shields and lavarum. See Grotowski 2010 (note
30
Aufhauser 1913, 8–12. 31), 243–244.
31
See above note. 35
Schrade 2001 (note 29), 171.
25
to that of the crescent, on the royal garment that strongly

recalls that of the dragons36, as mentioned above.37
All the above mentioned elements (the figures of Saint

George and king Davit, the inscriptions and the motifs
on the shield of the saint and on the royal garments) may
be considered to represent the intermingling of a number
of traditions, religious, local, visual and literary. It is,
nevertheless, a cultured perception of these traditions. We
should consider that the bilingual inscription, the Byzantine-
trained or even Constantinopolitan painter, the knowledge
of the Byzantine imperial traditions and ceremonial
practices, the Georgian perceptions of the Eastern or
Islamic motifs, under perhaps Crusader influence, place
the creation of this peculiar panel in a context where all
these traditions could have interacted. The connection
between Sinai and Georgia is long attested.38 The Georgian
royal chronicle mentions that king Davit39 sent gifts to
Figure 2.8. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a Mount Sinai and money for the erection of a monastery.
Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount It is usually considered that this panel was also sent by
Sinai. Davit along with the other gifts to Sinai.40 The presence of
Georgians is also attested on Mount Sinai by the numerous
manuscripts41 found there, but also by a significant number
of icons with bilingual inscriptions, dated mostly in the
late 11th century.42 This bilingual panel considered a work
of a Constantinopolitan painter is best seen as a gift sent to
Sinai by Davit. It is, however, difficult to accept that such
a panel would be made in a strictly Georgian context. It
may be better argued that it was created in a multicultural
context, one where Byzantines, Georgians, Muslims and
Crusaders were in close contact. The Byzantine painter’s
inspirations or instructions, given by an educated scholar,
reflect the increasing status of the Georgian king Davit in
the ‘East’, but the artist was also familiar with the use of
symbols both in the Crusader and Islamic worlds. Georgian
royal imagery is certainly inspired in many cases by the
imperial Byzantine and consequently it is also influenced
by the Byzantine imperial ideology.43 Such panels had also
an analogous function in both milieux, being purposed for
public display, probably not in a church or chapel like the
imperial portraits in the monumental art, but in secular
buildings or places. The earliest example of the motif of
the crescent combined with the cross, both depicted, if
separately, in this panel, is located at Ateni, where a variant
of this motif is depicted, namely that of a cross over a
crescent, symbolizing probably the religious, cultural and
political conflict between Islam and Christianity.
Figure 2.9. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a In conclusion, we could deduce that this panel was
Georgian King at Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount created in the Holy Land or even Sinai, perhaps after 1121
Sinai.
36
These dragons have the shape of a snake.
special veneration in Svaneti and his relation to the dragon 37
It seems that the dragons were used as figural element on shields in the
as a dragon-killer in the Christian iconography on the one West from 11th century onwards, see Grotowski 2010 (note 31), 246–247.
hand and the relation of the crescent-moon to the dragons in
38
Kldiashvili 2008, 190–191.
39
In the Life of David IV it is mentioned that he erected a monastery in
‘Eastern’ iconography on the other, together make tempting Sinai and sent there gold and other valuable goods. See Mouriki 1990,
a hypothesis that the connection between Saint George and 39.
the motif of the crescent may be of Georgian inspiration,
40
Eastmond 1998, 70.
41
Aleksidze et al. 2005.
regardless as to its original meaning. Moreover there is 42
Galavaris, 2009. Sotiriou 1956–1958, 115–132.
another figural element (Fig. 2.9), probably supplementary 43
Eastmond 1998, 220.
26
(the victory at Didgori) by a Constantinopolitan-trained Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1977: Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Ioli,

painter, when Davit could be proclaimed as king of the ‘Eudokia Makrembolitissa and the Romanos ivory’,
entire East by the polyglot and literate Georgian monks of Dumbarton Oaks Papers 31 (1977), 305–25.
Jerusalem. It was then sent to Sinai for public display in
Kalopissi-Verti 1994: , Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia, ‘Painters’
a secular place within the monastery, or it may have been
Portraits in Byzantine Art’, Δελτίον Χριστιανικής
ordered from the start by the Georgian monks of Sinai for
Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας, ser. 4, 17, 129–142.
the same intended purpose.
Kldiasvili 1989: K’ldiasvili, Darezan, ‘L’icone de saint
Literature Georges du Mont Sinai avec le portrait de Davit
Agmasenebeli’, Revue des Etudes georgiennes et
Primary literature
caucasiennes, 5, 1989, 107–128.
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Magdalino-Nelson 1982: Magdalino, Paul - Nelson, Robert,
Georgii, Leipzig, 1913.
‘The emperor in Byzantine Art of the twelfth century’,
Kldiashvili 2008: Kldiashvili, Darejan Synodikon of the Byzantinische Forschungen 8 (1982), 123–183.
Georgian Church at the Monastery of St.Catherine on
Mourelatos (forthcoming): Mourelatos, Dionysios ‘Donor
Sinai, Tbilisi 2008 (Georgian Monastic Synodika 1).
Portrait in Middle Βyzantine Portable Icons and
Petit 1904: Typicon de Gregoire Pacourianos pour le Panels. Self- and hetero-perception of donors in
monastere de Petritzos, Backovo, en Bulgarie, ed. Middle Βyzantine Portable Icons and Panels’, in a
Louis Petit, Saint Petersburg 1904. volume edited by Dr. E.Ragia in Social profiles in
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Reinsch – Kambylis 2001: Annae Comnenae, Alexias, ed.
Diether R. Reinsch -Athanasios Kambylis, Berlin-New Mouriki 1981: Mouriki, Doula, ‘The formative
York 2001. role of Byzantine art on the artistic style of the
cultural neighbors of Byzantium’, Jahrbuch
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der Osterreichisches Byzantinistik 31. 2 (1981),
Aleksidze et al. 2005: Aleksidze, Zaza et al., Catalogue 728–731.
of Georgian Manuscripts discovered in 1975 at
Mouriki 1990: Mouriki, Doula, ‘La presence géorgienne
St.Catherine’s monastery on Mount Sinai, Athens 2005.
au monastère du Sinai, comme elle est attestée par
Azarpay 1978: Azarpay, Guitty, ‘The eclipse dragon on ses icons’, in Doula Mouriki (ed.), Συμπόσιο γιά τίς
an Arabic frontispiece-miniature’, in Journal of the σχέσεις της βυζαντινής και της γεωργιανής τέχνης, υπό
American Oriental Society 98(4) , Oct. – Dec., 1978, την αιγίδα της Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας,
363–374. Αθήνα, Ιούνιος 1990, Athens 1990, 39–40.
Cutler 1994: Cutler, Antony, The hand of the master. Nelson 2010: Nelson, Robert, ‘Epigrams on Icons’, Art
Craftmanship, ivory, and society in Byzantium (9th– and Text in Byzantine Culture, ed. Liz James, 120–137.
11th centuries), Princeton 1994.
Patterson- Ševčenko 1993–94: Patterson Ševčenko,
Cutler 1995: Cutler, Antony, ‘The date and Significance Nancy, ‘The Representation of Donors and Holy
of the Romanos ivory’, in Doula Mouriki et al. (eds.), Figures on Four Byzantine Icons’, Δελτίον Χριστιανικής
Byzantine East, Latin West, Princeton 1995, 605–10. Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας (=Deltion Christianikis
Archaeologikhs Etaireias), 4th ser., 17, 1993–94,
Eastmond 1998: Eastmond, Antony, Royal Imagery in
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Evans– Wixom 1997: The Glory of Byzantium, Art and
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d’Iconium’, Revue Numismatique 25 (1983), 189–207.
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Galavaris 2009: Galavaris, George, An Eleventh Century
beholder’, Word & Image: A Journal of Verbal/Visual
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Rhoby 2010: Rhoby, Andreas, Byzantinische Epigramme
Goldsmidt – Weitzmann 1979: Goldsmidt,
auf Ikonen und Objekte der Kleinkunst, Wien 2010.
Adolph –Weitzmann, Kurt, Die Byzantinischen
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Byzantine works of Art and their beholders’ in A. Lidov
Grabar 1971: Grabar, André, L’empereur dans l’art
(ed.), Spatial Icons. Performativity in Byzantium and
byzantin, Paris 1971.
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the warrior saints, Leiden 2010.
27
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eastern barbarians. The cult of saints in Svaneti’,
in Antony Eastmond (ed.), Eastern Approaches to
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Byzantine self-identity. Some reflections on the
logic of the title-making in twelfth- and thirtheenth-
century Anatolia’, in Antony Eastmond (ed.), Eastern
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της Μονής Σινά, 2 vols., Athens 1956–58.
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28
3
Interpretative Approaches On the Anthropomorphic Depictions

of the Holy Trinity in Byzantine Monumental Painting
With gratitude to the Ηonorees, who as teachers

always teach and inspire, and as people always
embrace and encourage
Abstract: This paper deals with few anthropomorphic compositions of the Holy Trinity in the
Byzantine monumental painting, dated from the end of 12th century onward. The depictions
are studied on the basis of the Orthodox Trinitarian doctrine, according to an exact distinction
that is made between the mode of self-existence of the immanent Holy Trinity (Theology) and
the way Ιt appears to creation (Divine Economy). These particular compositions are interpreted
as conventional attempts to render and present the Holy Trinity in an Orthodox way. They
are classified in two types, the horizontal and the vertical axis. The iconographic variety in
the rendering of Trinity compositions attests not only to the personality of their conceivers,
but mainly to the absence of a crystallized iconographic type. In any case, Byzantine society
remained very skeptical toward in such compositions, that is why the symbolic representations
of the Holy Trinity never went out of use.
Στη βυζαντινή μνημειακή ζωγραφική διασώζονται ευάριθμες παραστάσεις αγίας Τριάδας

στον τύπο της συμβατικά λεγόμενης ανθρωπόμορφης, χρονολογημένες από τα τέλη του 12ου
αιώνα και εξής. Πρόκειται για σκηνές που αφορμώνται από τις θεολογικές έριδες της εποχής,
προκειμένου να εκφράσουν εντονότερα και ευκρινέστερα δογματικές θέσεις της ορθόδοξης
πίστης. Μετά το 1204, η θεματική τους εντάσσεται στο πνεύμα της αντιπαράθεσης ανατολικής
και δυτικής Εκκλησίας. Οι συνθέσεις αυτές διατάσσονται οριζοντίως ή καθέτως στον χώρο,
τονίζοντας ευκρινέστερα την τριαδικότητα των υποστάσεων και την ισοτιμία του Υιού προς
τον Πατέρα (οριζόντιος άξονας) ή προβάλλοντας περισσότερο την Μοναρχία του Πατρός
ως αιτία των άλλων δύο υποστάσεων, μέσα από την ενότητα των θείων προσώπων (κάθετος
άξονας). Η διαφορετική εικονογραφική απόδοση όλων των σωζόμενων παραστάσεων καθιστά
μοναδική και ξεχωριστή την καθεμία, αποκαλύπτοντας την ατομική πρωτοβουλία και την
προσωπικότητα των εμπνευστών τους.
H ποικιλία των συνθέσεων, ακόμα και μέσα σε κοινό περιβάλλον (Καστοριά), μαρτυρά την
απουσία ενός αποκρυσταλλωμένου εικονογραφικού τύπου, δηλαδή την έλλειψη μιας κοινής
πηγής δημιουργίας προτύπων. Κάθε παράσταση συνδυάζει επιλεκτικά και με ξεχωριστό
τρόπο, μεμονωμένα γνωστά εικονογραφικά στοιχεία παλαιότερων εποχών, στοχεύοντας σε
μια εμφατική ομολογία της ορθόδοξης πίστης. Οι μνημειακές αυτές σκηνές αποτελούσαν
κατ’οικονομίαν δημιουργίες, μέσω των οποίων οι χορηγοί τους απαντούσαν σε αιρετικές
αμφισβητήσεις της εποχής τους. Ωστόσο, παρέμειναν στο στάδιο του πειραματισμού,
γιατί εύκολα μπορούσαν να προκαλέσουν δογματικές παρερμηνείες. Οι ανθρωπομορφικές
τριαδικές παραστάσεις συνυπήρχαν παράλληλα με τις επικρατούσες συμβολικές (Ετοιμασία
του Θρόνου, Φιλοξενία του Αβραάμ) και ιστορικές απεικονίσεις της αγίας Τριάδας (Βάπτιση).
Σε κάθε περίπτωση, η βυζαντινή κοινωνία παρέμεινε αρκετά επιφυλακτική στην εικαστική
απόπειρα περιγραφής του Απερίγραπτου.
Keywords: Byzantine monumental painting, anthropomorphic Holy Trinity, orthodox

doctrine, religious controversies.
29
3.1 Introduction and objective1 existence of the immanent Holy Trinity (Theology) and
the way Ιt appears to creation through Ιts energy (Divine
Byzantine monumental painting preserves few depictions Economy), without entailing any fission of the Triune God;
of the Holy Trinity of the type conventionally referred to as this distinction does not exist in Western theology.6
the anthropomorphic; they date from the end of 12th century
onward. The preserved anthropomorphic compositions The unique and Triune God has one essence, one power,
of the Holy Trinity in manuscripts and in one church of and one will.7 The Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit
the Middle Byzantine period attest to the theological are three distinct hypostases, yet they are entirely unique
concerns of the Byzantines regarding this topic.2 However, and truly divine by means of His essence. Each hypostasis
the symbolic representation of the Triune God with the bears its own and the whole essence, therefore it is all of
themes of the Hetoimasia (Preparation of Throne) and the God and not a part of Him. Each divine person of the Holy
Hospitality of Abraham, and the historical representation of Trinity is distinguished from the other on the basis of their
the Baptism scene continued to be depicted and remained hypostatic attributes; the unbegotteness (τὸ ἀγέννητον) of
the dominant choice throughout the Byzantine period. the Father, the begotteness (τὸ γεννητὸν) of the Son, and
the procession (τὸ ἐκπορευτὸν) of the Holy Spirit from
The preserved monumental examples of the the Father. Therefore, God the Father as uncaused cause
anthropomorphic Holy Trinity require an explanation, an constitutes the one and only cause (αἰτία) and principle
investigation of the framework within which the theme (ἀρχὴ) of the two other hypostases-effects of the Holy
was created. Based on the Orthodox Trinitarian doctrine Trinity (Monarchy of the Father).8 The Holy Spirit, with
and through a study of the individual iconographic regard to its eternal existence, proceeds (ἐκπορεύεται) from
features of each representation, though not here aiming at the God-Father and rests (ἀναπαύεται) in the Son.9 In the
an exhaustive presentation, we will trace and highlight the act of Divine Economy, the Holy Spirit proceeds (πέμπεται)
iconographic modes used by the Byzantines for rendering from the Father through (διὰ) the Son into the world.10
the theme of the Holy Trinity.
Coming now to the investigation of this iconographic
3.2 The eastern Orthodox theological context theme, we should clarify from the very beginning that,
according to the patristic tradition, any attempt to render
According to the Church Fathers, the ontological distinction the Holy Trinity in painting is conventional and refers to
between the uncreated God as the only true Being and the Divine Economy.11 But how can the Holy Trinity be
the created beings constitutes the basis of all theological depicted anthropomorphically and in an Orthodox way?
discussions.3 The Triune God is Uncreated and the only
real Being, who created the world from ‘out of not being’ 3.3 Τhe dynamic interaction between theology
(ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος) because of His endless love and kindness and art: (non-)depicting the God Father
towards His creation.4 God is infinite and incomprehensible
by means of His essence, but at the same time He does In Jesus Christ’s words ‘whoever has seen me, has seen the
communicate with the created world through His energies.5 Father’ (John 14.8-11) lies the key point for interpreting
The Greek Fathers distinguish between the mode of self- the anthropomorphic depiction of the Holy Trinity, since
they define the framework for the depiction not of the
1
My warm thanks are extended to those who kindly provided me with Father Himself, but of the Son, as an image (Cf. Colossians
photographs: Ioannis Sisiou, archaeologist of the Ephorate of Antiquities 1.15) and imprint of the Invisible God the Father.12 The
of Kastoria (Figs. 3.2– 3.3, 3.5–3.6), and Nikoletta Pyrrou, archaeologist
of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Rethymno, Crete (Figs. 3.4, 3.7–3.9), incarnated Logos of God is the one that reveals the Holy
who also generously put at my disposal her as yet unpublished article Trinity to the world and, therefore, in Him can be seen
concerning the frescoes of the church of Saint Stephen at Drakona, Crete. God the Father.13 The Byzantine artists certainly avoided
I would like also to thank warmly Evangelia Pantou, Director of the
Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia, for allowing me to take my own photo
(Fig. 3.10) and to Dr. Michalis Kappas, archaeologist of the Ephorate of 6
John of Damascus, Exposition of the Orthodox Faith ΙΙ, 59 (ΙΙΙ, 15),
Antiquities of Messenia, for facilitating access to the church of Taxiarches 85–86 (p. 98); Radovic 1973; Matsoukas 2007, 43–63; Xionis 2018,
at Kastania and allowing me to take my own photo (Fig. 3.1), while works 48–77, with rich patristic references and previous secondary literature.
of restoration and conservation were continuing inside the church. I am 7
For the definition of the terms essence (ουσία), nature (φύση), hypostasis
grateful to the anonymous readers for their comments, and to Dr. Nikolaos (υπόσταση)-person (πρόσωπο), and their different way of understanding
Xionis and Dr. Marina Kolovopoulou, Assistant Professors of Faculty of in Western theology, see Xionis 1999, 55–87; Martzelos 2013; Xionis
Theology (University of Athens), for their valuable suggestions on an 2007, 109–150; Louth 2013, 27–29.
earlier draft of this article. Finally, I am especially indebted to Dr. Nikos 8
Martzelos 1999; Radovic 1973; Xionis 2018, 105, 171.
Melvani, who translated the Greek text into English. 9
John of Damascus, Exposition of the Orthodox Faith Ι, 7 (1,7), 21–24
2
Linardou 2004; Michael 2004. For experimental depictions of the Holy (p. 158, 160); Gregory Palamas, Oration II, 74.2–4 (p. 146); Martzelos
Trinity during the early Christian period, see Gioles 1981, 105–106; 1999; Xionis 2018, 105, 171.
Michael 2016. 10
John of Damascus, Exposition of the Orthodox Faith Ι, 8 (Ι,8), 204–
3
Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Against Eunomius III, VI.66 (p. 167). Matsoukas 206 (p. 178); Gregory Palamas, Oration II, 77.15–18 (p. 148).
2007, 21–23, 31–36, 203–206; Louth 2013, 33–40. For the different 11
Cf. Scouteris 1992, 257–271.
way of viewing God and creation in Western theology, see Xionis 1999, 12
Athanasius the Great, Oration on Matthew 11.27, col. 217C.
16–22, 34–40. 13
Athanasius the Great, Against the Arians II, col. 320AB; Theodore the
4
Athanasius the Great, On the Incarnation of the Word of God, 3.15–19 Studite, Epistle to Plato, col. 504B, who mentions that the veneration of
(p. 270); Athanasius the Great, Against the Heathens, 42.18–24 (p. 190). the image of Christ is the worship and glorification of the Holy Trinity.
5
Basil the Great, Epistle 234, col. 869B: ‘His energies descend to us, Martzelos 1998; Kornarakis 1998, 267–275. Cf. the revelation of the God
but His essence remains inaccessible’. Xionis 1999; Matsoukas 2007, during the Baptism of Jesus Christ: Matthew 3: 16–17; Mark 1: 10–11;
118–128; Martzelos 2013, 149–157. Luke 3: 21–22; John 1: 32–33.
30
Interpretative approaches on the anthropomorphic depictions of the Holy Trinity
a repetition of their portrayal of Christ, identical to His understanding the cross nimbus lies in the words of Lord
human form, to indicate the Father, since such a choice (John 14.16–26) and functions as a constant reminder to
would impede the viewer from discerning the uniqueness the entrant to the church that the Incarnate Word, Jesus
of each person/hypostasis and would lead to a sabellianic Christ, revealed to the world the Triune God (cf. John
type of misinterpretation of the Trinitarian God. Thus, the 17). The one and the same mandorla emphasizes precisely
iconographic type of the Ancient of Days is selected, as it the consubstantiality (ὁμοούσιον), equality (ισότητα), and
appeared in Old Testament visions.14 This type underlines perpetual existence (ἀϊδιότητα) of the persons depicted
mainly the eternity of the Logos, homoousios of the Father of the Divinity (Trinitarian doctrine). In this way, the
and of the Holy Spirit,15 and it conventionally refers to the work of Divine Economy is underlined and the Orthodox
theologically implied person of the Father. The eternal dogma is expressed artistically as a response to the various
existence of God and the consubstantiality of Father and heresies of the time: the Son and Word of God, revealed
Son was attempted in a mature way to be rendered also un-incarnate to the prophets of the Old Testament, with
in the art of 7th/8th centuries, as shown in the encaustic time took into His divine substance the human nature,
icon of Sinai monastery.16 Further, the testimony of post- revealing to the world the Triune God and ascended again
iconoclast miniatures is revealing:17 in the Sacra Parallela to the right of God (dyophysite Christological doctrine).20
of Saint John of Damascus (Par. gr. 923, f. 40r, first half of
9th century),18 and in the Dionysiou lectionary (gr. 587m, 3.4.1 Representations on a horizontal axis
f. 3v, third quarter of 11th century), the Ancient of Days is
depicted in the place of the God-Father.19 The position for the Incarnate Son to the right of the Father
is based on Holy Scripture (Psalms 109.1) and renders
These miniatures function as visual commentaries to the artistically a historic fact, i.e. the vision of the first martyr
text. However, the introduction of the theme in monumental Stephen (Acts 7.55–56).21 With the horizontal arrangement
painting in churches from the 12th century onwards calls of two figures on the same throne and the depiction of
for a different explanation, one within the framework of the Holy Spirit in the form of dove between them or in
the systematic organization of the decoration with specific the hand of one of them, the three distinct hypostases are
meanings and symbolisms and with direct reference to the more clearly emphasized. The composition is included
historical events of each time. in one and the same mandorla emphasizing precisely the
consubstantiality (ὁμοούσιον) of the Divinity. Although
3.4 Depicting anthropomorphically the Holy Trinity: the anthropomorphic rendering of the vision of Stephen
interpretative approaches constituted a solid iconographic basis for a horizontal
layout, the varying position of the Holy Spirit-Dove in
Based on the preserved examples in Byzantine monumental each example attests that there was no single established
painting, in this section the anthropomorphic compositions iconographic model.
of the Holy Trinity are presented and interpreted on the
basis of their classification on a horizontal or vertical axis. In the east domical vault of the south portico of the church
Common characteristics of these images are the cruciform of Aï-Strategos (Taxiarches) in Kastania at Exo Mani
haloes of all three persons of the Holy Trinity, as well as (Messenia), 1194, the figure of the Father is taller than
their inclusion within a common mandorla. The key for the Son (Fig. 3.1), an iconographic feature which should
be connected with the dispute regarding Christ’s phrase
14
Lafontaine-Dosogne 1968; Gioles 1990, 74–75; Sisiou 2007, 537–547;
Skotti 2010, 453–471.
15
Gioles 1990, 73.
16
The Incarnate Word with the inscription Emmanuel is depicted with
iconographic features that refer to the eternity of the Ancient of the Days
and to His dominance as Pantocrator: Sotiriou 1956–1958, 10, fig. 8–9
and 1958, 23–25; Galavaris 1990, 93, 137 (Fig. 3.3); Gioles 1990, 76 and
note 24, where this composition is juxtaposed to frescoes in churches in
Cappadocia, which are part of the same painterly spirit.
17
On the iconoclastic controversy and its impact on the Byzantine
painting, see indicatively Grabar 1957; Kornarakis 1998; Brubaker and
Haldon 2001; Brubaker 2012; Panayotidi 2013, 98–101.
18
The text of Saint Basil the Great (‘The Father, the beginning of
everything…the Son, the perfect image of the invisible God’) is referred
in accordance to the depiction of the vision of the first-martyr Stephen
(Acts 7:55–56). Gioles 1990, 70–71 notes 5–7, with references to the
patristic passage; Sisiou 2007, 541. For the manuscript, see Weitzmann
1979, 190, pl. CIX; Evangelatou 2008, 113–197.
19
The depiction of the Ancient of Days on a vertical axis in the place of
the Father with Christ Emmanuel in His arms forms the initial Greek letter Figure 3.1. Messenia, Exo Mani, Kastania, church of
‘theta’ (Θ) [‘Θεὸς’ =God] of the sentence ‘Νο one has ever seen God’ and Taxiarches, south portico: The Holy Trinity, 1194.
functioning as a visual rendering of the passage of John 1.18. Pelekanidis
et al. 1973, 164 (fig. 191); Walter 1985–1986, 181–190. Cf. the scene of the
Prayer of Jesus Christ in the same manuscript (fol. 34v), where the Father is
depicted in the type of the Ancient of the Days (Pelekanidis et al. 1973, 173 20
Athanasius the Great, Against the Arians II, col. 320AB.
(fig. 212). For the manuscript, see Weitzmann 1969, 239–253; Masuda 1990. 21
See above, note 16.
31
(John 14, 28): ’the Father is greater than I am’.22 The

dispute referred to the equality between Father and Son,
which was dealt with in the Councils of 1166 and 1170,
was interpreted in accordance to the Trinitarian Orthodox
dogma, i.e. the Monarchy of the God-Father.23 The image
from Kastania, a few years later, appears to reflect directly
this concern. Moreover, the depiction of the Son together
with the Holy Spirit-Dove permits one to consider the
figure of the Father separately as the one and only cause
and principle of the two other hypostases-effects, Son and
Holy Spirit, stressing His position as uncaused cause.24 Τhe
depiction of the Holy Spirit-Dove in the hand of Christ is
selected also as an iconographic solution in order to render
the mission of the Holy Spirit through (διὰ) the Son within
the world (Divine Economy),25 a fact that historically
took place during Pentecost, a scene also illustrated in the
corresponding west domical vault of the portico of the
church in Kastania.26 An equivalent iconographic parallel
is found in the later Munich Serbian psalter, f. 146v (second
half of 14th century), which illustrates the first passage
of David’s Psalm 109 (110):1, with the difference that
the painter depicted the right side of the God-Father as the
left one, in accordance with the beholder’s point of view.27
The image of the Holy Trinity in the Kastania church attests
to the intention of its creator to take a position in a clear
and explanatory manner regarding the concerns of his time,
which imply a scholarly environment that may have been
formed around the erudite bishop of Methone, Nicholas
(d. ca. 1165).28 This prominent bishop participated in
the councils that took place in Constantinople under
Manuel I Komnenos and left a rich philosophical and Figure 3.2. Kastoria, church of St George (Omorfoklessia),
theological oeuvre.29 To this scholarly environment should esonarthex: The representation of the Holy Trinity included
in the scene of the Pentecost, c. 1270–1280.
be also attributed the representation of the dead Eucharistic
Christ in the church of Panagia Samarina, Messenia (end The trinity composition in the church of St George
of 12th century).30 (Omorfokklesia) near Kastoria (c. 1270–1280) has been
rendered in an entirely extraordinary and rare way; a
22
Although Nikolaos Drandakis (see Drandakis 1994, 131–134, figs 1–2) three-headed representation of the Holy Trinity in a
dated the frescoes to the end of 13th century, he was the first who interpreted triple mandorla is preserved as part of a Pentecost scene
the image of the Holy Trinity in accordance to the dispute about the equality (Fig. 3.2). The composition is captioned IC XC, whereas
between God-Father and Son. See also Kappas 2018, 207–224, where
older views dating the church in the 13th century (Drandakis 1976; Kappas all three heads bear a crossed nimbus.31 It is a three-headed
2016) are revised, as are those regarding the Latin interpretation of the figure, which concisely indicates the One God in Trinity,
anthropomorphic composition of the Holy Trinity. According to the newly in terms of the consubstantiality and the unity of His three
discovered painted inscription (Kappas 2018, 221–222, fig. 13), the frescoes
were completed in 1194, i.e. during the rule of Isaac II Angelos. persons into one God, indicated by the one body, as well
23
See generally Sakkos 1968; Babić 1968, 373–374; Gioles 2004, 276. as in terms of the distinction between the three hypostases,
24
See above, note 7. which is expressed with the three heads. The rendering of
25
Based on the distinction between Theology and Economy, I had been
developing the above interpretation in my oral presentation as well the Father slightly taller and in the iconographic type of
(Tassoyannopoulou 2014), supporting the Orthodox character of the the Ancient of Days, His enthroned position which recalls
image instead of the Latin one (filioque). Dr. Michalis Kappas (Kappas a Pantokrator in combination with the protruding head of
2018, 220–221) mentions, by mistake, that I argued that the Orthodox
position was the procession (εκπόρευση) of the Holy Spirit through the Emmanuel, refer to the combination of the attributes of
Son, whereas I had in fact spoken about the mission (πέμψη) of the Holy Christ, known already from the encaustic icon at Sinai
Spirit to the world (Economy). Monastery (7th/8th centuries). Although the chronological
26
For the depictions of the Pentecost and other frescoes of the south
portico, see Drandakis 1976, 233–234; Kappas 2018, 200. distance between these two examples is great, it is however
27
Strzygowski 1906, pl. XXXVII.85. indicative of the search for a painterly way to express these
28
The topic has been analytically studied as a part of my PhD thesis, deep dogmatic truths.
under the supervision of Prof. Emerita Sophia Kalopissi-Verti (University
of Athens).
29
Angelou 1981, 143–148; Kazhdan and Wharton Epstein 1985, 163; According to Melina Païsidou, the composition expresses
Magdalino 2002, 332–333, 465. the reciprocal circumincession of the trinitarian God, the
30
The figure of Christ lies directly on the altar cover, which has the
shape of a sheet: Grigoriadou-Cabagnols 1970, 178, 182, 196, figs 4–6;
Konstantinidi 2008, 77–79, 173, fig. 9, who dates the fresco before the 31
Païsidou 2001, 373–394; Kissas 2008, 46; Bogevska 2012, 154–157,
year 1191. figs 9–10; Kalopissi-Verti 2012, 48.
32
consubstantial and indivisible, but also the differentiation

of its three substances, as well as the procession of the Holy
Spirit solely from the Father.32 She argues that the choice
of this iconographic type constitutes an Orthodox response
to Latinophile dogmatic interpretations of the 13th century,
mainly after the Unionist Council of Lyons (1274).33 In
addition, as Melina Païsidou has pointed out, the layout
of the Omorfokklesia image, which was not widely
disseminated, was susceptible to several misinterpretations,
especially in areas, where the heresy of Bogomilism was
already gaining ground.34 According to their teachings,
Bogomils consider that the three substances – Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit – are fused into the God-Father of Good.
In fact, they view Him with a human form emitting the Son
and the Holy Spirit as rays from both sides of His head, as Figure 3.3. Kastoria, church of Saint Nicholas of Tzotza,
energies returning to the Father.35 sanctuary: The Holy Trinity, 1360–1380.
In my opinion, it is very likely that, exactly because this ΠΑΡΑΚΛΗΤΟΝ ΠΝ[ΕΥΜ]Α (The Advocate Spirit), all
heretical teaching was widespread in the region, the person three of them are also accompanied by the inscription IC
who conceived the Omorfokklesia image tried to respond to XC (Jesus Christ). The trinitarian image is accompanied by
Bogomils, by rejecting the Bogomil image of the radiation the Virgin dressed as a queen to the right of Christ and John
and instead suggesting a visual layout clearly and discernibly the Baptist with the prophet Daniel to the left of the Ancient
depicting the three distinct hypostases of the One God. In fact, of Days, thus forming the theme of the so-called ‘Royal
in combination with the scene of the Pentecost, the integral Deesis’. The entire composition is captioned as Η ΑΓΙΑ
will and energy of the trinitarian God in the world is clearly ΤΡΙΑC (the Holy Trinity). As Ioannis Sisiou has argued, the
stated, since one action of His is performed simultaneously rendering of Christ as a king in Byzantine imperial dress in
by all three persons of the Holy Trinity.36 In support of the accordance to his inscription reflects the political aspirations
above arguments, we point out that in the later depiction of of the Serbian ruler Dušan in the area at the time, mainly
the three-headed angel in the representation of ‘Wisdom has after the annexation of Kastoria by the Serbian kingdom,
built her house’ (Proverbs 9,1) in the katholikon of Hilandar whereby he is promoted as the Orthodox successor monarch
monastery (1321/2),37 the three-headed figure is captioned of the area.39 He believes that it would have been painted
as a trinitarian entity (Η ΤΡΙCΥΠΟCΤΑΤΟC ΜΟΝΑC), in immediately after the crowning of king Dušan in 1346, and
order to underline the concept of the trinitarian God. In any he does not exclude the influence of contemporary Palamite
case, the Omorfokklesia image is unique and unusual in the teaching, which was particularly popular in the region of
Byzantine monumental painting. Kastoria, in shaping this composition.
A peculiar and meaningful case is the representation at Within this framework, we can moreover add that the
Saint Nicholas of Tzotza (1360–1380) where the Holy placement and the inscription of the Holy Spirit as
Trinity is combined with the Royal Deesis in a unique Advocate is not accidental. The Holy Spirit-dove is
way (Fig. 3.3).38 The Ancient of Days is depicted seated painted in the hand of the Father and turns it markedly
on a shared throne blessing with His right hand, on toward the Incarnate Logos, since He implored the
which the Holy Spirit is balancing in the form of a dove. Father to grant ‘another Advocate to be with you forever.
At His left the Son in rich imperial garments is blessing This is the Spirit of Truth…’ (John 14, 16-17)’. The
with His right hand, whilst in His left he is holding an Holy Spirit, which proceeds only from the Father rests
open gospel, displaying the passage of Matthew 25, 34. eternally on the Son and Word of God (Theology) and
Although the three persons are captioned as Ο ΠΑΛΕΟC through Him it is sent to the universe (Economy). In fact,
ΤΩΝ ΗΜΕΡΩΝ (The Ancient of the Days), Ο ΒΑCIΛΕΥC the inscription ‘Advocate’ which accompanies the Holy
TΩΝ BΑCΙΛΕΒΩΝΤΩΝ (the King of the Kings) and ΤΟΝ Spirit constitutes a direct indication of the historically
achieved appearance of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost,
32
Païsidou 2001, 386–387. the day when the evangelical preaching of the apostles
33
Païsidou 2001, 390–392. started. The Serbian ruler Dušan seems therefore to have
34
Païsidou 2001, 392.
35
Païsidou 2001, 392, with a concise presentation of the trinitarian presented himself as the successor king of the kingdom,
teaching of Bogomilism. the ambitious lord of the Balkans, apostle and defender of
36
For the distinction between essence and energy according to patristic the Orthodox faith as well.
thought and their different perception in Western theology, see Xionis
2007, 137–150; Martzelos 2013, 149–157.
37
Païsidou 2001, 385, fig. 14; For the dating of the monument and A further iconographic peculiarity is the triple inscription
its frescoes, see Marković 1998, 221–242; Toutos and Fousteris 2010, IC XC which accompanies the figures of the Holy Trinity.
177–190.
38
Sisiou 2001, 511–536, with earlier bibliography. For the restoration This inscription should be viewed within the same
and the conservation of the wall paintings of the church, see
Sarigiannidou 2015. 39
Sisiou 2001, 526, 534.
33
Figure 3.4. Crete, Selino, Sklavopoula, church of Christ:

The Holy Trinity, second half of 14th century.
framework as the depiction of the crossed nimbus, as

mentioned above, in order to highlight the decisive role
of the incarnate Son in the apparition of the other two
hypostases of God. However, the uniqueness of the three
hypostases is not cancelled, since the painter at the same
time also includes the names of all three persons. This
practice is known in the art of Kastoria and can be compared
by analogy with the examples of the Omorfokklesia
(Fig. 3.2) and Koumbelidike (see below and Fig. 3.5).
In the church of Christ at Sklavopoula Selinou (second

half of 14th century) in Venetian Crete, the Holy Spirit Figure 3.5. Kastoria, church of Panagia Koumbelidike,
in the form of a dove is represented between the heads esonarthex, vault: The Holy Trinity, c. 1260–1280.
of the other two figures, covering the upper part of the
gable end of the east wall of the sanctuary (Fig. 3.4).40 vertical axis lies hagiographically in the passage of John
This is the known iconographic type, which later 1, 18: ‘No one has ever seen God. God’s only Son, He who
prevailed in Post-Byzantine period. The placement is nearest to the Father’s heart (κόλπος), has Him known’.
of the composition in the area of the sanctuary must According to the Fathers, the Greek word ‘kolpos’ is
be connected with the enactment of the sacrament of used to render the depth of the invisible and unspeakable
the Holy Eucharist there, which is performed with the divinity, which has no dimension and no end,42 but also
sacrifice of Christ and the intercession of the Holy Spirit for the genuine eternal hypostatic birth of the Son from
and is offered to the Triune God. It is worth noting here God.43 This dogmatic truth was treated visually also by the
that the symbolic representation of the Holy Trinity, i.e. miniaturist of Dionysiou manuscript gr. 587 (third quarter
the Hospitality of Abraham, is not omitted, but is found of the 11th century), by depicting in the initial letter theta
in the west wall of the church, above the entrance.41 (Θ) of the word ‘Θεόν’ (God) in the gospel passage John
1, 18 with the combination of the figure of God-Father
3.4.2 Representations on a vertical axis in an oval-shaped mandorla sitting on an arc and the
Son-Emmanuel in His arms. A later epigram in codex
Aligning the figures on a vertical axis emphatically states 524, fol. 1r., of the Marciana Library (second half of the
the Monarchy of the Father, since the Father is depicted 13th century)44 describes in a similar way this trinitarian
in significantly larger scale as the cause of the other two subject, in a manner resembling that of the Koumbelidike.
hypostases, holding in His arms or in front of His chest
the Son and through Him also the Holy Spirit-dove. At In the church of the Panagia Koumbelidike, the representation
the same time, the Orthodox dogma of the emission of the of the Holy Trinity is depicted in an oval-shaped
Holy Spirit into the world by the Father through the Son mandorla in the vault of the inner narthex of the church
is expressed in Byzantine painting. The shared mandorla
around the figures emphasizes in a clear manner the unity
and consubstantiality of the three figures, i.e. the single 42
Gregory of Nyssa, The Life of Moses, II, 29.1–6;
Trinitarian God. The basic idea of representations on a
43
Athanasius the Great, Letter Concerning the Decrees of the Council of
Nicaea, col. 453C.
44
Labrou 1911, 6, no 4 (f. 1a): ‘Εἰς Τριάδα ἁγίαν εἰς τὸν πατέρα τῶν
40
Maderakis 1990, 750–751. ἡμερῶν καθήμενον ἐπὶ θρόνου καὶ φέροντα ἐπὶ κάλυκος τον τε Χριστὸν
41
Maderakis 1990, 751 καὶ τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς’.
34
(c. 1260–1280).45 The crossed nimbus of the Father is

flanked by the inscription ‘ΙC XC O ΘC ΗΜΩΝ; the names
of the persons of the Holy Trinity, (Ο ΠΑΤΗΡ ΥΙΟC / KAI
ΠΝΕΥΜΑ ΤΟ ΑΓΙΟΝ), are inscribed below (Fig. 3.5). The
whole composition has a particularly striking effect on the
entrant, because of its size. It is a succinct visual statement of
the Monarchy of the Father, i.e. the emphasis on the Father
as the timeless and cause of the other two hypostases. The
image has been interpreted in various ways: initially as an
expression of the filioque, but later as a visual rendering of
the dogma of Circumincession (περιχώρησις). As Chrysanthi
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi has stated, referring to all previous
opinions expressed, the composition is in no way intended
as an emphasis on the procession of the Holy Spirit, but
rather constitutes a simple depiction of the Trinitarian God,
pointing out that in the Vienna manuscript there is a Greek
text directly below the miniature in question, referring to
the attributes of the Holy Trinity according to the Orthodox
dogma.46 Maderakis, as Stefanou previously, interpreted the
Koumbelidike image as a representation of the procession of
the Holy Spirit from the Father through the Son.47
Τhe interpretation of the image as an artistic expression of

the ‘doctrine of Circumincession’ cannot be supported, since
it contradicts the Orthodox Christian approach, as it does not
constitute a dogma for the Orthodox Church. On the contrary, Figure 3.6. Pološko, church of Saint George, dome: The
it is an official position of the Roman Catholic Church, Holy Trinity, 1343–1345.
established in the Council of Florence (1442).48 In this context,
Gerstinger was the first to connect the Kοumbelidike image other images, with the depiction of one common mandorla,
with the so-called ‘doctrine of Circumincession’. However, which surrounds all three figures. The composition, like the
the term circumincession was used by the Church Fathers other examples following the vertical axis pattern, is based
by necessity and in a specific conceptual framework: first, in hagiographically on the gospel passage of John 1.18.
Christology, in order to describe the union of the two natures
of Christ without confusion, without division, and without Of great interest is the iconographic peculiarity of the
separation, and then by extension in the Trinitarian doctrine, extended left leg of the Father with the raised foot, which
in order to explain more clearly that the three persons of the indicates the moment it is about to be set on the ground. This
one God bear one and the same divine essence.49 movement of the foot, immediately perceptible by the viewer
because of the figure’s large size, expresses the dominance and
From the iconographic point of view, the depiction of the omnipotence of the Trinitarian God. Indeed, in combination
three persons in a distinctive manner and the oversize with the inscription IC XC // Ο ΘEOC ΗΜΩΝ (Jesus
figure of the Father in relation to the other two persons Christ // Our God) implies the commissioner’s intention to
of the Holy Trinity, which are depicted much smaller, emphasize their Orthodox faith in the Triune God against
does not permit reading the composition as a mutual any heretic beliefs,50 such as for example the heresy of the
circumincession in terms of their essence, since it does Bogomils, which had dominated the region of Macedonia
not refer to their equality as consubstantial. In fact, by and more widely the northern part of the Balkans.
contrast, this clear difference in the size of the figures
is an iconographic rendering of the Monarchy of the In the central medallion of the dome of Saint George at
Father as the Οne and only cause of the other two hypostases Pološko (1343–1345) is depicted the Holy Trinity with the
– effects. Without, though, implying that the smaller size of inscription ΚΥΡΙΟΣ ΣΑΒΑΩΘ (Lord Sabaoth) (Fig. 3.6).51
the figures of the Son and the Holy Spirit is indicative of According to Ioannis Sisiou, the representation reflects the
a lower degree of deity comparatively to the Father. The
consubstantiality of the figures is symbolized, as in the
50
Maximus the Confessor, Ad Thalassium, quaestio ΧΧVIII, col. 361D:
‘Μονὰς γὰρ ἐν Τριάδι, καὶ ἐν μονάδι Τριάς ἐστιν ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν’. Cf. the hymn,
based on Isaiah 9.1–6, which is chanted at Great Compline during Lent, see
45
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1973, 85–89; Bogevska 2012, 144–146, fig. 1; Horologion, 206–207: ‘Μεθ’ ἡμῶν ὁ Θεὸς, γνῶτε ἔθνη καὶ ἡττᾶσθε. Ὅτι μεθ’
Kalopissi-Verti 2012, 47–48. For the dedicatory inscription and the ἡμῶν ὁ Θεὸς…Κύριον δὲ τὸν Θεὸν ἡμῶν, αὐτὸν ἀγιάσωμεν, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται
patron of the church, see Papamastorakis 2003; Sisiou 2008, 245–262. ἡμῖν φόβος. Ὅτι μεθ’ ἡμῶν ὁ Θεὸς…’ [God is with us, know it you nations
46
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi 1973, 85–86, with extensive references to the and be submissive. For God is with us…The Lord, our God, Him shall we
older interpretation of the subject as a statement of the filioque, based on bless, and only Him do we fear. For God is with us…]. Of great interest is the
analogous images in manuscripts. inscription on the liturgical roll of the Ancient of Days, based on Isaiah 44.6,
47
Maderakis 1991, 134–135. in the church of Saint Nicholas of Rodias, Arta (beginning or middle of the
48
Tsigkos 2015, 39. 13th century). For a color plate, see Papadopoulou 2002, 68, fig. 75.
49
For the use of the term circumincession (perichoresis) in the patristic 51
Babić 1978, 163–178; Ristovska 2010, 69–71, figs 38–39; Sisiou 2011,
texts, see Tsigkos 2015, 31–42; Xionis 2018, 222–236. 325–327.
35
Figure 3.7. Crete, Xylomachairi near the Preveli monastery, church of Saint George, sanctuary: The Holy Trinity,
second half of 14th century.
political aspirations of Serbian ruler Dušan in the area and source (Acts 7, 55–56) and to innovate with the Trinitarian
the intense hesychastic influences of Palamas’ teaching, anthropomorphic image on a vertical axis in the scene of
i.e. the two principal factors of the time operating in the the vision of the first martyr Stephen in order to emphasize
broader area of the Archbishopric of Ohrid.52 In the case the Orthodox character of the composition58 (Fig. 3.8).
of the Pološko church, the Holy Trinity itself is depicted
with the three persons painted in a clear and direct manner The Throne of Grace, a theme of western origin, was
in the dome, a position where the Pantokrator is most introduced into the art of the Eastern Mediterranean in
commonly depicted.53 regions where the Byzantines co-existed with the Latins
for long periods, such as Rhodes and Cyprus.59 In Crete,
The depiction of the Holy Trinity in Venetian Crete in a different historical-political environment, where
is interesting: the dominant iconographic type is the papal propaganda and Latin religious policy further
depiction of Christ in front of the chest or in the arms of provoked the outbreak of anti-Latin sentiments, especially
the Father, who holds Him, whereas the dove between
Them is shown emerging from the lips of the Father,
emphatically declaring its procession exclusively from
Him.54 The variations observed concern mainly the
rendering of the figure of Christ: as Emmanuel in Saint
George at Xylomachairi near the Preveli monastery
(second half of the 14th century) where the composition is
inscribed as ΑΓΙΑ ΤΡΙΑC (Fig. 3.7),55 and in Saint Stephen
at Drakona (third quarter of 14th century), Kissamos
(Fig. 3.8),56 or as Crucified, in the western type of the
Holy Trinity, known as the Throne of Grace, in the church
of the Panagia at Roustika (1381/2 or 1391), Rethymnon
(Fig. 3.9).57 In the Saint Stephen at Drakona, the conceiver
of the composition chose to deviate from the text of his
52
Sisiou 2011, 321–347.
53
For the depiction of Christ Pantokrator on the dome, see Gioles 1990,
56; Papamastorakis 2001, 61–79. Figure 3.8. Crete, Kissamos at Chania, Drakona, church of
54
Maderakis 1991, 145–146. St Stephen the Protomartyr, south wall: The vision of saint
55
Maderakis 1990, 754; Maderakis 1991, 145–146, where he dates the Stephen the first martyr, third quarter of 14th century.
composition to the second half of the 14th century.
56
Maderakis 1990, 754–759 (middle of 14th century); Pyrrou 2021
57
Maderakis 1990, 713–724; Spatharakis 2001, 184–185, 198–206; 58
Pyrrou 2021.
Pyrrou 2021. 59
Maderakis 1990, 725–747; Archontopoulos 2010, 189.
36
Figure 3.9. Crete, Rethymnon, Roustika, church of Panagia: The Holy Trinity accompanied by angels, 1381/2 or 1391.
in the countryside, it is noteworthy that the artist found theology and was not imported from Western art, as Viktor
a way, even in a theme of western origin, to adapt it to Lazarev had noted long ago.60 The ongoing christological
his needs, mainly with the emphasis on the procession and trinitarian discussions of the 13th and 14th centuries,
of the Holy Spirit from the Father. This choice and its seen against the background of the disputes concerning
interpretation attests to the blending process, within which the Union or not of the two Churches, offered a fertile
a painted subject from a specific theological and cultural ground for depicting more representations of the theme in
environment was adopted and interpreted through the monumental painting.
prism of Orthodox Christian teaching.
Although each representation on a horizontal or vertical
3.5 Conclusions axis preserves its own peculiar characteristics, yet
theological and iconographic standards forming a common
Taking into consideration the fact that the symbolic and the basis are discernible in all of them. These standards
historical representations of the Holy Trinity never went prove to be embedded in the Byzantine tradition, deeply
out of use and that the equivalent anthropomorphic images assimilated by the ecclesiastical body and flexibly capable
are very few, it becomes evident that the theme was not of always preserving its Οrthodox confession. However,
widely adopted in Byzantine monumental painting. Τhe they remain unique, with regard to their iconographic
outbreak of the christological disputes from the 11th and layout, reflections of personal initiatives of those who
especially the 12th centuries triggered the appearance of conceived them. Of course, this variety in the rendering
iconographic themes related to these matters, since doubts of Trinity compositions, even within the same geographic
about Christ’s two natures alter His truth and by extension environment (see above the case of Kastoria), attests not
the trinitarian doctrine itself. Within this framework, only to the personality of their conceivers, but mainly to
the representation of the anthropomorphic Holy Trinity the absence of a crystallized iconographic type.
as a better explanatory way of rendering it also makes
its appearance, at a time gradually characterized by the Being aware that the depiction of the Holy Trinity could
humanization of art. The divinity of Christ, which is cause various misunderstandings, mainly with regard to
often challenged, is highlighted and understood in a more the person of the Father, one wonders whether and how
attractive way when the Incarnate Logos is depicted on the subject was painted in churches of Constantinople and
the same throne, next to or in the arms of the human-like in areas under its direct influence. The wall paintings of
God-Father (in the type of the Ancient of Days), underlining the Perivleptos monastery in Mystras, as direct reflection
their consubstantiality and their equality. Therefore, all the of the art of Constantinople at the time, can provide the
above-mentioned examples from the Middle Byzantine answer. In the Prothesis of the Perivleptos (1360–1370)
period certainly constitute valuable testimonies that the
subject of anthropomorphism originates in the quests of
Byzantine society itself as an expression of the Οrthodox 60
Lazarev 1970, 249–262; Sisiou 2007, 54.
37
liberates the three hypostases in space and therefore it is

not formed a steady and established image of the Holy
Trinity. In this way, not only did the Byzantines of the
Metropolitan tradition position themselves in the various
theological matters of their time, but above all suggested to
the faithful entering the church that they should conceive
of the Trinitarian God within the mystery of ecclesiastical
life, exactly in the spirit of patristic teaching.
The manuscript Par. gr. 1242 might seem to corroborate

the above argument; in the miniature, fol. 123v, John VI
Kantakouzenos is portrayed twice as emperor and as monk
with the name Joasaph (1370–1375). Joasaph holds in his
left hand a scroll with the inscription ‘Μέγας ὁ θεὸς τῶν
Χριστιανῶν’’ [Great is the Lord of Christians] and shows
with his right hand in the upper part of the composition,
where the scene of the Hospitality of Abraham is
represented.63 The choice of the symbolic representation
of the Triune God (Hospitality of Abraham) testifies to
the theological concerns and preferences of Byzantine
court, avoiding the problematic and misunderstanding
anthropomorphic composition of the Holy Trinity.
In Venetian Crete, the essential differences in the

Trinity doctrine between the Orthodox and Roman
Catholic Church came to the fore. The inclusion of the
anthropomorphic Holy Trinity in the sanctuary, where the
sacrament of Holy Communion is celebrated by the Grace
of the Holy Spirit, can be considered as a direct response
to the Latin Church.64 Indeed, in the Latin areas, the local
Figure 3.10. Mystras, Monastery of Panagia Perivleptos, population, mainly in the countryside, did not hesitate to
katholikon, Prothesis: The Old of the Days, the Holy Spirit express its dogmatic beliefs, by even tackling western
and Christ as High Priest accompanied by angels as deacons
(Heaven Liturgy), second half of 14th c. themes, such as the Throne of Grace.
Among the very few preserved inscriptions, those of the

the dogma of the Holy Trinity is expressed with a different composition in the Panagia Koumbelidike (Jesus Christ
visual concept (Fig. 3.10). In the semi-dome, the Ancient of Our God, and the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit) are
Days is depicted on a vertical axis between two Cherubim, of special interest. The word ΗΜΩΝ makes the image a
standing in an oval-shaped mandorla, His feet touching the confession and at the same time a manifesto of the faith,
medallion with the Holy Spirit as a dove, and below, in the distinct from any other; i.e. it expresses a clear position
semicylinder, is Christ as High Priest officiating among in the theological disputes, heresies, and schismatic views
two choirs of angels.61 The composition is accompanied which were intensified at the time because of the conflict
by the angels of the Heavenly Liturgy and a hymn that between eastern and western perceptions and traditions. In
is chanted instead of the Cherubic hymn during the Great fact, the inscription Our God summarizes the entire Eastern
Entrance in the Liturgy of the Great Saturday.62 They Orthodox tradition, by functioning in a unifying manner at a
avoided an isolated composition in a common mandorla, time when the Byzantine Empire was already experiencing
which surrounds the three hypostases and directs the the fragmentation of its body and a deep division. With the
viewer to the one and only reading of the revealed Holy word ΗΜΩΝ the ‘divided’ human of the late Byzantine
Trinity as one God, playing a crucial role in the unity of the world is differentiated from anything non-Orthodox, thus
image. Instead, they have chosen to incorporate the three invoking the common faith as the main expression of his
holy figures into a liturgical subject. This is an essential collective identity, that of the Byzantine citizen in the
difference, since the absence of a common mandorla empire and of the loyal citizen in the Heavenly Kingdom.
61
Dufrenne 1970, 14, fig. 62; Papamastorakis 2001, 147–151; Emmanuel The monumental representations of the so-called
2015, 409–410; Emmanuel 2017, 391. For an analysis of the hymn anthropomorphic Holy Trinity were creations of a fluid
within the context of the intellectual fluorescence of the Palaiologan
period, see Albani 2004, 231, 244, pl. 72b. Ioannis Sisiou argues that reality and echoes of the questions of Byzantine society,
this hymn influenced the iconography of the Holy Trinity–Royal Deesis which was trying to find responses to the heretical
in the church of Saint Nicholas of Tzotza in Kastoria, see Sisiou 2001,
531–532; Spatharakis 1996, 293–310. For the church of Perivleptos, see
recently Louvi-kizi 2019, with previous bibliography. 63
Spatharakis 1976, 135–136, figs 87–89.
62
Maderakis 1990, 765; Emmanuel 2015, 409–410. 64
Gioles 2004, 273–276; Kalopissi-Verti 2012, 41–56.
38
controversies within itself, and, at the same time, to Horologion: Ὡρολόγιον τὸ μέγα περιέχον ἅπασαν τὴν
survive claims and threats from both the East and the ἀνήκουσαν αὐτῷ Ἀκολουθίαν, ed. Αποστολική Διακονία
West, through procedures of self-consciousness, self- της Ελλάδος, Athens 72016.
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John of Damascus, Exposition of the Orthodox Faith I:
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Jean Damascène, La foi orthodoxe 1–44, texte critique
Byzantine society remained very skeptical toward any
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42
4
The Funerary Representation of a Lady in the Church

of Agioi Anargyroi Outside Kato Sagri on Naxos
(First Half of the 13th Century?)
Abstract: This study explores the funerary representation of a woman in the church of Agioi
Anargyroi outside the village of Kato Sagri on Naxos. The composition belongs to the first
layer of wall paintings and occupies the lunette on the south wall. Ιn the middle of the lunette,
there are fragments of a depiction of the Archangel Michael. To the left of the archangel,
a woman is depicted standing, and turned towards him. Both the monumental size of the
Archangel Michael, and the Dormition of the Virgin of the second layer of painting, bespeak
the funerary character of the scene. This paper examines this representation and concludes that
it can be dated in the first half of the 13th century. The paper also discusses matters pertinent to
the social group to which this unknown woman may have belonged, namely that of the affluent
landowners of the island, probably the local archontes.
Στη μελέτη εξετάζεται η ταφική παράσταση μιας γυναίκας στον ναό των Αγίων Αναργύρων
έξω από τον σημερινό οικισμό Κάτω Σαγκρί στη Νάξο. Η σύνθεση ανήκει στο πρώτο
τοιχογραφικό στρώμα της εκκλησίας και καταλαμβάνει το τύμπανο του νότιου τοίχου του
κυρίως ναού, σε θέση όπου συνήθως παριστάνονται σκηνές από τον χριστολογικό κύκλο. Είναι
σήμερα ορατή στα σημεία όπου έχουν καταπέσει τμήματα από τη σκηνή της Κοίμησης της
Παναγίας, που κάλυψε την παράσταση κατά τη δεύτερη φάση τοιχογράφησης (π. 1275–1300).
Στο μέσο του τυμπάνου διατηρείται αποσπασματικά η μορφή του αρχαγγέλου ΜΙ[ΧΑΗΛ].
Αριστερά του εικονίζεται η ανώνυμη γυναίκα σε μικρότερη κλίμακα και ελαφρά στραμμένη
προς τον αρχάγγελο. Η μνημειακή απεικόνιση του αρχαγγέλου Μιχαήλ και κυρίως η κάλυψη
της παράστασης από την Κοίμηση της Παναγίας δείχνουν τον νεκρικό προσανατολισμό της
σύνθεσης. Η ποιότητα της ζωγραφικής, η περίοπτη θέση της παράστασης και η προσεγμένη
ενδυμασία της εικονιζόμενης γυναίκας θα μπορούσαν να θεωρηθούν ως στοιχεία ενδεικτικά
της οικονομικής της επιφάνειας και της υψηλής κοινωνικής της θέσης. Στην παρούσα μελέτη
εξετάζονται τα διαθέσιμα δεδομένα και προτείνεται μια χρονολόγηση της παράστασης στο
πρώτο μισό του 13ου αιώνα. Επιπλέον αναζητούνται μαρτυρίες για την κοινωνική ομάδα στην
οποία πιθανότατα ανήκει η ανώνυμη γυναίκα, αυτή των πλούσιων γαιοκτημόνων του νησιού,
πιθανότατα των τοπικών αρχόντων.
Keywords: Late medieval period, Naxos, burial portrait, female costume, social identity,
social status.
Acknowledgements. The study of the depiction of a female donor in Death, a shocking and violent event in the course of
a rural church on Naxos, requires the use of methods and knowledge
that the two honorees, Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-
human life, alongside the anxiety for posthumous
Kesisoglou, have brought to light through their research. It was thanks salvation fuelled the production of a significant number
to them that I started being interested in the mural paintings of Naxos. of texts, objects, inscriptions and images in the Byzantine
In this small study I hope the results of their expertise, as well as their
patience, perseverance and great generosity with their students can all
world.1 Funerary representations in churches or especially
be discerned. designed burial chapels for that purpose – a prerogative
My thanks are due to the archaeologists Dr Penelope Mougogianni, mainly of those who could undertake the execution of
Dr Nikos Mastrochristos, Prodromos Papanikolaou and to Professor
Vassileios Marinis, all of whom have read the text and provided valuable
observations and corrections. My understanding of the costume of the
depicted woman would not have been possible without the helpful On the subject of death and life hereafter, its iconography and related
1
suggestions of archaeologist Katerina Mylopotamitaki and Professor practices in Byzantium, see indicatively Walter 1976, 113–127; Ivison
Maria Parani. Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to the 1993; Dennis 2001, 1–7; Constas 2006, 124–145; Patterson Ševčenko
Emeritus Ephor of Antiquities, Dr Charalambos Pennas for granting me 2009, 250–272; Cvetković 2011, 27–44; Rapp 2012, 267–286;
permission to study and publish the paintings of Agioi Anargyroi; and Betancourt 2015, 177–205; Gerstel 2015, 151–169 and in particular
also to the anonymous reviewers for their very useful suggestions. 165–169; Marinis 2016; Weyl Carr 2018, 127–150.
43
such an initiative – hold a special place in this context.2 the south exterior wall of Agioi Anargyroi.12 The addition
In these representations, the deceased individuals would of this last and the opening made for communication
be portrayed with the attributes of their earthly identity, between it and the central church probably destroyed the
that is, according to the values of their social group, to arcosolium, as well as part of the south wall of the church
the resources of their financial standing, and to their of Agioi Anargyroi itself.
marital status. Occasionally other attributes related to
their gender and age would also be included.3 This study Two layers of wall-paintings are visible in the central
examines the funerary depiction of an unknown woman church today.13 The representation examined belongs to
recently brought to light in a rural church on Naxos. More the first one. From the latter and presumably the same
specifically, matters of iconography, dressing style and of phase of wall paintings have been preserved today a
dating will be considered in this discussion. Approaching small part of an image, possibly of an archangel, on the
such subjects via a funerary depiction will hopefully bring south wall of the sanctuary and that of a possible female
to the fore all relative evidence pertaining to medieval saint on the lower register of the south wall of the nave.
concepts on death, alongside those reflecting the social The composition under discussion occupies the lunette
identity of an anonymous woman and her position within of the south wall of the nave and is visible in those
the local insular society. places where parts of the Dormition of the Virgin from
the second layer have fallen off (Fig. 4.2). In the middle
4.1 The funerary composition of the wall, a small fragment of the archangel’s face, his
halo and part of the white ribbon that fastens his hair
The fresco was discovered in the church of Agioi Anargyroi, may be seen in place (Fig. 4.3). There is also a section of
the central component in a complex of three churches, his wing on the right, the staff which he holds diagonally
situated approximately one km away to the north-east of on the left, and a small fragment of his garment adorned
the village of Kato Sagri4 (Fig.4.1). The church belongs with pearls. The titulus MI preserved above and to the
to the single-nave, domed type without narthex, and was left of the figure identifies him as the Archangel Michael
probably built in the Middle Byzantine period (second half (ΜΙ[ΧΑΗΛ]).
of the 11th/early 12th centuries)5 or presumably later if
we take into account the possible dating of the first fresco To the left of the archangel is preserved a fresco fragment
layer in the first half of the 13th century.6 In the next phase, depicting a standing laywoman (Figs. 4.2, 4.4). The
at the north-east corner of the church there was added that upper torso survives still in place. The painting from the
of Agia Marina, a small single-aisled domed church, with woman’s face has severely flaked off. Only a part of her
a square plan.7 This addition was made either during the eye survives, whose pupil shows how her gaze is directed
Middle Byzantine period,8 or more plausibly later in the at the Archangel Michael, as well as her lips and her
13th century based on the chronology of other known diminutive chin. There is also a small portion from the
examples belonging to the same type.9 Though far from brown base layer of the painting (proplasmos) and also
certain, it is possible that the church of Agia Marina was shading in a red colour at the face’s contour, especially
built to house a tomb. The deep blind arch of the southern below the chin.14 The anonymous woman is depicted at a
wall hints at such a purpose, i.e., an arcosolium, according smaller scale than that of the archangel, according to the
to Professor Stavros Mamaloukos.10 A burial may have traditional pictorial formula of humans juxtaposed with
taken place in a possible arcosolium, for whose existence holy figures;15 she turns slightly towards the archangel
the lower parts of the pilasters located on the outside of the and makes probably a gesture of prayer with her hands.
south wall of the church of Agioi Anargyroi also argue.11 On the basis of the arrangement of the preserved figures,
At some other undefined period a new annex, the single- we can justifiably suggest that another image existed to
aisle vaulted church of Agios Andreas, was attached to the right of the archangel,16 in the most important position
2
For the typology of the funerary representations and the way in which 12
Mamaloukos 2006, 54, 55, 56, 57–58.
the figures of the deceased are represented, see principally Velmans 1971, 13
The wall-paintings are unpublished. For a brief commentary, see
134–148; Thierry 1992, 582–592; Semoglou 1995, 5–11; Papamastorakis Pennas 2005, 960; Konstantellou 2019, 345–346 and passim.
1996–1997, 285–304; Brooks 2002; Weißbrod 2003; Tsiorou 2014, 14
In several funerary representations there exists a difference in the
105–198, 225–235; Brooks 2014, 317–332. stylistic rendering of the faces of the sacred persons and of the deceased,
3
Papamastorakis 1996–1997, 285–304; Brooks 2002; Tsiorou 2014, see Papamastorakis 1997, 71, with further literature. The poor state
232–233. of conservation of both the woman’s and the archangel’s face in this
4
For the building history of the complex and the architecture of the particular case does not allow any further comparison.
churches, see Mamaloukos 2006, 49–60; Aslanidis 2017, 364. 15
Despite the developments encountered in the iconography of donors
5
Mamaloukos 2006, 57; Aslanidis 2017, 364; Aslanidis 2018, 318. and supplicants in the Late Byzantine period, and in particular their
6
See pages 49–50 below. relationship to the depicted holy figure (Velmans 1971, 121–123), this
7
Mamaloukos 2006, 51–52, 55–56, 59. pictorial device will remain in use in the Late Byzantine period as
8
Mamaloukos 2006, 57. well; see Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 27. The same iconographic type also
9
Aslanidis 2017, 447–448. characterizes the rest of the donor/supplicants portraits in the Naxian
10
Mamaloukos believes that the church had a funeral character from the churches (Konstantellou 2019, 128).
outset; see Mamaloukos 2006, 55. 16
Examples with similar arrangement are known in other areas from the
11
Pennas 2001–2004, 205; Mamaloukos 2006, 55, for the mention of yet Middle and Late Byzantine period. See e.g. the depiction of Michael
another example of an arcosolium in the same position, from the church Asen II (1246–1256/7) with his mother Irene on either side of the
of Agia Anna in Kato Potamia on Naxos. For the existence of arcosolia Archangel Michael on the west façade of the church of Taxiarches in
on the outside of the south and north walls of the churches, see Brooks Kastoria (mid 13th century), Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 30, 94–95. The same
2002, 28–30. holds true for examples of the Byzantine period in Cappadocia [Karanlɩk
44
The Funerary Representation of a Lady in the Church of Agioi Anargyroi Outside Kato Sagri, Naxos
Figure 4.1. Naxos, the Agioi Anargyroi complex, plan (Mamaloukos 2006, fig. 3).
Figure 4.2. Naxos, Agioi Anargyroi, lunette on the south wall, first layer: funerary composition; second layer: the Dormition.
45
Despite the fragmentary state of the figures depicted

and the absence of any epigraphic evidence, the existing
iconographical data are sufficient to allow speculation
about the function of the composition and, in particular,
of its funerary character. 18 This view is supported by the
depiction of the unknown woman with the Archangel
Michael, whose capacity as a psychopompos – an assistant
to people in the time of their death – and close relation to
funerary matters was widely acknowledged in Byzantine
society.19 The depiction of the woman in supplicatory
gesture is also often encountered in burial portraiture
and probably indicates the involvement of the portrayed
person in the production of the funerary images while s/
he was still alive.20 In this case, the funerary character
of the representation is corroborated by the subsequent
placement of the scene of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary
over the first. The same holds true for the depictions of the
healing Saints Panteleimon and Ermolaos on the east and
west side of the intrados in this second layer of painting
(c. 1275–1300).21 However, we cannot assess whether that
wall was equipped with an arcosolium because it has been
destroyed. It would be tempting, nevertheless, to associate
this representation with the possible arcosolium unearthed
during the excavation on the exterior of the same wall.22
Figure 4.3. Naxos, Agioi Anargyroi, lunette on the south Be that as it may, room for a burial, as noted above, was
wall, first layer: funerary composition, the Archangel
Michael. available in the small church of Agia Marina.23
Of particular interest is the location of the composition

under consideration in the lunette of the south wall of
the nave. It may be suggested here that the choice of this
wall was not random, but rather dictated by the possible
presence of the exterior arcosolium. However, the
prominent placement of this scene, in a place where the
development of the Christological cycle would most likely
have begun with the Nativity, departs from the standard
practice. It is generally acknowledged that the funerary
depictions of donors – and their depictions in general –
18
The evaluation of any depiction as funerary requires the examination of
the following criteria: the accompanying inscriptions, the direct or indirect
connection to a sepulchral configuration, the specific iconographic details
of the persons depicted and the character and orientation of the broader
pictorial programme in which the scene belongs. See on this, Tsiorou
2014, 105–198, 225–235.
19
The Archangels Michael and Gabriel together with Christ and the Virgin
are the most frequently depicted figures in funerary representations,
see Brooks 2002, 119–120; Tsiorou 2014, 226, 228, 229. For the role
of the Archangel Michael as a psychopomp, see Danielou 1957, 68–82,
95, 105; Meinardus 1978, 166–168. There are certainly cases where the
Archangel Michael is the patron saint or the namesake saint of donors, as
in the case of Michael Asen II with his mother Irene at the Taxiarches in
Figure 4.4. Naxos, Agioi Anargyroi, lunette on the south Kastoria (mid 13th century), see above footnote 16.
wall, first layer: the unknown female donor. 20
Brooks 2014, 322, 325. For this type of depiction of the donors, see
most recently Frances 2018. In the majority of the donor panels in Naxos
the secular figures of the patrons are represented as supplicants to the
in the composition that of the woman’s husband, if not of patron saint (Konstantellou 2019, 128–129). In two cases [Theotokos tou
Dimou outside the village of Apeiranthos (1280/1), Agios Georgios at
a divine figure.17 Pano Marathos (1285/6)], the figures are presented upright with hands
crossed on their chest, as is regularly encountered in the depictions of
deceased individuals. See Acheimastou-Potamianou 2007, 20 and pl.
kilise (third quarter of the 11th century), Karabaş kilise (1060/61)], see 20c; Konstantellou 2019, 134. For this type of illustration of deceased
on this, Jolivet-Lévy 2002, 438, 439. For the possibility of portraying an individuals, see Semoglou 1995, 5–11.
unmarried woman see below page 7. 21
For the dating of the last layer of wall-paintings to the last quarter of
17
See for example the cases in which Archangel Michael presents the the 13th century, see Konstantellou 2019, 345–346.
secular individuals to the enthroned Virgin with Child (Kalopissi-Verti 22
See above page 44.
1992, 99, fig. 85; Papamastorakis 1996–1997, 294–295). 23
See above page 44.
46
would occupy the lower registers of the fresco decoration. in the same red colour and decorated with horizontal and
In the same way their tombs were mainly placed in places vertical double stripes. Finally, a noteworthy component
of secondary importance, such as the western part of the is what appears to be a fine chain: a small portion of this
church and in particular the narthex.24 The depiction of the is visible in her hair on the right side, but is more clearly
woman in the lunette could be seen as indicative of her distinguishable on the other side, where it looks to fall
elevated social standing and her or her family’s25 desire to behind the earring and to continue at the height of the
secure her a place near the dome – symbol of the celestial shoulder, following the latter’s profile.
sphere – therefore near the image of the Pantocrator.26
Such a choice could possibly be used to express that she This particular type of clothing, which combines dress
herself was already ‘optimistic’ about her possibilities of and mantle, corresponds very closely to standards of dress
being admitted to the Heavenly Jerusalem.27 that were common in Byzantine women’s wardrobe, as the
relevant pictorial evidence reveals. The span of these styles
4.2 The dress of the female figure ranges from the 11th to the 15th centuries.32 The collar –
if indeed it is a collar rather than a simple scarf wrapped
The special care taken in the portrayal of the woman is around the neck of the donor – corresponds to a type with
also reflected in her clothes.28 She wears a light red dress horizontal folds, already known in the 11th century and used
and over the latter a maroon mantle, whose hem is marked by both genders.33 Although this type seems to have gone
by a red band in a lighter tone. This is fastened at the top out of fashion in the Late Byzantine period,34 depictions
of the chest with a small hoop.29 The folds on the left of of male and female donors or supplicants from Naxos and
the mantle are rendered as a cluster of black brushstrokes. Paros35 indicate the local continuity of it. The same type
of collar in Naxos is also worn by the male donor in the
It is difficult to identify with certainty the articles of clothing church of Agios Georgios of Diasoritis (12th century?),36
at her neck and on her head. The neck is covered either by the male donor dressed in costly clothes in the church of
the high collar of her dress with its horizontal folds, or by a Agios Ioannis the Theologian at Avlonitsa (1230–1240?)
band of thin fabric probably attached to the back of her hat. near the village of Kato Sagri,37 the pair of donors from
After being wrapped around her neck several times, it was the church of Agios Georgios at Pano Marathos (1285/6)38
either let to fall down her back or firmly reattached to the (Fig. 4.5) and finally the female donor in the church of
head cover.30 The same fabric might have covered her hair Agios Georgios at Melanes (14th century?).39
too. Two more possibilities arise here regarding her hair: it
could have been covered by a fabric cap in red, or that she The most interesting part is the woman’s presumed head
had had it dyed to the same reddish colour.31 Her earrings are covering. As far as I am aware, no other female donor has
easily distinguished; they are in the form of a simple hoop. ever been portrayed wearing anything close to this either in
terms of shape, colour or ornamentation. Overall, wearing
The high rectangular hat she wears is also in a relatively a hat seems to have been a popular choice to complement
good state of preservation: it is perhaps fashioned the female attire of a woman of some rank in the 11th and
from some stiff material or from a fabric with inner 12th centuries.40 During the 11th century, only one type
reinforcement. Interestingly enough the hat is also rendered of hat is known, the one with the trapezoid form.41 In the
32
For the layering of garments, a practice known from the 9th century
24
Rather rarely do the donors appear in the apse, see Kalopissi-Verti which continued in the later times, see indicatively Bitha 2009, 270;
1992, 27. Regularly the funerary portraits appear in blind arches above Bitha 2012, 182.
arcosolia, see Papamastorakis 1996–1997, 285–304, passim. On the 33
Kalamara 1995, 44–46; Kalamara 2004, 276; Acheimastou-
location of funerary monuments and sub-floor burials in Byzantine Potamianou 2016, 30.
churches, see Brooks 2002, 18–30; Marinis 2009, 147–166. 34
This particular detail of costume does not appear in the published
25
The funerary scenes were executed posthumously by members of the depictions of supplicants and donors in the churches of Crete, the
deceased’s family (Brooks 2002, 153–157). In a number of cases the Peloponnese, Rhodes, the Dodecanese and Kythera. For illustrations,
donors designed their sepulchral monuments when they were still alive, see indicatively Milopotamitaki 1987a, 139–150; Milopotamitaki 1987b
see Papamastorakis 1996–1997, 290, 293, 296, 303; Brooks 2002, 157– 110–118; Bitha 2000, 429–448; Bitha 2002, 44–50; Bitha 2009, 270–296;
159. Specifically on the role of women in the foundation and decoration Bitha 2012, 181–202. For a similar type of collar see Makris 2019, 67.
of burial monuments, their own or of their family members, see Brooks 35
See the supplicant at Protoria of Naoussa in Paros (13th century). See
2014, 317–332. on that Mitsani 1999, fig. on pages 7, 8.
26
A special place, specifically on the western wall above the door of the 36
Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 30. For a different dating of the scene
church, is ocupied by the funerary depiction of a dead girl in the church in the end of the 13th century, see Konstantellou 2019, 128 footnote 770,
of Agios Georgios of Diasoritis, outside the village of Chalki (third 332–223.
quarter of the 11th century), see Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 82–85. 37
The wall-paintings are unpublished. For the depiction of the donor,
27
On the fate of the soul after death in Byzantine thought, see Marinis see Acheimastou-Potamianou 2007, 20; Mastoropoulos 2006, 122 and
2016. fig. 40 on page 80. For the dating in the third or fourth decade of the 13th
28
The clothes illustrate elements of identity, gender and social status century, see Konstantellou 2019, 129 footnote 778, 338.
for the persons wearing them and the same holds true for the funerary 38
See most recently Konstantellou 2019, 127–234.
portraits, see Brooks 2002, 71–87; Kalamara 2019, 290–309. 39
The wall-paintings are unpublished.
29
This way of securing the mantle seems to have spread from the end of 40
Emmanuel 1993–1994, 118–119; Parani 2003, 78; Kalamara 2004,
the 10th century; see Parani 2003, 73. 274. Unlike men’s hats, those of women do not exhibit any particular
30
It is a custom that appears in the 12th century and continues into later diversity in their shapes, which is probably due, according to Kalamara’s
times. Rarely does the scarf constitute an independent article of clothing; opinion, to the one-dimensional social role assigned to women, see
see Bitha 2009, 277–278, with examples. Kalamara 2004, 274.
31
The preference for the red and yellow colours was a marker of refined 41
Kalamara 1995, 35–36; Emmanuel 1993–1994, 118–119; Parani 2003,
aesthetics, see Bitha 2000, 444. 78; Kalamara 2004, 274.
47
On Naxos, women wearing hats are depicted in the group

of sinners from the scene of the Second Coming in the
Church of Agios Georgios of Diasoritis outside Chalki,
and in two donor portraits. In the first case (early 12th
century?),49 the hats follow the fashion trends of the time,
as they are shown with rising upper parts and are adorned
with narrow decorative bands, arranged vertically. The
hat of the depicted supplicant in Agios Georgios at
Pano Marathos (1285/6) has a similar shape, has been
rendered in black and brown colour and is adorned with
diminutive circular elements (Fig. 4.5).50 The second
female supplicant in Agios Georgios at Melanes (14th
century?)51 wears a rectangular, low hat, in a light brown
colour, adorned with a grid pattern. The red colour of the
hat of our lady, although known in male headgear,52 was
not detected in any of the above examples.
The hitherto presented information could lead us to

conclude that the hats, in use by aristocratic women in
Middle Byzantine period, remained in vogue for longer
in certain areas, and especially in Naxos. It is certainly
Figure 4.5. Naxos, Agios Georgios at Pano Marathos difficult to ascertain whether the use of hats then was still
(1285/6), unknown female donor. employed as a sign of a glorious lineage and special status,
or whether their use was widespread amongst other social
groups. Generally though the wearing of a hat conferred
12th century, another low hat with vertical sides appears, prestige and was an indication of superior social and
which is relatively similar to the one worn here.42 In the economic standing.
Late Byzantine/ Medieval period, the majority of female
donors are represented with their hair completely or The representation of the fine ‘chain’ decorating the hair
partially covered by kerchiefs in various shapes, by veils of the donor can be considered as an accessory employed
in varying texture and by wimples in some cases combined for beauty’s sake, but also meant to advertise her financial
with a cap beneath.43 From the 14th century, the noble well-being. This sort of ‘chains’ hanging vertically,
women, when they do not cover their heads with scarf which usually were fastened to the edges of women’s
or veil, wear crowns imitating the contemporary female headgear, seem to have been copying the imperial crown’s
imperial crowns.44 Although hats of various types are prependoulia. Their use in the female portraits of the Late
not so frequently represented in female depictions, they Byzantine period is frequent. 53
appear to have been in vogue mainly in the periphery of the
Empire45. From the Aegean area come typical depictions Finally, of particular interest are the monochrome fabrics,
of donors from Kythira,46 Samos47 and Ikaria.48 and especially the preference for red ones in various
tones, which the female donor sports. The preference
for monochrome fabrics seems to have gained ground in
the Late Medieval/Late Byzantine period, and especially
in areas under Latin domination.54 Several studies have
42
This is the white and unadorned, rectangular low hat worn by the
wife of the protospatharios Vasileios in the Lectionary Codex 60 of the shown that the red colour was employed often to indicate
Monastery of Koutloumousiou (1169, f. IV). See Pelekanidis, Christou, expensive clothes and that it was worn by people of social
Mavropoulou-Tsioumi and Kadas 1973, fig. 295 on page 240, 451; standing.55 Maria Parani has shown that the red colour was
Emmanuel 1993–1994, 119; Parani 2003, 78.
43
See indicatively Parani 2003, 78; Mylopotamitaki 1987a, 147; used in the bridal veil,56 while Sarah Brooks in her studies
Mylopotamitaki 1987b, 117; Bitha 2000, 444; Bitha 2002, 49. on Late Byzantine funerary portraits has shown that that
44
Parani 2003, 79–80. colour was frequently used in the depictions of deceased
45
To my knowledge there has not been so far any study dedicated to the
depiction of women’s hat in the Late Byzantine/ Medieval period. Generally
for their use at this time, see Emmanuel 1993–1994, 119; Bitha 2009, 275, 49
Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 27–28, pls. 103–104.
277–279; Katsafados 2020, 25, 27. Low trapezoidal hats or diadems are 50
See most recently Konstantellou 2019, 132–133.
worn by the three women depicted in the well-known Procession scene 51
The wall-paintings are unpublished.
of the icon of the Virgin Hodegetria in Constantinople in the Vlacherna 52
Parani 2003, 68; Kalamara 2004, 274; Parani 2016, 120.
Monastery at Arta (shortly after 1284), see Parani 2016, 125. 53
Parani 2003, 80. For further examples, see Tsigaridas 2016, fig. 271,
46
This is the female supplicant from Agios Dimitrios at Kampianika (mid 272, 319, 396; Karamaouna, Peker and Uyar 2014, 233–234.
13th century), see Bitha 2009, 275, 277–279. 54
Whether this preference may be related to economic circumstances
47
This is the female supplicant in Agios Georgios of Drakaion (first layer or is the result of specific aesthetic choices is not easy to define see
wall-paintings, from the last decades of the 13th century), see Mitsani Kalamara 2012, 178.
1998, 92. 55
Brooks 2002, 75–78. The red colour refers, inter alia, to the concept
48
It is a female supplicant from the church of Agios Ioannis the of power according to the Byzantine historiographic sources; see most
Forerunner in Kasoikia on Ikaria (14th century). Mitsani 1995, 723, pl. recently Panou 2019, 199–208.
222b. 56
Parani 2000, 202.
48
women, again linking the colour to the female wedding

costume.57 Conversely, in some depictions this particular
colour was used to indicate that the female wearing it had
died as an unmarried single woman.58 Nevertheless, it may
also be suggested that in this case the red colour was used
to highlight her portrait and to attract the attention of the
devotees at this high vantage point. In this way, she would
have secured the necessary prayers for her posthumous
salvation, as well as admiration, at every mass or other
service taking place in the church.
4.3 The dating of the composition
The fragmentary preservation state of the fresco makes

it difficult to date. The dating of the second layer that
covered the funerary scene to the last quarter of the 13th
century does provide a terminus ante quem for the first
layer.59 Little chronological evidence was deduced from
the unknown women’s portrait, as the analysis above Figure 4.6. Naxos, Panagia at Archatos, first layer (mid 13th
showed. Her depiction at a smaller scale than that of the century?): Saint Irene?
archangel is customary for the Middle Byzantine period,
but the practice continued well into the Late Byzantine
period as well. Most of the details in her attire hark back fashioning them was also in use in 13th century wall-
to the Middle Byzantine period, but the pictorial evidence paintings.61
from the clothes of other female donor or supplicants
portraits of the Late Medieval period in Naxos suggests The face of the archangel can be compared to that of
that the tastes did not change drastically. Indeed, the Saint Irene (?) from the first layer of wall-paintings in
systematic preference that we observed for certain items the church of Panagia in Archatos (mid 13th century)62
by both genders, such as the hat and the collar with the (Fig. 4.6). In both cases the flesh is rendered in warm ochre.
horizontal lines, could argue that this was a local fashion A reddish-pink colour is used to highlight a small part of
trend that probably developed during this time. the nose area and the fold over the upper eyelid. The green
shading starts from the nose’s interior, outlines the eyelid
The shape of the hat should probably guide us to a second and highlights the contour of the face in both cases. Dense
half of the 12th century date, since the trapezoid form white brushstrokes indicate the light that falls on the
which prevailed in the 11th century was followed by the bridge of the nose and under the eye-sockets. In general,
appearance of the rectangular hat in the middle of the we could argue that this skilful way of representing all
next century. The rendering of some elements, such as the these various features would result in a painterly and vivid
placing of the hat on top of the delicate fabric that probably rendering that would have enhanced the sense of plasticity
covered her hair, is reminiscent of the corresponding and volume in the flesh, as is the case in the depiction of
pattern of putting the imperial crown over a veil in the the female saint from Archatos. It is also interesting to
depictions of female empresses during the Late Byzantine note that in contemporary frescoes we can observe the
period.60 Furthermore, the fine chains dangling at the sides frequent extension of the line of the canthus of the eye to
of her hair, and the preference for monochrome fabrics the face’s contour.63
could all be considered as an indication for a later rather
than an earlier dating. These features should point to a Based on this analysis, we may date the funerary
dating between the middle of the 12th and the first half of composition to the 13th century, probably in the first half
the 13th centuries. of it as the scene was covered beneath the Dormition of
the Virgin in the last quarter of the same century. A slightly
Likewise, the small part preserved from the depiction
of the Archangel Michael limits our ability to analyse 61
The large staring pupils of eyes are encountered in other mural painting
the stylistic rendering of the figure. The presence of a on the island, dating from the 13th to the 14th centuries, see Kostarelli
line bordering the angel’s face, as well as his large and 2013, 213.
62
For the dating of the wall-paintings in the middle of the 13th century,
staring eyes, usually argue for a dating in the 11th century. see Panayotidi 1994a, 557; Panayotidi 1994b, 417, 438; Konstantellou
However, these features, as well as an analogous way of 2019, 144. The same depiction has been dated in the end of the 11th-
early 12th centuries, mainly on the basis of stylistic comparisons with
the form of the archangel from the first layer of wall-paintings from the
57
Brooks 2002, 75–78; Brooks 2014, 320, 323. She believes that the red church of Agios Nikolaos outside Kato Sagri, see on that, Acheimastou-
colour in the deceased women states marriage to Christ in death. Potamianou 1992, 343; Mitsani 2000, 100, and note 53; Drossoyianni
58
Brooks 2014, 322, 323. 2004, 343. However, the artistic means used in the case of Agia Eirini at
59
For the dating of the last layer in the last quarter of the 13th century, see Archatos are richer leading to a more vivid coloristic effect. This should
Konstantellou 2019, 345–346. probably indicate a later date.
60
Parani 2003, 30. 63
Kostarelli 2013, 212–213.
49
earlier dating cannot be ruled out either. The quality of of donors of a certain economic and social status in the
execution indicates the work of a competent painter Naxian countryside. Recently, Myrtali Acheaimastou-
working on Naxos at that time. Potamianou attributed the erection of the church and the
wall-paintings of the first layer (second half of the 11th
4.4 The social identity: a lady in the Naxos countryside? century) in the church of Agios Georgios of Diasoritis
outside the village of Chalki to the endowment by a
In the first half of the 13th century probably, either a woman wealthy individual, possibly a military official with landed
when alive – either in her own right or with her husband – property.64 The richly dressed supplicant in the narthex (of
or a family member after her death decided to build (?) and the 12th century?) could be identified as the landowner of
decorate the small church of Agioi Anargyroi. A possible the wider area, while another prominent and contemporary
arcosolium in the same church or in the auxiliary church figure Ioannis protospotharios, also contributed financially
of Agia Marina attached to the northeast corner of Agioi to the narthex’s decoration in order to secure the salvation
Anargyroi may have served as the actual burial place for of his soul.65
the unknown woman or for the couple, rather than any
cemetery. The funerary scene examined above may have The patronage of donors of a certain economic standing is
had a central role in the mural decoration of the first layer. manifested by the good-quality wall-paintings that date in
These features demonstrate that that church was a private the last decades of the 12th and the first decades of the 13th
church built on their own property. centuries. These paintings are encountered in the church
of Panagia Kaloritissa or Kaloritsa (first quarter of 13th
The anonymous woman has been depicted according century),66 in the church of Panagia Drosiani (late 12th
to the established social values and current pictorial century or early 13th centuries)67, in the church of Agios
conventions of the time; as a wife (as it was most probably Georgios Diasoritis (late 12th to early 13th centuries), in
the case), holding the second most important position in Agios Nikolaos outside Kato Sagri (second layer: 1230–
the composition, i.e., to the left of the archangel, dressed in 1250)68 and in the nearby church of Agios Ioannis the
an outfit that covers all her body parts following the norms Theologian at Avlonitsa (first phase: 1230–1250).69
defined by female morality and rendered in a smaller scale
than the saintly figure. However, she probably secured for The aforementioned wall-paintings confirm that in the first
herself the important place she has in the church for her decades after the conquest of the island by the Venetian
representation. Likewise, her own choices may lay behind Marco I Sanudo (c. 1213)70 the artistic production in the
the clothes she is seen wearing that reflect her refined countryside maintained a fairly high level of quality.
taste and social status. These clothes could be thought to The few fragments that have survived in situ from the
express the local fashion of the social group she belonged aforementioned fresco decorations – mainly because they
to. With such a commission she not only satisfied her were covered by later paintings, as in the case of Agioi
personal anxieties regarding her afterlife, but also her need Anargyroi – do not allow us to study them thoroughly.
to display posthumously her standing and prestige, at least They do indicate, however, the existence of donors who
until the covering up of the funerary scene by that of the had the financial resources to entrust the renovation of
Dormition some decades later (c. 1275–1300). Despite their churches to painters who were familiar with the new
the fact that the funerary scene was repainted, one thing is trends in monumental painting. It would be tempting to
evident here, namely that the second patrons of the church assume that some of the above donors were the offspring
respected her personality as the image chosen to replace of important Byzantine families, great landowners, or
hers, the Dormition of the Virgin, was of a relevant subject even officials.71 At any rate more information regarding
matter. Besides, the Virgin Mary is the most familiar this social group exists for the second half of the 13th
saintly figure to which medieval women would relate to in century.72
their private devotional practices.
64
Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 129, 130–131.
This state of affairs, as well as the ability to choose
65
Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 30–31.
66
This is the now detached figure of a court official from the southern
a competent painter, lead to the conclusion that the apse of the two-apse chapel, see Panayotidi 1991, 293; Panayotidi 1994a,
anonymous woman was a wealthy individual, enjoying 554–555; Panayotidi 1994b, 417.
social standing of some prestige and that she had a
67
The third layer of the second depiction of the Deesis from the eastern
apse of the church dates in the end of the 12th century, see Acheimastou-
matching set of sensibilities and ambitions. We should Potamianou 1992, 147.
probably assume that the only donors who possessed the 68
Drossoyianni 2004, 343–351.
above characteristics and who wished to record details of
69
Drossoyianni 2004, 343–351.
70
See Panayotidi 1991, 294–295; Panayotidi 1994a, 554–555; Panayotidi
their personal lives in the rural churches at that time would 1994b, 417; Drossoyianni 2004, 343–351; Acheimastou-Potamianou
have belonged to significant, landowning families who 2007, 14–15. For a comprehensive view, see most recently Konstantellou
had acquired their wealth via their landed estates. 2019, 336–341.
71
On patronage at this time, see Mitsani 2004–2006, 395–398, 400,
414–418; Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 28–30, 129–133; Panayotidi,
Although the written sources do not provide any Konstantellou 2018, 257–282 passim.
information on the social organization of the island neither
72
Kostarelli 2013, 265; Konstantellou 2019, passim and in particular
297–304. Recently this material was discussed within the context of
in the Byzantine period nor in the early years of Latin the donor’s origins and political views who were active on Naxos in the
rule, archaeological evidence does document the activity second half of the 13th and early 14th centuries (Kountoura-Galake 2015,
50
On the basis of the above, it is safe to assume that, as in Literature

other areas under Latin domination,73 the local archontes
Αcheimastou-Potamianou 1992: Αχειμάστου-
or some of them at least74 remained on the island after the
Ποταμιάνου, Μυρτάλη, ‘Η βυζαντινή τέχνη στο
establishment of the rule of Sanudo and kept their landed
Αιγαίο’, Το Αιγαίο. Επίκεντρο ελληνικού πολιτισμού,
property under circumstances and conditions that are
Athens 1992, 132–160.
unknown to us. 75 Such would have been the case for the
woman and her family in the church of Agioi Anargyroi. Αcheimastou-Potamianou 2007: Αχειμάστου-Ποταμιάνου,
Besides, cultural attitudes similar to those of the female Μυρτάλη, ‘Ἡ μνημειακὴ ζωγραφικὴ στὰ νησιὰ τοῦ
donor at Agioi Anargyroi were manifested in Naxos during Αἰγαίου κατὰ τὸν 13ο αἰώνα. Ἡ περίπτωση τῆς Ρόδου
the Byzantine era by members of the powerful and elite καὶ τῆς Νάξου’, Ἡ Βυζαντινή τέχνη μετὰ τὴν τέταρτη
classes. Thus, in the 11th century a certain Anna, probably Σταυροφορία, Διεθνές Συνέδριο, Ἀκαδημία Ἀθηνῶν
a relative of one of the officials mentioned in the well- 2004, P.L. Vocotopoulos (dir.) Athens 2007, 13–30.
known inscription at Protothronos in Chalki, was probably
Αcheimastou-Potamianou 2016: Αχειμάστου-Ποταμιάνου,
buried in the north-west chapel of the episcopal church,
Μυρτάλη, Άγιος Γεώργιος Διασορίτης της Νάξου.
according to the sepulchral inscription on the north wall.76
Οι τοιχογραφίες του 11ου αιώνα, [Δημοσιεύματα
Around the same time, the deceased daughter of a possibly
Αρχαιολογικού Δελτίου, 106], Athens 2016.
local military official, as noted above, was probably
interred in the well-known church of Agios Georgios of Aslanidis 2017: Ασλανίδης, Κλήμης, Βυζαντινή Ναοδομία
Diasoritis outside Chalki.77 στη Νάξο. Η μετεξέλιξη από την παλαιοχριστιανική στη
μεσοβυζαντινή αρχιτεκτονική, [Κέντρο Βυζαντινών
The depiction of this unknown woman in the church of Ερευνών - Βυζαντινά Μνημεία 17], Thessaloniki 2017.
Agioi Anargyroi, together with the other depictions and
Aslanidis 2018: Aslanidis, Klimis, ‘The Evolution from
inscriptions of the donors and supplicants encountered
in the churches of Naxos, offer a comparative body of Early Christian to Middle Byzantine Architecture on
information on various aspects of rural medieval society, the Island of Naxos’, in Jim Crow, David Hill (eds.),
on which the written sources are silent.78 The systematic Naxos and the Byzantine Aegean: Insular Responses to
recording, documentation and analysis of this data will Regional Change, [Norwegian Institute at Athens, vol. 7],
showcase a world of individuals each of whom had a Athens 2018, 311–337.
different set of social attributes, financial abilities and Betancourt 2015: Betancourt, Roland, ‘Prolepsis and
personal histories; a group of people, experiences and Anticipation: The Apocalyptic Futurity of the Now,
perceptions that will help compose an original and much East and West’, in Michael A. Ryan (ed.), A Companion
more comprehensive history of the island’s Late Medieval to the Premodern Apocalypse, [Brill’s Companions to
society. the Christian Tradition, 64], Leiden 2015, 177–205.
Bitha 2000: Mπίθα, Ιωάννα, ‘Ενδυματολογικές μαρτυρίες
στις τοιχογραφίες της μεσαιωνικής Ρόδου (14ος
141–161; Zarras 2016, 53–78; Kountoura-Galake 2019, 163–185). These αι. -1523). Μια πρώτη προσέγγιση’, Ρόδος 2400
views, as well as the evidence from the churches regarding the agency, χρόνια. Η πόλη της Ρόδου από την ίδρυση της μέχρι
social status and origins of the donors throughout the 13th century, will
be the subject of a separate study. την κατάληψη από τους Τούρκους (1523). Διεθνές
73
Manuel Mourmouras is a similar example of a Byzantine archon who Επίστημονικό Συνέδριο. Πρακτικά, v. Β΄, Athens 2000,
financed the erection and decoration of the Agia Triada at Kranidi (1244) 429–448.
in the Frankish principality of Morea, see Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 34, 64–
65, with previous literature. Bitha 2002: Mπίθα, Ιωάννα, ‘Ενδυματολογικές συνήθειες
74
It cannot be ruled out, of course, that some of the local archontes
preferred to flee, a reaction known from other areas that came under στην ιπποτοκρατούμενη Ρόδο (1309–1522)’,
Latin rule. See Maltezou 1993, 140–145; Maltezou 2016, 19; Kountoura- Αρχαιολογία 83 (Ιούνιος 2002), 44–50.
Galake 2015, 145–146.
75
David Jacoby, considering the general reconciliation policy of the Bitha 2009: Mπίθα, Ιωάννα, ‘Ενδυματολογικές μαρτυρίες
first Duke, Marco Sanudo I, towards the local residents and due to the
small numbers of the new settlers, suggested that the local Greeks were
στα βυζαντινά Κύθηρα’, Η΄ Διεθνές Πανιόνιο Συνέδριo
included in the new feudal system that was imposed. Little is known Χώρα Κυθήρων, 21–25 Μαΐου 2006, Πρακτικά, v. Ι:
about the land-holding system applied to the island during the early Αρχαιολογία – Αρχιτεκτονική – Φυσικό Περιβάλλον,
period (Jacoby 1971, 284). See in particular Jacoby 1971, 271–293; Slot
1982, 45–50; Koumanoudi 2010, 66–80 and especially 76–80; Maltezou Cythera – Athens 2009, 270–296.
2016, 8–35.
76
Chatzidakis 1973–1974, 78; Panayotidi, Konstantellou 2018, 271. Bitha 2012: Mπίθα, Ιωάννα, ‘Η γυναικεία ενδυμασία της
77
Acheimastou-Potamianou 2016, 82–85, 131–132. περιόδου της Φραγκοκρατίας’, in Maria Panayotidi-
78
The key publications on this matter are the following: Dimitrokallis Kesisoglou (ed.), Η γυναίκα στο Βυζάντιο. Λατρεία και
1962, 706–711; Mastoropoulos 1983, 121–128; Mitsani 2004–2006,
391–430; Pennas 2009, 149–185; Zarras 2016, 53–78; Kountoura- τέχνη, Athens 2012, 181–202.
Galake 2019, 163–185. See also Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 86–91, 109 and
passim; Acheimastou-Potamianou 2007, 2; Kostarelli 2013, 57–68, Brooks 2002: Brooks, T. Sarah, Commemoration of the
260–266; Gerstel, Kalopissi-Verti 2014, 204, 207–208; Gerstel 2015, Dead: Late Byzantine Tomb Decoration (Mid 13th to
58, 66, 81, 101, 133, 138, 166–167; Konstantellou 2019, passim and in mid 15th centuries), Unpublished Ph.D., New York
particular 297–304. It should be noted, however, that several dedicatory
inscriptions and portraits of donors and supplicants remain unpublished. University 2002.
51
Brooks 2014: Brooks, Sarah T., ‘Women’s Authority in Jolivet-Lévy 2002: Jolivet-Lévy, Catherine, ‘Culte et
Death: The Patronage of Aristocratic Laywomen in iconographie de l’archange Michel dans l’Orient
Late Byzantium’, in Lioba Theis, Margaret Mullett, byzantin : le témoignage de quelques monuments
Margaret Grünbart (eds.), Female Founders in de Cappadoce’, in Catherine Jolivet-Lévy, Études
Byzantium, [Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, Cappadociennes, London 2002, 413–446.
Bd.60/61], Vienna 2014, 317–332.
Kalamara 1995: Kalamara, Paraskévé, Le système
Chatzidakis 1973–1974: Χατζηδάκης, Μανόλης, vestimentaire à Byzance du IVe jusqu’ à la fin du XIe
‘Ἐπιτάφια χρονολογημένη ἐπιγραφὴ στὴν Πρωτόθρονη siècle, Lille 1995.
Νάξου’, Δελτίον τῆς Xριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Kalamara 2004: Καλαμαρά, Παρή, ‘Νέα στοιχεία στο
Ἑταιρείας 7 (1973–1974), 78. βυζαντινό βεστιάριο του ενδέκατου αιώνα’, in Christina
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27–44. ενδυμασία’, in Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou (ed.), Η
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Danielou 1957: Danielou, Jean, The Angels and their 171–180.
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ζωγραφική το 14ο αιώνα στη Νάξο: τα ακριβώς
Ivison 1993: Ivison, Eric Addis, Mortuary practice χρονολογημένα μνημεία, Unpublished Ph. D.,
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54
5
The Ιmage of the Ηoly Maccabees in Byzantine Literature

and Art: the Case of an Unknown Depiction in St George
at Karynia, Mesa Mani, Peloponnese (1281)*
Anna Takoumi
Abstract: Based on the Byzantine art and texts, this paper attempts to investigate the framework
of the reception of the Maccabees᾿ martyrdom and its assimilation by Byzantine society, by
highlighting its historical, theological, and political context. The solid faith of the Maccabee
martyrs in the One God, the incomparable defense of their traditions until their death and their
unconditional belief in the resurrection of the dead constitute precisely the framework that
validates their veneration, through which they emerge as spiritual models par excellence for
all humans. In the church of Karynia in Mani, the placement of the Maccabees and the way
they are represented express the special veneration they enjoyed in the area, whereas their
role in the iconographic program alludes to the message of the Resurrection. From the time
of the Latin conquest onward, they were further transformed into models of the defense of the
Orthodox faith against the Latins.
Στο βόρειο τοίχο του κατάγραφου ναού του Αγίου Γεωργίου Καρύνιας στη Μέσα Μάνη
(1281) απεικονίζονται σε δύο ζώνες οι μορφές των αγίων Ελεαζάρου, Σολομωνής και των
επτά παιδιών της, γνωστών ως Μακκαβαίων, οι οποίοι μαρτύρησαν στην Αντιόχεια επί
Αντιόχου Δ΄ του Επιφανούς (175–164 π.Χ.), υπερασπιζόμενοι την ιουδαϊκή τους πίστη (Β΄
Μακκαβαίων 6:18–7:41, Δ΄ Μακκαβαίων). Στη βάση της ενότητας Παλαιάς και Καινής
Διαθήκης (Θεία Οικονομία), το μαρτύριο τους θεωρήθηκε χριστιανικό και εντάχθηκε στο
εορτολόγιο της 1ης Αυγούστου. Οι Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας με τις ομιλίες τους, εστιασμένες
στο θεολογικό μήνυμα της ακλόνητης πίστης των Μακκαβαίων στο Θεό, έδωσαν το έναυσμα
της διάδοσης της τιμής τους σε Ανατολή και Δύση. Οι άγιοι αναφέρονται και σε μια πλειάδα
κειμένων ποικίλου περιεχομένου, όπου ανάλογα με τις συνθήκες κάθε εποχής προβάλλονται
ως πρότυπα υπεράσπισης της ορθής πίστης.
Οι απεικονίσεις τους σε έργα μικροτεχνίας, χειρογράφων και μνημειακής ζωγραφικής συνιστούν

μαρτυρίες της πρόσληψής τους στην τέχνη, σύμφωνα με τα χαρακτηριστικά γνωρίσματα κάθε
περιόδου. Μεταξύ αυτών, στα χειρόγραφα εντυπωσιάζουν οι ποικίλες απεικονίσεις τους σε
ολοσέλιδες μικρογραφίες, στο περιθώριο του κειμένου ή σε πρωτογράμματα. Στο διάκοσμο
των ναών, η επιλογή και η θέση των παραστάσεων τους εναρμονίζονται με το εικονογραφικό
πρόγραμμα και τον κοιμητηριακό χαρακτήρα των εκκλησιών.
Στην Λακωνία, η τιμή αυτών των αγίων θα πρέπει να είχε εισαχθεί κατά την περίοδο δράσης
του οσίου Νίκωνα, εποχή δραστικών αλλαγών και έντονων ανακατατάξεων. Η καθιέρωση της
τιμής τους στη συνείδηση των κατοίκων της περιοχής διαπιστώνεται όχι μόνο από την τέχνη,
*
It is a happy occasion for me to publish this article in a volume dedicated (Figs. 5.1–5.3) the church of Karynia, to Dr Marina Solomidou-
to the Professors Emeritae Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi, Ieronymidou, Director of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, for the
who have highlighted various aspects of the art of the Mani. I dedicate permission to take my own photographs (Figs. 5.5–5.6), and to those who
my paper to them, with gratitude for the guidance and inspiration I kindly provided me with photographs: Dr. Lorenzo Riccardi (Fig. 5.4);
received from them. Blago Fund, especially Nenad Kunisevic, member of Board of Directors
The iconographic program of the church has been studied as a part (Figs. 5.7–5.8); Assistant Professor Hirofumi Sugawara, Kanazawa
of my Doctoral thesis. My research led me into the identification of University, Japan (Fig. 5.9); Professor Miodrag Marković, University
the Maccabees’ figures in Karynia, which was first presented in the of Belgrade, Serbia (Fig. 5.10). A part of my research was carried out
Conference of 2014 in honor of Professors Emeritae Sophia Kalopissi- in the Library of the Jewish Museum of Greece (Athens) with the kind
Verti and Maria Panayotidi. Four years later (2018), the theme of the assistance of Anastasia Loudarou, researcher of the Museum and PhD
Maccabean martyrdom was presented in relation with the presence candidate (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki). Finally, I am especially
of Jewish community in Byzantine Lacedaemon at the 38th Annual indebted to Dr. Angeliki Mexia (Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia)
Symposium of Christian Archaeological Society in collaboration with and Giorgos Filotheou, (Department of Antiquities, Cyprus) for their
Kyriaki Tassoyannopoulou (Takoumi and Tassoyannopoulou 2018). My multifaceted assistance with churches in Mani and Cyprus respectively,
warm thanks are extended to Evangelia Pantou, Director of the Ephorate to the anonymous readers for their comments, and to Dr. Nikos Melvani
of Antiquities of Laconia, for the permission to publish and photograph for the translation of the Greek text into English.
55
Anna Takoumi
αλλά και από την μανιάτικη προφορική παράδοση, σύμφωνα με την οποία η αγία Σολομωνή
θεωρείται ως ‘αγία των ψυχών’. Οι Μακκαβαίοι έγιναν διαχρονικά σημείο αναφοράς στην
συνείδηση των πιστών για τη δύναμη της πίστης τους και τη θυσιαστική της υπεράσπιση. Η
σθεναρή αντίστασή τους λειτουργούσε ως μέτρο σύγκρισης, κυρίως σε περιόδους κρίσεως,
με άξονα την ορθή χριστιανική πίστη, το κύριο δηλαδή συνεκτικό στοιχείο της Βυζαντινής
Αυτοκρατορίας.
Keywords: Karynia, Peloponnese, Byzantine art, Maccabean martyrdom, resurrection,

defense of the Orthodox faith.
5.1 Introduction
The church of Saint George in the small settlement of

Karynia at the foot of Mount Saggias, Mesa Mani in the
Peloponnese, is a small single-nave barrel-vaulted church,
typical of the architectural type commonly found in Mani.1
To the south it is abutted by an annex. The monument
dates from the year 1281, according to the extant painted
inscription above the arched opening of the masonry
templon.2 Another long inscription on the north wall
includes personal names accompanied by their job titles, as
well as scattered mentions of the word ‘field’ (χωράφιον).
A full-scale portrait of a couple and another one of a figure
of smaller scale are depicted in the north and in the west
walls respectively.3
The simple and concise iconographic program of the

church has been presented partially in studies by scholars
of the Byzantine art of Mani.4 The portraits of saints in
the church include nine Old Testament personages, known
as Maccabean martyrs, who are arranged in two rows
at the west end of the north wall; Solomone, her seven
sons, and Eleazar, known in Byzantine tradition as the holy
Maccabees (Fig. 5.1). In the upper register, from west to
east, the bust of saint Solomone (Η/Α/Γ/ΙΑ // CΩ/ΛΟ/ΜΩ/
ΝΗ) is represented in a panel defined by a thick red band
(Fig. 5.2). Next to her, in a separate panel are the busts of
the elderly Eleazar ([O ΑΓΙΟς // Ελεάζ]Ạ/Ρ/Ọ[ς]) and of
the two older brothers, Avivos and Antoninos ([O ΑΓΙ/]
Ο(ς) // [Α]/ΝΤΩΝΙΝΟC). The lower register contains the
figures of the remaining five brothers, in full frontal poses, Figure 5.1. Greece, Peloponnese, Mesa Mani, Karynia,
holding the martyrs’ cross (Fig. 5.3). They are Gourias ([O church of St. George, western part of the north wall:
the scene of the Descent into Hell (vault) and the Holy
ΑΓΙΟς] // ΓΟΥ/ΡΙ/Α/ς), Eleazar, Eusebonas ([O AΓΙΟς] Maccabees in two rows (below).
// Ε[Υ]/CΕ/ΒỌ/Ṇ(ας)), Samonas (Ο/Α/ΓΙ/Ο(ς) // CΑΜ
[ONAC]), and Markellos ([O AΓΙΟς] // ΜΑΡ[κελλος]).
The names of the saints correspond with those in the
Synaxarium of Constantinople.5
1
For a first presentation of the church with regard to the consolidation The Maccabees’ martyrdom has for years been a fertile
and restoration work, see Etzeoglou 1973–1974, 419, 420, fig. 273c; domain of research conducted by scholars from various
Kounoupiotou-Manolessou and Etzeoglou 1977, 477; Etzeoglou fields. Their unpublished depiction in St George at
1983, 466.
2
Kalopissi-Verti 1992, 106. Karynia gives us an opportunity to investigate in this
3
For a proposed reading of all the inscriptions in the Karynia church, see article the framework of the theme’s reception and
Katsafados 2015, 54–62. assimilation by Byzantine society on a local, as well as
4
Drandakis 1986, 685, 688, 689, 692, 693, 697; Drandakis 1988, 73, 74,
76; Kalopissi-Verti 1994, 470–471; Drandakis 1998, 22; Kalopissi-Verti
1999, 195; Kalopissi-Verti 2005, 104; Panayotidi 2005a, 94; Panayotidi Synaxarium of Constantinople, col. 859. The names of some of the sons
5
2005b, 204–205; Panayotidi 2008–2009, 227–228; Diamanti 2012, pls are slightly different in Dionysius of Fourna, Painter’s Manual (first half
45b and 46a; Gerstel 2015, 62, fig. 44. of 18th century), 161.
56
The Ιmage of the Ηoly Maccabees in Byzantine Literature and Art
were forced into martyrdom because of their refusal to

comply with Antiochus’ policy directed against the Jewish
faith and customs. Moreover, they openly declared that they
were not afraid of death (2 Macc 7:2), because God who had
brought them to life, would resurrect them (2 Macc 7:9; 7:11;
7:13; 7:23; 7:29; 7:36). Eleazar, one of the primary Scribes
(2 Macc 6:18; 6:24)8, was the first to be martyred, followed
by the seven brothers by order of age (2 Macc 7:1–42), from
the eldest to the youngest, and lastly, their pious mother,
who constantly encouraged them during their martyrdom
(2 Macc 7:20–30; 4 Macc 8:3; 16:1; 8:4). This policy of
Antiochus IV, which triggered the Jewish rebellion against
him, the so-called Maccabean revolt, has been studied within
the framework of the Hellenistic cultural environment of
Figure 5.2. Peloponnese, Mesa Mani, Karynia, church of the time.9 This was a very important phase of the Second
St. George, detail of fig. 5.1: saint Solomone. Temple Period (160s ΒC–70 AD), characterized by deep
internal transformations and the formation of new beliefs,
such as the belief in the resurrection of the body, which in 2
Maccabees is presented for the first time in close conjunction
with the martyrdom for the Law, since only those who
sacrifice themselves for the Law will be resurrected.10
The Christian Church had always considered the sacrifice

of the Maccabees as the expression of their faith in Christ
and included them in the Christian calendar with their
feast day on August 1.11 The brave act of the Maccabees
when faced with their imminent martyrdom was based
on their faith in the one God, who strengthened them
with His grace, as was the case with all ‘just’ (δίκαιοι)
people of Old Testament times possessing a clean spirit.12
The Christian character of the Maccabean martyrdom is
Figure 5.3. Peloponnese, Mesa Mani, Karynia, church of based precisely on the idea of unbroken unity between
St. George, detail of fig. 5.1: Gourias, Eleazar, Eusebonas, the Old and New Testaments, the work of the one
Samonas, and Markellos. and only Triune God (Cf. John 1:1–5; 1:14; Hebrews
1:1–2). The Son and Word of God which was revealed
in an incorporeal way, was incarnated with time, as the
wider scale, by highlighting its historical, theological, ultimate fulfillment of the Law and the prophets (Cf.
and ideological context. With the texts as our guide, we
will trace the polysemantic character of the Maccabees’
martyrdom and its passage from Hebrew to Byzantine AD. From the very rich bibliography, see indicatively Dupont-Sommer
literature and art. 1939; Elliott 2001, 790–792; Nickelsburg 2005, 256–261; Rajak 2016.
On various issues of the Book, see DeSilva 2006, xi–xliv, with a critical
presentation of older bibliography; Xeravits and Zsengellér 2007. Also,
5.2 Τhe context of the Maccabean martyrdom: for a combined presentation of themes of 2 and 4 Maccabees with
the textual evidence previous bibliography, see Signori 2012, 1–36.
8
In 4 Maccabees 5:4 he is mentioned as a priest.
9
Judas, the son and successor of the leader of the revolt, the priest Mattathias
The elderly Eleazar and the seven brothers with their (167–165 BC), attacked the Seleucids with such rigor, that he was
mother suffered martyrdom in Antioch during the reign of characterized as a maccabeus (the term is originated from the Hebrew word
maqqebeth), which is meant hammer, see Nickelsburg 2005, 68. Although
Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–164 ΒC). According to the the martyrs are not related to the Maccabean revolt, they are conventionally
two main sources for their martyrdom, the Old Testament known under the same epithet because of the inclusion of their martyrdom
Βooks 2 Maccabees (6:18–7:41)6 and 4 Maccabees,7 they into the Books of Maccabees. For the Maccabean revolt, see Bickermann
2007 [1979]; Hengel 1981 [1974]; Tcherikover 1999; Nodet 2005; Collins
2005; Cohen 2006, 29–50; Grabbe 2010; Zarras 2012, 184–94.
6
It is one of the four Books with the same title, but an independent work in 10
Momigliano 1975, 86–87; Van Henten 1997; Kaïmakes 2007, 155–
terms of its content, author, time, place, and purpose. 2 Maccabees, dated in 175, especially 169–171; Van Henten and Avemarie 2005, 45–49, 64–
the late 2nd or 1st centuries BC (probably between 104–63 BC), is composed 76; Nickelsburg 2005, 106–10; Assmann 2012, 39–59; Palantza 2013,
by an anonymous author as a condensation of a five-volume history (now 573–574. For a general investigation into the subject with earlier
lost), which was written by one Jason of Cyrene. The Book was written bibliography and mention of research tendencies today, see Elledge 2017.
in Greek with the exception of two epistles at the beginning of the book 11
Synaxarium of Constantinople, cols 859–860; Acta Sanctorum Augusti
(1.1–10a and 1.10b–2.18), which were originally written in Hebrew. Among I, 5–7.
the rich bibliography, see Zeitlin and Tedesche 1954; Goldstein1983; Doran 12
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 912A; John Chrysostom, In
2001; Helyer 2002, 158ff.; Schwartz 2008; Zarras 2012, 199–202. sanctos Maccabaeos I, col. 618: Τίμια γὰρ τὰ σώματα, ἐπειδὴ πληγὰς
7
It is a philosophical-theological treatise, which on the occasion of the ἐδέξαντο ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἰδίου Δεσπότου, ἐπειδὴ στίγματα βαστάζουσι διὰ
martyrdom deals with ‘the supremacy of the reason over the passions’. It τὸν Χριστόν. Cf. Ignatios of Antioch (the Theophoros), Epistola ad
is written probably in the 1st century AD or between late 1st and mid-2nd Magnesios, 8.2 (p. 100).
57
Anna Takoumi
Matthew 5:17; John 1:45). In this context, the salvation of not to yield to fear.23 The conviction, faith, and bravery of
humans is no longer connected with the faith in the Law, Solomone were, according to the Fathers, unparalleled and
but in Jesus Christ, who renewed all humanity with His superior even to those of Abraham.24 It seems furthermore
Passion and Resurrection, introducing it to a new model of that the model of saint Solomone occupied an important
life in contrast to the faithful adherence to the Law.13 place in the religious conscience of the Byzantines not
only as a consolation for women and mothers,25 but also as
The martyrdom of saints had been recognized since the an example of absolute faith in God.26 It is very interesting
early centuries in Christian literature, mainly in cases of to note here the ecclesiological approach of the topic by
imperial persecution.14 Later, however, the validity of the the Fathers, who liken mother Solomone to the Church,
holy Maccabees’ feast was challenged, based on the fact due to her faith in God and to the sacrifice of her children.27
that they were martyred before Christ;15 this prompted the
Fathers in the 4th and 5th centuries to highlight with their The liturgical festival, which had already been consolidated
homilies the value of the Maccabees’ sacrifice, by crucially in Constantinople in the 10th century, according to the
contributing to the establishment of the Maccabean martyrs’ Synaxarium of Constantinople28 and the Typikon of the
feast into the Christian calendar16 and to its spread in the Great Church,29 was gradually organized around this axis.
East and in the West.17 The solid faith of the Maccabee The epistle reading (Hebrews 11:33–40) and the gospel
martyrs in the One God, the incomparable defense of their reading (Matthew 10:16–22) for the day, as well as the
traditions until their death and their unconditional belief hymns of the feast contain this exact theological message.30
in the resurrection of the dead constitute precisely the Indeed, on the same day the immersion of the Holy Cross31
framework that validates their veneration, through which was also performed, which, according to the euchologion
they emerge as martyrs of Christ before the realization of of Patmos of the early 13th century, took place in memory
His incarnation18 and as models of penitence and fasting, of the Maccabee martyrs.32 Moreover, the litany of the
because of their refusal to eat pork and meat sacrificed Holy Cross in Constantinople33 which had been performed
to idols.19 Thus, they are spiritual models par excellence
for all humans;20 Eleazar for priests, because he offered 23
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 916C: ‘Οὐ γὰρ πἀσχοντας ἠλέει
himself as a sacrifice to God,21 the seven brothers for youth, τοὺς παῖδας, ἀλλ᾽ἠγωνία τὸ μὴ παθεῖν’. Augustine of Hippo, Sermo
because they chose the spiritual benefits of the afterlife 300, VI, col. 1380: ‘nec solum non terrebatur, sed etiam exhortabatur’;
over the material ones,22 and Solomone as the true mother John Chrysostome, In sanctos Maccabaeos I, col. 621, γ´: ‘οὐ τὸ τεκεῖν
ποιεῖ μητέρα, ἀλλὰ τὸ θρέψαι καλῶς’; John Chrysostome, In sanctos
who, in accordance with the model of Christian virtue, Maccabaeos IΙ, col. 625–626, β´: ’ὅντως μήτηρ αὐτῶν ἐστιν, ὅντως
inspired her children to be martyred, by encouraging them ἐκεῖνοι γνήσιοι παῖδες αὐτῆς, οὐ διὰ τὴν συγγένεια τῆς φύσεως, ἀλλὰ
διὰ τὴν κοινωνία τῆς ἀρετῆς’. See also Ziadé 2007, 244–246, where she
comments on the characterization of saint Solomone as a true mother.
13
See indicatively Romans 7:4–6; 10:5–13; 2 Corinthians 3:6–18; 24
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 916C: ‘ὢ τῆς Ἀβραμιαίου
Galatians 3:11; John of Damascus, Expositio fidei orthodoxae II, 96 (IV, θυσίας ἐκείνης εἰ μή τι τολμητέον, καὶ μεῖζον!’; John Chrysostom, In
23), 69–83 (p. 282); Nicholas Chamaetos Kabasilas, De Vita in Christo, sanctos Maccabaeos I, col. 620; See also Ziadé 2007, 246–253, where
I,1,1–5. the author comments on the perception of saint Solomone as ‘virile’; For
14
Deléani 1989, 189–213; Rouwhorst 2005, 81–96; Ziadé 2007, 87–103; an interpretative suggestion on the origin of this model of the saint, see
Frend 2008; Joslyn-Siemiatkoski 2009, 25–27; Van Henten 2010, 359– Pavlovskis-Petit 2005.
377. 25
Basil the Great, Epistula VI, 2.10–19.
15
Cf. Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 912A; Augustine of Hippo, 26
Gregory of Nyssa, In quadracinta martyres, col. 785C; Theodore of
Sermo 300, II, col. 1377. Stoudion, Oration on his mother, 6.214–218 (p. 78), praises her ascetic
16
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, cols. 911–934; John Chrysostom, life, toward which she urged her entire family, by promoting her as a
In sanctos Maccabaeos I, cols. 617–624. John Chrysostom, In sanctos worthy successor of saint Solomone and the prophetess Anne.
Maccabaeos II, 623–626; Augustine of Hippo, Sermo 300, cols 1376– 27
John Chrysostome, In sanctos Maccabaeos I, col. 622; Augustine,
1380; Ambrose of Milan, De Iacob et vita beata, ΙΙ, 10.42–12.58; Sermon 301, I, col. 1380. Cf. the hymn in Menaion of August, 284:
Augustine of Hippo, Sermo 301, cols 1380–1385. For individual subjects ‘Ἀγάλλου, Σολομόνη, ὁρῶσα τοὺς ἑπτὰ κλάδους συνακμάσαντας τοῦ
of the homilies of saints Ambrose and Augustine of Hippo, see DeSilva νόμου τοὺς καρπούς˙ ἐξ ὧν τρυγῶσα ἡ ἄμεμπτος Ἐκκλησία, τοὺς ἐν
2014, 287–293 and Brown Tkacz 1995, 59–78 respectively. For a general χάριτι λατρείας τρέφει καθ’ ἡμέραν ὡς μήτηρ ἡμᾶς’; Ambrose of Milan,
overview of the patristic homilies, see Ziadé 2007; Joslyn-Siemiatkoski De Iacob et vita beata II, 12.53: 9–11 (p. 486) and 12.57:6–9 (p. 492).
2009, 29–63. 28
Synaxarium of Constantinople, cols. 859–60, where all martyrs are
17
Vinson 1994, 166–192; Pizzolato and Somenzi 2005; Ziadé 2007; mentioned by name, unlike 2 and 4 Maccabees, where only Eleazar’s
Hahn 2012, 79–104; Berger 2012, 105–109; For the relics and for the name is mentioned. Patristic and hymnographic texts also mention the
basilica of the martyrs in Antioch, see Schatkin 1974, 97–113; Mayer and name of Solomone. Of special interest is the origin and introduction of
Allen 2012, 90–94. On the relics of saint Solomone in Constantinople, the names of the saints in the Synaxarium of Constantinople. On this, see
see Berger 2012, 105–109; Melvani 2017, 139. The relics of saint Berger 2012, 109, 114–115.
Solomone are now in the church of St George of the Greek Orthodox 29
Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the Theologian, Ms 266, 9th–10th
Patriarchate at Constantinople. centuries (Dmitrievskij 1965, vol. I, 99); Jerusalem, Monastery of the
18
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 913C; col. 932A: ‘θεὸς ἦν Holy Cross, Ms 40, 10th century (Mateos 1962, 356–357).
ὁδηγὸς τῶν τοιοῦτων ἄθλων’; Augustine of Hippo, Sermo 300, IV, col. 30
Cf. the troparion (Mateos 1962, 356–357), the kontakion ‘Maccabees…
1379: ‘Ipsum martyres in manifesto confessi sunt, quem tunc Machabaei martyrs before the time of the martyrs’ (Menaion of August, 287) and
in occulto confessi sunt’. other hymns (Menaion of August, 287 and 293). See also the canon
19
Athanasios, archbishop of Alexandria, Sermo de Patientia, col. 1304D. of Andrew of Crete (Menaion of August, 281). See also the canons in
20
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, cols 932D–933A; John Chrysostom, Follieri 1980, vol. I, 470 and Proiou 1980, vol. XII, 1–11.
In sanctos Maccabaeos I, col. 622; Augustine, Sermo 300, VI, col. 1379: 31
Synaxarium of Constantinople, col. 860: ‘βάπτισις τῶν τιμίων καὶ
‘Nemo ergo dubitet, fratres mei, imitati Machabaeos’. ἁγίων ξύλων’; Patmos, Monastery of Saint John the Theologian, Ms 266,
21
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 913C; col. 929Β: ‘νῦν δὲ καὶ 9th–10th centuries: ‘βάπτισις τιμίου ξύλου’ (Dmitrievskij 1965, vol. I,
τελεώτατον θῦμα προσάγων ἑαυτὸν τῷ Θεῷ’. 99; Mateos 1962, 356–357).
22
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 929Β: ‘οὕτω τῆς νεότητος οἱ 32
Dmitrievskij 1965, vol. 2, 166.
παῖδες οὐ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς δουλεύσαντες, ἀλλὰ τῶν παθῶν κυριεύσαντες... 33
Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae,
καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀπαθῆ ζωὴν μεταθέμενοι’. II.8 (pp. 538–541) had mentioned the progression of the Holy Cross in
58
on the same day already since the 10th century, would interesting aspects of the private use of relics in the 11th
have bestowed a particular brilliance on the religious century, we should however remark here that Mytilenaios,
celebrations of the day, emphasizing in a special way its in search of a characteristic high standard for comparison,
theological content. All the hymnography of August 1st, draws from the case of the Maccabees, by likening their
with the harmonious alternation among stichera, kontakia, true faith, albeit sarcastically, to the supposed ‘great’
and apolytikia of the Maccabees and of the Holy Cross, faith of this man. Yet, this choice actually attests to the
appears to reflect exactly the passage of the Homily of establishment of the veneration of the saints and the
Gregory of Nazianzos: ‘[we must] praise them because recognition of the importance of their martyrdom, on a
they died according to the Cross [of Christ]’.34 theological level, in the conscience of Byzantines during
the time of Christopher, i.e. in the 11th century.
The martyrdom of the Maccabees is mentioned in other
Byzantine texts of varied subject matter. What I am 5.3 The visual evidence
suggesting here is a preliminary classification of Byzantine
texts in relation to their context: a. historiographic,35 b. The earliest known depiction of the holy Maccabees is
philological,36 c. Psalm hermeneutics,37 d. theological,38 e. encountered in the ivory reliquary from Brescia (last
theological-philosophical,39 f. politico-theological regarding quarter of the 4th century); on the short right side, in the
the heavenly and earthly kingdom and peace,40 g. defenses upper register, the middle scene represents seven figures
of the Christian faith and of the orthodox dogma,41 and h. in flames.44 Their presence among scenes of the Giving
polemical texts against the Latins.42 of the Mosaic Law to Moses and of the miracles of Christ
explains and confirms the unbroken unity between the Old
Of special interest is a reference to the Maccabee martyrs and New Testament.45 In fact, the entire ivory decoration
in a poem of Christopher Mytilene (c. 1000–c. 1050).43 of the reliquary with the harmonious arrangement of its
The author, in order to satirize the exaggerations of an scenes, i.e. the confrontation of the Law with the life in
obsessed collector of relics of saints, juxtaposes his Christ visually renders in a concise way the unity of the
‘great’ faith with that of the Maccabees. Apart from the two Testaments as a vessel of the one and unified revelation
of God to the world. This ecclesiastical view is promoted
Constantinople after it was taken out of the imperial treasury. See also the and passionately endorsed during these first Christian
Canonarion of festivals (Κανονάριον) of the Sinai monastery, 9th–10th centuries as the fulfillment of the messianic expectation of
centuries, where the veneration of the Holy Cross took place on the 31st
of July, the eve of August 1 (Dmitrievskij 1965, vol. I, 220). For a short the Old Testament world.
comment on the feast, see Cotsonis 1994, 26–27.
34
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 913Β: ‘ὅτι κατὰ τὸν σταυρὸν, In the monumental painting, the earliest known
ἐπαινετέοι, καὶ τῆς ἐκ τῶν λόγων τιμῆς ἄξιοι’.
35
John Malalas, Chronographia, VIII, 263–264 (p. 206, 15–22). representation of the saints is found in the southwest
36
In response to a question from a monk named Gregory regarding the pilaster of the presbytery of Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome
position of the word ‘δὲ’ in the beginning of the Homily of Gregory of (first half of 7th century).46 It is a uniform composition,
Nazianzos, John Mauropous sent him a letter explaining that ‘δὲ’ is a linking
word: John Mauropous, Epistula 116, 10–17 (p. 59); Karpozilos 1982, 127. the work of a competent artist from the East, who
37
Eusebios of Caesarea, Commentaria in Psalmos, col. 948; Michael rendered the full figures of the seven brothers and their
Psellos, Poemata, 750. spiritual father Eleazar around saint Solomone, against a
38
Origen (Commentary on John, 1, 18, 103) was based on the confession
of the Maccabees for the argumentation regarding the creation of man by neutral background; Saints Solomone and Eleazar are the
God from non-being. For this matter, see Palantza 2013, 572; Michael only personages with captions in the entire scene (Fig.
Psellos, In locum Matthaei (10.16), 147–154 (p. 90). 5.4). The free body postures and the arrangement of the
39
Contemplating the death of man as an inevitable fact and the different
life span assigned by God to each human, Michael Glykas (Quaestiones youths in space are linked with the painterly spirit of late
in sacram scripturam, 37.3, p. 442) alludes to the confession of the antiquity. However, the figure of saint Solomone, the
Maccabees for overcoming their fear ahead of death, since all people will only haloed one, is highlighted by occupying the central
die when their time comes.
40
Interpreting a passage from the Psalms, Theodoret of Cyrrhus axis, since she is depicted strictly frontal, a tendency
(Interpretatio in Psalmos, col. 1433C) remarks that the Old Testament characteristic of the art of the Byzantine East in this
Books of Kings and Maccabees teach us that human governance period. The form of the composition with the emphasis
(τοπαρχίες) was not able to secure peace.
41
In the Life of Michael the Synkellos 24.27–31 (p. 96) the defenders of the on the figure of the female saint, surrounded by her
icons and the correct faith are compared with the Three Youths and with the children and by Eleazar, essentially promotes her crucial
Maccabees; Theodore of Stoudion, Epistola XXI, col. 1185A. See also the role as a mother, an ideal model of family conduct and
funerary oration of Nicholas Mesarites to his brother John, whom he praises
for the struggle to preserve the correct Orthodox faith: Epitaphios 52.32–34
(p. 67–68); Constantine Acropolites (Sermo in s. martyrem Theodosiam,
235–238, p. 129), praises the sacrifice of the saint for the icons and the
defense of the correct faith, by comparing her with the Maccabees.
42
In addressing the father of a young man who perished in the siege of 44
Mc Grath 1965, 257–261; Watson 1981, 288. For all the opinions
the Acrocorinth, Michael Choniates (Epistula 101, p. 151) compares the concerning the identification of the figures, see recently Brown Tkacz
young man with the Maccabees and the Latins with Antiochus. About 2002, 210–211.
two centuries later, during the time of the Council of Ferrara-Florence 45
Without overlooking the fact that each reliquary was decorated
(1438–1439), Markos Eugenikos, Epistula 13, 167–168), metropolitan of according to the needs and perceptions of its time and place, we mention
Ephesus, in a letter to the Patriarch of Constantinople mentions that the here that the combined depiction of scenes from the Old and New
Orthodox Christians should not be inferior to the Maccabees in terms of Testament is a typical theme for reliquaries during this time, Noga-Banai
their confession of faith. 2008, 152.
43
Christofer of Mytilene, Poem 114, 37–39 (p. 244). For the translation 46
Nordhagen 1990, 166, 175, 202–208, 308, with earlier bibliography;
of the medieval Greek poem into moderm Greek, see Moniou 2017, 291. Andaloro 2016, 184, figs 7 and 9 in p. 186, fig. 13 in p. 189.
59
Anna Takoumi
life,47 and attests to the great veneration she received, in

accordance with patristic texts in the East and West.
From this period up until the 12th century no other

monumental representations of the Maccabees were
preserved, according to the available evidence.48 However,
miniatures in manuscripts and portable icons, within the
framework of the illustration of patristic homilies and
menologia, confirm the interest of the Byzantines in the
illustration of the saints and their martyrdom.49 In these
miniatures the variety of the depictions of the figures is
impressive, ranging from full page to borders around
texts and to initials, where they are rendered mainly in a
uniform composition either at the time of their martyrdom,
often in particular detail, or as frontal figures in paratactic
layout, side by side.
From the 13th century onward, the preserved representations

of the Maccabean saints in churches increase in number.
In the church of Saint George at Karynia, Mesa Mani the
figures of holy Maccabees are found in the west end of the
north wall of the church (Figs. 5.1–5.3). Saint Solomone
wears the typical female dress frequently found in frescoes
in churches in Mani, dating from the end of the 10th
century (Fig. 5.2).50 Her arms raised in intercession, which
can be compared to two miniatures in Codex Par. Coislin
239, fol. 43v και 44v (late 11th–12th centuries),51 seem
to illustrate in a painterly way a passage from the homily Figure 5.4. Italy, Rome, church of Santa Maria Antiqua: the
Holy Maccabees.
of Gregory of Nazianzos: ‘with her hands extended, she
exclaimed in a loud voice: I thank you, holy Father, …You
have gathered the fruit of my loins [her seven children]
and I have become a mother more holy than all mothers’.52 miniature in Codex Athos, Panteleimon 6, fol. 53R (late
Eleazar is depicted at an advanced age wearing a chiton 11th century).53
and himation, and holding a scroll (Fig. 5.1), typical
elements of the iconography of prophets and apostles. The iconographic layout of the subject departs markedly
The seven youths (Figs. 5.1, 5.3), who wear the typical from the older Early Christian one, in accordance
courtly dress of martyrs and hold a small martyr’s cross, with the principles of Byzantine monumental art after
are not differentiated by age. The garments, as well as their Iconoclasm. The figures of the holy Maccabees in St
frontal and paratactic arrangement can be compared to the George at Karynia, adjusted to the available surface of
the wall, have the same height and are depicted frontally,
paratactically, with separate captions for each name, as
47
As C. Hennesy (2008, 91–98, 109–110) has stated, the images are a
source of strength, not of fear or warning; On the Byzantine Family, see
contained in the Synaxarium of Constantinople. Unlike
Brubaker and Tougher 2013. the older composition in Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome
48
According to Christopher Walter (1980, 257–259) and Leslie Brubaker (Fig. 5.4) and the manuscript illuminations, where
(2001, 21–22), the Life of Tarasios contains a description of monumental
images of the holy Maccabees and, hence, there was at least one 8th-
only saints Solomone and Eleazar are identified, in the
century example in Constantinople. Contrary to this opinion, Stefanos church of St George all figures of the Maccabean saints
Efthymiadis (1981, 238, 239), based on the text of the Life, has argued are captioned with their names, as unique personages, in
that the description of these images concern the group of saints, who
suffered martyrdom after the Incarnation of Christ, and consequently, the
accordance with the usual practice of post-Iconoclastic art.
identification with the Maccabees must be excluded.
49
On menologion icons, see for example the Sinai diptych, second half The figure of saint Solomone is differentiated from the
of 11th century: Sotiriou 1956–1958, vol. 1: fig. 133, vol. 2: 119–120;
Galavaris 1990, 100, 149 fig. 17. On manuscripts see indicatively
male ones, which are depicted next to her, not only by
Galavaris 1969; Patterson-Ševčenko 1990; for a concise survey of these a thick red line that frames it, but also with the position
manuscripts, see Berger 2012, 111. of her hands, which express her crucial role at the time
50
Cf. the unidentified female saint in St Panteleemon at Epano Boularii,
first layer, 991/2 (Drandakis 1969–1970, 450, fig. 16; Drandakis 1995,
of the martyrdom and her intercession to Christ the
375 plan 9) and in the Holy Anargyroi at Kipoula, 1265 (Drandakis 1995, Savior. However, the placement of all figures in two
334, color pl. XIV, fig. 78); Saint Kyriake in the narthex of Aï-Strategos registers on the same side of the wall guarantees the
at Epano Boularii, second layer, second half of 13th century (Drandakis
1995, 466) and in St Panteleemon at Ano Boularii, second layer, end of
unity of the composition. The entire representation is thus
13th–beginning of the 14th centuries (Drandakis 1969–1970, 457, fig. harmoniously incorporated into the lowest register of the
19; Drandakis 1995, 388, fig. 27).
51
Galavaris 1969, 247, pl. XXΧVIII, fig. 211–212.
52
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, cols 925C. 53
Galavaris 1969, 209, pl. XXVIII, fig. 144.
60
church, the established location of figures of saints in the in the south arm of the vault, whereas in the lunette of the
Byzantine art after Iconoclasm. Indeed, the placement of west wall is the Crucifixion. Moreover, the supplications
the figures at the west end of the north wall of the church is of a couple of supplicants depicted on the north wall, to the
not accidental, since it matches theologically with the scene east of the Maccabees, and of one more supplicant male
of the Descent into Hell, which is depicted directly above, figure of smaller scale painted at the feet of the archangel
in the vault (Fig. 5.1). The commissioner responsible for Michael in the west wall are addressed to the saints, whose
the iconographic program of the church conveyed the register begins and ends with the composition of the Deesis
theological message of the hope for the resurrection of the on the templon. This prayer to the saints to intercede with
saints, as expressed during their martyrdom, in the most the Savior Christ for the salvation of humanity is expressed
perceptible and direct way by depicting the martyrs below in a hymn by the hymnographer Kosmas,58 whereas the
the resurrected Christ, the victor of death. In this way, it miniaturist of Codex Gr. Oxford Bod. Lib. 103, fol. 47R
is stated that the resurrection hoped for by the martyrs of (11th–12th centuries) rendered it in a painting.59
the Old Testament was realized in the New Testament by
Christ the Savior. The above elements also confirm the funerary character
of the church, as also attested by the medieval tombs in
The Resurrection of Christ affected the entire human race the surrounding area, serving the burial needs of this small
and renewed it, by giving it anew the ability to be likened to settlement. Indeed, it is noteworthy that the theological
God, i.e. to come into full communion with Him (θέωσις). contents of the seventh and eighth days, i.e. of the
This new reality, once given to man, is summarized in resurrection and the afterlife, have been preserved in the
terms of its meaning in the concept of the seventh day of popular piety of the inhabitants of Karynia until today,
the week, Sunday (Κυριακή ημέρα).54 Sunday is referred to since saint Solomone is characterized as ‘the saint of the
as the seventh day or seventh century and is aligned with souls’. Thus, it is no coincidence that even the modern
the day of the coming of the Lord and of his eternal reign cemetery is also dedicated to her.60 It becomes clear that
on the eighth day, or the eighth century.55 These two days the theological connection between the resurrection and
or centuries are directly related to each other in terms of soteriological anticipation with the martyrdom of the
their theological contents, since the renewed man after the holy Maccabees, mainly in the person of saint Solomone,
Resurrection of Christ (the seventh day) is able, through survived in the mentality of the inhabitants, proving
church life and communion with God, to enjoy the benefits exactly the power of tradition through the centuries. In
and the beatitude of the afterlife (the eighth day) during addition, it is noteworthy that that the term ‘macabre’’,
his lifetime. This theological context can also explain the which is probably derived from the word maccabeus, is
parallelism by saint Gregory of Nazianzos of the Seven given a meaning related to death.61
Maccabean brothers with the seven days,56 since they
prefigured the resurrection, hoping to enjoy the benefits Within this funerary context the dedication of the
of the afterlife. This parallelism of saint Gregory inspired catacombs of Kato Paphos in Cyprus62 to Saint Solomone,
later Christopher Mytilenaios (11th century) to record this as well as that of a small church with a crypt in its interior
theological message in a verse couplet.57 (Fig. 5.5) in the Koma tou Yalou (9th/10th centuries)63
should be interpreted. The defaced frescoes of the church
The arrangement of the scenes in the west part of the at Koma tou Yalou do not permit the identification
church introduces the worshiper to the comprehension of of scenes and inscriptions of the saints, which would
this theological message. Opposite the scene of the Descent confirm this dedication. However, a fresco of later date
into Hell is depicted the scene of the Entry into Jerusalem with saints Solomone ([C]OΛ[ΟΜΩΝΗ]) and Eleazar (c.
1500) in the church of Panagia Kanakaria at Lythrangomi
(Fig. 5.6)64 at a short distance from the church at Koma
54
Ignatios of Antioch (the Theophoros), Epistola ad Magnesios, 9.1 (p.
102). tou Yalou, today in the Turkish-occupied part of the
55
John of Damascus, Expositio fidei orthodoxae I, 15 (ΙΙ,1), (p. 222, island, confirms evidently the establishment of the saints’
16–21): ‘λέγονται μὲν οὖν ἐπτὰ αἰῶνες τοῦ κόσμου τούτου…Ὄγδοος δὲ veneration in Cyprus already in the 9th/10th centuries, if
αἰὼν ὁ μέλλων’; John of Damascus, Expositio fidei orthodoxae II, 96 (ΙV,
23), (p. 284, 94–98): ‘ὁ ἐπτὰ ἀριθμὸς πάντα τὸν παρόντα χρόνον δηλοῖ… not earlier.
Καὶ ὁ θεήγορος Δαυὶδ περὶ τῆς ὀγδόης ψάλλων περὶ τῆς μελλούσης μετὰ
τὴν ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀνάστασιν καταστάσεως ἔψαλλε’. On the theology of the
eight day, see generally Staats 1972; Filias 2010. 58
Menaion of August, 279: ‘Ὤ μητρὸς Ἁγίας! τῆς τετοκυίας τὸν ἰσάριθμον
56
Gregory of Nazianzos, Oratio XV, col. 916Α: ‘τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν τῆς ἐβδομάδας ἀριθμὸν. Ἀλλ’ ἱκετεύομεν ὑμᾶς Μακκαβαῖοι, σὺν τῇ
ἀκριβεῖς φύλακες ἀριθμὸς τῶν παρ᾿ Ἑβραίοις ἐπαινουμένων, τῷ τῆς μητρὶ ὑμῶν Σολομονῇ, καὶ τῷ σοφῷ ἰερεῖ Ἐλεαζάρῳ, ὅταν παραστῆτε
ἑβδοματικῆς ἀναπαύσεως μυστηρίῳ τιμώμενος, ἒν πνέοντες, πρὸς ἒν Χριστῷ τῷ Θεῷ… ἐκτενῆ ἱκεσίαν ποιήσατε ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος’.
βλέποντες, μίαν ζωῆς ὁδὸν εἰδότες, τὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Θεοῦ θάνατον’; Cf. 59
The martyrs are depicted interceding with the Virgin and John the
van Esbroeck 2001, 135 and note 11, where he states that Solomone’s Baptist to Christ the Savior: Galavaris 1969, 232, pl. LIV, fig. 278.
Syriac name, Shamȗnit, means eighth. In addition, an Arab-Georgian 60
Saïtas 2009, 377, 381, figs. 40.14–15, 40.25, 40.28–29.
tradition is also attested (Georgian Sinaitic MS 62, fol. 120–9; Tbilissi 61
Du Cange 1954, 161; Simpson and Weiner 1989, vol. IX, 148 (entry
A-95, 482–491), according to which the mother, addressing her children macabre).
ahead of the martyrdom compared them one by one with each of the 62
The decoration is preserved mostly in the apse: Young 1978, 91–111;
seven days of creation. Stylianou 1997, 349–50; Gioles 2003, 176. These catacombs are also
57
Follieri 1980, vol. II, 390: ’ Ἐξ ἑβδόμης πέμπουσι παίδων ἑπτάδα, // linked with the legend of the Seven Sleepers, see Berger 2012, 119.
ἀρθρέμβολα, φλὸξ καὶ τροχοὶ πρὸς ὁγδόην’; Cf. the first hymn of the 63
Papageorghiou 1976, vol. 3, 411–414; Gioles 2003, 87.
canon (Follieri 1980, vol. I, 470) and the sticheron (Follieri 1980, vol. I, 64
Megaw and Hawkins (1977, 158, fig. 131) identified only the male
467), which are also mentioned in the Menaion of August, p. 288. figure with Eleazar, based on an inscription, but not the female saint.
61
Anna Takoumi
Figure 5.5. Cyprus, Famagusta District, Koma tou Yialou, Figure 5.6. Cyprus, Famagusta District, Lythragomi, church
church of Saint Solomone: interior view to the east and to of the Virgin Kanakaria: saints Solomone and Eleazar.
the entrance to the crypt.
Since the subject of the Maccabee martyrs as an

iconographic choice in funerary churches reveals
its theological affinities with the expectation of the
resurrection and the salvation of souls, it is painted very
close to relevant resurrection themes and to the portraits
of donors. One more example is found in the burial church
of the Holy Trinity in Sopoćani in Serbia (1260–1265), the
mausoleum of the Nemanja. Here too, the busts are depicted
in roundels in the west part of the naos, more specifically
in the west lunette of the west arch (Fig. 5.7): Solomone
(Fig. 5.8) and Eleazar are depicted at the springing of the
arch (in the north and south end respectively) with their
hands extended to the seven brothers, who are painted
along the arch.65 The depiction of saints in medallions
is widely known in Byzantine art, whereas analogous Figure 5.7. Serbia, Ras region, Sopocani monastery, church
examples of the Maccabees are preserved in manuscript of the Holy Trinity, nave, western tympanon of the western
arch: the Holy Maccabees.
painting.66 Opposite the roundels of the Maccabees are
the scenes of the Dormition of the Virgin in the west
wall, the Crucifixion and the Descent into Hell in the address the enthroned Virgin and Christ.67 It is a well-
south and north walls respectively, above the register composed iconographic program, in absolute accordance
of the supplicant figures of the Nemanja family, who with the funerary use of the church, which expresses the
65
For a drawing of and comments on the representation, see Nikolić 67
Djurić 1967, figs XVI, XIX, XXVII, LIV. Pictures of the founders and
1970, 73–75; Drewer 1991–1992, 260–261. of all the frescoes of the church are also available online: http://www.
66
Cf. cod. Paris, Coislin 239, fol. 37v, 11th–12th centuries, (Galavaris srpskoblago.org/Archives/Sopocani/exhibits/digital/western-pn,ktitors-
1969, 247, pl. XXXVII, fig. 206). cnp/index.html [last visit: 17.9.2019].
62
Figure 5.8. Serbia, Ras region, Sopocani monastery, church Figure 5.9. Bulgaria, Veliko Tarnovo, church of Forty
of the Holy Trinity, nave, western tympanon of the western Martyrs, narthex: the Maccabees’ martyrdom.
arch : Saint Solomone.
expectation of the resurrection of the deceased and the its individual iconographic elements, it exhibits a special
request for intercession for their salvation to the Virgin dynamic in terms of the rendering of the figures. The
and to the saints. The choice of the representations of placement of saints Eleazar and Solomone at the ends of
the holy Maccabees among the host of saints and their the composition and their movements toward the children
combined depiction with scenes of the Passion and accurately express their anxiety for the children not to
Resurrection of Christ in two churches distant from show cowardice in the face of their imminent martyrdom.
one another, at Sopoćani and in the Mani, of royal and The intense gestures of the brothers to each other make
local patronage respectively, but within a relatively short them appear as if they are conversing, whilst the subtle
chronological span attest on one hand to the assimilation smile of the first to his brothers, which reflects their joy
of the theological content of the composition and on the and their boldness before their martyrdom, thanks to their
other to the spread of the theme from Constantinople in absolute faith in God, focuses primarily on the theological
the Late Byzantine period as well. message of the martyrdom and not on the depiction of the
tortures, elements dexterously handled by the Astrapades
Three more representations of the saints, with a different painters and their workshop.
approach, are preserved in the narthexes of some churches
within the framework of the illustration of the Menologion. In the case of Dečani, the figures of the saints are
In the church of the Forty Holy Martyrs in Tarnovo, depicted in the north wall of the narthex, since Salomone
Bulgaria, their martyrdom is depicted in a concise manner and Eleazar stand in the center of the composition
(c. 1240), as indicated by the wheel at the right end of behind the seven youthful Maccabees.71 The figures are
the scene (from the beholder’s point of view), whereas not strictly frontal, but turned slightly facing each other
the composition is captioned in Old Slavonic (Fig. 5.9).68 with their hands in conversation position. Some hold
Although the martyrdom as a scene offers the artist the a cross, although the inscription has been destroyed.
possibility to paint it in a variety of ways, in this specific The composition can be compared with examples from
case it is rendered with simplicity, without the details illuminated manuscripts.72
describing the tortures in the texts.
The introduction and eventually the establishment of
In two more cases, in the churches of Saint George at the veneration of saints in a region appears to be closely
Staro Nagoričino (1316–1318) and in the Ascension connected with specific historical circumstances, as in
at Dečani (1348–1350), the figures are shown shortly the case of the remote location of Mani. In the church
before their martyrdom. In the first mentioned case, the of Karynia, the choice of the Maccabean representation
saints, each holding a cross, are rendered in full body and and the way it was incorporated into the overall visual
turned in three-quarters view facing toward the viewer’s program shows knowledge of its theological background
right, one behind the other (fig. 5.10).69 The group is and its assimilation into the local tradition through the
led by Eleazar, who was sacrificed first, followed by centuries. Two churches of the second half of the 12th
the brothers, shown as children of the same height, and century, dedicated to Saint Solomone according to the
last by Solomone. The representation is accompanied
by a caption in Greek. Although the composition can be 12th century (Patterson Ševčenko 1990, 141, fig. 4B9).
compared with similar ones in manuscripts,70 in terms of 71
Djurić 1995, 417 (no 1.VIII), 433 (no 1.VIII), fig. T IX.4a. Mijović
1973 (323, drawing 44, no VIII.1) erroneously identified the figures with
the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus.
68
Mijović 1973, 256, fig. 12. 72
Cf. Alexandria, Greek Patriarchate 35 (303), fol. 99r, second half of
69
Mijović 1973, 283, plan 9.VIII.1; Todić 1993, 81. 11th century (Patterson Ševčenko 1990, 46, fig. 5F12); Oxford, Bodl.
70
Cf. London, Brit. Mus. Cod. add. 24381, fol. 41v, 1088 (Galavaris Lib. Cod. Roe 6, fol. 159v, 13th century (Galavaris 1969, 234, pl. CI,
1969, 227, pl. XIII, fig. 95); Paris, Bibl. Nat., Cod. Gr. 1528, fol. 131v, fig. 448).
63
Anna Takoumi
Figure 5.10. Staro Nagoričino, church of St George, narthex: the Holy Maccabees.
oral tradition, provide us with valuable testimonies for Christian faith, i.e. the main binding force, absolutely
the veneration of the saints by the local community necessary for the political unity and the cultural unity
during the middle Byzantine period. One of them is at of Laconian society.77 Thus, it is very reasonable
Triantafyllia73 and the other, known as Soulani, at Eremos and unsurprising that the Maccabee martyrs were
(second half of 12th c.),74 only a few meters west of the particularly and primary promoted during this period to
cross-in-square church of Saint Barbara (third quarter the local Christians in order to strengthen their faith and
of 12th c.). The name Soulani should be considered as a secondary to their fellow Jews as models of the correct
corruption of that of Solomone, according to the popular faith and way of life.
practice of the inhabitants of Mani of paraphrasing
names.75 From the time of the Latin conquest onward, the
Maccabean martyrs were further transformed into models
Confirmed historical data of the 10th c., which outline of the defense of the Orthodox faith against the Latins. The
a score of problems in the wider area of Lakedaimonia preserved testimony of Michael Choniates, who likens the
because of the heathens and foreign Pagans, Slavs, and death of a youth in the battle of the Acrocorinth to that
Jews, support the opinion that the veneration of the holy of the Maccabees and the harshness of the Latins’ deeds
Maccabees was introduced probably during the time of to the conduct of Antiochos,78 permits one further reading
saint Nikon (second half of 10th c.). It was the main of the composition of this period within the historical
period of a broader reorganization, de-escalation of context. About two centuries later, during the time of
problems, and strengthening of the Christian faith in the the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–1439), Markos
region also through the promotion of the cult of specific Eugenikos, metropolitan of Ephesus, in a letter to the
saints such as Kyriaki and Leo, bishop of Catania Patriarch of Constantinople mentions that the Orthodox
(Sicily).76 The particular veneration of specific saints Christians should not be inferior to the Maccabees in terms
was an additional medium for the reinforcement of the of their confession of faith.79 The choice of representing
the Maccabee martyrs in the church of Karynia, which was
73
Mexia 2011, vol. 1, 297 and vol. 2, 192 (catalogue, no 59). erected in 1281, a few years after the Unionist Council of
74
Mexia 2011, vol. 2, 85 (catalogue, no 27). In addition, the dating of the Lyons (1274), could also be viewed within this context,
church in the beginning of the 14th century proposed by Ν. Drandakis as a reaction to the unionist policy of Michael VIII and a
(Drandakis 1974, 130) can be challenged based on the style of the few
preserved frescoes (Mexia 2011, vol. 1, 300).
75
Cf. Agetria (Αγήτρια) instead of Hodegetria (Οδηγήτρια), see Drandakis
1995, 223. 77
Takoumi and Tassoyannopoulou 2018, 107–108; Takoumi and
76
Anagnostakis 2012, 101–137; Anagnostakis 2018, 196–218; Takoumi Tassoyannopoulou 2019, 93.
and Tassoyannopoulou 2018; Takoumi and Tassoyannopoulou 2019, 78
See above, note 42.
81–99. 79
See above, note 42.
64
statement in defense of the Orthodox faith. Thus, in the holy Maccabees in the Byzantine, as well as in the post-
reign of Michael VIII, the ktetor of the church of Karynia Byzantine period.85
recognized the current imperial power as it is testified by
the inscription and the depiction of the coat of arms of the In the church of Karynia in Mani, the placement of the
Palaeologean dynasty, the eagle in the semicircular wall of Maccabees and the way they are represented express the
the Bema.80 At the same time, he expressed his opposition special veneration they enjoyed in the area, whereas their
to the unionist policy of Michael VIII by choosing the role in the iconographic program alludes to the message
depiction of the Maccabee martyrs. Corresponding of the Resurrection, with which their martyrdom has
messages are reflected in an analogous way in the church been indisputably connected, already since the time of
of Panaghia Chrysaphitissa at Chrysapha (1289/90). the Old Testament Books of the Maccabees and of the
The donor of the church, Michael, who is entitled kyr patristic homilies. The links between the Maccabean
(Sir),81 recognized the imperial power of Andronicos II representations and churches of a funerary character
Palaiologos, son of Michael VIII, through the depiction certainly represent a consolidated perception. It is
of the eagle in the lower part of the southeastern pilaster.82 traceable from early Christian times, the Brescia reliquary
However, he expressed his anti-unionist attitude by being an early sample, up to the monumental decorations
choosing the depictions of the eucharistic leavened of the Late Byzantine period with the churches of
bread (enzymos artos) on the Holy Altar and the figure of Sopoćani and Karynia as characteristic examples. From
saint Arsenios, patriach of Constantinople.83 In a time of the iconographic point of view, although the preserved
tribulation and religious controversies between unionists examples from art do not display any developments in the
and anti-unionists, the kyr Michael prays in the Mother of rendering of the subject, it is worth noting the individual
God asking to be guided by the correct faith, according to differentiation of the figures concerning their layout in
the dedicatory inscription.84 specific compositions, menologia, icons, manuscripts,
and the minor arts, expressing the flexibility of the
5.4 Conclusions iconographic scheme. The dissemination of the preserved
representations of the martyrs throughout the Byzantine
The material that has been explored in this paper leads period, in combination with the multitude of manuscripts,
to some further thoughts. The conscious attitude of the permit one to attribute the spread of the theme to the great
Maccabees was considered a life model for the practice artistic center of Constantinople.
of the faith and its defense until the end, constituting
a complete prototype for spiritual life. The values, In the society of 13th-century Mani the choice of
principles, and their consistent implementation by their depicting the Maccabees essentially constituted a
natural mother Solomone and their spiritual father Eleazar political act, since it expressed the stance of its patrons
render their conduct an example of family life, worthy within contemporary reality, by expressing their anti-
of imitation by every Christian. In the Byzantine texts, Unionist beliefs, probably also their hostility toward the
Solomone is exceptionally praised for her admirable policy of Michael VIII. Thus, we understand that the
behavior, i.e. her encouragement to her children to meaning of the theme was enriched with the passage of
suffer martyrdom, as proof of her full devotion to God. time in accordance with the historical circumstances,
This is also the main reason her figure is juxtaposed without however losing its basic theological content. It is
with that of the mother Church. The faith of these pre- worth noting that according to Byzantine perception, the
Christian martyrs was praised to such an extent that it Maccabee martyrs never acquired the military character
was a measure of comparison and a constantly recurring of warriors, which was developed mainly in western
theme, as is variably stated in a plethora of texts from all European societies.86
genres of Byzantine literature. Although the surviving
works of art are few, they attest, in combination with the The Maccabees was a diachronic reference point in the
texts, to the uninterrupted and diachronic veneration of the conscience of the faithful because of the power of their faith
and its sacrificial defense. Their firm resistance functioned
as a measure of comparison especially during times of
crisis. Therefore, we understand that the same fractional
relationship is in force at all times, whereby the occasional
80
For the iconographic program of the church, see Takoumi 2020. heterodox and followers of other religions (Jews, Latins
Specific representations such as of the Virgin Mary the «Pantanassa» etc.) alternate in the place of the numerator, whereas the
in the apse, the Virgin Mary the «Vlachernitissa» of the Deisis in the denominator, which is the correct faith, remains always
northern part of the templon, saint John the Theologian, saint Demetrius
«from Thessaloniki», and the saint George the «Diasorites», testify the same.
to the ktetor’s intention to be connected with the cultural milieu of
Constantinople, as well as to the role of Monemvasia as a gateway for
new artistic themes and stylistic trends in Peloponnese.
81
Albani 2000, 27.
82
The representation of the eagle is still unpublished. For a color plate
see Anagnostakis 2017.
83
Drandakis 1982–1983, 351, 354–355, fig. 15. Albani 2000, 47, 50–51, 85
Karagianni 2003, 259; Païsidou 2002, 260–1; Koukiaris 2019, 82, 235,
figs. 13, 16, 18, color pl. 2. 332, 417.
84
Drandakis 1982–1983, 342–343. Albani 2000, 28. 86
Berger 2012, 119–121.
65
Anna Takoumi
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71
6
‘Byzantine’ Saints in Georgian Monuments:

Routes of Faith – Routes of Art
Nikolaos Fyssas
Abstract: In a few cases of Georgian iconographical programs, the depiction of saints who
flourished in the broader Orthodox spiritual commonwealth, but whose veneration was limited
to a local level, can serve as a key for further interpretation of the spiritual and cultural milieu
of their patrons and artists, of political/‘national’ perceptions and of the migration of artists
and patterns between Byzantium, Georgia and the coasts of the Black Sea. This is the case with
the depiction of the Athonite holy Fathers in Petritzi/Bachkovo, Axtala and Zarzma, of Saint
Hilariōn Ivēr in Zarzma and Ubisi, of Saint Athanasios Daimonokatalytēs – as identified in
the present article – in Ači, and of Saint Stephanos the Confessor in Nabaxtevi. The cases are
not identical, and their interpretations may vary from the rather political to the more spiritual,
while some of them (Ači, Nabaxtevi) may reveal new traces for the itineraries of the artists.
Στις περιπτώσεις αγίων η τιμή των οποίων ιστορικά περιορίστηκε σε στενά γεωγραφικά
όρια, η απεικόνισή τους σε μνημεία απομακρυσμένα από τις εστίες της τοπικής αυτής
τιμής υποδηλώνει την ύπαρξη πολιτιστικών σχέσεων, συχνά αμάρτυρων από άλλες πηγές,
και αποτελεί ένδειξη για τους πνευματικούς προσανατολισμούς του χορηγού, ή/και για την
καλλιτεχνική παράδοση του ζωγραφικού συνεργείου.
Στην περίπτωση της Γεωργίας, ακόμη και οι μεγάλοι Ίβηρες άγιοι, που διέλαμψαν όμως στον
βυζαντινό κυρίως χώρο, δεν φαίνεται να απεικονίστηκαν ευρύτερα, μολονότι επέδρασαν
σημαντικά στο θρησκευτικό βίο της χώρας. Για παράδειγμα, οι ιδρυτές της αθωνικής Μονής
Ιβήρων (όσιοι Ευθύμιος και Γεώργιος) και της ιβηρικής μονής στην Κωνσταντινούπολη (όσιος
Ιλαρίων) εικονίζονται πρωτίστως σε μνημεία που χαρακτηρίζονται για την εικονογραφική
τους πρωτοπορία και για την καλλιτεχνική τους σχέση με τα επιτεύγματα του ευρύτερου
βυζαντινού κόσμου. Αυτό συμβαίνει επί παραδείγματι στα καθολικά των Μονών Θεοτόκου
στην Αχταλία (1205–1216), Σωτήρος στη Ζάρζμα (πρώτο μισό – μέσα 14ου αι.) και Αγίου
Γεωργίου Ουμπίσι (μέσα – τρίτο τέταρτο 14ου αι.).
Παράλληλα, οι απεικονίσεις στη Γεωργία δύο καθαρά «βυζαντινών» αγίων, των Αθανασίου
Τραπεζούντος του Δαιμονοκαταλύτη (στο ναό του αγίου Γεωργίου στο Άτσι, τέλη 13ου αι.) και
Στεφάνου Σουγδαίας (στο ναό της Θεοτόκου στο Ναμπαχτέβι, 1412–1431), η τιμή των οποίων
αναπτύχθηκε στα στενά γεωγραφικά όρια του χώρου όπου έδρασαν, αποτελούν σημαντικές
ενδείξεις για τις προσλαμβάνουσες των χορηγών και την κινητικότητα καλλιτεχνικών προτύπων
και συνεργείων στα παράλια του Εύξεινου Πόντου. Της δραστηριότητας αυτής κορυφαίο
και κατεξοχήν τεκμηριωμένο παράδειγμα παραμένει το έργο του Κωνσταντινουπολίτη κυρ
Μανουήλ Ευγενικού στην Τσαλέντζιχα (1384–1396), παράλληλα με την παραδιδόμενη από
τις πηγές καλλιτεχνική δημιουργία του Θεοφάνη του Έλληνα στη Θεοδοσία (Κάφφα) της
Κριμαίας, κατά την μετακίνησή του από την Κωνσταντινούπολη προς τα ρωσικά εδάφη
(πιθανόν στη δεκαετία του 1370, πριν το 1378).
Keywords: Georgia, Black Sea, iconography of saints, artistic mobility, Axtala, Zarzma,
Ubisi, Ači, Nabaxtevi.
Depictions of saints only honored at some limited and evidence of cultural contacts, as a sign of the spiritual
local level, when appearing in monuments far away from orientation of the donor and/or for the artistic traditions of
the centers of their veneration, should be considered as the workshop of the artists responsible.
73
Nikolaos Fyssas
In the case of Georgia (Iberia),1 even the famous national

saints, who flourished abroad, in Byzantium, but had
a considerable influence on the religious life of their
motherland, are not that frequently depicted in the country:
Saints Euthymios2 and Geōrgios,3 the holy Athonite
Fathers of the Iverōn Monastery,4 and Saint Hilariōn Ivēr,5
the founder of the Georgian Monastery in Constantinople,6
are rarely depicted. When they are, it is in monuments
distinguished for their progressive iconography and for
their artistic relation with the best examples of the broader
Byzantine world.
The earliest surviving example of their depiction is traced

to around 1083 AD, in the funeral chapel of the Petritzi
Monastery in Bachkovo (Bulgaria),7 the well-known
Georgian monastic foundation.8 But in historical Georgia,
these saints are found for the first time in the murals of the
cross-in-square domed katholikon of the Mother of God
Monastery in Axtala (now in Armenia).9 Research dates the
murals to between 1205–1216,10 connecting this activity
with the conversion of the local ruler Ivane Mxargrżeli from
the Armenian Gregorian to the Georgian Orthodox Church.11
The iconographical program of the monument seems to

serve the principles of this – both religious and national
– choice. In the apse (the vault is not preserved), there
are depicted the Mother of God, the Communion of
the Apostles and holy Prelates; the hierarchs belong Figure 6.1. Axtala Monastery of the Mother of God.
to hagiographical traditions of the West, the East and Katholikon, west wall: Saint Hilariōn Ivēr in the middle,
Armenia as well, thus expressing an unusually broad between the Athonite holy fathers Saints Euthymios and
and ecumenical selection of sanctity. The lower zone of Geōrgios, ca. 1205–1216.
the west arm is dedicated to Georgian saints exclusively
– a unique example in medieval Georgian art, indicative A few Greek inscriptions may reveal if not the origins,
of profound self-consciousness for the national spiritual then the models, the artistic orientations and training of
tradition: here are depicted (Fig. 6.1) Saint Hilariōn Ivēr the master-artist; the style and technique of his painting
between the Athonite fathers Euthymios and Geōrgios,12 seem to slightly differ from the high Georgian mural
and the enlightener of Georgia Saint Nino,13 along with examples of the era, while the relevant similarities to
local Georgian monastic saints.14 Comnenian works of art indicate that he might have been
trained in a center of Byzantine culture, although not in
1
Professors Maria Panayotidi–Kesisoglou and Sophia Kalopissi–Verti Constantinople.15
have played a significant role in the familiarization of Greek Byzantinists
with Georgian medieval art and for the development of cordial and
productive collaboration between scholars of the two countries (see
A century later the holy Athonite Fathers and Saint
typically, Maria Panayotidi–Kesisoglou and Sophia Kalopissi–Verti Hilariōn are visible once more in Georgia, this time in the
(eds), Medieval Painting in Georgia, local stylistic expression and cross-in-square domed katholikon of the Monastery of
participation to Byzantine Oecumenicity, National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens – Department of Archaeology and History of Art,
the Transfiguration in Zarzma.16 Saint Hilariōn (Fig. 6. 2),
Athens 2014). The author is personally indebted to them for their long– especially, is depicted in a par excellence prominent place,
life motherly support and collaboration, and for their encouragement to on the semicircle drum over the west entrance.17
get involved into the study of Georgian art during postgraduate studies as
well. The present article is an outcome of this fruitful process.
2
Zateišvili 1995. The donor portraits indicate a high patronship for the
3
Lolašvili 1989. murals of Zarzma. There are depicted the Catholicos
4
For the first period of Iverōn Monastery: Lefort etc. 1985; Martin–
Hisard 1991.
(=Patriarch) of Georgia Ekʽvtʽime III (1310–1325)
5
Martin–Hizard 1981; Tchkoidze 2011. along with the Jaqeli brothers Sargis (+1334) and
6
For the Georgian Monastery: Tchkoidze 2011, 190–193, 205–211. Quarquare (+1361), the rulers of the Samcʽxe region;
7
Bakalova 1977; Bakalova etc. 2003, 74–77, fig. 12, pl. 55.
8
For the early history of the monastery: Lomurin 1981; Gautier 1984;
Panayotidi 1992.
9
Lidov 2014. Also Fyssas 2014, 128–130. 15
Lidov 2014, 433–451. In pp. 450–451, the work of the chief master is
10
Lidov 2014, 348–349. ascribed to a possibly Armenian–Chalcedonian artist, who was trained in
11
Lidov 2014, 340–348. a bilingual (Greek–Armenian) milieu.
12
Lidov 2014, fig. pp. 144, 149. 16
Fyssas 2012, 61–69. Additionally: Velmans 1977, 220; Mouriki 1981,
13
Lidov 2014, fig. p. 156. 747; Fyssas 2014, 137–138.
14
Lidov 2014, fig. pp. 144, 147. 17
Fyssas 2012, 31–32, 66–68.
74
‘Byzantine’ Saints in Georgian Monuments
Figure 6.3. Ubisi Monastery of Saint George. Katholikon,

drum over the south entrance: Saint Hilariōn Ivēr, middle-
third quarter 14th century.
Ubisi is characterized by its unusual iconographical

Figure 6.2. Zarzma Monastery of the Saviour. Katholikon,
program, composed round a trinitarian composition of
drum over the west entrance: Saint Hilariōn Ivēr, first half -
middle 14th century. perfect Orthodoxy in the higher part of the semi-vault;24
the iconography of the apse is further enriched with the
insertion of the Last Supper in the semi-cylinder, between
they were the brothers of the spouse of Alexios II of the two panels of the Communion of the Apostles, thus
Trebizond (1297–1330), while their other sister was the emphasizing the eucharistic character of the program as
mother of Georgi V the Brilliant (1314–1346), king of well.25 Such iconographical experimentations can be traced
Georgia. in other rare examples of the broader orthodox artistic
commonwealth as well, expressing a mature conception
Apart from the Mother of God, the Communion of the of the theological tendencies of the era, although no exact
Apostles and the officiating holy Hierarchs in the apse, parallels to Ubisi can be traced. Furthermore, the analysis
there exists in Zarzma an extended Christological cycle, of the different compositions confirms that the painters
Old Testament scenes as prefigurations of the Mother were aware of the most progressive iconographical
of God, while the entire south arm of the church is language of this era.26
occupied by a Mariological cycle. In the altar, between
the officiating hierarchs, instead of the Amnos there is From the stylistic point of view, the Ubisi murals
depicted the Anapesōn (=Sleeping Emmanuel), the first belong to a workshop with a strong artistic unity and
known example in Georgia.18 with an astonishing consistency in the conception and
implementation of the work. They are also characterized
The vivid Byzantine conception of the iconographical by high level of the artistic principles, by elegant and
program matches the progressive and high quality style refined figures, by balanced compositions, and represent
of the murals. The Zarzma frescoes seem to introduce the the evolution of the second Palaiologan style in the middle
so-called second Palaiologan style in Georgia19 and are or the third quarter of the 14th century; the painters do not
generally dated to the period of the ministry of Catholicos however seem aware of the new way of handling light and
Ekʽvtʽime,20 although they could be dated slightly later, if space, which characterizes the most progressive creations
not round the mid-14th century. 21 of the third quarter of the century.27
From the same artistic milieu as Zarzma, but representing A selection of Georgian saints is further traced in a
a further step of evolution, the single-spaced vaulted polyptychon of the 14th century, now in Saint Catherine’s
katholikon of Saint George Monastery in Ubisi (Imeretia)22 Monastery at Mount Sinai, depicting the Deēsis and saints
was embellished with murals that constitute a significant in three rows; the lower one comprises several saints,
example for the Palaiologan art and demonstrate its spread exclusively Georgian, including the Holy Athonite Fathers
into the periphery. It may be not a coincidence that in and Saint Hilariōn, in the exact same iconographical type
Ubisi we meet Saint Hilariōn Ivēr (Fig. 6.3), represented as he is represented in Zarzma and Ubisi.28 It should be
according to the iconographical model already established noted that in Bachkovo and Axtala the representation
in Zarzma and in the same place: on the semicircle drum of Georgian saints seems to project a certain feeling of
over the main (south) entrance. 23 national self-confidence, in these cases justified by the
geographical position of the monuments: the Petritzi
Monastery is a spiritual foundation of Georgians abroad,
18
Lordkipanidze 1977, 180. while Axtala is an advanced vanguard of Georgian
19
Mouriki 1981, 747.
20
Burčulaże 2006, 199.
21
Fyssas 2012, 66–68; Fyssas 2014, 137. 24
Fyssas 2012, 131–138. Also Velmans 1981, 94–100.
22
Fyssas 2012; Burčulaże 2006. Additionally: Mouriki 1981, 749; 25
Fyssas 2012, 138–140.
Velmans 1981, 94–100; Velmans – Alpago–Novello 1996, 137–139, 26
Fyssas 2012, 174–175, 181–184, 199–202.
145–147, 160–163; Fyssas 2014, 138–140. 27
Fyssas 2012, 333–334. Burčulaże 2006, 199, has dated the Ubisi
23
Burčulaże 2006, 161–164, fig. 62; Fyssas 2012, 84–93, 295–296, frescoes in the first quarter of the 14th century.
fig. 86. 28
Beneshevich 1925, 43, fig. 23; Mouriki 1990, 40.
75
Nikolaos Fyssas
Orthodoxy in Armenian anti-Chalcedonian territories. workshop, connecting Ači to the religious and artistic
The Sinaitic polyptychon seems to express an analogous activity in the state of the Great Comnenes.
principle at work, with its zone of exclusively Georgian
saints. All this propagation of the national sanctity seems One of the most important Georgian monuments for the
less needful for a commissioner residing in Georgia, and history of Byzantine art is undoubtedly the katholikon of
might be more reasonable to an emigrant, needing to the Monastery of the Saviour in Calenjixa, painted by the
preserve his ‘national’ identity. Constantinopolitan master kyr Manouēl Eugenikos under
the patronage of the ruler Vameq Dadiani (1384–1396).36
The above examples from Georgian monuments The stylistic tendencies of Calenjixa are later to be
demonstrate representations of national saints, who discerned in the church of the Mother of God in Nabaxtevi
flourished in the broader Byzantine lands. A parallel as well.37 The murals of this ruined single-vaulted
phenomenon, indicative of a common tradition of piety, chapel were painted – according to the donor portraits
on the one hand, and of a mobility of artistic models and – during the reign of the king Alexander I of Georgia
workshops round the Black-Sea coasts, on the other, is the (1412–1442) with the donation of the dignitary Kʽucʽna
representation of lesser, but clearly ‘Byzantine’, saints in Amirejibi, between 1412–1431.38 The iconographical
Georgian monuments. program consisted of the Virgin, the Communion of
the Apostles and holy Prelates in the apse, and several
In the fortress of Ači, in the Guria region, in the southwest compositions, as the Anapesōn39 and the Hospitality
of Georgia, the frescoes of the small church of Saint of Abraham. Stylistically, the murals belong to the
George are dated by the scholars in the late 13th century.29 same expressionistic tendency as Calenjixa, therefore
The murals, with inscriptions in Georgian and Greek, do in the scholarly literature the monument is ascribed to
not reflect the Palaiologan artistic tendencies of the era and a supposed cycle of disciples of Eugenikos, while the
were commissioned by some unknown noblemen, depicted coexistence of Georgian and Greek inscriptions, mostly in
as donors – most probably from the ruling family of Guria. the altar area, is generally attributed to the iconographical
Research has focused mostly on specific iconographical models that were followed.40
characteristics, as is the case of a row of worshiping Angels
in the apse, analogous to the zone of worshiping Angels in Nevertheless, the existence of bilingual inscriptions
the vault of Hagia Sophia in Trebizond.30 However, we can and the style of the murals may refer to another fact:
trace a much clearer iconographical parallel in the Chapel Georgia is neighbor to the medieval commercial cities of
of Prophet Elias in Vazelōn Monastery (Trebizond, late Theodosia (Caffa)41 and Sugdaia (Sudak, Sourozh)42 in the
13th –14th centuries), where a zone of worshiping Angels Crimea. Surprisingly, the patron saint of Sugdaia, Saint
is unfolded in the semi-cylinder of the apse,31 indicating Stephanos the Confessor,43 is depicted in Nabaxtevi44 –
that in this matter the Georgian monument is not an this being most probably the only surviving Byzantine
unicum, but follows iconographical principles diffused mural representation of him. Since Theodosia and
within the Empire of Trebizond. Sougdaia played the role of gateway communities from
the Mediterranean and the Black Sea to the North, we
In Ači, special attention should be also paid to the can argue for a separation of Nabaxtevi from the milieu
representation of a certain ‘Saint Athanasios of Trebizond’, of a ‘school of Calenjixa’ and for its connection rather
among the holy Prelates in the apse. 32 Research has with the migration of artists round the Black Sea: the
identified this figure with Saint Athanasios the Athonite, Constantinopolitan masters Feofan Grek in Theodosia
thus revealing a possible connection between Ači and (most probably in the 1370s, but before 1378)45 and
Athos.33 But he is pictured as a holy hierarch, not a Manouēl Eugenikos in Calenjixa are the two best known
monastic, and we should better identify him34 with Saint and well documented of the many unknown painters who
Athanasios Daimonokatalytēs, Metropolitan of Trebizond undoubtedly trod the same paths.
in the 9th century.35 The center of his veneration has been
identified as the Monastery of Saint Phōkas tou Diaplou in In summation, in the middle-ages Christian Orthodoxy
Trebizond, and his fame was limitedly diffused in the East was the leading ‘ideology’ which connected the
beyond the borders of the state of Trebizond. The depiction
of a local saint of the Trebizond Empire in neighboring 36
For the monument, mainly: Lordkipanidze 1992 and Belting 1979.
Guria indicates the hagiographical preferences of the Additionally: Velmans 1988; Fyssas 2010, 79–80; Fyssas 2014, 141–142.
donors, and/or for the traditions and models of the artistic
37
For the monument, mainly: Lordkipaniże 1973; Lordkipanidze 1992,
147–170. Additionally: Alibegashvili 1979, 60–62; Mouriki 1981, 751;
Fyssas 2010, 80–81; Fyssas 2014, 142–143.
38
Alibegashvili 1979, 60–62.
29
For the monument, mainly: Iosebidze 1989; Fyssas 2010, 45–49.
39
Lordkipanidze 1977.
Additionally: Velmans 1981, 90–91; Fyssas 2014, 134–135.
40
Lordkipaniże 1973, 73.
30
Iosebidze 1989, 31.
41
Khvalkov 2017; Ponomarev 2000.
31
Bryer and Winfield 1985, vol. I. 289–294, vol. II, tab. 218a.
42
Nystazopoulou 1965. Additionally: Baranov 1994; Vinogradov and
32
Iosebidze 1989, pls 33b, 43. Dzhanov 2004.
33
Iosebidze 1989, 48–49.
43
For his life and veneration: Bozoyan 2006; Mogarichev etc. 2009.
34
Fyssas 2010, 47–48.
44
Lordkipaniże 1973, 35, pls 17b, 18a.
35
For his life and veneration: Rosenqvist 1996, 206–215; Bryer and
45
Lazarev, 1953, 245–246, 248; Alpatov 1990, 21.
Winfield 1985, vol. I, 320.
76
different states and ethnical entities of the broader connection further reveals the exact artistic orientation of
Byzantine commonwealth. Religious worship was donors and painters in both monuments.
identical throughout this world, although the languages
varied; visual arts, oriented to the achievements of The case of the depiction of Saints Athanasios of
Constantinople – the Orthodox New Jerusalem – were Trebizond in Ači and Stephanos of Sugdaia in Nabaxtevi
a common connecting link, and were perceived as one is a characteristic example of how an iconographical-
and the same language, albeit with multiple local idioms. hagiological element can broaden our interpretation of
Due to the frequent lack of written sources, research remote monuments. Thus, Ači should be connected with
often relies only on style and iconography, not only to the spiritual and artistic traditions of the Trebizond state,
date, but also to explain the diffusion of artistic trends in while Nabaxtevi demonstrates a broader artistic circulation
the periphery, and – furthermore – in order to trace the in the Black Sea rather than being an offshoot of Calenjixa
routes of such a diffusion, by ascertaining the background and Manouēl Eugenikos.
of donors and artists as well. Tracing peculiarities of the
iconographical programs and patterns often plays a key In all these cases, the selection of ‘foreign’ Saints in the
role in this procedure. In this framework, the selection of iconographical programs of the Georgian monuments
seldom-depicted saints and their role in the iconographical is but an importation of ‘foreign’ piety, an injection of
programs should be considered as representing the spiritual outside principles, which serves as a direct reference to
orientation of the donor and/or for the background of the the broader spiritual and cultural horizons of the Orthodox
artists. This seems to be the case of the examples studied commonwealth and to the formative role of its Byzantine
in the present article. center.
The Georgian saints of Athos and Constantinople are not Literature

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Alibegashvili 1979: Alibegashivili, V. G., Svetskiĭ portret
Georgia; but they are exceptionally depicted in Bachkovo,
v gruzinskoĭ srednevekovoĭ monumentalnoĭ zhivopisi,
Axtala, Zarzma, Ubisi and on the Sinai polyptychon, thus
Tbilisi 1979.
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1990.
The murals of the funeral chapel at Bachkovo are artistically Bakalova 1977: Bakalova, Εlka, Bachkovskata kostnitsa,
a metropolitan-Byzantine example. The monastery itself Sofiȋa 1977.
was founded as a clearly Byzantine spiritual entity, but
on the base of an almost belligerent Georgian separatism: Bakalova etc 2003: Bakalova, Εlka – Kolarova, Vera –
thus the depiction of the ‘national’ saints, who achieved Popov, Petar and Todorov, Valentin, The Ossuary of the
the balanced amalgamation of Byzantine principles and Bachkovo Monastery, Plovdiv 2003.
Georgian traditions, is to be taken as a pictorial expression Baranov 1994: Baranov, I. A., ‘Torgovo-remeslennye
of this ‘national’ conscience. The same feeling of national kvartaly vizantiĭskoĭ Sugdei’, Byzantinorossica 1,
self esteem and pride seems to be a key for understanding Moskva 1994.
the iconography of the Sinai polyptychon as well, a work
that could be connected with the activity of the Georgian Belting 1979: Belting, Hans, ‘Le peintre Manuel
expatriates in Byzantium and their relations with the Eugenikos de Constantinople en Georgie’, Cahiers
motherland. Archéologiques 28 (1979), 103–114.
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the Georgian sanctity of Constantinople as well. Such a Γεωργία, Unpublished Ph.D., University of Athens 2012.
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79
7
Donors, Funerary Inscriptions and Portraits in

15th-Century Constantinople
Nicholas Melvani
Abstract: Some inscriptions and portraits in Constantinople provide information about patronage
in the Byzantine capital in the 15th century. The only extant funerary portrait is Tomb G in
the outer narthex of the Chora church. The identity of the portrayed person is not known. An
epigram by Mark Eugenikos attests to a portrait of John VIII Palaiologos in the monastery of
Mangana, whereas two poems by Bessarion refer to a portrait of Manuel II Palaiologos. Other
epigrams, apparently commissioned to be inscribed on tombs, mention funerary portraits of
prominent aristocrats in various monasteries. This evidence shows that burial practices in late
Palaiologan Constantinople continued traditions known from earlier times, whereas imperial
portraits remained an effective medium for the promotion of imperial ideology.
Ένας μικρός αριθμός επιγραφών και προσωπογραφιών στην Κωνσταντινούπολη παρέχει

πολύτιμες μαρτυρίες σχετικά με τη χορηγία στη βυζαντινή πρωτεύουσα κατά το 15ο αι. Το
μοναδικό σωζόμενο ταφικό πορτραίτο βρίσκεται στη μονή της Χώρας: ο λεγόμενος τάφος G
στον εξωνάρθηκα φέρει αταύτιστη μορφή, η οποία πιθανώς ανήκε σε μέλος κάποιας από τις
οικογένειες Μετοχίτη, Ασάνη, Ραούλ ή Καβάκη. Τα επιγράμματα του Μάρκου Ευγενικού
συμπληρώνουν το κενό που προκαλεί η έλλειψη μνημείων του 15ου αι.: ένα από αυτά μαρτυρεί
την ύπαρξη προσωπογραφίας του αυτοκράτορα Ιωάννη Η΄ στη μονή του Αγίου Γεωργίου
των Μαγγάνων, ενώ μερικά από τα επιγράμματα προορίζονταν να αποτελέσουν επιτύμβιες
επιγραφές και αναφέρουν την ύπαρξη ταφικών προσωπογραφιών. Πρόκειται για επιγράμματα
που αναφέρονται στον τάφο του Δημητρίου Λεοντάρη στη μονή της Πέτρας, στον τάφο
του Ισαάκιου Ασάνη και της εγγονής του στη μονή του Χριστού Φιλανθρώπου και στους
τάφους μελών της οικογένειας του Δημήτριου Τζαμπλάκωνα στη Μονή των Ξανθοπούλων.
Η καταγραφή των ταφικών μνημείων της Παμμακαρίστου από τον Ιωάννη Μαλαξό το 16ο αι.
περιλαμβάνει και το αρκοσόλιο με την επιτύμβια επιγραφή της Θεοδώρας Καντακουζηνής,
χήρας του Αλεξίου Γ΄ Μεγάλου Κομνηνού, στο βορειοανατολικό τμήμα του περίστωου.
Τέλος, στο δομηνικανό μοναστήρι των Αγίων Παύλου και Δομήνικου, μεταξύ των λατινικών
επιτύμβιων επιγραφών, έχει εντοπιστεί μία επιτύμβια πλάκα με ελληνική επιγραφή, η οποία
αναφέρει την Άννα Δούκαινα Πετραλιφήνα. Το διαθέσιμο υλικό δείχνει ότι τα χαρακτηριστικά
των αριστοκρατικών ταφών σε μοναστήρια, όπως είναι γνωστά από την πρώιμη παλαιολόγεια
περίοδο, επιβίωσαν μέχρι και τις τελευταίες βυζαντινές δεκαετίες. Τα σωζόμενα επιγράμματα
του Μάρκου Ευγενικού και του Γεωργίου Σχολαρίου μαρτυρούν ότι οι επιτύμβιες έμμετρες
επιγραφές και οι ταφικές προσωπογραφίες ακολουθούσαν τα πρότυπα των ταφών του 14ου
αι. στη μονή Χώρας και την Παμμακάριστο. Παράλληλα, δείχνουν ότι αριστοκρατικές
πρακτικές , όπως τα διπλά και τα ομαδικά πορτραίτα και οι ταφές σε οικογενειακά μαυσωλεία
διατηρήθηκαν και το 15ο αι. στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Οι μαρτυρίες για τον Άγιο Γεώργιο
των Μαγγάνων δείχνουν ότι τα αυτοκρατορικά πορτραίτα εξακολούθησαν να είναι βασικό
μέσο προώθησης της αυτοκρατορικής ιδεολογίας.
Keywords: Constantinople, 15th century, Byzantine epigraphy, Byzantine epigrams, Byzantine

portraits, monasteries of Constantinople, John VIII Palaiologos, Manuel II Palaiologos, Chora
monastery.
The end of the 14th and the first years of the 15th centuries itself for the last time.1 Modern scholarship has illuminated
mark the beginning of the final phase of Constantinople’s several aspects of the intense economic activity that
Byzantine history. After an eight-year long blockade from
1394 to 1402, the Treaty of Kallipolis with the Ottomans in
1403 gave the Byzantine capital the chance to reorganize 1
Dennis 1967, 72–88; Harris 2012; Necipoğlu 2009, 184–232.
81
Nicholas Melvani
characterizes this half-century,2 whereas the numerous

inscriptions referring to repairs to the fortification walls
attest to noteworthy construction activity.3 Written sources,
especially archival material, often mention the incessant
concern of emperors and aristocrats to rebuild and preserve
imperial and private religious foundations. Epigraphic
sources and artistic, as well as archaeological evidence,
confirm that the activity of patrons in the churches and
monasteries of Constantinople remained intense until the
eve of the Ottoman conquest.
The only extant funerary portrait from 15th-century

Constantinople is located in the Chora monastery, best
known for its role in the so-called Palaiologan Renaissance
of the 14th century.4 The arcosolium designated as Tomb
G in the west wall of the outer narthex is the last funerary Figure 7.1. Chora Monastery, Outer narthex, West wall,
monument in Chora.5 The back wall of the niche is ‘Tomb G’: Funerary portrait with the Virgin and Child.
decorated with a wall painting depicting the Virgin and
Child and a figure dressed in a black brocaded gown
(Fig.7.1). The Italian Renaissance elements of the painting poem from the collection of epigrams of the great 15th-
led Paul Underwood to date the tomb towards the middle century scholar Mark Eugenikos concerning the monastery
of the 15th century: the attempt at implementing the laws of Saint George of Mangana, which had been founded in
of two-point perspective in the rendering of the ground the 11th century by Constantine IX Monomachos.11 The
and the furniture, the way the ornament follows the epigram contains clear references to the repairs carried out
tubular drapery on the dress of the deceased, as well as in the monument by the emperor John VIII Palaiologos
the bright colours and three-dimensional drapery on the (1425–1448):12
Virgin’s right leg betray contact with 15th-century Italian
art. However, the identification of the deceased, which Ἀψίδας εὐπαγέας χρόνος ἐνθάδε λῦσε παλαιός,
would facilitate dating the tomb with greater precision, ἀλλὰ ῥ’αὐτὰς ἀνέγειρε διαπρεπέως ἀραρυίας
is highly problematic, since neither inscription nor other ………………………………………………………….
evidence provides any indications. The only fact known
about the patrons of Chora after the 14th-century restorer ἔμπνουν εἰκόνα παμβασιλῆος στῆσεν ἐαυτόν,
Theodore Metochites, is that members of the Raoul and
Asanes families were buried in the monastery at some Old time destroyed these well-built vaults
time after 1330.6 Both families are well attested in the 15th but [the emperor] rebuilt them splendidly
century, but by the middle of the 15th century members of ………………………………………………
the Kabakes family claimed ownership of the monastery,
based on their relation to the Metochites family.7 In fact, he erected a lively royal image of himself
members of the Kabakes were also related by marriage
to the Raoul.8 At the same time, the Metochites family The word ἐνθάδε in the first line indicates that the epigram
itself remained active, although its exact relation to the was composed to be displayed within the monument.
monastery at this late period remains unclear.9 Therefore, Moreover, the phrase εἰκόνα παμβασιλῆος στῆσεν ἐαυτόν
the arcosolium could have belonged to a member of any is probably an allusion to a portrait of John. What follows
of these families. is a vivid description of the imperial portrait, which in all
likelihood was accompanied by a portrait of John’s wife
This is the only surviving monumental portrait from 15th- Maria.13 The emphasis on the imperial insignia, mainly
century Constantinople. However, the evidence from the crown and the imperial costume, is complemented
literary sources, especially epigrams, makes up for the with references to Constantine the Great. Therefore, the
lack of material evidence.10 A characteristic example is a epigram is the text of an inscription, which accompanied an
imperial portrait. Only ruins remain from the monastery of
2
Oikonomidès 1979; Matschke – Tinnefeld 2001, 158–220. Saint George of Mangana, thus there is no further evidence
3
Meyer–Plath – Schneider 1943, 123–144; Philippides 2016. that could help reconstruct the composition and locate it
4
For the art of Chora, see in general: Underwood 1966; Ousterhout 1987;
Brooks 2004b. within the main church with any degree of precision.14
5
Underwood 1959; Underwood 1966, 292–295; Brooks 2004b, 29–30.
6
Brooks 2004b, 29. For the Raoul family, see Fasoulakis 1973 and Burke
2014. For the Asan: Bozhilov 1994. 11
Mango 1976, 355, 363–365; Kidonopoulos 1994, 39–41. For Mark,
7
Underwood 1966, 286. For the Kabakes family, see Keller 1957; see Mamone 1954; Tsirpanlis 1974; Mineva 2004; Constas 2002.
Fasoulakis 1973, 83–85. 12
Mamone 1954, 572.
8
For example, Demetrios Raoul Kavakes (Bacchielli 2007). 13
For a recent discussion of imperial portraits during the Palaiologan
9
Ganchou 1994, 247–262; Laurent 1957. period, see Hilsdale 2014, 248–263, 288–316 and Melvani 2018, 256.
10
See Brooks 2006 for a methodological model on the use of epigrams in 14
For the remains of the church, see Demangel–Mamboury 1939, 19–37;
studying painted decoration. Bouras 1976; Müller–Wiener 1977, 136–139. The imperial portrait may
82
Donors, Funerary Inscriptions and Portraits in 15th-Century Constantinople
The close links between John VIII and the monastery of tower has recently been identified with a small building
Mangana are attested in other sources as well.15 now housing a neighbourhood mosque, known as the
Kasım Ağa Camii.21 Based on the examination of old
A portrait of John’s father Manuel II Palaiologos photographs (taken before the mosque was restored in the
(1391–1425) is attested in another imperial monastery, 1970s), Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger has ascertained that
the Komnenian Pantokrator, founded in 1118–1136 by four arcosolium niches once existed in the west wall of the
John II Komnenos (1118–1143) and his wife Eirene: two monument. Thus, the tomb with the portrait and at least
epigrams by the famous scholar Bessarion describe a set one of the two epigrams, must have been situated in this
of textiles destined for the tomb of Manuel, commissioned part of the building.
in 1435 by the emperor’s son Theodore II Palaiologos
of Mistras. These were adorned with double portraits of A similar case concerns the monastery of Christ
Manuel and his wife Helena in secular and monastic dress Philanthropos, founded by Alexios I Komnenos (1081–
(πέπλοις διπλοῖς ἐν σχήματι κοσμικῶν καὶ μοναστῶν: with 1118).22 Again, the epigrams of Mark Eugenikos are our
double veils in the forms of laypeople and monastics)16. main source for burials within the monastery in the 15th
Double portraits in funerary contexts were very common century, since the monument has not survived.23 Thus,
during the Komnenian and early Palaiologan periods according to one of the poems, the monastery housed the
and Manuel’s images show that the popularity of this burials of members of two great Late Byzantine families,
iconographic scheme persisted until the 15th century. The the Asanes and the Philanthropenoi: the tomb of Isaakios
decoration of the so-called Tomb of Tornikes in the Chora Asanes was adorned with a portrait (‘ἀλλὰ τί μοι, βέλτιστε,
monastery (dated ca. 1330) is the best-known example still σωμάτων τύπους’ – ‘imprints of bodies’) of the deceased
extant in Constantinople17. accompanied by his granddaughter, who was the daughter
of Isaakios’ son-in-law, George Doukas Philanthropenos.24
Other 15th-century epigrams provide even more The epigram was evidently destined to be inscribed on the
information concerning contemporary tomb monuments tomb (‘εἰς τάφον τοῦ Ἀσάνη κυροῦ Ἰσαακίου καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ
and their decoration. Those referring to the monastery ἐγγόνης, ἐν τῇ μονῇ τοῦ Φιλανθρώπου’: ‘on the tomb of
of Saint John of Petra, an 11th-century foundation that Isaakios Asanes and his granddaughter in the monastery
became one of the leading monasteries of Palaiologan of Philanthropos’) and contains biographical data on both
Constantinople, are characteristic examples.18 Two Isaakios and his granddaughter. Several textual sources
epigrams by Mark Eugenikos were written for the tomb mention that the families Asanes and Philanthropenos
of Demetrios Leontares:19 the title of one of them (‘Στίχοι were linked by marriages and it is also known that the
εἰς τάφον κυροῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ Λεοντάρη ἐν τῇ μονῇ patriarch Joseph II, a descendant of the Philanthropenoi,
τῆς Πέτρας’: ‘Verses on the tomb of Demetrios Leontares renovated the monastery at his own expense.25 Moreover,
in the monastery of Petra’) implies that it was inscribed another epigram by Eugenikos was commissioned for
on the tomb of Leontares, which was situated in Petra. an icon of Saint Theodosia offered to the monastery
Moreover, the epigram addresses the viewer of the tomb by Joseph II himself.26 Thus, it appears that in the 15th
and mentions the portrait of the deceased (‘Ζητεῖς, θεατά, century the monastery was actually a family monastery,
τὸν μέγαν Λεοντάρην,/ἐκεῖνον αὐτόν, οὗ βλέπεις τὴν as well as a family mausoleum of the Philanthropenoi and
εἰκόνα;’ – ‘Are you searching, beholder, for the great their relatives, the Asanes (Asen).27
Leontares, whose image you are looking at?’). The author
praises the virtues of Leontares, in accordance with the One more Constantinopolitan monastery is mentioned in a
well-established principles of funerary epigrams (e.g. line similar context: two epigrams by Mark Eugenikos contain
5: ‘τὸν ἐν μάχαις ἄτρεστον ἀσπιδηφόρον’ – ‘the intrepid references to tomb monuments in the so-called monastery
shield-bearer in battle’). Demetrios Leontares was one of of the Xanthopouloi, which had been founded in the 14th
the most prominent dignitaries of Manuel II Palaiologos century and which appears frequently in the sources during
(1391–1425); according to a short chronicle, he died in the last Byzantine decades.28 The epigrams describe the
1431 and was interred in the chapel occupying the ground tombs of members of the Tzamplakones family. Both
floor of the bell tower of the monastery of Petra.20 The bell epigrams mention funerary portraits; in fact, the one
referring to the children of Demetrios Tzamplakon alludes
to a group burial accompanied by a group portrait (‘Εἰς
have been comparable to that of John’s grandfather (John V Palaiologos)
in the Haghia Sophia (Teteriatnikov 2013; Mango 1962, 74–76). It is τάφον τῶν τέκνων κυροῦ Δημητρίου τοῦ Τζαμπλάκωνος
even possible that the word αψισι in the epigram may actually refer to
the surface of a vault, just like the one in the Haghia Sophia. Alice–Mary
Talbot has offered a similar interpretation of the poem: Talbot 2004, 351–358.
300–301. 21
Asutay–Effenberger 2008. For the Kasım Ağa Camii, see also Müller–
15
An anonymous oration in praise of John and a hymn by Mark Wiener 1977, 164–165.
Eugenikos mention John’s frequent visits to the monastery: Lambros 22
For the monastery, see Melvani 2016; Stanković 2011, 55–64; Janin
1926, 292–308; Mineva 1996. 1953, 539–544.
16
Lambros 1926, 281–283; Melvani 2018, 248–250. 23
Mamone 1954, 573–574.
17
Weissbrod 2003, 130–134; Brooks 2004b. 24
For these personages, see Bozhilov 1994, 348–350.
18
For the monastery, see Malamut 2001. 25
Dujčev 1961.
19
Mamone 1954, 574. 26
Mamone 1954, 575. For Joseph, see also Gill 1964, 15–34.
20
Hunger 1969, 128; Schreiner 1975, 647; Prosopographisches Lexikon 27
Nikolić 2012.
der Palaiologenzeit, no. 14676; Barker 1969, 278–279, 342–344, 28
For the monastery, see Janin 1953, 393; Balfour 1979, 279–286.
83
Nicholas Melvani
ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ μονῇ’ – ’On the tomb of the children of

Demetrios Tzamplakon in the same monastery’, line 24:
‘πατὴρ ἀνιστόρησε τῶν παίδων τύπους’ – ‘[the] father had
the images of the children painted’).29 The Tzamplakones,
who had played a leading role in 14th-century events,
especially during the civil wars, were still active in 15th-
century Constantinople.30 Their members are attested in this
late period holding crucial offices and they appear to have
been patrons of the monastery of the Xanthopouloi, which
they used as a mausoleum, in accordance with Palaiologan
customs. Interestingly, the monastery also enjoyed the
patronage of the prestigious Notaras family; in fact, two
members of the family were buried there, apparently not
far from the burials of the Tzamplakones.31 The site of the Figure 7.2. Sarcophagus of Theodora Kantakouzene, Grand
monastery has not been identified, but Nektarios Zarras has Komnene, in the Pammakaristos monastery.
recently suggested that a pair of icons in the collection of
the Greek Institute in Venice may have originally belonged wall of an arcosolium niche. It appears that the portrait of
to the family chapel of the Notarades in Constantinople.32 Alexios I was intended as a direct allusion to the genealogy
If this is correct, they must be attributed to a chapel within of the Grand Komnenoi, since Theodora was the wife of
the monastery of the Xanthopouloi. Alexios III Grand Komnenos. In 1390, when Alexios III
died, Theodora returned to Constantinople and died there
An additional funerary monument of the late 14th or early shortly before 1406.37
15th centuries is known exclusively through the testimony
of a written text, this time a post-Byzantine work. The The Dominican monastery of Saints Paul and Dominic in
monastery of the Virgin Pammakaristos, a monument of the Genoese quarter of Pera constitutes a separate chapter in
the Komnenian period, is known mainly for the chapel the late history of Constantinople.38 The monastery was the
added in the early 14th century by Maria Tarchaneiotissa principal burial ground of members of the most prominent
in memory of her husband Michael Glabas Tarchaneiotes.33 families of the Genoese community.39 A large number of
The text is a description of the monastery by Manuel tomb slabs is dated to the 15th century: they are mainly
Malaxos written in 1578, when the building was the seat of tomb slabs from the church’s floor, covering burials. Most
the Patriarchate of Constantinople.34 Malaxos includes an of the slabs bear short Latin funerary inscriptions recording
account of the tombs in the Pammakaristos, among which the names of the deceased and the dates of their death,
figures a sarcophagus at the north part of the perambulatory accompanied by their coats of arms and, in a few cases,
(Fig. 7. 2), which he attributed to Theodora Kantakouzene, funerary portraits. The inscriptions mention the names
based on the accompanying funerary inscription: of several well-known families that played leading roles
in Constantinople’s economic life, often in collaboration
έκοιμήθη ἡ εὐσεβεστάτη καὶ θεόστεπτος δέσποινα / with Greek merchants. An undecorated slab with a Greek
τῆς Τραπεζοῦντος κυρᾶ Θεοδώρα αὐγούστα ἡ Μεγάλη inscription is of particular importance. According to the
Κομνηνὴ ἡ γυνὴ τοῦ ἀοιδήμου βασιλέως Τραπεζοῦντος inscription, the tomb belonged to a woman named Anna
Ἀλεξίου τοῦ Μεγάλου Κομνηνοῦ. ἐν ἔτει ςω. Doukaina Petraliphina:40
the most pious and God-crowned Lady of Trebizond [Ἐ]κοιμήθη ἡ δούλη τοῦ/[Θ(εο)ῦ Ἄ]ννα Δούκενα ἡ Πετ/
Theodora Augusta the Grand Komnene, wife of the [ραλ]ιφήνα, ἐν ἔτει ςπ../.. [ἰ]ν(δικτιῶνος) β´ ἐν μηνὶ ὀκτ(ω)
Emperor of Trebizond of blessed memory, Alexios the βρίῳ/ η´.
Grand Komnenos, died in the year 6....35
The servant of God Anna Doukaina Petraliphina died in
This information is corroborated by German visitors, who, the year 68.., during the second indiction, in the month
at approximately the same time, published drawings of the October 8.
sarcophagus.36 Malaxos also adds that the tomb included
the image of an eagle, a monogram of the Palaiologoi, and
a mosaic portrait of Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118),
which may have been part of the decoration of the back
37
For Theodora, see Nicol 1968, 143–146. For her tomb, as well as
other tombs in the monument, Effenberger 2007b. She is represented
with her husband Alexios III on the foundation chrysobull of the
Athonite monastery of Dionysiou: Cutler 2009. Archival documents
29
Mamone 1954, 573. confirm that Theodora constantly supported monasteries and churches
30
Theocharidis 1959; Estangüi–Gomez 2014, 315–317. in Constantinople, by donating money for the upkeep of monastic
31
Acconcia Longo 1977–79; Matschke 1997, 798–800. foundations: Miklosich – Müller 1862, 394–395. Thus, she may have
32
Zarras 2013, 241–242. been responsible for construction at the Pammakaristos as well.
33
Hallensleben 1963–64; Mango 1978; Effenberger 2007a. 38
See Westphalen 2007; D’Alessio 1936; Cramer–Düll 1985. For a
34
Schreiner 1971, 224; Schreiner 2001; Mango 1978, 30. history of the convent, see Melvani 2017.
35
Translation by Cyril Mango (Mango 1978, 41). 39
Düll 1983; Ivison 1996, 91–92; D’Alessio 1942.
36
The evidence is examined in Effenberger 2007b, 191–195. 40
Laurent 1936, 220–222.
84
The person in question is unknown from other sources and at the Mangana and Pantokrator monasteries demonstrate
the only available information on her is the date mentioned that even within the context of the reduced empire the
in the inscription. Based on the sole preserved digit, as traditions of imperial iconography and ideology remained
well as on the indiction and the month, it can be dated alive.
between the years 1393 and 1468.41 Nothing can be said
about the identity of the deceased woman, except that she Thus, the texts offer invaluable insights into the relations
was the descendant of two families with a long history, between late Palaiologan patrons and the monuments of
but not well documented during this late period.42 She was Constantinople during the last decades of Byzantium.
possibly married to a member of a Genoese family, which Some of the great aristocratic families, such as the
could explain the presence of her funerary monument in Philanthropenoi and the Tzamplakones, were able to
the Dominican monastery. continue their support toward religious foundations, but
their primary concerns were apparently their burials and
Although the available evidence is limited compared to the construction of their tombs. These tombs were usually
earlier periods, the inscriptions and epigrams reveal that situated in niches created in narthexes, perambulatories,
architectural activity was continued in the 15th century, chapels, and other funerary annexes, all of which were
albeit limited to repairs and a few additions to already standard features of Palaiologan architecture.45 In fact,
existing monuments. Very little survives of monumental archaeological investigations in the Chora, Lips, and
painting, but it is obvious that the form and decoration of Pammakaristos complexes have determined that open
tomb monuments still followed the models known from archways and other areas were gradually blocked after the
earlier centuries of aristocratic burials in monasteries.43 middle of the 14th century in order to form arcosolium
Indeed, the iconography of tomb decoration adhered to niches to accommodate additional tombs. The inscriptions
the well-established types of funerary portraits, including and portraits attested in the sources analysed above
group portraits. The decoration was accompanied by verse were displayed on tombs like the ones detected in these
inscriptions, composed by the most prominent scholars of monuments. As Sarah Brooks has shown, the audiences
the time, such as George Scholarios, Bessarion, and Mark viewing these texts and images normally belonged to
Eugenikos, who wrote funerary epigrams, just as Manuel the same elites as the patrons and comprised a relatively
Philes had in the early Palaiologan period and Theodore small circle of aristocrats who shared the same literary and
Prodromos in the Komnenian period.44 The decoration of scholarly interests.46 Thus, although the absence of building
these funerary monuments provides evidence concerning inscriptions is hardly a surprise, given the stagnation of
the artistic activity of the time: references to one mosaic building activity during this final phase of Byzantine
composition and to the sculptural decoration of a history, the inscriptions are an important body of evidence,
sarcophagus are of particular importance. The surviving albeit indirect, regarding the continuous demand for
arcosolium in the Chora monastery indeed shows that painters to execute the portraits alluded to in the epigrams.
during this time, which coincided with the early Italian This evidence may provide one of the keys to one of the
Renaissance, clear influences from Italy were visible. greatest mysteries of Byzantine art history, namely the
activity and output of painters in Constantinople during
Moreover, the funerary epigrams are a source of historical the last years of Byzantium.
information, since they reveal various aspects of important
religious foundations of the time, including some whose Literature
history is not well documented in other sources. They
Acconcia Longo 1977–79: Acconcia Longo, Augusta,
also allude to members of the great aristocratic families
‘Versi di Ioasaf ieromonaco e grande protosincello in
of Constantinople, such as the Leontares, Philanthropenoi,
morte di Giovanni Notara’, Rivista di Studi Bizantini e
Asanes, and Tzamplakones, often within the framework of
Neoellenici 14–16 (1977–79) 249–279.
dynastic alliances, even with Latin families. These families
continued the traditions of previous generations, whereas Asutay-Effenberger 2008: Asutay-Effenberger, Neslihan,
new families, such as the prominent Notaras, also appear ‘Das Kloster des Ioannes Prodromos tes Petras in
in similar contexts, emulating traditional aristocratic Konstantinopel und sein Bezug zu Odalar Kasım Ağa
practices. The few attested imperial portraits of the period Camii’, Millennium 5 (2008) 299–326.
Bacchielli 2007: Bacchielli, Franco, ‘Di Demetrio Raoul
Kavàkis e di alcuni suoi scritti (con due lettere inedite
41
The date 1483 proposed by Laurent and Ivison as an additional option
should be dismissed, since the church was converted into a mosque in di Gemisto Pletone)’, Unomolti 1 (2007) 129–187.
1475.
42
For Late Byzantine members of the Doukas and Petraliphas families, Balfour 1979: Balfour, David, Politico-historical works
see Polemis 1968, 165–166. of Symeon, archbishop of Thessalonica (1416/17 to
43
See Brooks 2004a; Melvani 2013, 72–75. 1429), Vienna 1979.
44
See e.g. Mango 1995. In the 15th century, cardinal Bessarion also
composed funerary epigrams, some of which may have been intended
as inscriptions. For example: Lambros 1930, 172. The collections of
epigrams in Rhoby 2009, Lauxtermann 2003, and Rhoby 2014 include
several samples of the genre from the Middle and Late Byzantine periods
with abundant commentary on their literary qualities. For the visual 45
Ousterhout 2000, 245–246.
apsects of inscribed poetic texts, see Drpić 2016. 46
Brooks 2002, 129–135.
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8
The Iconographic Cycle of the Revelation of John in the Spelia

Monastery at Agrafa, Greece
Abstract: The illustration of the Revelation of John in Eastern Orthodox monumental painting
was spread in the Post-Byzantine period. Although the majority of the Revelation cycles are
preserved in the monasteries of Mount Athos, nevertheless individual cycles can be found in
other areas of Greece, as for example in the region of Agrafa, in Drama and in the Aegean
islands (e.g. Rhodes, Lesbos, etc.). In this paper, the iconographic cycle of the Spelia monastery
in the region of Karditsa (Thessaly), a work of an unknown painter completed immediately
after 1737, will be presented, so that its importance for the evolution of the iconographic theme
under discussion can be assessed.
Η μονή Σπηλιάς, αφιερωμένη στην Κοίμηση της Θεοτόκου, είναι χτισμένη σε ένα έξαρμα
βράχου, νότια του χωριού Κουμπουριανά Καρδίτσας. Ο χρόνος ίδρυσης της μονής είναι
άγνωστος, ωστόσο terminus ante quem για την ύπαρξή της αποτελεί πατριαρχικό σιγίλιο του
1677 που την καθιστά σταυροπήγιο, αναφέροντας ότι ένας μοναχός με το όνομα Ανανίας είχε
πρόσφατα οικοδομήσει ένα ναό αφιερωμένο στην Κοίμηση της Θεοτόκου.
Οι έξι παραστάσεις από τον κύκλο της Αποκάλυψης του Ιωάννη, που αποτελούν το αντικείμενο
του παρόντος άρθρου, κοσμούν τον ανατολικό τοίχο του εξωνάρθηκα στο νέο καθολικό της
μονής, το οποίο κτίστηκε το 1737 και διακοσμήθηκε με τοιχογραφίες λίγο αργότερα. Αν και
ο κύκλος σώζεται αποσπασματικά, το γεγονός ότι η αφήγηση ξεκινά με το πρώτο κεφάλαιο,
στο χώρο νότια της εισόδου που οδηγεί στον κυρίως ναό, και ολοκληρώνεται με το εικοστό
δεύτερο κεφάλαιο, στο χώρο βόρεια της ίδιας θύρας, υποδηλώνει ότι η διήγηση εκτεινόταν και
στις – χαμένες σήμερα – τοιχογραφίες των υπόλοιπων τοίχων του εξωνάρθηκα.
Από την εξέταση των έξι παραστάσεων, που εικονογραφούν τα κεφάλαια α΄, στ΄, κ΄, κα΄ και κβ΄
του προφητικού κειμένου, διαπιστώνει κανείς ότι ο ανώνυμος αγιογράφος ασφαλώς γνώριζε
την εικονογραφική παράδοση που είχε διαμορφωθεί στο Άγιον Όρος μέχρι και το πρώτο μισό
του 18ου αιώνα. Ωστόσο, οι αθωνικές παραστάσεις δεν αποτέλεσαν το μοναδικό πρότυπό
του, αφού στο έργο του μπορεί κανείς να διακρίνει και επιδράσεις από εικονογραφημένα
χειρόγραφα, όπως, παραδείγματος χάρη, την Αποκάλυψη του Σικάγου.
Ανεξάρτητα από το ζήτημα των εικονογραφικών προτύπων, αξιοσημείωτη είναι η επιλογή των
ιθυνόντων μοναχών της μονής Σπηλιάς να συμπεριλάβουν την Αποκάλυψη στο εικονογραφικό
πρόγραμμα του καθολικού, καθώς είναι γνωστό ότι το θέμα αυτό στην ορθόδοξη Ανατολή
διαδόθηκε από το 16ο αιώνα και μετά, κυρίως στο Άγιον Όρος και μόνο σποραδικά σε άλλα
μέρη της τουρκοκρατούμενης Ελλάδας. Το ενδεχόμενο η επιλογή αυτή να οφείλεται σε
επίδραση του συγγραφέα της Ερμηνείας ιερομόναχου Διονυσίου, ο οποίος εγκαταβίωνε στο
Άγιον Όρος διατηρώντας παράλληλα επαφές με τον τόπο καταγωγής του, το Φουρνά Αγράφων,
δε φαίνεται αρκετά πιθανό, αφού, σε εικονογραφικό επίπεδο, οι έξι σωζόμενες παραστάσεις
της μονής Σπηλιάς δε φαίνεται να σχεδιάστηκαν με βάση τις οδηγίες της Ερμηνείας.
Σοβαρές πιθανότητες, σύμφωνα με τη δική μας – μέχρι σήμερα – έρευνα, παρουσιάζει το

ενδεχόμενο ο Αναστάσιος Γόρδιος να ήταν εκείνος που επεσήμανε στους ιθύνοντες της μονής
Σπηλιάς την αναγκαιότητα εικονογράφησης της Αποκάλυψης του Ιωάννη. Η σημαντική αυτή
πνευματική μορφή των Αγράφων, γύρω στα 1717–1720, είχε συντάξει το «Σύγραμμα περὶ
Μωάμεθ καὶ κατὰ Λατείνων», ένα υπόμνημα για τα κεφάλαια στ΄ (στίχοι 1–6), ιβ΄ και ιγ΄ της
Αποκάλυψης, στο οποίο υποστήριζε ότι ο Αντίχριστος θα παρουσιαζόταν και θα δίωκε την
Εκκλησία «ὑπὸ τὴν μορφὴ δύο θρησκειῶν καὶ δύο προσώπων, τοῦ τε Μωάμεθ καὶ τοῦ Πάπα».
Παράλληλα, ο φωτισμένος ιερομόναχος, ο οποίος αποδεδειγμένα είχε σχέσεις με μοναστήρια
89
της Θεσσαλίας, κατείχε κεντρικό ρόλο σε εκκλησιαστικές υποθέσεις που αφορούσαν στην
περιοχή των Αγράφων, ενώ συχνά τον συμβουλεύονταν για διάφορα θεολογικά και δογματικά
ζητήματα, ακόμα και για θέματα εικονογραφίας, αρκετά πρόσωπα, μεταξύ των οποίων και
ο Διονύσιος ο εκ Φουρνά. Συνεπώς, δε θα πρέπει να θεωρηθεί απίθανο το υπόμνημα στην
Αποκάλυψη, αλλά και η ίδια η εμβέλεια της προσωπικότητας του Αναστάσιου Γόρδιου, να
έπαιξαν κάποιο ρόλο στην επιλογή της Αποκάλυψης για τη διακόσμηση του νέου καθολικού
της μονής.
Keywords: 18th century, Thessaly, Karditsa region, Spelia monastery, Revelation.
The Spelia monastery* is built on a rock-outcropping, Scene 1 (Rev. 1: 1–2). The opening scene of the Apocalypse
south of the village Koumpouriana in the Karditsa region cycle at Spelia monastery (Fig. 8.1) introduces the main
of Thessaly.1 The exact foundation date of the monastery characters of the narrative: (above) the Ancient of Days,
is unknown,2 however a terminus ante quem is a 1677 who revealed to John what was going to happen, (right)
patriarchal sigillium which makes it a stauropēgion, the author of the Revelation, leaning on a low seat and
adding that Ananias, a monk of the monastery, had recently holding an open codex, and (left) an angel revealing to
erected a church dedicated to the Assumption of the Virgin John the content of his prophetic book. An accompanying
Mary (Koimēsis).3 inscription at the lower part of the wall painting draws its
content from the first two verses of the first chapter (Rev.
The monastery consists of two churches unequal in size 1: 1–2): ‘Α ΑΠΟΚΑΛΥΨΙΣ ΙΩ(ΑΝΝΟΥ) ΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΛΟΓΟΥ
and is surrounded by a fortified enclosure which hosts the | ΟΣ ΕΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΣΕ ΤΟΝ ΛΟΓΟΝ’.
cells of the monks. The smaller church, dedicated to the
Assumption, was the older katholikon of the monastery, The illustration of the first two verses of the Revelation
built as a single-aisled Athonite-type church and painted introductory chapter – at least according to the hitherto
in the late 17th century. The larger church, abutting onto known examples of monumental painting – is a pictorial
the north side of the old katholikon, is the current principal unicum since, as it is well known, painters almost always
church of the monastery, dedicated to the Life-Giving begin their narration from the ninth verse of the first
Spring (Zōodochos Pēgē). It is a four-columned cross-in- chapter, as also noted in the Hermēneia of Dionysius from
square Athonite-type church,4 built in 1737 and painted a the village of Phournas.6
little later. On the west side the narthex and the exonarthex
can be found, which were built at a later phase. Moreover, it is worth noting that one such – verse by
verse – illustration of the prophetic book is the rule in
The six scenes from the Revelation of John, which are all three 17th to 18th-centuries manuscripts adorned
the subject of this paper, date immediately after 1737 with miniatures of the Revelation, namely the Chicago
and adorn the east wall of the exonarthex of the new Revelation, the Tyrnavos Revelation and the Skopelos
katholikon.5 Although the cycle is incomplete, the fact Revelation;7 in particular, depictions of God blessing
that the narration begins with the first chapter, at the area amidst circular clouds or holding an orb are often found
south of the entrance leading to the nave, and ends with in the first chapter of the Chicago Revelation (f. 4v, 6v,
the twenty-second chapter, at the area north of that door, 12r, 17r, 19v, 24r).
makes it highly likely that the narration would have been
extended in the now lost frescoes of the remaining three Scene 2 (Rev. 1: 9–20). Unlike the previous depiction,
walls of the exonarthex in a clockwise direction, beginning the narration of the rest of the verses of the first chapter
at the middle of the east wall in the south, moving to the is done in the usual way (Fig. 8.2). In the upper part,
west, then north and back to the east wall. amidst circular clouds, the anonymous painter of the
Spelia monastery depicts Christ in white garments (Rev.
1: 13). From his mouth a sharp two-edged sword (Rev. 1:
16) emerges, around his right hand there are seven stars
(Rev. 1: 16), while Christ is surrounded by seven golden
*
I owe special thanks to the archaeologist Mrs. Krystallo Mantzana, the
head of the former 19th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, who granted lampstands (Rev. 1: 12). The Theophany is monitored by
me license to study and publish the cycles of the Revelation of John in the ecstatic John (bottom left) who rests on a low seat with
the monasteries of Spelia and Petra at Agrafa, Greece. the eagle, his symbol, beside him, as in the previous scene.
1
On the Spelia monastery, see Iezekiēl 1928, 138–140; Mantzana 1992,
29–30; Sdrolia 2007, 100; Sdrolia 2012, 73–74.
2
It has been argued that the place where the Spelia monastery now stands
used to be a monastery of the Virgin Mary referred to as ‘Gradistion’ by 6
Hermēneia, 129, § 44.
a document issued by sebastokrator Stephanos Gavriēlopoulos in 1328. 7
For a detailed bibliography about these three illuminated manuscripts
See Bees 1949, 79–96. Cf. Nicol 1963, 54, n. 12; Ferjančić 1974, 173; of the 17th–18th centuries, i.e. (a) Ms. 931, known as ‘Elizabeth Day
Hild et al. 1987, 40. McCormick Apocalypse’, which is kept in Chicago University Library,
3
Spanos 2007, 129–140. (b) Ms. 40, which is kept in Tyrnavos Municipal Library, and (c) some
4
Nikonanos 1997, 152, n. 555. sheets of a manuscript, coming from the monastery of St. Dionysius in
5
On the Revelation scenes in the Spelia monastery, see also Tsiourēs Skopelos island, which are now in a private collection, see Tsimpoukēs
2008, 48–49, 366–371. 2013, 55–56.
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The Iconographic Cycle of the Revelation of John in the Spelia Monastery at Agrafa, Greece
Figure 8.1. Spelia monastery, Agrafa. Rev. 1: 1–2.
The two rocky mountains with low vegetation on both depictions in the monasteries of Dionysiou (after 1553)
sides of the Evangelist and the sea below are used by the and Xenophōntos (1632–1654).8
painter as a connotation of Patmos island (Rev. 1: 9).
Scene 3 (Rev. 6: 9–17). After the glorification of God and
As far as both the choice of the iconographic elements and the Lamb of Mount Zion by the twenty-four elders (Rev.
their position in the scene are concerned, it can easily be 4–5) and the opening of the first four seals of the ‘book
concluded that the painter of the Spelia monastery follows
the tradition established in Mount Athos from the mid-16th On the Revelation cycles in the monasteries of Mount Athos, see
8
century onwards (Fig. 8.3), especially the corresponding Tsimpoukēs 2013.
91
sealed shut with seven seals’ (Rev. 6: 1–8) – scenes not The number of angels engaged in the clothing of the
preserved today – the painter continues his narration with martyrs and their pose, the form of the altar, the way the
the opening of the fifth seal (Rev. 6: 9–11). This scene souls of the martyrs are represented, even the clouds in the
(Fig. 8.4) takes place at the altar of the heavenly church lower part of the painting, all bear witness to the fact that
of God, under which the souls of the martyrs lie. With the the anonymous painter of the Spelia monastery was aware
opening of the fifth seal, the martyrs call on God to hasten of the Athonite wall paintings (Fig. 8.5) in the monasteries
the Last Judgment and restore justice and the triumph of of Dionysiou (after 1553), Xenophōntos (1632–1654)
the Good. The response of God to the martyrs has a double and Docheiariou (1676–1700). Moreover, the remarkable
meaning: first a white robe is given to each of them as a effort of the anonymous painter to depict, in the upper part
recognition of their contribution, then all the martyrs are of the same fresco (Fig. 8.4), some of the consequences
asked to be patient for a little while, until the plan of God of the disruption of the universe caused by the opening of
is completed. the sixth seal (Rev. 6: 12–17), namely the darkening of the
92
Figure 8.3. Dionysiou monastery, Mount Athos. Rev. 1: 9–20.
sun and moon by dense clouds, supports the view that this Scene 4 (Rev. 20: 1–3). The representation of the
specific scene is reminiscent of the Athonite cycles of the imprisonment of Satan for a thousand years (Fig. 8.6),
16th and 17th centuries. described in the twentieth chapter of Revelation (Rev.
20: 1–3), is a particularly interesting scene. In the upper
It would have been very instructive to have seen the section, Christ is represented in a semicircular cloud,
narration of the remaining chapters of the Revelation, from blessing with the right hand and holding an orb in the left,
the seventh to the nineteenth, but the complete destruction while underneath, between rocky mountains with low
of the frescoes on the south, west and north walls of the vegetation, an angel is driving Satan into the abyss by a
exonarthex deprives us of this possibility. Returning to the chain.
east wall, the painter of the Spelia monastery completes
the story of the prophetic book with three more scenes, The addition of Christ in the upper section, the pose of
which correspond to the twentieth, twenty-first and the angel and the way the abyss is depicted significantly
twenty-second chapters of the Revelation. differentiate the wall painting of the Spelia monastery
93
from the three Revelation cycles existed in Mount Athos monasteries is once again identified in the last but one scene
at that time, namely in the monasteries of Dionysiou of the Spelia monastery cycle (Fig. 8.7). The conversation
(after 1553), Xenophōntos (1632–1654) and Docheiariou of John with the angel (Rev. 21: 9–10) in the upper part,
(1676–1700), making it clear that the anonymous painter the representation of the New Jerusalem as a castle seen
of the Spelia monastery drew his inspiration here from a from above, the domed buildings within the holy city and
different model. the three angels who guard the gates, all testify that the
anonymous painter was aware of at least one of the three
Scene 5 (Rev. 21: 1–27). A greater similarity with Athonite representations (Fig. 8.8), without reproducing
the representations of the aforementioned Athonite any one of them exactly.
94
Figure 8.5. Xenophōntos monastery, Mount Athos. Rev. 6: 9–11.
Scene 6 (Rev. 22: 1–5). The last scene in the Spelia The representation in the Spelia monastery, is, so far, the
monastery cycle (Fig. 8.9) is of particular interest. The only attempt in monumental painting to illustrate the last
anonymous painter, wishing to illustrate the first five chapter of the Revelation, as both previous painters on
verses of the twenty-second chapter of the prophetic book Mount Athos and their peers elsewhere used to conclude
(Rev. 22: 1–5), depicts again the New Jerusalem, focusing their cycles with the previous chapter (Rev. 21: 1–27),
this time on some other features of the holy city: the river as suggested by the Hermēneia of Dionysius. The only
of the water of life, which springs out of the throne of God exception is a much later representation from the Athonite
and the Lamb (Rev. 22: 1), the tree of life (Rev. 22: 2), monastery of Xēropotamou (1783), in which the careful
which nourishes and heals its residents, and God (Rev. 22: observer can discern, embedded in the representation of
5), who gives them divine enlightenment. John, always the twenty-first chapter, the illustration of some verses
accompanied by his symbol, stands at the right side of the from the twenty-second chapter, namely the river of the
scene watching what the angel is pointing to. water of life (Rev. 22: 1), the tree of life (Rev. 22: 2) and
95
the divine presence (Rev. 22: 5).9 Our research to date today – Revelation cycles may determine the iconographic
has identified the source of the anonymous painter of the source more accurately.
Spelia monastery in a corresponding depiction in f. 181v
of the Chicago Revelation (Fig. 8.10), in which the same From the brief presentation of the six scenes of the
iconographic elements (Fig. 8.9), i.e. the throne of God, Apocalypse cycle that preceded, it can be argued that
the river, the tree of life and John are placed in the same the anonymous painter of the exonarthex of the Spelia
position. However, a future publication of more – unknown monastery certainly knew the iconographic tradition that
was formulated and employed on Mount Athos until the
first half of the 18th century, since both the choice of
9
Tsimpoukēs 2013, 460. specific iconographic elements and the way these elements
96
are arranged in space make the imitation quite obvious.10 last chapter of the Revelation (Rev. 22: 1–5), found their
It cannot be argued, however, that the Athonite cycles place in the iconographical program. However, research
were the only source of the painter since, as already noted, conducted in the Spelia monastery, as in other monasteries
representations from illustrated manuscripts, unknown to of Agrafa, in order to locate old manuscripts which could
Mount Athos, e.g. the illustration of some verses from the have been used by the anonymous painter, has not yielded
any results.11
10
I. Tsiourēs considers that the Revelation scenes in the Spelia monastery
may be indirectly affected by the representations of the Dionysiou and
Docheiariou monasteries in Mount Athos, which the anonymous painter 11
In 1928, the metropolitan of Thessaliōtis and Phanariophersala Iezekiēl,
might have come across through monumental paintings elsewhere or after a tour of the monasteries of Agrafa, states that old manuscripts were
representations in illuminated manuscripts. See Tsiourēs 2008, 370. nowhere to be found. See Iezekiēl 1928, 135.
97
Figure 8.8. Docheiariou monastery, Mount Athos. Rev. 21: 1–27.
Regardless of the question of the iconographic sources in his Hermēneia a separate chapter, which explains
used by the Spelia painter, which is always open to in some detail how the Revelation of John should be
research, the choice of the monks in the Spelia monastery illustrated.13 It is doubtful, however, that the selection used
to include the Apocalypse in the iconographic program is to illustrate the Revelation in the Spelia monastery was
remarkable, since, as it is well known, the illustration of due to the influence of the Hermēneia, since, with regard
the last book of the New Testament in the Orthodox East to the iconography, the six surviving representations of the
become popular from the 16th century onwards, especially Spelia monastery do not seem to match the guidelines of
on Mount Athos and only sporadically is encountered in Dionysius.14
other areas of Ottoman-occupied Greece.12
According to our own research, it is highly likely that it
It is known that Dionysius, who lived as a monk at was Anastasios Gordios who pointed out the necessity
Karyes, Mount Athos, whilst maintaining at the same time
contacts with his hometown in the Agrafa area, devotes
For a detailed bibliography, see Tsimpoukēs 2013, 286–289.
13
About the influence of the Hermēneia on the Revelation wall paintings

14
12
Tsimpoukēs 2013, 47–56. of Mount Athos, see Tsimpoukis 2017.
98
for the illustration of John’s Revelation to the monks of related to the area of Agrafa and often dispensed advice on
the Spelia monastery. This important intellectual figure of various theological and doctrinal issues, even iconographic
Agrafa,15 circa 1717 to 1720, published the ‘Script about themes, to several persons, among them Dionysius, the
Mohammad and against the Latins’,16 a commentary about author of Hermēneia.19 Therefore, it should be considered
chapters 6 (verses 1–6), 12 and 13 of the Apocalypse, likely that both the commentary on the Revelation and the
which argued that the Antichrist would come to pursue fact that Anastasios Gordios’ opinion carried great weight
the Church ‘in the form of two religions and two people, played a role in the selection of the Apocalypse of John for
namely Mohammad and the Pope’.17 Moreover, this the decoration of the exonarthex of the new katholikon.
enlightened monk, who clearly had relations with several
monasteries of Thessaly, such as the monastery of Regardless, however, of the person who inspired the theme,
Dousikou,18 held a central role in ecclesiastical matters the presence of a Revelation cycle in the iconographical
program is quite reasonable: on the one hand, the Book
of Revelation has an eschatological meaning, offering
15
About the contribution of Anastasios Gordios to the life of Agrafa, see Christians refuge, solace and hope for a quick redemption
Karanasios 2005, 47–59. from their enemy, namely the Ottomans; on the other hand,
16
Original title: «Σύγγραμμα περὶ Μωάμεθ καὶ κατὰ Λατείνων».
17
Argyriou 1969, 305–324; Cf. Argyriou 1979, 370–372; Argyriou 1982,
vol. Ι, 390–452.
18
Sophianos 2005, 33–46. 19
Karanasios 2005, 53.
99
Figure 8.10. Chicago University Library, Ms. 931, fol. 181 v. Rev. 22: 1–5.
this choice is directly related to the historical conditions liberation struggle of the Greeks, and in 1867 was used
that were emerging in the region of Agrafa during the as a base of the Revolutionary Government.21 The village
18th century, when the Spelia monastery and the Petra of Koumpouriana, like the rest of Thessaly, rebelled in
monastery (1789) were also decorated with Revelation January 1878 and was freed finally from the Ottomans on
cycles.20 In particular, the region of Agrafa was the most May 24, 1881, when the Ottoman Empire was forced to
important refuge of persecuted Greeks and the safest sign the agreement conceding Thessaly in Greece.22 Since
base for the Christian armed groups called Klephtes and then, the monastery of Spelia stands in its beautiful setting,
Armatoloi. Furthermore, the Spelia monastery, because of welcoming those visitors willing to share its secrets.
its strategic position, played an important role during the
Iezekiēl 1928, 133–134, 139; Vasileiou 1964, 6–10.
21
About the Revelation scenes in the Petra monastery, see Tsiourēs 2008,
20
For the history of this period in Thessaly, see Vasileiou 1964, 6–10;
22
44–46, 353–357, fig. 362–363; Tsiouris 2014, 27–50. Tsimpoukis 2019. Grivellas 1992, 10; Zarkadas 1996, 29–30, 42–43; Sdrolia 2012, 15–22.
100
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Karditsa 2007, 100.
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Γόρδιος και το σύγγραμμά του Περί Μωάμεθ και Sdrolia 2012: Σδρόλια, Σταυρούλα, Οι τοιχογραφίες του
κατά Λατείνων’, Επετηρίς Εταιρείας Στερεοελλαδικών καθολικού της Μονής Πέτρας (1625) και η ζωγραφική
Μελετών 2 (1969), 305–324. των ναών των Αγράφων του 17ου αιώνα, Volos 2012.
Argyriou 1979: Αργυρίου, Αστέριος, ‘Οι ελληνικές Sophianos 2005: Σοφιανός, Δημήτριος, ‘Ο Αναστάσιος
ερμηνείες στην Αποκάλυψη κατά τους χρόνους Γόρδιος και οι σχέσεις του με τη Μονή Δουσίκου –
της Τουρκοκρατίας’, Επιστημονική Επετηρίς της Αγίου Βησσαρίωνος’, in Κ. Tsiolis (ed.), Ο Αναστάσιος
Θεολογικής Σχολής του Αριστοτελείου Πανεπιστημίου Γόρδιος και η περιοχή των Αγράφων, Πρακτικά
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Athens 2005, 33–46.
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de l’Apocalypse à l’époque turque 1453–1821. Esquisse Spanos 2007: Σπανός, Βασίλειος, ‘Ένα σιγίλιο για την
d’une histoire des courants idéologiques au sein du Μονή της Θεοτόκου των Κουμουριανών της Αργιθέας,
peuple grec asservi, Thessaloniki 1982. 1677’, Θεσσαλικό Ημερολόγιο 52 (2007), 129–140.
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neugriechische Jahrbücher 18 (1945–1949), 79–96. of the Hermēneia of Dionysius of Fourna on the
Ferjančić 1974: Ferjančić, Božidar, Tesalija u XIII i XIV Revelation Wall-paintings of Mount Athos’, in Y.
veku, Belgrade 1974. Bobrov (ed.), Mount Athos – the Light of the Orthodox
Christianity: Interaction of Cultures, International
Grivellas 1992: Γριβέλλας, Λάμπρος, ‘Άγραφα: Conference, Post Prints, Saint Petersburg, 5–7 October
Συνοπτική Ιστορική Ανασκόπηση’, Άγραφα: Εκκλησίες 2016, Saint Petersburg 2017, 283–296.
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Ζωγραφικής Τέχνης, υπό Α. Παπαδόπουλου-Κεραµέως, Region of Karditsa, Greece’, in Ch. Diamanti and A.
Saint Petersburg 1909. Vassiliou (eds.), Ἐν Σοφίᾳ μαθητεύσαντες: Essays in
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‘Η Βυζαντινή Θεσσαλία’, Θεσσαλικό Ημερολόγιο 12 Tsiourēs 2008: Τσιουρής, Ιωάννης, Οι τοιχογραφίες
(1987), 11–112. της μονής Αγίας Τριάδος Δρακότρυπας (1758) και η
Iezekiēl 1928: Ιεζεκιήλ Θεσσαλιώτιδος και μνημειακή ζωγραφική του 18ου αιώνα στην περιοχή των
Φαναριοφερσάλων, ‘Αι μοναί της Πίνδου (Α΄)’, Αγράφων, Athens 2008.
Θεολογία 6 (1928), 133–144. Tsiouris 2014: Tsiouris, Ioannis, ‘Some Remarks on the
Karanasios 2005: Καρανάσιος, Χαρίτων, ‘Η συμβολή του Wall-paintings in the Lite of the Petra’s Monastery
Αναστάσιου Γόρδιου στην κοινωνική και πνευματική Katholikon (1789)’, Matica srpska journal for fine arts
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Βραγγιανά, 25 Ιουλίου 2004, Athens 2005, 47–59. μοναστήρια κ. λ. π.), Athens 1964.
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Αρχιτεκτονικής και Αγιογραφικής’, in V.Tsantilas (ed.),
Αγράφων: Ιστορία – Ήθη – Έθιμα – Παραδόσεις,
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Nicol 1963: Nicol, Donald, Meteora: the rock monasteries
of Thessaly, London 1963.
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της Θεσσαλίας από το 10ο αιώνα ως την κατάκτηση της
περιοχής από τους Τούρκους το 1393, Athens 1997.
Sdrolia 2007: Σδρόλια, Σταυρούλα, ‘Βυζαντινά και
Μεταβυζαντινά Μνημεία νομού Καρδίτσας’, in Ε.
Tsagkaraki (ed.), Οδοιπορικό στα Μνημεία του Νομού
101
9
Middle Byzantine Architectural Members from the Museum

of Sicyon (Vassiliko) in Corinthia
Eleni G. Manolessou
Abstract: The paper presents a number of unknown Middle Byzantine architectural sculptures,
which are on display in the Archaeological Museum of Sicyon (Corinthia), the Byzantine
Vassilika. They include parts of architraves and cornices, as well as capitals and small pillars.
Their precise provenance is mostly unknown, and their decoration includes common Middle
Byzantine motifs, e.g. palmettes, scrolls, crosses, birds etc. In general, they may be compared
to similar parts from other areas of Corinthia (Ancient Corinth, Acrocorinth Castle, Nemea,
Zemeno) and from Athens. A comparison with their Corinthian counterparts may lead to
conclusions concerning the activity of local workshops and the artistic production in the
region during Middle Byzantine times. This is of particular importance, as these sculptures
constitute evidence for Byzantine Vassilika’s prosperity; this evidence is crucial, given that no
information justifying the town’s regal name survives.
Στη μελέτη παρουσιάζονται γλυπτά αρχιτεκτονικά μέλη μεσοβυζαντινών χρόνων, που

εκτίθενται σήμερα στο Μουσείο της Σικυώνας. Το Μουσείο στεγάζεται σε λουτρική
εγκατάσταση της υστερορωμαϊκής περιόδου, στην παρυφή του Αρχαιολογικού Χώρου της
Αρχαίας Σικυώνας, δίπλα στο χωριό Βασιλικό (βυζ. Βασιλικά) της Κορινθίας.
Η Σικυώνα αναφέρεται σπάνια στις πηγές της πρωτοβυζαντινής και μεσοβυζαντινής περιόδου.
Με την ονομασία της Βασιλικά εμφανίζεται για πρώτη φορά τον 13ο αιώνα, όταν στην
αραγωνική εκδοχή του Χρονικού του Μορέως αναφέρεται ότι ο Γουλιέλμος Βιλλεαρδουίνος
έκτισε το κάστρο της. Φαίνεται ότι ήταν η σημαντικότερη πόλη της καστελλανίας Κορίνθου
μετά την Κόρινθο κυρίως κατά τον 14ο αιώνα και έως την κατάληψή της από τους Τούρκους
περί τα μέσα του 15ου αιώνα. Έκτοτε, η πόλη παρήκμασε.
Οι αρχαιολογικές ενδείξεις για την παρουσία κτηρίων βυζαντινών χρόνων στην περιοχή του
Βασιλικού είναι ελάχιστες και δεν τεκμηριώνονται επαρκώς. Περισσότερο γνωστή είναι η
βασιλική της Κάτω Σικυώνας, που ανέσκαψε τη δεκαετία του 1930 ο Αναστάσιος Ορλάνδος.
Στην περιοχή του υψιπέδου, όπου είχε αναπτυχθεί η αρχαία Αγορά της Σικυώνας, έχουν
εντοπιστεί έως σήμερα δύο ναοί σε ερειπιώδη κατάσταση. Ο κεντρικός ναός του οικισμού, η
Αγία Τριάδα, φαίνεται ότι κτίστηκε στη θέση παλαιότερου, βυζαντινού ναού, όπως δείχνουν τα
μέλη που είναι ενσωματωμένα σε αυτήν και άλλα, που περισυνελέγησαν από τον Αλέξανδρο
Φιλαδελφέα και εκτίθενται στο Μουσείο. Άλλοι ναοί βυζαντινών χρόνων δεν διατηρούνται
στον οικισμό.
Στα μεσοβυζαντινά μέλη που εκτίθενται στο Μουσείο περιλαμβάνονται κυρίως τμήματα
επιστυλίων τέμπλων, κοσμητών, κιονόκρανα και πεσσίσκοι. Μολονότι είναι καταγεγραμμένα
σε βιβλία εισαγωγής του Μουσείου, για τα περισσότερα από αυτά δεν υπάρχουν ενδείξεις
για τoν αρχικό τους τόπο εύρεσης. Πολλά είναι αποκεκρουμένα και δείχνουν ίχνη δεύτερης
χρήσης.
Η διακόσμησή τους, εκτός από ορισμένες εξαιρέσεις, όπως και τα τεχνοτροπικά τους
χαρακτηριστικά, εντάσσονται στα γενικά ρεύματα της γλυπτικής τέχνης της μεσοβυζαντινής
περιόδου. Κοσμούνται με τα συνήθη θέματα της βυζαντινής γλυπτικής, όπως ανθέμια,
σταυρούς, πτηνά, βλαστούς κ.ά. Γενικά, τα μέλη μπορούν να παραβληθούν με ανάλογα μέλη
που προέρχονται κυρίως από την Κορινθία (Αρχαία Κόρινθο, κάστρο Ακροκορίνθου, Νεμέα,
Ζεμενό) και την Αθήνα.
103
Eleni G. Manolessou
Από τη μελέτη και το συσχετισμό τους με ανάλογα μέλη της Κορινθίας είναι δυνατό να
συναχθούν ορισμένα συμπεράσματα ως προς τη δραστηριότητα τοπικών εργαστηρίων ή τη
μετακίνηση συνεργείων, ως προς την εισαγωγή μελών και γενικά την καλλιτεχνική γλυπτική
παραγωγή της περιοχής της Σικυώνας κατά τη βυζαντινή εποχή. Το τελευταίο αυτό στοιχείο
αποκτά ιδιαίτερη βαρύτητα αν ληφθεί υπόψη ότι τα γλυπτά αυτά αρχιτεκτονικά μέλη
αποτελούν ενδεχομένως μάρτυρες της ακμής της βυζαντινής πόλης των Βασιλικών, για την
οποία δεν έχουν σωθεί σημαντικές ενδείξεις που να δικαιολογούν την ονομασία της.
Keywords: Middle Byzantine, sculpture, Corinthia, Sicyon, Vassilika, architectural sculptures,

local workshops.
9.1 Introduction Thematibus (10th century), considers Sicyon as one of the

most important cities in the Peloponnese.
The present study offers an overview of the most
distinctive architectural members of the Middle Byzantine Sicyon appears under its new name, Vassilika, in the mid-
period which are preserved in the museum of Sicyon 13th century, as the Aragonese version of the Chronicle of
(Corinthia): it attempts both to date them more precisely the Morea reports that Geoffroi de Villehardouin built the
and to place them in the overall context of the period/ castle of Vassilika.6 From this time onwards, this castle,
area through a comparative study of corresponding parts located where now is the modern village of Vassiliko,
from other areas. After an overview of the historical data constitutes an important centre in the castellania of
on Sicyon, the paper proceeds to a description and dating Corinthia, though less important than Corinth itself, and is
of the architectural members preserved until today, first mentioned in several 14th- and 15th-century documents.7
those housed in the Museum of Sicyon and then in situ,
followed by a discussion of their decoration and some In 1446, the historian Laonikos Chalkokondyles mentions
general conclusions. that Sultan Murad II conquered Vassilika, razed it to the
ground and enslaved its inhabitants.8 Several travellers,
9.2 Sicyon in history from the 15th to the 19th centuries,9 visited Vassilika on
their way to and from Corinth, and describe the scarcity
Sicyon, modern-day Vassiliko, lies on a plateau to the and poverty of its houses and its ruined churches.
north-west of Corinth, near Kiato, the second largest
modern city in Corinthia. The land between the plateau The Byzantine architectural remains from the area are
and the coast is a fertile plain, renowned since antiquity not numerous. Near the port of Vassilika, modern Kiato,
for the richness of its soil, as witnessed by the very name Anastasios Orlandos excavated,10 during the 1930s, an
Sicyon (land rich in cucumbers and/or melons). Early Byzantine basilica, which he dubbed “Basilika of
Lower Sicyon”.
To the west-northwest of modern Vassiliko, excavations
have uncovered part of the Hellenistic city of Sicyon,1 As for Upper Sicyon, in the 1920 it was excavated by
which was built in 303 BC by Demetrius Poliorcetes and Alexander Philadelpheus, who uncovered the ruins of
renamed New Sicyon. References to Sicyon in Byzantine an ancient temple and discovered traces of its use during
sources are scarce. It is first mentioned as a bishopric the Early Byzantine period, such as graffiti of crosses,
in 343–344 AD (held by the prelate Hermogenes “de fragments of a mosaic floor and other sparse remains.11
Siceono”).2 Around 530 the name New Sicyon is listed in
Hierocles’ Synecdemos.3 And in the so-called «Notitia of In recent years, the surface-geophysical survey of the
the Iconoclasts» (Paris gr. 1555A) in the form «Σικύου».4 University of Thessaly,12 in collaboration with the former
The emperor Constantine Porphyrogennitus,5 in his De 37th Ephorate of Prehistorical and Classical Antiquities,
the Institute for Mediterranean Studies and the University
The work in this paper was inspired by Professors S. Kalopisi-Verti and of York, as well as the excavations of the Archaeological
M. Panagiotidi-Kesisoglou, who were the supervisors of my thesis, and
taught me most of what I know of Byzantine sculpture and archaeological
methodology. Thanks are also due to I. Manolessou and X. Simou for
assistance with practical matters. The copyright of photographs nos 1–9 6
Chronicle of the Morea, Aragonese version, § 216 (ed. Morel-Fatio
belongs to the Ephorate of Antiquities of Corinthia/ Ηellenic Ministry 1895, p. 49); Bon 1969, 104 n. 1, 476, 481; Kordosis 1981, 103, 196;
of Culture and Sports (© EAC/HMCS). Photograph no 10 courtesy of Peppas 1993, 168; Lolos 2011, 85.
Dr D. Athanasoulis. 7
Bon 1969, 270, 481; Kordosis 1981, 110–111, 135 n. 16, 198–203;
1
Lolos 2011, 279–282 and references therein. Peppas 1993, 6, 21, 25, 168–169; Lolos 2011, 85–88.
2
Ιn the list of bishops participating at the Council of Sardica, modern 8
Kordosis 1981, 103, 120, 202; Lolos 2011, 88, 287.
Sofia (Σύνοδος Σαρδικῆς) in 343 AD; Mansi 1759, 46.47; Kordosis 1981, 9
Bon 1969, 481–482 and n. 6; Kordosis 1981, 138; Lolos 2011, 5. On
260, 355; Avramea 1997, 170; Lolos 2011, 81. the churches mentioned by 19th-century travellers, see Kordosis 1981,
3
Hierocles, Synecdemus 646.8 (ed. Ηοnigmann 1939, p. 18); Kordosis 187–198 and n. 207, 378; Lolos 2011, 291–292, 384.
1981, 260; Avramea 1997, 170. 10
Orlandos 1933, 81–90; Orlandos 1954, 219–231; Orlandos 1969,
4
Notitiae Episcopatuum 3, 735 (ed. Darrouzès 1981, p. 244); Kordosis 148–176.
1981, 260, 355; Avramea 1997, 170; Lolos 2011, 82. 11
Philadelpheus 1926a, 46–48; Orlandos 1937, 96; Avramea 1997, 170;
5
Const. Porphyrogennitus, De Thematibus Ι.6.5 (ed. Pertusi 1952, p. 90); Lolos 2011, 286–287.
Kordosis 1981, 260–261. 12
http://extras.ha.uth.gr/sikyon (accessed 4–5–2021).
104
Middle Byzantine Architectural Members from the Museum of Sicyon (Vassiliko) in Corinthia
Society at Athens under Yannis Lolos, have brought to

light important evidence concerning Byzantine presence
in Vassilika and its general area, such as the traces
of a basilica with several construction phases, in the
archaeological site of Ancient Sicyon.
No building dated exclusively to the Byzantine period has

yet been discovered in Vassiliko, therefore assumptions as
to the position, size and type of a settlement on the plateau
remain hypothetical.
To the south-west of Vassiliko, there are preserved traces

of a wall and a massive tower,13 with successive medieval
phases. The centre of the settlement is dominated by the
church of Hagia Triada, dated to the post-Byzantine period. Figure 9.1. Museum of Sicyon. Ionic capital with integrated
Around the beginning of the 20th century, according to impost block.
the testimony of Philadelpheus,14 the village cemetery had
developed by the church, and he had also observed traces
of a Byzantine church now lost. Nowadays, a number of under arcs, interwoven with a scroll bearing palmettes,
other churches,15 dated to the modern period, and bearing and finishes, underneath, in a bead-and-reel decoration. Its
no traces of previous Byzantine use, are to be found in under surface still preserves a decoration of two circles
Vassiliko. surrounding lattices. Parallels to this architectural member,
with respect to style and motifs, can be found in capitals
9.3 Sculpted members from Sicyon of the early 11th century from Ainos18 and Pherae,19 in
a hitherto unpublished cornice fragment embedded in
A number of sculpted architectural members on display building wall in the monastery of Vlacherna in Elis,20
in the courtyard of the museum of Vassiliko bear witness and in an ionic capital with integrated impost block from
to the development and continuity from Early Byzantine Corinth.21
Sicyon to Byzantine Vassilika. The museum is housed in
the Roman baths restored by Anastasios Orlandos,16 to the The lattices on the under surface are to be met in similar
north of the city’s ancient Agora. The following discussion architectural members, mainly from the 10th–11th centuries,
will focus on the pieces dated to the Middle Byzantine from Corinth (Basilica of Kodratos),22 Acrocorinth castle
period, which are presented in chronological order. (unpublished), and from the Church of Taxiarchis at Larissi
near Sofiko (unpublished), but also in monuments much
Of special interest is an Ionic capital with an impost block further off, such as Panagia Krina in Chios.23
(upper surface 0.56 × 0.26 m, h. 0.215 m, diam. 0.20 m),
of unknown provenance, bearing a decoration of a scroll Part of a cornice (0.32 × 0.175 m, h. 0.15 m) (Fig.
and a three-leaf palmette sprouting from an urn between 9.3), bearing a relief of acanthus alternating with split
lotus leaves (Fig. 9.1). This decoration follows Late Roman palmettes, decorated with drilling and probably with filled-
and Early Byzantine motifs (scrolls on the one hand, and in background brings to mind a corresponding decoration
three-leaf palmettes, lotus leaves, and urn on the other) of sculptural parts from the second half of the 10th
which continue to decorate sculptures during the Middle century and mostly of the 11th century. More specifically,
Byzantine period, and which are combined here in an comparisons can be drawn with sculpted architectural
original composition. On the basis of an overall comparison parts from the Panagia of Hosios Loukas24 (second half
with members bearing similar decorative motifs,17 technical of the 10th century), with a capital from the screen of
and stylistic characteristics, this member should probably the katholikon of Hosios Loukas25 (beginning of the 11th
be dated to the end of the 9th century. century), with a lintel from Hagioi Anargyroi in Kastoria26
(mid-11th century), and with the crowning frieze of a
A dating between the 10th and the 11th centuries could capital from Constantinople27 (late 11th century).
be assigned to a fragmentary, two-part templon architrave
(0.95 × 0.285 m, h. 0.155 m), of unknown provenance
(Fig. 9.2). On the front side it bears a decoration of crosses
18
Dennert 1997, 49–50, 191, no. 105, pl. 19,105.
19
Dennert 1997, 50, 191, no. 106, pl. 19, 106.
20
Dr D. Athanasoulis, Director of the Ephorate of the Cyclades (personal
13
Peppas 1993, 168– 169, pl. 31, fig. 31, 31a-b; Lolos 2011, 213, 214– communication).
216, fig. 4.6, 4.37–4.40. 21
Scranton 1957, 115–116, no. 123, pl. 30,123 (ΑΜ 383).
14
Philadelpheus 1926b, 23. 22
Vanderheyde 2008, 354 fig. 4.
15
A. Orlandos (Orlandos 1935a, 45) mentions a, nowadays lost, church 23
Pennas 2008, 448–449, fig. 1, ΙΙ–ΙΙΙ, 3.
of Hagia Barbara. 24
Bouras 1980, 84, 96, 111, fig. 139, 141, 154, 184.
16
Orlandos 1935b, 75–83. 25
Grabar 1976, pl. XXIVa-b; Bouras 1980, fig. 156; Dennert 1997, 15,
17
E.g. Soteriou 1924, fig. 29; Skarmoutsou-Dimitropoulou 1998, 295, 181, no. 16a, pl. 4,16a.
pl. 118a-c; Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 90, no 125; Ivison 2010, fig. 25a; 26
Grabar 1976, 61–62, no. 46, pl. ΧΧΧΙΙa-b.
Büyükkolanci- Öztaşkın 2010, 47, no. 12. 27
Dennert 1997, 160, 219, no. 340, pl. 60, 340.
105
Eleni G. Manolessou
Figure 9.2. Museum of Sicyon. Fragmentary two-part architrave.
Figure 9.4. Museum of Sicyon. a) Capital. b) Unidentified

architectural member (lintel or slab?).
A short and much-damaged fragment from a templon

architrave (0.435 × 0.275 m, h. 0.135 m) bears a relief
Figure 9.3. Museum of Sicyon. Part of a cornice. decoration of palmettes under arches33 and a high-relief
rosette (Fig. 9.5). The motif is usual during the 11th and
In the early 20th century, a capital bearing relief decoration 12th centuries in templon architraves from all over Greece,
of an open palmette (0.315 × 0.215 m, h. 0.215 m) such as Hosios Loukas,34 Athens,35 Hosios Meletios,36
(Fig. 9.4a) was salvaged by A. Philadelpheus28 from the old Metamorphosis from Monastiraki37 in Aitoloakarnania,
cemetery of Vassiliko, behind Hagia Triada. The capital Thessaly,38 the Peloponnese and especially Corinthia
may have come from the Byzantine church which stood (Nemea, monastery of Panagia of the Rock),39 Tegea,40 the
earlier in the location of Hagia Triada. Its characteristic Mani41 etc.
motif occurs in similar sculptural members from Athens29
and other areas,30 and is to be dated to the 11th century. One Museum exhibit is a part from an architrave (0.92 ×
0.34 m, h. 0.13 m), bearing a relief decoration of heart-
A fragment from an unidentified architectural member shaped leaves enclosing palmettes, alternatively inverted
(architrave or slab?) (0.25 × 0.165 m, th. 0.10 m) bears and upright (Fig. 9.6). Practically identical are a number
a trademark decoration of Athenian sculpture, the of unpublished architectural members from Zemeno,
representation of a vine, with linearized leaves and grapes Corinthia. Their technique indicates a 12th century dating
(Fig. 9.4b). It is comparable to two Middle Byzantine and opens the possibility that they could be products of the
architraves now at the Byzantine Museum in Athens.31 The same workshop. The motif recalls architectural members
motif is common in the decoration of templon colonnettes
and mullion capitals during the 11th–12th centuries.32 33
On the decorative motif, see Buchwald 1995.
34
Grabar 1976, pl. XXVa-b.
35
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 119, no. 158.
28
Philadelpheus 1926b, 23, no. 17, fig. 17β. 36
Orlandos 1939–40, 101, fig. 49. Grabar 1976, 102–103, n. 85, pl.
29
Dennert 1997, 149, no. 299, pl. 53, 299a; Bouras 1985–86, 47, 49, LXXVc-d, LXXVIc.
fig. 14. 37
Vanderheyde 2005, 60, no. 82, fig. 72.
30
Dennert 1997, no. 296, pl. 53,296. 38
Bouras–Bouras 2002, fig. 247.
31
Bouras 1985–86, 56–57, 59, fig. 37; Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 99 no. 39
Manolessou 2019, 28–31, fig. 2a-b.
138. 40
Bouras–Bouras 2002, fig. 375β.
32
See Vanderheyde 2005, 65–66, no. 91, fig. 81a. 41
Drandakis 2002, e.g. fig. 1–2,6, 64a–b, 122–125, 233, 236 et al.
106
Figure 9.5. Museum of Sicyon. Part of an architrave.
Figure 9.6. Museum of Sicyon. Part of an architrave.
of the 12th century, with similar decoration, from Argos a cross under arch, while on either side a lattice of bands
(unpublished) and from Hagios Dimitrios of Katsouris,42 creates rectangular frames enclosing an eagle, palmette-
Arta. shaped acanthuses, scrolls with pomegranates and
peacocks drinking from the fountain of life (Fig. 9.8). The
Two templon posts bear a typical 12th century relief, that architrave is comparable, from the point of view of motifs
of a scroll, and are decorated with crosses at their tops. and technique, with similar fragments datable to the 12th
The low relief cross decoration of one of them (h. 0.98 m, century from Corinth,45 from Nemea (monastery of Panagia
0.18 × 0.16 m) (Fig. 9.7a) recalls a similar screen post of the Rock)46 and from nearby Zemeno (unpublished), but
fragment from the monastery of Areia43 in Argolis, while also from other areas, e.g. Attica.47
the scroll is identical to that of a corresponding templon
post from Acrocorinth castle (unpublished). The technique Apart from the architectural members now exhibited in
of the other templon post (h. 0.85 m, 0.16 × 0.145 m) the Museum of Sicyon, there is one further architectural
(Fig. 9.7b) presents similarities with that of architectural member still remaining in situ, embedded in the wall of
members from the monastery of Zerbitsa.44 the belfry of Hagia Triada. Although unidentified and
fragmentary, it could be attributed to a door frame. It
The Museum also holds an architrave fragment depicts animals running: more specifically, from left to
(1.00 × 0.26 m, h. 0.12 m), transported there from the right, a dog, a goat, a lion and at the edge an animal lying
diakonikon of Hagia Triada of Vassiliko, in the wall of on the ground (Fig. 9.9). This item is unique in Corinthia.
which it was embedded. It is decorated in the centre by The representation of animals on doors and window
42
Vanderheyde 2005, 48, no. 60, fig. 53. 45
Scranton 1957, 120, no. 159, pl. 33,159.
43
Bouras–Bouras 2002, fig. 73. 46
Athanasoulis et al. 2015, fig. 19.
44
Bouras–Bouras 2002, fig. 156. 47
Bouras–Bouras 2002, figs. 270, 291.
107
Eleni G. Manolessou
Figure 9.7. Museum of Sicyon. a-b) Two screen piers.
108
Figure 9.8. Museum of Sicyon. The central part of an architrave.
Figure 9.9. Church of Hagia Triada, Vassiliko. Architectural member embedded in the wall of the belfry.
frames and in altar-screen architraves is observable from

the 9th–10th centuries on, and continues during the 11th-
12th centuries.48 The motifs, the stylistic details in the
representation of elements such as fur and tails, as well as
the height of the animal relief as compared to corresponding
parts from other areas, indicate a late 12th century dating.49
One could perhaps entertain the hypothesis that the animal
representations of the sculptural member constitute a
blended depiction of a number of Aesopic fables,50 a
theme relatively rare but attested in Byzantine sculpture.51
However, no specific fables quite fit the combination of
animals depicted, and, given the rarity of Aesopic themes,
the possibility that we are dealing simply with a decorative
motif remains the more likely one.
The form of the lion resembles, as to its representational

details, a lion from an impost embedded as a corbel of
the roof (Fig. 9.10) at the katholikon of the monastery of
Vlacherna in Elis, dated to the Late Byzantine period.
Figure 9.10. Katholikon of the monastery of Vlacherna, Elis.

Corbel depicting a lion.
48
Cf. the door frame of Hagioi Anargyroi, Kastoria, 11th century (Grabar
1976, 62, no. 46, pl. XXXIIa-b). Compare further the Middle Byzantine
door frames in Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 96–99, nos 135–138. On the 9.4 Conclusions
apotropaic nature of animal decorations in door frames of Byzantine
churches see Grabar 1976, 59.
49
Cf. Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 153, 181, nos 209, 251; Bouras–Bouras The architectural members examined should be dated
2002, fig. 376c. mainly between the late 9th and the 12th centuries. The
50
Perry 132 “Dog presumes to Chase a Lion”. provenance of most of them is unknown, but it is believed
51
Cf. Drandakis 1985; Pallas 1960–61.
109
Eleni G. Manolessou
that they originate from Vassiliko and the surrounding Μουσείου’, Δελτίον τῆς Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς
area. They constitute witnesses to the existence of a Ἑταιρείας περ. Δ΄ ΙΓ΄ (1985–1986), 39–77.
Middle Byzantine phase of city churches which have not
Bouras–Bouras 2002: Μπούρας, Xαράλαμπος – Μπούρα,
survived to the modern period.
Λασκαρίνα, Η ελλαδική ναοδομία κατά τον 12ο αιώνα,
Athens 2002.
Their decoration, with few exceptions, as well as their
stylistic characteristics conform to the general trends of Buchwald 1995: Buchwald, Hans, ‘Chancel Barrier
sculptural art of the Middle Byzantine period. Of special Lintels decorated with carved arcades’, Jahrbuch der
interest are those isolated members whose closest parallels Österreichischen Byzantinistik 45 (1995), 233–276.
occur in contiguous areas of Corinthia, such as Corinth
Büyükkolanci– Öztaşkın 2010 : Büyükkolanci, Mustafa
and the Acrocorinth castle, Zemeno, but also further off,
– Öztaşkın, Gökçen Kurtuluş, ‘Parapet slabs and
such as Elis (monastery of Vlacherna). This is a definite
templon architraves from St. Jean church, on display in
indication of the same workshops, local or mobile, at
Selçuk-Efes Museum”, Pammukale Üniversitesi Sosyal
work, and of contacts between important production
Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 7 (2010), 39–49.
centres of the area during the Byzantine period. In other
cases, importation of members from Athens cannot be Darrouzès 1981: Darrouzès, Jean, Notitiae episcopatuum
ruled out. This view gains support from the examination ecclesiae constantinopolitanae (Géographie
of the architectural members’ material: in some cases, this ecclésiastique de l’Empire byzantin 1), Paris 1981.
could be identified as Pentelic marble (e.g. Fig. 9.4a-b);
Dennert 1997: Dennert, Martin, Mittelbyzantinische
but in general, most examined members seem to be made
Kapitelle. Studien zu Typologie und Chronologie, Asia
of marble or limestone. Corinthia has no marble deposits.
Minor Studien 25, Bonn 1997.
The soil of the Sicyon area consists of sandy marls,
sandstone and a small conglomerate in a marl matrix, Drandakis 1985: Δρανδάκης, Β., Νικόλαος, ‘Ὁ ναὸς
while in the area to the south are deep marine deposits τῆς Μεταμορφώσεως στὴ Νομιτζὴ καὶ τὰ ἀνάγλυπτα
comprising marls, marly limestones and conglomerates.52 ἐπιθήματα τῶν κιόνων του’, Δώρημα στὸν Ἰωάννη
Καραγιαννόπουλο, Βυζαντινὰ 13,1 (1985), 597–632.
The present research, inevitably fragmentary due to the
Drandakis 2002: Δρανδάκης, Νικόλαος, Βυζαντινὰ γλυπτά
poor condition of preservation of the material, contributes
τῆς Μάνης, Βιβλιοθήκη τῆς ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἀρχαιολογικῆς
towards a fuller picture of the level of artistic development
Ἑταιρείας 222, Athens 2002.
in a lesser known Byzantine city, involving both common
and original decorative motifs. Thereby, it also offers Grabar 1976: Grabar, André, Sculptures byzantines du
new evidence on the evolution (influences, motifs etc.) of Moyen Âge II (XIe–XIVe siècle), Bibliothèque des
Middle Byzantine sculpture in Corinthia. Cahiers Archéologiques XII, Paris 1976.
Honigmann 1939: Honigmann, Ernst, Le Synekdèmos
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111
10
‘Lions Frighten Wild Beasts…’: An Inscribed Marble Arch of

the Middle Byzantine Period from the Chalkis Region,
Euboea, Greece
Giannis Vaxevanis
Abstract: The study deals with a large, inscribed marble arch in the collection of the Ephorate
of Antiquities of Euboea which most likely comes from Chalkis or its broader environs.
Hellenistic or more likely Roman in origin, it underwent during the Middle Byzantine period a
new treatment on one (and thereafter its main) side, where a rich decoration with zoomorphic,
vegetal and geometric motifs was carved and a metrical inscription added, in which the role
of the judiciary is extolled. The iconographic and mainly the stylistic analysis, in combination
with other criteria, such as epigraphical, demonstrate the close connection the arch had with
sculptures of the so-called ‘Theban workshop’ and lead to its dating to the end of the 9th
century. The impressive decoration of the arch in combination with the metrical style of
the inscription it bears, indicate the prominent social position and high level of literacy of
the sponsor who undertook the cost of the construction of the secular or, most likely, the
ecclesiastical building from which the arch originates, at a time when Chalkis is emerging as
an important administrative center of the theme of Hellas.
Η μελέτη πραγματεύεται ένα μεγάλων διαστάσεων μαρμάρινο ενεπίγραφο τόξο το οποίο

παρέδωσε το 2009 στην Εφορεία Αρχαιοτήτων Ευβοίας κάτοικος της Χαλκίδας, υποστηρίζοντας
ότι αυτό αποκαλύφθηκε τυχαία κατά τη διάρκεια χωματουργικών εργασιών στην Αγία Ελεούσα,
μικρό σύγχρονο οικισμό στα βορειοανατολικά της πόλης. Το αρχιτεκτονικό μέλος που ανήκει
στους ελληνιστικούς ή το περισσότερο πιθανό στους ρωμαϊκούς χρόνους, κατά τη διάρκεια
της μεσοβυζαντινής περιόδου δέχτηκε νέα επεξεργασία, οπότε στη μία –και κύρια πλέον όψη
του– λαξεύτηκε πλούσιος διάκοσμος και χαράχθηκε η ακόλουθη μεγαλογράμματη επιγραφή:
† Λέοντες ἐκφοβοῦσι θῆρας ἀγρίους † οἱ δ’αὖ δικασταὶ τοὺς κακῶς δεδρακότας [†]
Πρόκειται για επίγραμμα σε βυζαντινό δωδεκασύλλαβο μέτρο, πρωτότυπη πιθανώς σύλληψη

ενός ικανού επιγραμματοποιού, το οποίο εξαίρει το έργο των δικαστών παρομοιάζοντάς
τους με λιοντάρια που εκφοβίζουν άγρια θηρία. Ο γλυπτός διάκοσμος του τόξου αποδίδει
εικαστικά με τον πιο εύγλωττο τρόπο το περιεχόμενο της επιγραφής καθώς περιλαμβάνει τις
μορφές δύο αντωπών λιονταριών που επιτίθενται σε ένα μικρό θηρίο. Η όλη σύνθεση, που
συμπληρώνεται από λιτό φυτικό και γεωμετρικό διάκοσμο, παρουσιάζει ομοιότητες ως προς
την τεχνική και την εικονογραφία με τα γλυπτά του λεγόμενου «θηβαϊκού εργαστηρίου», το
οποίο, με αφετηρία τα γλυπτά σύνολα των ναών του Αγίου Γρηγορίου στη Θήβα (872/3) και
της Παναγίας Σκριπούς στον Ορχομενό (873/4), άσκησε σημαντική επίδραση στη γλυπτική
του ελλαδικού χώρου. Οι ομοιότητες αυτές, σε συνδυασμό με άλλα κριτήρια, όπως επιγραφικά,
οδηγούν στη χρονολόγηση του τόξου στα τέλη του 9ου αιώνα, επιβεβαιώνοντας παράλληλα
τις ήδη εξακριβωμένες αυτή την περίοδο στενές επαφές της Εύβοιας με την γειτονική Βοιωτία
και σε καλλιτεχνικό επίπεδο.
Η μνεία της επιγραφής στην απόδοση της δικαιοσύνης υποδεικνύει την προέλευσή του
γλυπτού, είτε από δημόσιο οικοδόμημα, όπου έδρευαν κρατικοί αξιωματούχοι με δικαστικές
αρμοδιότητες, είτε από κτήριο εκκλησιαστικού χαρακτήρα που είναι και το πιο πιθανό. Οι
μεγάλες διαστάσεις του τόξου και ο εντυπωσιακός του διάκοσμος, σε συνδυασμό με το λόγιο
ύφος και τη σωστή ορθογραφία της επιγραφής, είναι ενδεικτικά της υψηλής μόρφωσης και της
εξέχουσας κοινωνικής θέσης του παραγγελιοδότη που ανέλαβε τη δαπάνη για την ανέγερση
του κτηρίου από το οποίο προέρχεται το γλυπτό: πιθανότατα πρόκειται για ανώτερο κρατικό
ή εκκλησιαστικό αξιωματούχο της Χαλκίδας, ο οποίος ήταν επιφορτισμένος με δικαστικές
αρμοδιότητες.
113
Giannis Vaxevanis
Το εξεταζόμενο μαρμάρινο τόξο αποτελεί ένα σπάνιο παράδειγμα της βυζαντινής γλυπτικής
όπου είναι άμεση η διαδραστική λειτουργία κείμενου και εικόνας. Στην περίπτωση που,
σύμφωνα με τον ιδιώτη που το παρέδωσε στην Αρχαιολογική Υπηρεσία, προέρχεται πράγματι
από τη Χαλκίδα ή την ευρύτερή της περιοχή, αποτελεί μια ακόμα σημαντική μαρτυρία για την
ανάδειξης της πόλης στα τέλη του 9ου αιώνα σε σημαντικό διοικητικό και εκκλησιαστικό κέντρο
του θέματος της Ελλάδος, όπου ισχυροί τοπικοί άρχοντες αναπτύσσουν σημαντική οικοδομική
δραστηριότητα, ανάλογη με εκείνη στην οποία προβαίνουν την ίδια περίοδο ανώτεροι
αξιωματούχοι τόσο στη γειτονική Βοιωτία –με βάση τα λαμπρά παραδείγματα των ναών του
Αγίου Γρηγορίου και της Παναγίας Σκριπούς-, όσο και σε άλλες περιοχές του ελλαδικού χώρου.
Keywords: Middle Byzantine period, Chalkis (Euboea), Byzantine sculpture, architectural

sculptures, inscriptions, administration of justice.
Back in 2009 a large, inscribed, marble arch was presented for its inscription as for its impressive relief decoration,
by a local citizen of Chalkis to the 23rd Ephorate is discussed in this article, a small token of my gratitude
of Byzantine Antiquities (currently the Ephorate of to the two much-loved teachers honoured in this volume,
Antiquities of Euboea).1 This individual claimed that Professors Emerita Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou and
the arch was discovered by chance in the mid-1990s Sophia Kalopissi-Verti.
without any other associated architectural remains during
earthworks in a marshy area near Hagia Eleousa, a hamlet The arch is carved out of a single rectangular slab of grey-
roughly three kilometres northeast of Chalkis. Indeed, a blue marble and weighs more than one and a half metric ton,
2009 survey by the Ephorate of the site he indicated as the based on its measurements: 2.10 m long, 0.95 m tall, and up to
arch’s find spot did not confirm the presence of any other 0.50 m at its thickest point; the arched opening spans 1.30 m,
finds, such as scattered ceramics, that could testify to its while its sagitta is 0.65 m [Figs. 10.1–10.4]. It is in quite good
archaeological nature.2 This fact in conjunction with the condition, with a few chips on the edges of its top surface and
long period –more than ten years– before he presented the on the upper part of the side with the relief decoration, which
arch to the Archaeological Service, raises doubts about its is also interrupted by a large diagonal crack.
actual find spot. However, the arch has to be connected
to Chalkis and its broader environs: its sheer size would Based on the form and decoration of the arch, two distinct
have rendered moving it any distance from its original periods of use can be surmised. During the first period
location very difficult.3 The arch, of interest as much [Fig. 10.4], both sides of the arch were visible, since they
are both decorated in similar plain relief: the semi-circular
1
I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Eugenia Gerousi and edges of the arch are ornamented with an Ionic cross-
Pari Kalamara, successive Directors of the Ephorate, for granting section frame consisting of two successively receding
me permission to study and publish the arch in question. This article fasciae which are crowned by a projecting moulding
would not have been completed without the very pertinent points raised
and significant support offered by Georgios Pallis, Lecturer at the (kymation) composed of a cyma reversa and a cavetto.4
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. I am also indebted to A similar projecting moulding ran both horizontally and
my colleague Aikaterini Tsaka, who kindly granted me access to her vertically along the top and the two lateral edges of either
unpublished MA thesis (Tsaka 2006). Drawings of the arch were made by
the Ephorate’s draughtsperson Despina Christou, whom I would also like side of the slab, thus forming a three-sided rectangular
to thank. For a brief discussion of the sculpture, see Gerousi et al. 2009, frame within which the arched opening is inscribed.5 On
511–512, fig. 78 (Ι. Vaxevanis). While this study was underway the arch either side of the arch, beyond the raised frame, there are
was also included in Georgios Pallis’ article about inscriptions in Μiddle
Βyzantine churches (Pallis 2016, 391–392, 399, fig. 1). two narrow, vertical bands that would have been inserted
2
In Hagia Eleousa no Byzantine antiquities had previously been found, in the wall and ensured that the block was held firmly in
although an extensive cemetery for the ancient town of Chalkis with place.6 They are roughly carved, as are the two narrow
particularly important finds has been discovered there (3rd–first half
of the 1st centuries BC) (Ritsonis 2001; cf. Chairetakis and Boukaras lateral sides of the arch; in contrast, its top surface has
2015, 42). However, it should be noted that archaeological evidence of been smoothed flat.
an agricultural nature from the Byzantine period in the wider vicinity of
Chalkis is not unknown; two small rural settlements of the Middle and
Late Byzantine periods have been excavated in the 1990s in the region
of the Lelantine Plain, to the northeast of Chalkis, near the villages of
Dokos and Aphrati (the ‘Angelou’ and ‘Korovesis’ plots respectively); 4
The inner fascia of the frame is 0.06 m wide, the outer fascia is 0.05
they remain largely unpublished, but glazed ceramics and amphorae from m, while the width of the moulding is 0.07 m. It should be noted that the
the former have been published in Papanikola-Bakirtzis 1999, 32, no. dimensions of the individual decorative features of the arch relate only
11, 42, no. 26 (Ν. Μichalou-Αlevizou) and Waksman et al. 2018, 1112, to the side with the relief decoration now visible; after its transfer to the
1120–1121, nos. 40–44, respectively. In the same area, on the outskirts storeroom of the Ephorate, the block was placed in such a way that its
of the village of Phylla, an agricultural settlement with a wine press and other side is not currently accessible.
storage rooms of this very date also came to light (the ‘Papageorgiou’ 5
Only a few vestiges survive of the horizontal moulding on the side
plot) (Gerousi et al. 2010, 1019–1020, figs. 12–16 [P. Gani]). On the with the relief decoration, while the one on the other side of the arch is
dense habitation of the Lelantine Plain during the period of the Western preserved in better condition. The width of the former is 0.05 m.
rulers and the fortified monuments of that period, see lately Kalamara 6
The two unworked vertical bands taper off towards the bottom: on the
2017, 541, with the relevant bibliography. side with the relief decoration the right-hand band is 0.125 m wide at its
3
Ιn this article, for ease of reference, I shall use the term ‘Hagia Elousa’ lower end and 0.14 m wide at the top, whereas the left-hand one measures
arch, putting it in quotation marks. 0.105 m and 0.115 m wide at the bottom and top respectively.
114
‘Lions frighten wild beasts…’
Figure 10.1. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea.

Inscribed marble arch, Roman period (?) (first use) and late
9th century (second use). Figure 10.2. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea.
Inscribed marble arch. Roman period (?) (first use) and late
9th century (second use) (drawing by Despina Christou).
The lack of archaeological context makes it impossible to
date this first period of use of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch The text reads as follows:
securely; it is also unclear what sort of building it came
from. Monolithic arches of this kind, often made of bluish † ΛΕΟΝΤΕC ΕΚΦΟΒΟVCΙ ΘΗΡΑC ΑΓΡΙΟVC † ΟΙ Δ
marble, just like the arch in question, had been in common ΑV ΔΙΚACΤΑΙ ΤΟVC ΚΑΚΩC ΔΕΔΡΑΚΟΤΑC [†]
use since Hellenistic times, and became widely popular
above all in the Roman period.7 They were mostly used in † Λέοντες ἐκφοβοῦσι θῆρας ἀγρίους † οἱ δ’αὖ δικασταὶ
monumental entrances or in small arcades and invariably τοὺς κακῶς δεδρακότας [†]
have a similar pattern of decoration to that of the ‘Hagia
Eleousa’ arch, although in most cases their arched frames Lions frighten wild beasts and judges, for their part,
are surrounded by three rather than two fasciae and their (frighten) evil-doers.
spandrels are adorned with carved rosettes.8 Therefore,
the arch in question could well have originated from an The words are not separated by spaces and are spelled
impressive building in Chalkis or its environs, built in correctly, without a single error; there are no abbreviations,
Hellenistic or more likely in Roman times, when on the accents or breathings. The carving is particularly elaborate
archaeological evidence the town was flourishing and and the capital letters are carefully incised; the script is
splendid monuments were being erected there.9 clear and legible. All of the capital letters have the same
height (0.04 m) and are regularly spaced. The following
The arch in question was reused during the Middle letters are worth noting: A (alpha), with a slanted
Byzantine period. At that time it was reworked on only horizontal bar, Δ (delta), with a projecting lower bar, E
one of its sides, which thus became the front face: a carved (epsilon) and C (sigma), which are crescent-shaped, the
majuscule inscription and elaborate relief decoration former crossed by a bar extending its full width, Θ (theta)
featuring zoomorphic, vegetal and geometric motifs were and O (omicron), which are angular, almost rhomboid and
added then [Figs. 10.1–10.2, 10.5–10.7]. with the horizontal bar of the former extending beyond its
circumference, K (kappa), with two side arms shaped like
The inscription is an epigram composed in dodecasyllables, an open rhomboid at a short distance from the vertical line,
which is the dominant metre of the inscriptional epigrams N (nu), with a small slanted line between the two verticals
of the Middle Byzantine period.10 It extends along the making it look rather like an H (eta), and Y (upsilon),
outer fascia of the arched border, beginning on the left. shaped like a V with a small horizontal bar just above
A small incised Greek cross precedes the text, while a the point. Nearly all the letters, as well as the arms of the
second one, which would probably have marked its end crosses, terminate in small triangular serifs.
is not now preserved because of some abrasion at the
bottom right-hand side of the arch; a third identical cross, It has not as yet been possible to locate the text of the
incised over the apex of the semi-circular opening, bisects inscription in either the corpus of Byzantine literature or the
the text into two symmetrical and self-contained halves, epigrams appearing in inscriptions on sculpture or other media
each consisting of twelve syllables, in accordance with the in Byzantine art.11 Therefore, although the matter merits
metre of the inscription. further scholarly study by a philologist, it is very feasible
that this is an original composition by an epigrammatist,
7
See chiefly, Bruneau and Llinas 1970, with numerous examples, mainly who composed it at the behest of the patron of the building
collected from Delos and Athens. See also, Audiat 1970, 34, fig. 20, pl. in which the arch was reused.12 In this case, the metrically,
7, 50 ff., fig. 35, pls. 11, 13, 76 ff., figs. 54–56, pls. 15–16; Broneer 1973,
106, 128, pls. 39:d, 74:a; Stefanidou-Tiveriou 1995, 26–29.
8
Bruneau and Llinas 1970, 161–163.
9
On the topography and monuments of Hellenistic and Roman Chalkis, 11
Rhoby 2009; Rhoby 2010a; Rhoby 2014; Rhoby 2018, where a
see Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1995, 33–39; Chairetakis and Boukaras 2015, comprehensive catalogue of epigrams on sculpture and other media of
43–55. Byzantine art has been collected.
10
Rhoby 2012, 734–735; Drpić and Rhoby 2019, 432. 12
In general, on epigrammatists in Byzantium, see Rhoby 2012, 748–749.
115
Giannis Vaxevanis
Figure 10.3. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea. Inscribed marble arch. Top and side view, Roman period (?) (first
use) and late 9th century (second use) (drawings by Despina Christou).
Figure 10.4. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea. Inscribed marble arch. Drawing of the front face during the Roman
period (?) (first use) (drawing by Despina Christou).
as well as prosodically, correct dodecasyllables indicate judge,15 and also feature frequent lion similes, which
that the epigrammatist was particularly accomplished, as he mostly present them as animals that are the symbols of
was well aware of the prosodic rules of the ancient iambic strength par excellence.16 The deterrent tone of the metrical
trimeter on which the dodecasyllable structure is based,13 inscription is also related to a series of epigrams inscribed
bearing in mind that in the Middle Byzantine period most near the entrances or the sanctuaries of Middle Byzantine
verse inscriptions are not prosodic.14
15
See for example the passage 2 Maccabees 12:41 and Psalms 7/8, 25/26,
As to the content of the epigram, it praises judges who 34/35 and 42/43, among others (Rahlfs 19658, vol. 1, 1131, vol. 2, 5–6,
confront evil-doers, comparing them to lions that frighten 24, 33–35, 44; Pietersma and Wright 2007, 517, 550, 559, 563–564, 568).
wild beasts. It is admonitory in character, cautioning those Τhe idea of justice is also prominent in Psalm 117/118, 19 and 20, which is
often inscribed on church lintels (see below, page ..), and in Psalm 64/65,
engaging in punishable acts that they will have to face 5–6: “ἃγιος ὁ ναός σου, θαυμαστὸς ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ” (holy is your shrine,
justice. The epigram seems to recall the Book of Psalms admirable in justice) (Rahlfs 19658, vol. 2, 65; Pietersma and Wright 2007,
and other Old Testament texts, which are dominated by 578); the latter is cited in mosaic floor inscriptions of the Early Byzantine
period and in the inscription in the apse of the church of Saint Eirene in
the concept of justice dispensed by God, the righteous Constantinople (second half of the 8th century) (Felle 2006, 77–78, no.
79, 81–82, no. 87, 235, no. 506, with collected references).
16
See for example, passages such as: ‘...ὡσεὶ λέων ἕτοιμος εἰς θήραν...’
13
On the Byzantine dodecasyllable, see Lauxtermann 1998; Rhoby (…like a lion eager for prey…) (Psalm 16/17:12); ‘...ὡς λέων ἁρπάζων
2011a. καὶ ὠρυόμενος’ (…like a lion that ravens and roars…) (Psalm 21/22:14);
14
Lauxtermann 2013–2019, vol. 1 (2013), 271–272; Drpić and Rhoby ‘λέων θήραν ἐνεδρεύει...’ (A lion lies in wait for prey…) (Sirach 27:10);
2019, 432. I would like to warmly thank the classical philologist ‘...ὡς λέοντες ὠρυόμενοι ἁρπάζοντες ἁρπάγματα...’ (…like roaring lions
Dimitrios P. Papanikolaou for his comments on the metre of the catching prey…) (Iezekiel 22:25), and many more (Rahlfs 19658, vol. 2,
epigram. 13, 20, 428, 808; Pietersma and Wright 2007, 554, 557, 741, 963).
116
Figure 10.5-10.6. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea. Inscribed marble arch (detail). The two lions, late 9th century.
churches, in which worshippers are instructed to enter

the sanctuary ‘in awe’ and to receive Holy Communion
‘trembling’.17 As research has shown, these epigrams
are similar in content to one by Theodore of Stoudios,
inscribed inside the basilica of Saint John the Baptist in the
Stoudios Monastery in Constantinople (c. 886): it warns
his fellow monks that the bema is a place of fear and dread,
which only the chaste among them can enter to partake of
the Holy Communion.18 In employing the word βῆμα (the
‘altar space’ but also the ‘tribunal’ of the Last Judgment),
Theodore is probably making an indirect reference to the
Last Judgement, thus bestowing on similar epigrams an Figure 10.7. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea.
additional, eschatological dimension.19 Inscribed marble arch (detail). The beast, late 9th century.
the spandrels, two confronted lions are ready to attack a

The relief decoration on the arch visually reinforced the
smaller animal, the beast, which is occupying the upper
content of the epigram [Figs. 10.1–10.2, 10.5–10.7]. On
part of the arch, facing the right-hand lion.20 The lions
have robust bodies and are depicted as standing on bent
hind legs, with their front legs touching the moulding of
17
For example, the inscription at the basilica of Saint John the Theologian in
Selçuk, near Ephesus, probably from the 8th or early 9th centuries: ‘Φόβῳ the arcuated border. They sport manes made up of flame-
πρόσελθε πύλην τοῦ Θεολόγου· τρόμῳ λάμβανε τὴν θείαν κοινωνίαν· πῦρ shaped strands of hair, which positively identify them as
γάρ ἐστιν· φλέγει τοὺς ἀναγίους’, ‘Approach the gate of [the church of] of males, and tails with thick, leaf-like tips that curl over their
the Theologian in fear; receive Holy Communion tremblingly; for it is a
fire, it burns the unholy’ (Rhoby 2014, 733–734, no. TR111, with collected backs. Apart from their aggressive pose, their menacing
references). See also, Lauxtermann 2003–2019, vol. 1 (2013), 246–247, demeanour is intensified by their gaping mouths, from
for the English translation and a slightly different reading of the epigram, which long, pointed tongues emerge.
and 352 (Appendix VIII, nos. 102–105), where inscriptions with related
content (‘protreptic verse inscriptions’) have been gathered. I would
like to thank Professor Marc Lauxtermann of Oxford University for his The beast, whose tongue is also projecting from its open
valuable advice on this subject. For one more comparable verse inscription mouth, has a frightening appearance, which further
on the templon closure slab at Akhisar (Thyateira) in Asia Minor (c. 10th
century), see Pallis 2013a, 770–771, and 781, no. 14. emphasises the scene’s content: a ferocious battle is raging
18
‘Φρικτὸν τὸ βῆμα τοῦτο καὶ πλῆρες φόβου, ναὸς Θεοῦ φωτεινὸς, between the lions and the wild animal that is standing up
ἁγνοῖς ἁπτέος. Πρόσελθε θείως, καὶ μεθέξεις ἀξίως· πῦρ γὰρ τὸ δῶρον to its fierce attackers. The identification of the latter is not
τοὺς ἀναξίους φλέγον’, ‘This bema is a place of fear and full of dread,
a temple of God in light, touchable to the pure. Enter in godly manner
and you will commune as worthy; for the gift [the Eucharist] is a fire that 20
The upper part of the arch where the beast is depicted is enclosed
burns the unworthy’ (Speck 1968, 195–197, no. XLIV). by two crescent-shaped incisions –the one on the left-hand side only
19
Both Studites’ epigram and the other ‘protreptic verse inscriptions’ go partially survives because of the large crack at that point. It is unlikely
back to the hortatory verses of the Horologion (Lauxtermann 2003–2019, that a second beast, facing the lion on the left spandrel, was depicted
vol. 1 [2013], 247). here, as the space available is limited.
117
Giannis Vaxevanis
possible, mainly because the rear-end is abraded. It has a

long head, rounded at the left side, with short little ears,
and an elongated, flat body with a horizontal strip running
along the top, which probably demarcates a spine. Its body
is covered with a row of four small, incised circles, while
its hindquarters are filled at least with four small dots. The
shape of its body together with its scary look bring to mind
a reptile, in particular a crocodile,21 or even a fantastic
creature, mostly likely a dragon.22 However its short ears
indicate that it most probably is a mammalian quadruped.
Ιn identifying the animal as a quadruped, the small semi-
circular carving visible on the back of its body, which
may indicate the upper part of a leg, and the fractured
rectangular protrusion at the front of its body, which could
correspond to two short front legs, could potentially be
useful. Figure 10.8. Italy, Cividale del Friuli, Museo Cristiano.
Arch of the canopy of the baptismal font of patriarch
Kallistos of Aquileia (735-756), end of the period in office of
The animals depicted on the arch are surrounded by
the patriarch.
simple plant and geometric ornamentation. Under each
lion appears a simplified basket-shaped plant motif with
a long, thin stalk from which two foliated half-palmettes
with smaller animals.24 When in pairs, they are usually
emerge, each enclosing a small triangular calyx out of
arranged on either side of a central motif, such as a tree of
which grow free-winding stems terminating in sketchy,
life or a foliate cross.25 However, the image of confronted
spear-shaped flowers. On the left-hand side of the relief
lions attacking another animal is not particularly common
the hind legs of the lion are planted among the stems of
in Middle Byzantine sculpture.26 Nonetheless, it occurs
the foliate motif and thus two of these stems are separated
in a series of canopies intended mainly for altars and
from the remainder and seem to be almost independent
baptismal fonts, but also for funerary monuments or
supplementary decoration. Moreover on the plant motif
reliquary installations, in northeast Italy [Fig. 10.8]27
on the right-hand side of the relief, the sculptor did not
and the eastern Adriatic coast (Croatia and Montenegro)
manage to fit all the decoration into the space available
and thus had to leave out the back of the foliated half-
palmettes. 24
For some typical examples, see Pazaras 1977, 71, no. 36, pl. ΧΧ (panel
from Thessaloniki, 10th century); Kounoupiotou-Manolessou 2008,
229, no. 10, fig. 10 (panel from Chalkis, 10th century); Milanova 2008,
The foliate decoration of the arch is completed by two fig. 3 (panel from Bulgaria, late 10th–early 11th centuries); Varalis –
smaller motifs in the lower parts of the spandrels, which Tsekes 2008, 365–370, fig. 5 (re-used panel in the church of Saint John
are also schematically depicted; they comprise a long flat Prodromos in Argos, where the two quadrupeds have been identified as
lions, second half of the 11th century). See also, the architraves attributed
stalk terminating in a small trefoil. The ornamentation of to the so-called ‘Samarina workshop’, active in the Peloponnese during
the arch is finished off in the inner fascia of the arcuated the late 12th-early 13th centuries (Pallis 2006, 94–95, figs. 1, 5, 8, with
frame with a simple interlace pattern with eyelets (chain earlier bibliography) and the examples mentioned in notes 95 and 96
below. For a catalogue of depictions of lions on Byzantine architectural
scroll), formed of a single band of equal width. sculptures, see Bouras and Bouras 2002, 560–562, 565.
25
For some typical examples, see Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1982–1983, 102–
Turning now to the iconography of the arch, lions are 103, fig. 6 (lintel from Athens, 9th–10th centuries); Sklavou-Mavroeidi
1999, 110–111, no. 151 (panel from Athens, 10th century). See also the
particularly popular on architectural sculptures in Middle panel from Argos on which two confronted lions stand on either side
Byzantine churches, either alone23 or engaged in combat of some foliate ornament resembling the basket-shaped plant motif of
the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, first half of the 9th century (Athanasoulis and
Vassiliou 2016, 114, no. 121 [G. Tsekes]).
26
For one example, see the panel from Chalkis with two lions seizing
two hares (12th century) (Kounoupiotou-Manolessou 2008, 229–230,
21
See the representations of crocodiles on the wooden ceiling-beams of no. 11, fig. 11). In general, for the depiction of confronted animals on
the katholikon of the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai (548– Byzantine architectural sculpture, see Bouras and Bouras 2002, 565–566.
565) (Forsyth 1973, 8, pls. LXVIII:1, LXIX:2) and in the miniatures in For a general discussion of the iconography of confronted lions or other
the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus (Patriarchal Library in Jerusalem, animals on either side of a motif, see Brenk 1966, 199 ff.
cod. Taphou 14, fol. 313r, second half of the 11th century) (Weitzmann 27
The closest iconographical parallel amongst the canopies in Italy is the
19842, 73, pl. XXVII:92) and again in the Cynegetica of Oppian (Venice, octagonal canopy of the baptismal font of Patriarch Kallistos of Aquileia
Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, cod. gr. Z. 479, fol. 52r, middle of the (737–756) from the basilica of Santa Maria Assunta at Cividale del Friuli,
11th century; Smyrna, Evangelical School, B 8, fol. 41, 11th century, and now in the town’s Museo Cristiano, dated to the end of the patriarch’s
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, cod. gr. 2736, fol. 45r, middle of the 16th period in office [Fig. 10.8] (Brenk 1976, 208, pl. 89; Tagliaferri 1981,
century) (Kádár 1978, 105, pls. 177:2, 224:1; Spatharakis 2004, 3–5, 210–214, nos. 315–321, pls. LXXXV–LXXXVI, with collected earlier
149–151, figs. 110, 232). references). For other examples, see Tagliaferri 1981, 188–189, nos.
22
In general, for depictions of dragons in Middle Byzantine art, see Tsaka 282–283, pls. LXXI–LXXIII, 254, no. 379, pl. CXVIII and 273–276,
2010. nos. 409–412, pls. CXXXVI–CXXXIX. For canopies in Italy of the
23
For some typical examples, see Pazaras 1977, 69–70, nos. 34–35, pls. same period with quite similar decoration, but with the depiction of other
ΧΙΧ–ΧΧ (panels from Thessaloniki, 10th century); Sklavou-Mavroeidi animals or birds on the spandrels, see Tagliaferri 1981, 320–322, nos.
1999, 109, no. 150 (panel from Athens, 10th century). See also the 486–487, pl. CLXVIII; Scortecci 2003, 56–63, no. 10, pls. IV–VI; Betti
examples mentioned in notes 95 and 96 below. 2005, 189–191, no. 121, pl. LX.
118
centuries.31 The numerous canopies from these two areas

that bear the similar iconographical layout with the ‘Hagia
Eleousa’ arch raise problems on the origin of its artistic
models, especially given the absence of canopies with
similar decoration from the Greek mainland, in which the
depiction of animals is rare.32
Stylistically the decoration of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch is

in low relief and is highly stylized. The animal figures are
stiff and lack three-dimensionality, their anatomical details
being depicted by a network of incised lines. Pear-shaped
incisions are used for the eyes of the two lions and for
the musculature of the upper part of their hind legs, while
small circles and dots decorate the body of the unidentified
animal. Indicative οf the schematic and flat rendering of the
Figure 10.9. Montenegro, Kotar, Cathedral of Saint decoration is the way the lions’ paws have been rendered
Tryphon. Canopy arch, early 9th century. like the teeth of a serrated chisel. The outlines of the lions’
bodies have been cut in straight-edged relief and their
[Fig. 10.9],28 adjacent areas whose sculptural production individual anatomical details, such as the flowery tips of
has close affinities within the broader framework of their tails, the flame-shaped strands in their manes and their
official Byzantine art.29 The arches of these canopies, ears, lack definition and are rounded off. As in the case of
which are dated from the early 8th to the early 9th the foliate stems, the carving is deep, irregular or ovoid in
centuries, frequently have the same iconographical layout section, and casts a darker shadow. Small differentiations
as the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch with confronted animals in in the way the details are rendered enliven the somewhat
the spandrels (quadrupeds, most often lions, fantastic clumsy execution, which may point to different hands being
creatures, such as griffins, or even birds, usually peacocks) responsible for the execution of the sculpture; for example,
attacking other smaller animals occupying the upper part of the half-palmettes and calyxes of the foliate motif on the
the arches. Moreover, in the above-mentioned examples, right are more linear and sketchily rendered than those of
the lions and the smaller animals they are attacking are the one on the left; and then again, the mane of the left-hand
sometimes depicted, as on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, with lion is thick and bushy and very different from the more
their tongues sticking out, indicating the fierceness of the linear appearance of the one on the right.
combat being waged. In addition, further similarities with
the arch under discussion include the foliate motifs on The relief decoration on the arch under discussion features
the lower parts of the arches, the rich foliate or geometric linear and simplified animal figures typical of 9th–10th
decoration on the arcuated borders, and the inscriptions that centuries Byzantine sculpture.33 The inclusion of chain
most of them have, though these are placed on the upper scroll is another common feature in this period,34 while free-
parts of the arches and not around the arcuated borders.30 scrolling foliate stems are also used as marginal motifs,
Lions in combat with other animals are also found in later filling in the undecorated surfaces of several surviving
examples of canopies from Italy and the Adriatic coast
(10th-11th centuries), but with some variations in the 31
For examples from Italy, see Dufour Bozzo 1966, 83–87, nos. 50–53,
overall arrangement compared to those of the 8th and 9th pls. LXIII–LXVI: 82–85; Bertelli 2002, 390–391, no. 491, pl. CLVIII (Α.
Di Gregorio). For examples from Zadar in Croatia, see Petricioli 1981;
Jakšić 2007; Maraković and Jurković 2007, 365–366, fig. 12.
32
For an example of an arched slab that probably belonged to a canopy
28
Jakšić 2014, 590–592, 598, figs. 2:a–c, 5:a–c, 7:d, where a remarkable on which the one of its spandrels is also adorned by a lion, but whose
number of inscribed canopies preserved in Dubrovnik and Prevlaka in sculptural decoration has a completely different arrangement from that of
Croatia and in Kotor and Ulcinj in Montenegro have been assembled; the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, now in the Archaeological Museum of Tripoli
they are dated by the author to the beginning of the 9th century and in the Peloponnese (12th century), see Fundić 2009, 141 ff., figs. 1–4.
attributed to the same sculpture workshop. See also, Bogdanović 2017, For a list of canopies of the Middle Byzantine period from the Greek
105–106, 108, 123–124, and Table 5, with extensive bibliography, and mainland, see the exhaustive study of Jelena Bogdanović (Bogdanović
Stevovic 2017, 49–67, figs. 2–3, where the canopy from Ulcinj is dated to 2017, passim and Table 5). On motifs common to the sculpture of Italy and
between 720 and 741, while its decoration has been, like the inscription Byzantium, see for example, Grabar 1963, 93–94, where the similarities
on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, interpreted with reference to Old Testament between the sculptural decoration of the church of the Panagia Skripou
texts. On another quite similar example from the church of Archangel (873/4) –which has close affinities with the ‘Hagia Eleousa arch, as will
Michael in Martinići in Montenegro (9th century), see Korać 2001, 78 ff., be discussed below– and Italian sculpture are pointed out.
figs. 71–78. In general, for a list of more than forty stone canopies which 33
For similarly depicted animals in sculpture of that period, see Orlandos
have been recovered along the Adriatic littoral dating from 9th to 11th 1937, 137, no. 11, fig. 9 (panel from Smyrna with two confronted griffins,
centuries, see Bogdanović 2017, 103–108, Table 5 and map 4. 8th–9th centuries); Βüyükkolanci 2008, 73–74, nos. 3–4 (panels from
29
Sheppard 1984; Stevović 2001–2002; Bogdanović 2017, 103, 107– Ephesus with lions and a griffin in combat with other animals, 9th century).
108. See also the canopy of Bishop Mauritius at Novigrad in Istria 34
For some typical examples, see Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1982–1983, figs.
in Croatia, which has quite similar decoration with the other canopies of 1–12 (lintels from Athens, 9th–10th centuries); Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999,
the eastern Adriatic coast and is attributed to a workshop from Friuli in 83, no. 114 (capital from Athens, 9th century). It is worth mentioning that
Italy (around the 780s) (Jurković 1995; Maraković and Jurković 2007, similar chain scroll are to be found in sculptures of the same period from
359–360, fig. 1). Italy; see for example, Tagliaferri 1981, 243, no. 362, pl. CX. On the
30
For the carved decoration of the canopies and the inscriptions they chain scroll ornament in general, see Manolessou 2011, vol. 1, 139–140,
bear, see Bogdanović 2017 104, 117 ff., and Table 7. with collected bibliography.
119
Giannis Vaxevanis
reliefs of this period.35 However, more specifically, both art,41 it developed new decorative motifs and stylistic
in technique and in iconography the arch under discussion trends contributing decisively to the revival of this art in
shows strong similarities with the relief decoration of two the countryside of Greece. Its blossoming can be linked
very important churches in Boeotia, a region not far from with the revitalization of ecclesiastical architecture in
Euboea: Saint Gregory the Theologian in Thebes and the general observable in that period as part of systematic
Panagia Skripou in Orchomenos. Both these churches were efforts by the central authorities (both state and Church)
constructed, according to their foundation inscriptions, to restructure the Greek provinces.42
with funds donated by high-ranking officials and members
of the local aristocracy, the basilikos kandidatos Basileios Comparing the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch with the sculptural
and the basilikos protospatharios and epi ton oikeiakon decoration of the two important monuments of Saint
Leo, and only one year apart respectively (872/3 and Gregory and Skripou and with other sculptures belonging
873/4).36 The extensive relief decoration of both these to the same artistic milieu, brings out their close affinities
impressive monuments displays common iconographical in style and technique. Typical links between them are, for
and stylistic trends and therefore has been acknowledged example, the way in which the relief of the outlines, with
as the product of a single workshop, which is known in the pronounced, vertical section, can be found alongside
the scholarly literature as ‘Theban’, since it is considered more rounded carving,43 or the way that the individual
to have been based in Thebes, an important administrative anatomical details of the animals are rendered using
and trade centre for Central Greece and the capital of the networks of incised lines or small circles.44
theme of Hellas from the end of the 9th century onwards.37
Turning to the iconography of the arch, animal figures
A large number of sculptures both in Thebes itself 38 often form part of the repertoire of the ‘Theban workshop’.
and in the rest of Boeotia,39 as well as in numerous Although lions are not particularly frequent, felines are
areas of Central and Southern Greece, such as Phthiotis, often represented, either alone or in combat with other
Thessaly, Attica, Euboea and the Peloponnese, have close animals, usually in roundels incorporated in lush foliate
affinities with the sculptural decoration of the churches decoration. They appear in sculptures from the churches
of Saint Gregory and Skripou.40 These widely distributed of Saint Gregory and the Panagia Skripou,45 as well as
works, which in general are dated by scholars to the late on other sculptures connected to the ‘Theban workshop’
9th or early 10th centuries, i.e. after the building and in Thebes itself and elsewhere.46 Τwo typical examples
decoration of the two Boeotian churches, demonstrate from Thebes are the parts of two late 9th-century
the significant influence the ‘Theban workshop’ had on architraves (10.10–10.11): it is characteristic that the
marble carving in the countryside of Byzantine Greece; quadruped which is depicted on one of them (10.11), is not
under the direct influence of official Constantinopolitan easy to be identified, just as with the beast on the ‘Hagia
Eleousa” arch.47
35
For some typical examples, see Pazaras 1977, 58–59, no. 24, fig. 4,
pl. XIV (panel from Thessaloniki, second half of 9th–10th centuries); With regard to the arch’s plant decoration, the long, free-
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 93, no. 129 (part of an architrave from Athens, flowing stems emerging from the calyxes of the basket-
10th century). shaped plant motifs recall similar foliate ornament, mostly
36
Sotiriou 1924; Sotiriou 1931; Grabar 1963, 90–99, pls. ΧΧΧΙΧ–XLIII;
Megaw 1966; Panayotidi 1969, 100–108, pls. 53–61; Oikonomides 1994; of ivy leaves, filling empty spaces on several sculptures
Papalexandrou 1998. For the latest excavation evidence demonstrating
that Saint Gregory was originally of a similar size to Skripou, see
Koilakou 2014, 403–404, fig. 2:a; Koilakou 2018. 41
On the Constantinopolitan prototypes of the ‘Theban workshop’, see
37
On the ‘Theban workshop’, see especially Papalexandrou 1998, Megaw 1966, 25–27; Papalexandrou 1998, 226–227; Manolessou 2011,
220–233; Manolessou 2011, vol. 1, 167–171, 186–200; Pallis 2015. vol. 1, 167–168; Pallis 2015, 803.
Cf. the remarkable concluding remarks on the workshop’s activity by the 42
Μegaw 1966, 20–23; Bouras 2001, 67–82.
Professor Emerita Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, to whom this volume 43
See for example, the double-sided panel from the church of Saint
is dedicated (Panayotidi 1969, 100 ff.). On the importance of the town Gregory (872/3), now in the Archaeological Museum of Thebes (Cormack
of Thebes during the Middle Byzantine period, see Savvides 1988, and and Vassilaki 2008, 216–217, 426, no. 186 [M. Skordara]; Manolessou
more recently, Koilakou 2013, with earlier bibliography. 2011, vol. 2, 36–38, no. Α37, with collected bibliography) and the two
38
Dozens of reliefs from Thebes belonging to the same artistic milieu comparable double-sided panels with two confronted peacocks and
are today kept in the storerooms of the Ephorate of Boeotia or have other birds (late 9th century), one of which is also exhibited in the
been reused in the city’s more recent churches (Sotiriou 1924, 15, 25, Archaeological Museum of the city (Cormack and Vassilaki 2008, 215,
figs. 22, 45; Orlandos 1939–1940, 126–129, figs. 7–9; Grabar 1963, 95, 425–426, no. 185 [N. Kontogiannis and Α. Tsaka]; Manolessou 2011,
pl. XLIII:2; Megaw 1966, 18, note 44, pl. 5:e; Manolessou et al. 1988, vol. 2, 134–136, no. Β48, with collected bibliography), while the other
99–102, pl. 73:α [Ch. Koilakou]; Koilakou 1997, 110, pl. 52:στ; see also is now lost and is known only from the publication of Josef Strzygowski
the double-sided panels mentioned in n. 45 below). A large number of (Strzygowski 1894, 11, pl. III:2–3). Part of a panel from Thebes
previously unpublished sculptures from Thebes with similar stylistic (Manolessou 2011, vol. 2, 133–134, no. Β47), might be associated with
and iconographical tendencies are included in Eleni Manolessou’s thesis the latter.
on the city’s Byzantine sculpture (Manolessou 2011, vol. 1, 167–171, 44
See for example, Megaw 1966, pls. 1:b, 2:a–c, 4:d–e (church of
186-200, vol. 2, passim). On the numerous Byzantine churches and Skripou, 873/4). See also, the double-sided panel from the church of
monasteries of Thebes, see Koilakou 2014. Saint Gregory mentioned in n. 44 above.
39
Sculptures associated with the ‘Theban workshop’ have been noted at 45
See for example, Sotiriou 1924, figs. 21, 23 (church of Saint Gregory,
the monastery of Saint Nicholas near the village of Ypsilanti (Megaw 872/3); Grabar 1963, pls. XL:1–2, XLI:5; Megaw 1966, pls. 1:b, 2:a, c;
1966, 19, pl. 3:g-h, 5:b) and in the church of Saint Athanasios in the Cormack and Vassilaki 2008, 214–215, 425, no. 183 (E. Dafi) (church of
village of Kokkino (Lazaridis 1973, 288; Manolessou 2011, vol. 2, 106– Skripou, 873/4).
108, nos. B15–B17). 46
See for example, the part from a late 9th-century. architrave from
40
On the geographical spread of sculptures associated with the ‘Theban Argos (Megaw 1966, 20, pl. 5:c). Cf. Varalis – Tsekes 2008, 361.
workshop’, see especially, Manolessou 2011, vol. 1, 191 ff.; Pallis 2015. 47
Manolessou 2011, vol. 1, 188, vol. 2, 121–123, nos. Β33-B34.
120
Figure 10.12. Thebes, Archaeological Museum. Part of a

marble corner cornice with incised foundation inscription
Figure 10.10. Thebes, Ephorate of Antiquities of Boeotia. from the Church of Saint Gregory the Theologian, 872/3.
Part of an architrave with a feline, late 9th century.
Figure 10.11.Thebes, Ephorate of Antiquities of Boeotia. Figure 10.13. Orchomenos, Boeotia, Church of the Virgin
Part of an architrave with a quadruped, late 9th century. Skripou. Incised foundation inscription, 873/4.
by the ‘Theban workshop’, which, however, are more for inscriptional epigrams.51 It was composed in honour
mannered and display a greater horror vacui.48 Finally, the of the founder of the church, the high-ranking imperial
reliefs of this workshop occasionally feature chain scroll, official protospatharios Leo, and it is conspicuous for
though it is rendered quite differently from that on the arch its erudition and sophisticated language, being full of
under examination.49 words and metaphors taken from ancient texts, especially
the works of Homer.52 As has quite rightly been argued,
The ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch displays a series of common Leo must have been a wealthy landowner from Boeotia,
features with the churches of Saint Gregory and the who had made a career in Constantinople, where he
Panagia Skripou beyond the stylistic and iconographic obtained the honorific titles that are mentioned with
similarities shared with their sculptural decoration. As in pride in the inscriptions on the church.53 At the same time
the case of the arch from Euboea, both these Boeotian he presumably commissioned the composition of the
monuments also boast an incised inscription in verse metrical inscription from a high skilled epigrammatist,
–though dedicatory in character– (Figs. 10.12–10.13),50 who must have been closely allied with the scholarly
with that of Skripou being particularly noteworthy, as it is circles of the capital, where the employment of Homeric
in essence a long laudatory poem in twelve high-quality hexameters had been re-discovered during the second half
hexameter verses –a meter which is hardly ever used of the 9th century.54
48
See for example, the group of panels from Thebes listed in n. 44 above. but in prose, can be seen on two blocks incorporated into the walls
Similar, but more accomplished plant motifs appear in the sculpture in of the small 19th-century. church of Saint Basil, built on the remains
the North Church of the Monastery of Constantine Lips in Constantinople of Saint Gregory (Sotiriou 1924, 1–2, figs. 3–5; Manolessou 2011,
(see for example, Mango–Hawkins 1964, figs. 17, 24–26). Moreover, its vol. 2, 38–39, no. A38). On the external walls of Skripou, apart from
slightly later, high-quality sculptural decoration (907/8), which has been the metrical inscription, there are three other dedicatory inscriptions
associated with the ‘Theban workshop’ (see n. 42 above), includes plant in prose, which are not incised but sculpted in high relief (Sotiriou
motifs with long flat stalks ending in small trefoils (Mango–Hawkins 1931, 153–157, figs. 37–40; Oikonomides 1994, 481–485, pls. I–
1964, figs. 24, 26, 30, 31–32), quite similar to the ones in the lower parts IV; Papalexandrou 1998, 111–155, figs. 41–51). On the metrical
of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch. inscriptions of the two churches, see also Rhoby 2014, 319–324, no.
49
See for example, the fragment of a sarcophagus slab from the church GR98, pl. XLII, 366–368, no. GR 117, pl. 48, with a wealth of earlier
of Saint Gregory, 872/3 (Sotiriou 1924, 17–18, fig. 28; Manolessou references.
2011, vol. 2, 39–41, no. A39; on three other parts of the same slab, 51
Rhoby 2012, 737 ff.; Drpić and Rhoby 2019, 432–433.
see Koilakou 1995, 82, pl. 37α; Koilakou 2018, 578). See also, two 52
Papalexandrou 1998, 141–155. Cf. Rhoby 2011b, 319–320, and
parts of architraves from the church of Skripou, 873/4 (Megaw 1966, passim; Rhoby 2012, 737–740; Rhoby 2017, 273–275.
29–30, pl. 1:c–d). 53
Oikonomides 1994, 485 ff.; Papalexandrou 1998, 312 ff.; Bevilacqua
50
The metrical inscription from Saint Gregory is now exhibited at the 2011.
Thebes Archaeological Museum. Part of the same incised inscription, 54
Prieto–Domínquez 2013; Papanikolaou 2019.
121
Giannis Vaxevanis
Furthermore, the overall style of the capital letter-forms

used in the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch’s inscription is closely
related to those appearing in the incised dedicatory
inscriptions at both Boeotian monuments (Figs. 10.12–
10.13):55 the letters are high and elongated in shape with
sharp endings, while the use of small triangular serifs on
almost all their vertical and horizontal bars is systematic.56
Α comparison between most of the letters in the above
inscriptions, such as the Δ (delta), the C (sigma), the E
(epsilon), the O (omicron), the K (kappa) and the N (nu),
is telling as regards the uniformity it reveals,57 even though
there are some differences in their technical execution.58
Furthermore, the absence of accents and breathings,
superscript letters and ligatures, common features of
inscriptions before the year 1000,59 is also characteristic of Figure 10.14. Thebes, archaeological site of Church of Saint
the inscriptions in question. Gregory the Theologian. Marble arch.
Another common feature linking the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch also be noted that in the two Boeotian monuments can be
–Hellenistic or more possibly Roman in origin and reused observed the use of a variety of stones other than white
in the Middle Byzantine period– with the churches of marble for their sculptural decoration, as for example
Saint Gregory and Skripou is the extensive redeployment the local grey limestone from which the architectural
of ancient architectural members and the avid and careful sculptures of Skripou have been executed and which is
incorporation of a vast amount of spolia in their walls. comparable with the grey-blue marble of the arch under
This practice, widely observed in Byzantine times,60 is not discussion.63
unsurprising in the two Boeotian monuments, given the
wide availability of ancient building materials in Thebes As can be surmised from all of the above, the ‘Hagia
and Orchomenos.61 Tellingly, at the archaeological site of Eleousa’ arch shares numerous iconographic and stylistic
Saint Gregory a large marble arch, similar in shape and features with the sculptures associated with the ‘Theban
general form to the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, is still visible: it workshop’. Furthermore, the close connection of the arch
was probably placed above the door of the burial chamber under examination here with the exactly dated monuments
formed in the south aisle of the church, which presumably of Saint Gregory and Skripou in neighbouring Boeotia
contained the tomb of the founder (Fig. 10.14).62 It should (872/3 and 873/4 respectively) suggest a slightly later date
of it, most propably in the late 9th century.
55
On the similarities between the incised inscriptions of the two Boeotian
monuments in terms of both the overall style of the letter-forms and the
In Chalkis itself, besides the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, the
technique, see Papalexandrou 1998, 151–152. Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea’s sculpture collection
56
On the morphology of Byzantine script between the 6th and 10th includes parts of two late 9th-century marble architraves,64
centuries, see mainly Orsini 2015. On the use of serifs, see Kalopissi–
Verti 2016, 258–259, with extensive bibliography.
which have been associated with the ‘Theban workshop’
57
However, there are differences in the form of some individual letters, (Fig. 10.15).65 Furthermore, two unpublished fragments of
notably the A (alpha), which on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, as well as at
Saint Gregory, is given a slanted horizontal bar, quite different from the
alpha with a broken cross-bar, which is extensively used at Skripou. The
inscription on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch also differs from those of the two
Boeotian monuments in its B (beta) and L (lambda).
58
The termination points of the letters in the inscriptions from the
churches of Saint Gregory and Skripou are highlighted by drilling
holes, a technique which is absent from the inscription of the arch under
discussion.
59
Kalopissi–Verti 2016, 255, and n. 2, with comprehensive bibliography.
60
On the phenomenon of reusing spolia in Byzantine church architecture,
which is open to manifold interpretations, see lately Mexia 2019, and n.
5, with comprehensive bibliography.
61
As has been emphasised, the particularly extensive use of ancient
building material in Skripou reflects the high level of education of the
church’s founder and his personal interest in the glorious ancestral past
of Orchomenos (Papalexandrou 1998, 250ff.; Papalexandrou 2001a;
Papalexandrou 2003). On the use of ancient spolia in the masonry
of Saint Gregory, see Koilakou 2018, 575. The above-mentioned
fragment of a sarcophagus slab (see n. 51 above), which comes from Figure 10.15. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea,
the same church, is actually also a reused Roman sculpture, as testified Karababas Fortress sculpture collection. Part of an
by the relief decoration on the back. See also, the above-mentioned architrave, late 9th century.
double-sided panel from Thebes with two confronted peacocks and
other birds which is associated with the ‘Theban workshop’ (see n. 44
above): it has also been recycled as it has an ancient inscription on one 63
Papalexandrou 1998, 158, 160, 221, and passim; Manolessou 2011,
of its narrow sides. vol. 1, 60, 64, 190.
62
Sotiriou 1924, 8, fig. 2; Koilakou 2018, 573. The arch’s dimensions 64
Giannopoulos 1924, 98–100, fig. 11.
are: L. 1.80 m, W. 0.60 m, H. 0.91 m, with a span of 1.08 m. 65
Sotiriou 1924, 16, fig. 25; Panayotidi 1969, 109–110, pl. 62:a–b.
122
have extended beyond mere trade into the realm of art;

the evidence of these sculptures is particularly pertinent
in this respect.
Turning now to the Middle Byzantine reuse of the

‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch, the fact that the inscription and the
sculptural decoration are only on one side indicates that,
unlike in its original use, it was placed in such a way that
only the decorated side was visible, as the arch’s main
face. Therefore, any idea of its having been employed
in an arcade, a possibility in its original setting, does not
seem particularly valid, especially as its size and general
mainly form does not fit the morphology of Middle
Byzantine arcades based on what we know of surviving
examples mainly from church architecture.69 Taking into
account the other known cases in which arches were
used in church architecture during the Middle Byzantine
period, the size of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ sculpture also
makes it unlikely that it was used for example in a
propylon or in a canopy, both of which are relatively
small-scale constructions.70 On the contrary, the arch’s
significant dimensions and the equally significant width
of its span, capable of bridging a wide opening, suggest
that it was most probably employed in a monumental
entrance to an impressive building. Τhe considerable
width of the roughly carved vertical bands at the sides,
which would have been set into the thick walls of a large
and imposing structure, lead to the same conclusion.71
To what sort of building then would this large architectural

Figure 10.16. Chalkis, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea, member be well suited? Does the reference to justice being
Karababas Fortress sculpture collection. Parts of two meted out in the inscription denote a possible home on
marble screen colonettes, late 9th century.
a court building? This possibility is extremely attractive,
since our knowledge of Byzantine public buildings,
octagonal marble colonettes in the same collection, most especially in provincial centres, is extremely limited and all
probably parts of the same templon,66 reminiscent of the the more so when it comes to their sculptural decoration.72
style of the same atelier (Fig. 10.16). Interestingly, the In that case, it should be noted that one would expect the
sides of the taller colonette terminate in squares enclosing arch to come from a secular building in Chalkis, the main
small flowerheads similar in execution to the plant motifs urban centre of the region, rather than being connected
on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch; moreover, the facets of the with the hamlet of Hagia Eleousa, where the arch is said
colonettes are decorated with chain scroll ornament, also to have been found.
similar in shape and execution to that on the arch under
discussion. These additional marble sculptures, though Τhe administration of justice in Byzantine provinces during
limited in number and of unknown provenance, are the period when the themes were configured as civil and
particularly important as they are the only witnesses to military regions, that is from the last third of the 8th century
late 9th-century church sculpture from the Chalkis area,
given the otherwise complete absence of ecclesiastical 69
See for example the configuration of porticos or peristyles in that
monuments in the town and its surroundings at that time.67 period (Bouras and Bouras 2002, 363–364; Chatzitryphonos 2004,
109–137).
During this period Chalkis –Euripos in Byzantine sources– 70
On Middle Byzantine propyla, see Bouras and Bouras 2002, 365–
was one of the main ports through which goods from and 367. On the propylon of Skripou, see Sotiriou 1931, 123–124, fig. 6.
to Thebes, the capital of the theme of Hellas, were traded.68 Concerning the existence of a propylon in the church of Saint Gregory,
which has recently been disputed, see Koilakou 2018, 575–576, and n.
Connections between these major urban centres must 48. On the different types of Middle Byzantine period canopies (altar
canopies, baptismal canopies etc.), their shape and size, see Bogdanović
2017, 46 ff.
66
Both colonettes and the one of the architraves are exhibited among 71
The use of the arch over a gate in a fortification wall should also be
other sculptures in the Karababas Fortress collection in Chalkis. excluded on the grounds of the content of the inscription. On inscriptions
67
For a review of Byzantine-period monuments from Chalkis, see on fortifications, see Rhoby 2016a.
Triantafyllopoulos 1990, and more recently, Kontogiannis 2012; 72
Bouras 2002, 524–525. Information on the appearance of buildings
Kalamara 2015. used by judicial officials in provincial Byzantium is extremely limited
68
Gerolymatou 2008, 158–159, with earlier references. For ceramic and what little evidence we have refers only to the Constantinopolitan
evidence, see more recently Skartsis and Vaxevanis 2017, 597, 603–604; courts of justice (Koukoules 1955, vol. 6, 44 ff.; Gkoutzioukostas 2004,
Waksman et al. 2018. 119 ff.).
123
Giannis Vaxevanis
on, seems to have been the preserve of civil magistrates, appeals.81 Euripos, one of the most important towns
who operated under the supervision of the strategos. The in the theme of Hellas, could very likely have been the
latter appears to have been responsible for examining seat of one of these local courts. Ηigh-ranking officials
criminal offences occurring in his province.73 Αfter the end are already known to have been based in Euripos since
of the 10th century, the krites or praetor emerged as the the town became the naval base for the theme of Hellas
most important judicial official of the theme and, alongside with significant mercantile activity as the main port in
the strategos, held one of the two most powerful posts.74 the Aegean for nearby Thebes.82 These members of the
This chief magistrate, who was assisted in his duties by a local aristocracy, rich in funds and land, would have
multitude of other administrative and even fiscal officials, been expected to engage in substantial building projects,
such as notarioi, protonotarioi, praktores, anagrapheis both secular and ecclesiastical, just as the local officials
and apographeis,75 might be expected to have been based in neighbouring Boeotia apparently did, judging by the
in the capital of the theme of Hellas, namely Thebes, splendid examples of Saint Gregory and Skripou, and
where, according to the existing evidence, the strategos as can also be seen elsewhere in the Greek provinces.83
was stationed.76 However, the presence of civil magistrates Although no monumental buildings survive from 9th-
with judicial responsibilities in Chalkis during the 9th century Euripos,84 the tendency of local aristocrats to
century, when it became an important administrative and fund such projects is indicated by a now lost 9th–10th
economic centre of the theme of Hellas, cannot be ruled centuries inscription, also in archaic-style verse, which
out. Characteristic in this way, although at a much later mentions the restoration of the coastal road between
period, is the presence in Euripos of the megas doux Euripos and Eretria underswitten by the protospatharios
and praetor of Hellas and Peloponnesos, Eumathios Theophylaktos.85
Philokales; in 1092 he offered considerable relief to Hosios
Christodoulos and his fellow monks from Patmos who had Bearing in mind the considerable number of inscriptions
taken refuge in Euripos after being compelled to abandon on stone in Middle Byzantine churches,86 it could also
their island due to Turkish attacks.77 From the sources of be argued that the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch belonged to a
Hosios Christodoulos’ life we also learn that when the church building. The practice of constructing monumental
hosios composed his Testament in Euripos a few days entrances by reusing Roman marble arches, by no means
before his death (March 16, 1093), it had to be validated unknown in Middle Byzantine church architecture,87
by seven important church officials of the town because supports the above view. Moreover, the sculptural
of the substantial estates involved. Furthermore, one day decoration of church doors often includes inscriptions,
before Hosios Christodoulos’ death, he also drew up the which frequently have a similar cautionary character to
Codicil, signed this time by five witnesses, four of whom that of the arch in question, preparing the faithful for the
were simple priests and one was both priest and notary of holy space they are about to enter.88 A typical example is
Euripos.78 Although this occasion belongs to a somewhat the citation on church lintels of Psalm 117/118, verses
later period, when the theme of Hellas had merged with 19 and 20, where justice is once again referred to with
that of the Peloponnesos79 and after important changes the doors of the church being characterized as ‘gates of
had been made in the administration of the themes,80 yet it justice’ through which the ‘righteous’ enter.89
still indicates the importance of the town of Euripos in the
regional government of Central Greece. 81
Gkoutzioukostas 2004, 291.
82
Kontogiannis 2012, 30, and n. 5, with the relevant bibliography. Cf.
In the major urban centres of the Empire, lower courts Triantafyllopoulos 1990, 170, and n. 38; Kalamara 2015, 58, fig. 64.
83
During the uneasy period of the 9th century, the presence and activity
headed by local administrators tried civil as well as of high-ranking officials can also be attested, for example in Athens
criminal cases; the krites of the theme would then hear (Theocharis 2013), in Aegina (Kalopissi-Verti 2016) and on Samos
(Gerousi 2012), amongst others.
84
The architectural remains in Chalkis, just as in other fortified towns in
73
Gkoutzioukostas 2004, 42–46. the Empire, come from partially surviving buildings of usually small size
74
Gkoutzioukostas 2004, 287–294. I would like thank Andreas and haphazard construction, crammed into densely packed urban blocks
Gkoutzioukostas, Assistant Professor of Byzantine History at the (Kontogiannis 2012, 31, 33–34; Kalamara 2015, 60). On the buildings
Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki, most warmly for his valuable and planning of Byzantine towns in general, see mainly Bouras 2002;
advice. Bouras 2012.
75
Gkoutzioukostas 2004, 289–291. 85
Rhoby 2014, 225–227, no. GR55, with collected references.
76
Savvides 1988, 34. 86
Pallis 2016; Pallis 2020, 148–152.
77
Vranoussi 1966, 119 ff.; Vranoussi 1980, 6–7, 51–55; Karlin-Hayter 87
On two 12th-century examples from Attica, the churches of Christ
2000, 565. On Eumathios Philokales, one of the ablest officials from the in Megara and of the Panagia Gorgoepekoos in Athens, see Bruneau
reign of the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) and his presence – Linas 1970, 141, pl. 26; Bouras and Bouras 2002, 44–48, 230–231,
in the theme of Hellas and Peloponnesos, see Bon 1951, 197–199, no. figs. 23–24, 256–257, 447; in the latter monument, Roman arches are
48; Skoulatos 1980, 79–82, and Kourmpetis 2000, 158, and n. 12, with reused on all three entrances. On the morphology and the general form of
extensive bibliography. For the seal of Eumathios Philokales of the Byzantine church door openings, see Bouras and Bouras, 2002, 414–417;
Dumbarton Oaks Collection (ca. 1118), see also https://www.doaks.org/ Mamaloukos 2012, 3–4, 5–26; Mamaloukos 2015.
resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1955.1.3249. 88
Pallis 2013b, 28–29; Pallis 2016, 399–400, Pallis 2020, 149.
78
Miklosich and Müller 1890, 81–90, nos XX:I–II; Karlin-Hayter 2000, 89
“Ἀνοίξατέ μοι πύλας δικαιοσύνης· εἰσελθὼν ἐν αὐταῖς ἐξομολογήσομαι
594–601. It is also worth noting that immediately after the saint’s death τῷ Κυρίῳ. Αὓτη ἡ πύλη τοῦ Κυρίου, δίκαιοι εἰσελεύσονται ἐν αὐτῇ”
copies of the Testament and Codicil were endorsed by the kouropalates (Open to me gates of righteousness; when I enter in them, I will
and praetor of Hellas and Peloponnesos, Bardas Hikanatos (Vranoussi acknowledge the Lord. This is the gate of the Lord; righteous ones shall
1966, 124; Vranoussi 1980, 56–57). enter in it) (Rahlfs 19658, vol. 2, 130; Pietersma and Wright 2007, 606).
79
Savvides 1988, 35–36. For a compilation of the inscriptions in which the psalm is mentioned, see
80
Gkoutzioukostas 2004, 293–294. Feissel 1984, 225–226; Felle 2006, passim; Pallis 2016, 390.
124
The possibility of the arch in question having been set in pertaining to civil law, could come under the jurisdiction
a church building is further supported by the iconography of ecclesiastical courts.97 From the 9th century onwards,
of its relief decoration. Images of animals –whether alone Euripos seems to have become one of the most important
or locked in combat– appear relatively frequently in the ecclesiastical centres in Euboea. Ιn a listing of order of
sculpted decoration of marble doorframes of Middle precedence (τάξιν προκαθεδρίας, Notitia 3) of the early
Byzantine churches which generally symbolise the 9th century, it is attested as the seat of a bishop belonging
transition to the heavenly realm.90 Their depiction is often to the metropolis of Athens, like the other bishoprics of
considered to be apotropaic in nature and they are thought the island.98 In the same century the names of two bishops
to function as talismans with magical potential in their own of Euripos are recorded: Theodore I, who in 869–870
right and radiating protective powers.91 Lions, which have participated in the council convened in Constantinople to
a special place among them, being principally perceived condemn Photios, and Theophylaktos, who ten years later
as symbols of power and the guardians par excellence of (879) took part in the council, again held in Constantinople,
the animal kingdom,92 are often depicted on doorframes which restored Photios to office.99 Two more ecclesiastical
and lintels,93 or even in wooden door panels.94 The crosses officials of Euripos can be noted in the 10th century,
which accompany the inscription of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ while in the subsequent centuries their number is greatly
arch are also usually carved on the sculptural decoration increased.100
of church doors as apotropaic and protective signs.95 Their
presence accentuates the sacredness of the space being One should note here that the Church’s involvement in
entered, at the same time as preventing evil getting in justice is also linked to the institution of asylum and the
through the openings.96 right of miscreants to seek refuge in a church when fleeing
legal persecution.101 Therefore, if the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch
Another argument in favour of the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch did indeed originate from a church building, the verse
having belonged to a church building is the fact that inscription could be directed at those who had committed
in Byzantium private disputes, sometimes even those criminal offences and intended to seek asylum there,
although our knowledge of this practice in Byzantine
themes is very limited.102
90
Similar qualities are attributed to griffins and other fantastical animals,
which are also often depicted on openings in churches (Papatheofanous- If the above arguments are correct and the arch really
Tsouri 1993, 97–98). On the sculptural decoration of doorframes of
Middle Byzantine churches, see Bouras and Bouras, 2002, 529–530. On does come from a Byzantine church building, the
the symbolism of the doors and entranceways into churches in general, epigram could have been addressed to the faithful
see Frazer 1973; Spieser 1995. Animals also occur equally often on entering the church, and been aimed at preventing
marble templon screens which mark the boundary between the nave and
the sanctuary (Pallis 2013a, with extensive bibliography). them from contemplating any criminal or even spiritual
91
Talbot Rice 1975; Maguire 2000; Drandakis 2002, 333–334; Dauterman misconduct. Therefore, the deterrent character of the
Maguire and Maguire 2007, 58–96; Ševčenko 2011. In particular, on the inscription could take on eschatological connotations:
apotropaic character of the sculptural decoration on lintels, see Pallas 1960.
92
This belief is based on the popular conviction that lions sleep with while judges ought to dispense earthly justice following
their eyes open, as stated in the Physiologus; on the diverse symbolisms the example of the ultimate righteous judge in heaven,
attached to lions in general, see Favreau 1996, 536 ff.; Tsaka 2006, 14 ff.; believers should conduct themselves virtuously, aspiring
Manolessou 2014, 447–449; Bogdanović 2017, 119–120.
93
For depictions of lions on door jambs, see for example, Pazaras 2001, not only to justice on this earth but also to the promised
56, figs. 69, 71–72, drawing 21 (katholikon of Vatopedi Monastery, heavenly justice, which is to be restored on the day of the
Mount Athos, end of the 10th–middle of the 11th centuries); Voyadjis Last Judgement.103
2011, 108–109, figs. 1:στ, 9 (church of the Metamorphosis at Alepospita
in Lamia, end of the 12th century). For some typical examples on lintels,
see Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1982–1983, 104, fig. 9 (lintel from Athens, 10th In this case, the arch’s inscription could be connected to
century); Drandakis 2002, 60, fig. 98, 148–150, fig. 229, 173, figs. 268– a high-ranking official in Euboea charged with judicial
270, 310, figs. 456–457 (lintels from churches in the Mani, 11th to 12th
centuries). See also the lintel mentioned in n. 25 above. responsibilities, who also undertook the task of erecting
94
See, for example, the door from the church of Saint Nicholas at Ohrid, the church or other ecclesiastical building from which
now in the National History Museum at Sofia, dated to between the 12th the arch comes. The monuments of Saint Gregory and
and 14th centuries (Dauterman Maguire and Maguire 2007, 71, fig. 64,
and n. 46, with the relevant bibliography). Similarly marble slabs with Panagia Skripou are again indicative of the kind of church
depictions of lions are sometimes placed above church entrances, as, for buildings, impressive in their size and decoration, that
example, over the south entrance of the katholikon of the 11th-century
monastery of Hosios Loukas in Boeotia (Grabar 1976, 55, no. 44, pl.
ΧΧΙ:d). Lions are also frequently depicted in the sculptural decoration 97
Christofilopoulos 1948. Cf. Angold 1995, 148 ff., and passim.
of doors in Western churches: a typical example is the tympanum over 98
The bishopric of Euripos was detached from the metropolis of Athens
the west portal of the cathedral of Jaca in Spain (c. 1090), where two only in the second half of the 13th century, when it was upgraded to a
confronted lions are accompanied by four verse inscriptions, one of metropolis, with all the other sees of the island as suffragans (Michalaga
which is rather similar in style to that on the ‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch: “The 2017, 561–562).
lion knows to spare the man who prostrates himself, and Christ knows 99
Themelis 1951, 434–437; Michalaga 2017, 565, 574 (Table Α).
to pardon the man who prays” (Favreau 1996; Kendall 1998, 62–63, 125 100
Michalaga 2017, 565, 574 (Table Α).
ff., 230, no. 61:b, fig. 12, with the English translation of the inscription 101
On the Byzantine institution of asylum, see especially Macrides 1988;
and earlier bibliography). For other Western examples, see Favreau 1991. Paidas 2003–2004.
95
On the use of the crosses on inscriptions, often surrounded by tetragrams, 102
For an example of the implementation of asylum in the Peloponnese
see Rhoby 2013; Pallis 2016, 392, 394, 398; Rhoby 2017, 276–277. More in the beginning of the 9th century, see Anagnostakis – Lambropoulou
especially, on the presence of crosses on lintels, see Pallas 1960, 433 ff. 2008.
96
For the same reason crosses were often carved on the sculptural 103
On the similarly eschatological content of the epigram of Theodore of
decoration of church windows (Pallis 2020, 149). Stoudios, see pp 5–6 above.
125
Giannis Vaxevanis
were sponsored by high-ranking officials of the theme relief decoration, even though simplified and linear
of Hellas in that period. The possibility that a powerful from a stylistic point of view, testifies to the skills of the
churchman of the period conscious as much of earthly workshop which undertook its execution and which was
as the eternal concept of justice was responsible for the familiar with the sculptures adorning two of the finest
whole building programme, including the arch, should 9th-century monuments, Saint Gregory and Panagia
also not be overlooked. Skripou, both reflecting the increasing prominence of
the local aristocracy in that century. Whoever authorized
Τhe complete absence of any archaeological context for the the production of the arch under discussion must have
‘Hagia Eleousa’ arch ultimately makes its secure attribution been a local representative of the secular or perhaps
to either a secular or a church building difficult; nevertheless, even the ecclesiastical hierarchy of 9th-century Euripos
as set out above, an ecclesiastical connection appears that had the necessary means for the construction of the
to be the stronger of the two possibilities.104 The arch’s monumental building to which the large arch belonged.
impressive relief decoration, echoing in its imagery the At the same time his choice of a particularly distinguished
rich in meaning content of the metrical inscription, remains sculptural workshop for the execution of the arch’s
a rare example of a Byzantine decorated architectural decoration reflects his refined taste and desire to impress
member in which text and image interact directly.105 The his contemporaries.111 Finally, the close affinities of the
placing of the monumental arch in an eminently visible arch with the sculptural decoration of the two Boeotian
position projected the message conveyed by the metrical monuments enrich our knowledge of the output and
inscription to any literate person entering the building; for influence of the ‘Theban workshop’ in Euboea and add
the illiterate beholder the message’s pictorial dimension as well as the field of artistic production to the other well
with its lions and their quarry would have made the meaning attested connections between the two regions, bearing in
clear.106 The close connection of text and image leaves no mind that Euripos from that period onwards became one
room for doubt that the arch’s relief decoration and metrical of the main ports of call in the Aegean for nearby Thebes.
inscription were specifically designed for it, apparently on
the orders of the person who commissioned the building Literature
from which the sculpture originated.107
Anagnostakis and Lambropoulou 2008: Anagnostakis,
Ιlias and Lambropoulou, Αnna, ‘Μία περίπτωση
The scholarly style of the metrical inscription on the arch
ἐφαρμογῆς τοῦ βυζαντινοῦ θεσμοῦ τοῦ ἀσύλου στὴν
is indicative of the epigrammatist’s skills –if, as argued
Πελοπόννησο: Ἡ προσφυγὴ τῶν Σλάβων στὸ ναὸ
above, the inscription is indeed an original creation–
τοῦ Ἁγίου Ἀνδρέα Πατρῶν’, Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα
as well as of the commissioner’s high level of literacy,
14 (2008), 29–47.
wealth and elevated social status.108 Τhe arch’s imposing
Angold 1995: Angold, Michael, Church and Society
in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081–1261,
104
It should also be noted that the provenance of the arch from a monastery Cambridge – New York 1995.
or monastic complex cannot be excluded, although there are no known
Middle Byzantine monasteries either in Chalkis or in the surrounding Αravantinos and Κountouri 2014: Αravantinos, Vasileios
area. For a list of the monasteries on Euboea, see Themelis 1965.
107
Inscriptions are seldom linked to the architectural sculptures that and Κountouri, Elena (eds.), 100 χρόνια αρχαιολογικού
they accompany (Pallis 2016, 398–399). For two rare examples of έργου στη Θήβα: Οι πρωτεργάτες των ερευνών και οι
sculptures both originating in Asia Minor –a slab from Akhisar (possibly συνεχιστές τους, Συνεδριακό κέντρο Θήβας, 15–17
8th century) and part of an architrave from Ödemiş, Yenide Köy (10th
century)– with inscriptions succinctly referring to their zoomorphic Νοεμβρίου 2002, Athens 2014.
decoration, see Rhoby 2014, 524–525, no. TR6, pl. 87 and Pallis 2013a,
780, no. 9, respectively. On the interaction between epigrams and works Athanasoulis and Vassiliou, 2016: Athanasoulis, Demetris
of Byzantine art in general, see Maguire 1996; Rhoby 2010b; Rhoby and Vassiliou, Anastasia (eds.), Βυζαντινό Μουσείο
2011b; Drpić and Rhoby 2019. Αργολίδας: Κατάλογος μόνιμης έκθεσης, Athens 2016.
105
Many scholars have questioned how people of the period –mostly
illiterate ones– perceived the epigrams and inscriptions in general, Audiat 1970: Audiat, Jean, Le Gymnase (Exploration
especially as these were often placed in spots where could barely see, let
alone peruse them easily, such as when, for example, they appear on altars Archéologique de Délos faite par l’École Française
or very high up on buildings. As it has been emphasized, inscriptions d’Athènes XXVIII), Paris 1970.
were created not only to transmit information, but also have a symbolic
meaning: to impress the beholders –when they are long and elaborate, Bertelli 2002: Bertelli, Gioia (ed.), in contribution
having monumental appearance– or to function as decorative elements with Corrente, Marisa, Di Gregorio, Angela, Favia,
or powerful magical signs, etc. (Lauxtermann 2003–2019, vol. 1 [2013],
272–273; James 2007; Rhoby 2012; Rhoby 2017; Rhoby 2020, 113). On Pasquale and Pani Ermini, Letizia, Le diocesi della
inscriptions that were intended to be read aloud to commemorate and Puglia centro-settentrionale: ‘Aecae’, Bari, Bovino,
pray for the dead, see Papalexandrou 2001b; Papalexandrou 2007. Canosa,‘Egnathia’, ‘Herdonia’, Lucera, Siponto,
106
The likelihood of the iconographical programme of the arch having
been created by members of the workshop who carried out its sculptural Trani, Vieste (Corpus della Scultura Altomedievale
decoration or even by the epigrammatist who composed the metrical XV), Spoleto 2002.
inscription seems more remote even though it can not be excluded.
107
For some thoughts on the literacy of artists in Byzantium, based on a Betti 2005: Betti, Fabio, in contribution with Bazzucchi,
painter’s workshop in late 10th-century Mani, see Panayotidi 2003. Giorgio, Pani, Gian Giacomo, and Pani Ermini,
108
On the tendency of patrons to display their rank and social status
through epigrams, which were often characterised by meticulous metre Letizia, La diocesi di Sabina (Corpus della Scultura
and sophisticated language, see Rhoby 2016b. Altomedievale XVII), Spoleto 2005.
126
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133
11
‘Inside the Holy Chancelli’: Byzantine Architectural

Sculptures from Patmos
Konstantia Kefala
Abstract: This paper aims to present seven architectural sculptures (epistyles or cornices,
templon piers and relief slabs) preserved on Patmos. They are all dated to the 11th and 12th
centuries, are decorated with popular motifs of the marble sculpture of this period and are
probably connected with the two principal construction phases of the monastery of Saint John
the Theologian: the first phase coincides with the establishment of the monastery by the Blessed
Christodoulos and the second was completed after the return of his disciples from Euboea,
who translated his holy relics to Patmos and revived the monastic community in the early
12th century. Some of them may belong to the original templon of the catholicon which was
hastily constructed with the available building material under the supervision of Christodoulos
himself, while others reflecting the influence of contemporary Constantinopolitan sculpture
possibly belong to the second, better planned construction phase of the 12th century.
Στο ιερό νησί της Αποκάλυψης, την Πάτμο, έχουν διατηρηθεί μέχρι σήμερα ευάριθμα
θραύσματα αρχιτεκτονικών γλυπτών της βυζαντινής περιόδου. Πρόκειται για τρία τμήματα
επιστυλίων, έναν πεσσίσκο και δύο θωράκια τέμπλων που βρίσκονται αποτεθειμένα στο
Μουσείο της μονής του Αγίου Ιωάννη του Θεολόγου ή εντοιχισμένα στο καθολικό, στην
κιονοστήρικτη ανοικτή στοά του εξωνάρθηκα και στο προαύλιο του μοναστηριού. Σε
αυτά συμπεριλαμβάνονται ακόμα ένα θωράκιο κι ένα τμήμα επιστυλίου τέμπλου, που
χρησιμοποιήθηκαν αντιστοίχως ως πλάκα αγίας Τράπεζας και ως ανώφλι θύρας στον ναό των
Αγίων Γεωργίου, Κωνσταντίνου και Σώζοντος των Απορθιανών στη Χώρα. Στο μοναστήρι
φυλάσσονται, τέλος, δύο πολύ γνωστά, εξαιρετικά δείγματα της μεσοβυζαντινής γλυπτικής:
η κατά χώραν σωζόμενη σαρκοφάγος του οσίου Χριστοδούλου και η ενεπίγραφη πλάκα
ψευδοσαρκοφάγου ενός αταύτιστου πρωτοσπαθάριου.
Τα παραπάνω γλυπτά ανήκουν χρονολογικά στον 11ο ή στον 12ο αιώνα και διακοσμούνται
με θέματα κοινά στη μαρμαρογλυπτική της περιόδου αυτής, όπως πεντάφυλλα ανθέμια
μέσα σε συνεχόμενους κύκλους, ρόδακες, φυλλοφόρους σταυρούς, ακανθοειδή ανθέμια
εναλλασσόμενα με άνθη λωτού κ.ά. Ορισμένα ή όλα από αυτά, εάν δεν μεταφέρθηκαν στην
Πάτμο από αλλού, είναι πολύ πιθανό να προέρχονται από τα τέμπλα που διακοσμούσαν
το καθολικό του πατμιακού μοναστηριού ή το παρεκκλήσι της Παναγίας σε κάποιο από
τα διαδοχικά οικοδομικά προγράμματα του συγκροτήματος, του 11ου και του 12ου αιώνα.
Άλλωστε στο νησί δεν έχουν εντοπισθεί άλλα μεσοβυζαντινά μνημεία, ενώ και σύμφωνα με
το πρακτικό του απογραφέα Νικολάου Τζάντζη, όταν ο όσιος Χριστόδουλος κατέπλευσε στην
ἔρημον καὶ παντάπασιν ἄνικμον νήσο βρήκε μόνον ένα εὐκτήριον πενιχρὸν ἐπ’ὀνόματι τοῦ
τιμίου Θεολόγου στη θέση όπου υψωνόταν κατά τα παλαιοχριστιανικά χρόνια η θρυλούμενη
βασιλική. Δεν θα ήταν απίθανο κάποια από τα σωζόμενα γλυπτά να ανήκαν στον ναό αυτόν
που προϋπήρχε στην περιοχή όπου ο όσιος Χριστόδουλος έκτισε το μοναστήρι. Η ύπαρξη
τέμπλου στο καθολικό της μονής Πάτμου, ήδη από την εποχή της ίδρυσής της, πιθανώς
υποδηλώνεται στην Υποτύπωση του οσίου Χριστοδούλου, στο σημείο όπου περιγράφεται το
τελετουργικό της ενθρόνισης του εκάστοτε νέου ηγουμένου με την παραλαβή της ποιμαντικής
ράβδου ἔνδον τῶν ἱερῶν κιγκλίδων πρὸ τοῦ ἁγίου θυσιαστηρίου. Σε κάθε περίπτωση, τα
λιγοστά αυτά δείγματα αρχιτεκτονικής γλυπτικής προσθέτουν τη μαρτυρία τους για την τέχνη
και την ιστορία της ιεράς νήσου.
Keywords: Architectural sculpture, templon, Patmos, Dodecanese, Monastery of Saint John

the Theologian, Hosios Christodoulos, Middle Byzantine period, 11th century, 12th century.
135
Konstantia Kefala
Figure 11.1. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the Theologian, exonarthex arcade: templon pier.
‘Ὅρα μονὴν κύκλωθι μὲν εὖ περιειλημμένην τοῖς τείχεσιν, may, perhaps, contribute to a partial and hypothetical
ἔνδοθι δὲ πολλοῖς σεμνυνομένην τοῖς καλλωπίσμασι, reconstruction of their original layout.
ναοῦ τε κάλλος ἀμήχανον, ἔνθεν τῇ τῶν μαρμάρων
στιλπνότητι περιαυγαζόμενον, ἐκεῖθεν τοῖς ἐκ τῶν θείων Seven marble architectural sculptures from templa,
εἰκόνων χρυσοφαέσιν ἀμαρύγμασι πυρσευόμενον’ occasionally mentioned but essentially unknown in the
(Behold a monastery surrounded by fair walls and, within, relevant bibliography, have been recorded on Patmos.5
rejoicing in many ornaments, and the incredible beauty of A templon pier of white marble (81 × 23 cm) embedded
the church, its interior bright with the sheen of marble, in the masonry, stands out amongst the Early Christian
set alight by the glint of gold from the holy icons).1 It is spolia ̶ probably relics of the imposing basilica which
with these encomiastic words that Athanasios of Antioch formerly stood on the site6 ̶ that have been incorporated
describes the monastery of Saint John the Theologian on into the arcade of the exonarthex of the Patmian monastery
Patmos circa 1156. Although the rhetoric of his description (Fig. 11.1). It bears, in shallow relief, a decoration of
seems at odds with the architectural simplicity of the eight incised circles in a vertical row,7 containing concave
catholicon,2 it reflects the admiration of contemporaries rhomboid ornaments with inscribed crosses and with
for the great achievement of the Blessed Christodoulos slender, schematized darts between the circles. The motif
and his followers. Today, the catholicon of the monastery of interlacing or intersecting circles is symmetrical and
and associated chapels are decorated with wood-carved highly suitable for the elongated surface of piers; due
sanctuary screens dated to the 17th and 19th centuries,3 to its perfect implementation, it was very common in
but it is almost certain that the earlier marble screens, Byzantine sculpture, particularly during the 11th century.8
whose stylobates are still preserved in situ, date from the Intersecting circles with inscribed crosses decorate a series
original building phases of the monastic complex.4 The of architectural sculptures in some Middle Byzantine
uninterrupted continuity of the monastic community and churches of Mani.9 Also, a close affinity in design is
the successive restorations during the following centuries observable between the templon pier under discussion and
have resulted in their disappearance; their elements were specimens from the churches of Saint John the Theologian
either dispersed or destroyed. In this paper, the presentation at Lakki on Leros10 and Panagia Spiliani on Nisyros,11 and
of certain architectural sculptures scattered on the island an epistyle fragment from Kos,12 all dated to the end of
1
Vranousi 1966, 61–62; Vranousi 1980, 78. 5
Bouras 1988, 28, 364 (note 4); Voyadjis 2012, 28, 38–40; Katsioti,
I would like to extend my sincerest thanks and appreciation to my Papavassiliou 2002, 137.
beloved colleagues and friends Anna Maria Kasdagli, Eleni Manolessou 6
Orlandos 1970, 11–18. Kefala 2020, 375–379.
and Giorgos Pallis for their remarks on the text and, most importantly, 7
Sotiriou 1931, 141–142, fig. 19–20;Asimakopoulou-Atzaka 1987, 175,
for sharing their in-depth knowledge of the subject with me. I am also pl. 294b.
deeply grateful to the Abbot of the Monastery and Patriarchal Exarch 8
Orlandos 1951, 193, fig. 8, 197, fig. 12; Bouras 1980–1981, 167, pl.
of Patmos, Kyrillos Pentes for facilitating the study of the material and 33a; Pennas 2000, 7–9, n. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 11; Bouras, Bouras 2002, 156–
especially to my dear friends Euthymia Faliera and Yiannis Melianos for 158, fig. 170.
their kind support. 9
Militsi-Kechagia 2012, 109 (fig. 2), 115.
2
The catholicon of the monastery belongs to the cross-in-square type of 10
Orlandos 1948, 217–218, fig. 163; Firatli 1969, 151–166, figs. 21, 22,
the four-column variant, Bouras 1988, 26–27. 27–30; Barsanti 1988, 290–291, pl. IX.1; Bouras, Boura 2002, 250–251,
3
Orlandos 1970, 61–62, fig. 43; Koutelakis 1986, 26–27, pl. 7b, 34b, fig. 285; Katsioti, Papavassiliou 2002, 124–125, fig. 7; Marki 2006, 84–
32–33, pl. 11a, 47b; Bouras 1988, 33, 48–49 (figs.15, 16), 50–51 (pls. 85, fig. 14.
18, 19, 20). 11
Katsioti, Papavassiliou 2002, 130–131, fig. 15.
4
Orlandos 1970, 61–66; Bouras 1988, 28; Voyadjis 2012, 28. 12
Militsi 2008, 437, fig. 5.
136
‘Inside the Holy Chancelli’
the 11th century.13 The same chronology could be arguably

proposed for the Patmian sculpture.
The fragment of a relief marble slab (81 × 39 cm) is

incorporated in the masonry of a modern proskynetarion
in the south part of the monastic courtyard14 (Fig. 11.2).
On its surface a bipartite strip forms a rectangle and, in the
middle of its narrow sides, twists into circles containing
eight-leaved rosettes, cut with a drill.15 Within this frame,
a lozenge formed by a triple fillet contains an eight-leaved
rosette with heart-shaped petals,16 a developed form of the
(a)
pattern of the Early Christian chrisma, since it is composed
of four intersecting lines. The design of a lozenge within a
rectangle, bearing the monogram of Christ inside a wreath
or plain circle derives from Early Christian sculpture17 and
evolves through the Middle Byzantine period, ending as a
rosette inside the rhomb.18 The simplicity of the execution,
the low relief against the smooth background, the neat
and precise contours, the looped fillet and the type of the
elegant rosette with its symbolic character and chrismatic
implications are features that support the dating of the
panel in the 11th century.19
A rectangular relief slab (86 × 60 cm) of unknown origin,

on display in the museum of the Patmian monastery20
(Fig. 11.3), is decorated with a foliate Latin cross with
‘teardrops’, on a three-stepped base.21 The tendrils (b)
springing from the base bear five- and seven-lobed leaves
Figure 11.2a-b. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the
and pomegranates, symbolizing fertility and plentitude, Theologian, courtyard: relief slab.
a frequent Early Christian theme.22 Pomegranates as
decorative elements are encountered on a 7th-century panel
from the Acropolis of Athens,23 on some of the slabs on the
drum of the dome of the church of Panagia at Hosios Loukas
Monastery in Boeotia dated to the 10th century,24 on a 10th-
century panel set in the phiale of the Great Lavra monastery
at Mount Athos25 and, finally, on an extremely interesting
panel now kept in the Bode Museum in Berlin, which has
been redated from the 7th26 to the 11th–12th centuries.27 The
motif is even rarer in the centuries following: it decorates
13
The same motif is also encountered on some piers of the templon of
Panagia Krina on Chios (Pennas 2008, 457, fig. 20). See also: Orlandos
1948, fig 166.
14
Bouras 1988, 364 (note 4); Voyadjis 2012, 42, 45.
15
Dimitrakopoulou-Skylogianni 1985–1986, 166; Ousterhout 1991–
1992, 47, 49, figs. 3, 4.
16
The heart-shaped petals of the rosette are relatively rare and are
mostly encountered in panels of the first half of the 6th century, see for
example the panel of the Byzantine and Christian Museum in Athens
(Pazaras 1977, 42, no. 12, pl. VII, 12b) or another one from the basilica
of ‘Kolokytha’ at Nissi Lasithiou (Tsigonaki 2000, 1152–1153, fig. 11).
See also: Marzolff 2006, 95, fig. 10b.
17
Pallas 1950, 233–249.
18
Dimitrakopoulou-Skylogianni 1985–1986, 157.
19
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1992, 543–548.
20
Bouras 1988, 364 (note 4).
21
Talbot-Rice 1950, 72–81; Ericsson 1968, 149–150; Flemming 1969,
88–115; Frazer 1973, 148.
22
Strzygowski 1902, 90–91, fig. 20a; Pelekanidis 1988, 95–96, pls. 65a,
67. See also: Lavin 1967, 104, fig. 25; Weitzmann 1979, 63–64, fig. 13.
23
Sotiriou 1937, 178–179, fig. 10. See also, Frantz 1965, fig. 14.
24
Weitzmann 1935, pl. ΧΙΧ, 105; Bouras 1980, 27–29, figs. 17, 24.
25
Grabar 1963, 97–98, pl. XLV. 3; Bouras 1975–1976, 95–96, pls. 47,
48; Bouras 1980, 31, fig. 29.
26
Bréhier 1936, 62, pl. VIII.ΙΙ. Figure 11.3. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the
27
Effenberger et al. 2008, 36 (G. Mietke). Theologian, Museum: relief slab.
137
Konstantia Kefala
the 12th-century marble proskynetarion again in the church

of Panagia at Hosios Loukas Monastery in Boeotia,28 the
capital of an octagonal colonette from Thebes dated to the
11th–12th centuries,29 some cornices of the North Church
in the monastery of Christ Pantokrator in Constantinople
(1118–1124)30 and the slab with the dedicatory inscription
of Areia Moni in Nauplion (1149).31 The pomegranate Figure 11.4. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the
motif was particularly favored in the Dodecanese and Theologian, catholicon: epistyle or cornice fragment.
features on a 6th-century templon pier, now on display
in the Archeological Museum of Kastellorizo,32 and on a
mullion impost of the Archeological Collection of Telos
dated to the 11th or 12th centuries.33 The sharpness of the
relief, the schematization and symmetry of the design and
an obvious sense of archaism of the execution, could well
support the dating of the panel to the 11th century;34 such
a date is also indicated by the stylistic affinity between the
panel and a slab from an 11th-century pseudosarcophagus
from Veroia,35 particularly in its technique and in the
arrangement of the tendrils.36 Stylistic similarities are also
Figure 11.5. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the
remarked between the specific Patmian relief and some Theologian, Museum: epistyle or cornice fragment.
capitals from Didyma, on the opposite shore of Asia Minor,
dated to the end of the 11th or the beginning of the 12th
centuries.37 mid-11th century,41 the epistyles of the Episkopi on
Skopelos (1078)42 and of the church of Taxiarches in
An epistyle or cornice fragment (118 × 11 cm), serving as Lokris dated to the 12th century,43 certain cornices
the lintel on a small door in the north wall of the catholicon in the kellion (cell) of Ravdouchou at Mount Athos
leading to a hidden sacristy (Fig. 11.4), preserves on its dated to the 11th century44 and of the church of Saint
underside two rectangular slots for the fitting of piers, that Demetrios in Arta of the 12th century,45 as well as the
probably were added in a posterior use of the cornice, since aforementioned 12th-century proskynetarion of Panagia
the slots have destroyed part of the original decoration.38 at Hosios Loukas Monastery in Boeotia.46 Although the
Its beveled face bears a row of acanthus palmettes ubiquity of the Patmian epistyle’s decorative motif is not
alternating with lotus flowers. It is clear that the piece helpful for assigning a precise dating and chronological
belongs together with two other fragments with identical classification, the close affinity of its technique with some
width (79 × 11 cm, 43 × 11 cm) and decoration, today Constantinopolitan reliefs dated to the first half of the 12th
exhibited at the museum of the Monastery (Fig. 11.5). The century,47 such as certain cornices at the Pammakaristos
ancient Greek decorative theme of acanthus palmettes, also monastery (Fethiye Camii),48 at the monastery of Chora
frequent in Early Christian times,39 was repeatedly used (Kariye Camii)49 and at the Kalenderhane Camii50 and,
during the Middle Byzantine period in Constantinople most importantly, its astonishing resemblance to a cornice
and elsewhere.40 We mention some potentially related in the North Church of the monastery of Christ Pantokrator
examples, such as a lintel with projecting cornice from (Zeyrek Camii) support its dating to the 12th century.51
the church of Saints Anargyroi in Kastoria dated to the
Apart from the sculptures preserved inside the monastery,
two further architectural members from templa were
28
Bouras 1980, 105–109, figs. 174, 176; Bouras, Bouras 2002, fig. 244.
29
Manolessou 2011, 214–215, no. B138. 41
Orlandos 1938, 20–21, figs. 12, 13; Grabar 1976, 61–62, no. 46,
30
Mathews 1976, 96, figs. 10.40, 10.41. pl. XXXI, b, d; Moutsopoulos 1992, 304–307, fig. 298.
31
Feissel, Philippidis–Braat 1985, 308–309, pl. XII, fig. 2; Bouras, 42
Xyngopoulos 1956, 185, fig. 4.
Bouras 2002, 589. 43
The templon of the church has been dated to the first half of the 12th
32
Stampolidis, Tassoulas, Filimonos-Tsopotou 2011, 72, no. 20 (E. century (Sythiakaki-Kritsimalli 2006, 133), but, according to other
Papavassiliou). opinions, a dating to the second half of the same century seems more
33
Stampolidis, Tassoulas, Filimonos-Tsopotou 2011, 298, no. 77 (Ε. probable (Varalis 2016, 165–166).
Papavassiliou). 44
Pazaras 2006, 143–144.
34
For analogous vegetal decorations, see Grabar 1963, pl. XLΙΙ. 4, 9; 45
Orlandos 1936b, 63, fig. 6; Vanderheyde 1997, 703, fig. 15a;
Peschlow 1972, 176, pl. 43, figs. 1–4. Vanderheyde 2005, 47–48, no. 58, 59, pl. XXV- figs. 51, 52.
35
Pazaras 1988, 23, no. 7. 46
Bouras 1980, 106–107, figs. 174, 176, 179; Bouras, Bouras 2002,
36
Poulou-Papadimitriou 1998, 345–348, figs. 8, 18. 216–219, fig. 244.
37
Peschlow 1975, 216–217, 219, pl. 40.1–3; Dennert 1997, 124, 210, 47
Buchwald 1964, 158–159; Naumann, Belting 1966, 62, 70; Hjort 1979,
no. 269, pl. 48. 232–234, figs. 26–27, 37–40; Firatli 1990, 124–125, no. 236, pls. 75,
38
Voyadjis 2012, 28, fig. 12. 236 a–b.
39
Xyngopoulos 1925, 118; Kramer 1998, 47–48, pl. 11.8–9. 48
Mango, Hawkins 1964, 329; Belting, Mango, Mouriki 1978, pl. 10.93.
40
Paschalis 1925, 29–34; Orlandos 1929, 366; Orlandos 1955–1956, 57– XI, 3b; Dennert 1998, 126, pl. 41.15.
58, fig. 37; Firatli 1990, 124–125, no. 236, pl. 75-figs. 236a, b, pl. 76-fig. 49
Buchwald 1964, 156; Grabar 1976, 131–133, no. 131, pl. CVIIb.
237; Bouras, Bouras 2002, 70–71, figs. 51, 542; Mexia 2006, 116–117, 50
Hjort 1979, 234, fig. 38.
figs. 1, 2; Androudis 2012, 132–133, figs. 1–6. 51
Hjort 1979, 270, figs. 96–97. See also Oates 1960, 223–231.
138
(a)
Figure 11.7. Patmos, Church of Saints George, Constantine

(b) and Sozon: double sided altar screen panel (side carved in
the Middle Byzantine Period).
clumsy and coarse execution of the palmette recalls an

epistyle from the church of Pantokrator at Monastiraki in
Vonitsa dated to the 11th century55 and, notably, the relief
decoration of a Middle Byzantine ambo from Pergamon,56
while the leaves inserted between the interlocking circles
are also encountered in some epistyles from Leros dated
to the end of the 11th century.57 Furthermore, the form
of the Maltese cross presents similarities with analogous
examples of the 11th century,58 which date could be also
proposed for the sculpture under discussion.
In the same church in Chora, a marble double-sided panel

(93 × 80 × 2.5 cm) was reused as an altar slab in the sanctuary
(c) of the south chapel (Fig. 11.7). Close examination of both
Figure 11.6 a-c. Patmos, Church of Saints George, epistyle sides proves that it was, in fact, an Early Christian altar
or cornice fragment. screen panel decorated with a tendril ending in an ivy leaf
(Fig. 11.8). In the Middle Byzantine period part of the slab
reused in the post-Byzantine church of Saints George, was trimmed off around the edges so that the rest could be
Constantine and Sozon in the neighborhood of Aporthiana fitted into a templon; it was then carved on the formerly
in the medieval settlement of Chora. An epistyle or cornice plain side. In its third and last phase of use, the decoration
fragment (149 × 11 cm) (Fig. 11.6a, 11.6b, 11.6c) has been of the slab was partly effaced, so that the smoothed surface
used as a lintel in the inner door leading from the narthex could better serve its function as an altar slab in the post-
to the south chapel of the church complex. Its decoration Byzantine church.59 Although the relief has been totally
consists of a Maltese cross,52 flanked by five interconnected removed, it is clear that the decoration consisted of a foliate
roundels (rotae sericae) encircling five- and seven-leaved
palmettes; dart-like stylized lotus leaves issue from the
interlacing knots.53 The motif is very common in Middle
Byzantine sculpture, particularly in architraves or cornices XXXIV-fig. 72, 69, no. 89, 90, pl. XL-figs. 89, 90; Papadopoulou 2008,
of the 10th and the 11th centuries.54 The relatively 237–238, no. 6, fig. 6.
55
Vocotopoulos 1980–1981, 363, pl. 109a; Vanderheyde 2005, 60, no.
82, pl. XXXIV, fig. 72.
56
Peschlow 1994, I: 259, II: pl. 150.14. See also the palmettes on an
52
Kavvadia-Spondyli 1989–1990, 204–205; Florakis 2005, 43, no. 21. epistyle from Thebes, dated to the 11th century, Manolessou 2011, 184–
53
Katsioti, Papavassiliou 2002, 129, fig. 13. 185, no. B103.
54
Orlandos 1937, 149 (fig. 22), 150 (fig. 24); Orlandos 1939–1940, 163– 57
Katsioti, Papavassiliou 2002, 126, fig. 9, 127, fig. 11, 129, fig. 13.
164, fig. 9. Grabar 1963, 92, pl. ΧΧΧΙΧ. 3; Vocotopoulos 1975, pl. 18c; 58
Sklavou-Mavroeidi 1999, 149, no. 203.
Peschlow 1990, 238, pl. 43.6; Poulou-Papadimitriou 1998, 349–350, fig. 59
See for example: Mango, Ševčenko 1973, 248, pl. 50; Sheppard 1969,
24; Drandakis 2002, 9 (fig. 14), 116–117 (fig. 187); Grabar 1976, 46, no. 65–71, figs. 8–10; Peschlow 1972, 176, pl. 43, figs. 1–4; ΑD 30 (1975),
24, pl. XIIb; Vanderheyde 2005, 13–14, no. 1, pl. Ι-fig. 1, 60, no. 82, pl. Β2, (Ch. Pennas), 308–309, pl. 210c.
139
Konstantia Kefala
at Sykamia66 and the Cave of the Apocalypse,67 no other

Middle Byzantine monuments have been yet discovered
on Patmos. Moreover, according to the official record of
the apographeus Nikolaos Tzantzes, at the time when the
Blessed Christodoulos arrived at the completely deserted
island (ἔρημον καὶ παντάπασιν ἄνικμον νῆσον), he only
found a single very poor chapel dedicated to the ‘Holy
Theologian’ (εὐκτήριον πενιχρὸν ἐπ’ὀνόματι τοῦ τιμίου
ἐκτισμένον Θεολόγου) on the site that in Early Christian
times was dominated by the great and imposing basilica of
the beloved disciple of Christ.68
The existence of a templon screen in the catholicon of the

Patmian monastery from its earliest phase could be implied
Figure 11.8. Patmos, Church of Saints George, Constantine in the Hypotyposis of Hosios Christodoulos in the passage
and Sozon: double sided altar screen panel (side carved in where the ritual of the enthronement of the new abbot is
the Early Christian period).
described, even though the specific phrase may also just
theoretically refer to the defined stages of the ceremony:
Latin cross with ‘teardrops’,60 framed by a pair of molded ‘Εἶθ’οὕτως λήψεται τὴν ποιμαντικὴν ῥάβδον ὁ ἱερεύς,
bands interlacing at the middle of each side.61 From the ἔνδον τῶν ἱερῶν κιγκλίδων πρὸ τοῦ ἁγίου θυσιαστηρίου
base of the cross sprang unfolding acanthus semi-leaves κειμένην, καὶ τῷ εἰς ἡγουμενείαν προκριθέντι ταύτην
that probably ended in a pinecone or simplified ivy leaf.62 ἐγχειρίσει, καὶ τοῦτον ἀσπάσεται’ (Thus, then, the priest
The interlaced frame is typical of Middle Byzantine slabs, will take the crosier within the sacred enclosure before the
while the plasticity in the unfolding foliate ornament holy altar, will hand it to the elect, and will then embrace
recalls a pseudosarcophagus slab from Hagia Triada at and kiss him).69 The catholicon of the monastery was from
Kaloxylos on Naxos, dated to the late 11th or the early the very beginning a building without ambitious intentions,
12th centuries. The style of the Patmian panel also fits this since its founder gave priority to the urgent erection of
dating.63 the fortification which would secure the survival of the
monastic community, that was constantly threatened.70
In conclusion, all the architectural sculptures of Patmos However, the opinion that the sculptures decorating the
described above belong to the 11th and 12th centuries, are catholicon were all spolia and that apparently nothing was
decorated with very popular and common motifs of the made especially for it71 ought perhaps to be reexamined
marble sculpture of this period and, unless transported under the light of the new elements presented here: the
to the island from elsewhere, they probably derive from slab from the church of Saints George, Constantine and
the two principal construction phases of the foundation Sozon, carved on the reverse of an Early Christian screen
of the monastery of Saint John the Theologian and its panel, offers an eloquent testimony of in situ work, taking
chapels: the first phase coincides with the establishment advantage of the abundant ruins of the basilica that
of the monastery by the Blessed Christodoulos64 and the still existed on the holy site.72 It could, therefore, along
second was initiated and completed after the return of his with the epistyle fragment of the same church, belong
disciples from Euboea, who translated his holy relics to to the original templon of the catholicon which was
Patmos and revived the monastic community in the early hastily constructed with the available building material.
12th century.65 This argument is supported by the fact that, According to the written sources, all the members of the
apart from the small church of Saint John the Theologian monastic community without exception participated to the
construction of the monastery, while Christodoulos himself
lifted the stones with his own hands and labored on it,
despite his age (χερσὶν οἰκείαις τοὺς λίθους ἐπεφορτίζετο,
60
About the specific motif in Byzantine sculpture: Orlandos 1936a,
26. Orlandos 1955–1956, 62, fig. 43; Farioli Campanati 1982, καὶ γήρᾳ κάμνων).73
286–287, figs. 3, 4, 5; Mango, Ševčenko 1973, 276–277, figs. 153,
154; Dimitrakopoulou, Skylogianni 1985–1986, 166–167, fig. 16; In contrast, the epistyle with the acanthus palmettes seems a
Pennas 1992, 157–195; Pennas 2000, 24–25, no. 32–33, 32–33, no. 48;
Pazaras 2001, 25–29, figs. 16, 18, 20; Koutelakis 2002, 156–157, fig. 1; product of more skilled workmanship and possibly belongs
Bouras, Bouras 2002, 193–194, fig. 210α, 255–257, fig. 293; Katsioti, to the second, calmer and better planned construction
Papavassiliou 2002, 122–125, figs. 4–5. phase of the 12th century, since it also strongly reflects the
61
A typical Middle Byzantine motif, Sotiriou 1960–1961, 110–111, pl.
49.2; Θησαυροὶ Ἁγίου Ὄρους 1997, 268–269, no. 6.1; Chalkia 1996–
1997, 363, 365, fig. 9; Grammenos, Knithakis 1994, 187–188, no. 500 66
Kollias 1989, 33.
(326), pl. 63; Kounoupiotou-Manolessou 2008, 223, no.2, fig. 2; Militsi- 67
Kollias 1986, 36–37.
Kechagia 2012, 108, fig. 2. 68
Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou 1980, 39.
62
About the symbolic significance of the leaved cross, Talbot Rice 1950, 69
Voinis 1884, 91–92.
72–81. 70
Orlandos 1970, 47, fig. 31; Bouras 1989, 140–141; Voyadjis 2012, 93.
63
Mastoropoulos 1994, 438, figs. 1, 3; Pennas 2000, 32–33; Mitsani 71
Bouras 1988, 27; Bouras 1989, 140; Voyadjis 2012, 87.
2004–2006, 400, 417, n. 20; Pallis 2009, 256, fig. 7. 72
For the reuse of marble sculptures during the Middle Byzantine period,
64
Vranousi 1980, 39–40; Bouras 1988, 26–27; Voyadjis 2012, 89. Sodini 1995, 289.
65
Vranousi 1980, 55–58; Bouras 1988, 27; Voyadjis 2012, 89–93. 73
Voinis 1884, 127; Vranousi 1966, 52.
140
and could very likely be the product of a Koan workshop.77

It ought to be mentioned that marble quarries existed on
the island of Kos during the Early Christian times,78 and
that they supplied the surrounding area and islands with
marble and ready-made architectural sculptures.79 The
question of the origin of the material and the provenance
of the workshops or the sculptors that worked on Patmos
remains open. Nevertheless, the probably itinerant artisans
responsible for the sculptures examined here, based in
important artistic centers,80 undoubtedly contributed with
Figure 11.9. Patmos, Μonastery of Saint John the their work to the establishment of this prominent and
Theologian, Museum: pseudosarcophagus slab of a emblematic Orthodox monastery.
protospatharios.
Rhodes, March 2015
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Τhesauroi tou Agiou Orous: Θησαυροὶ τοῦ Ἁγίου Ὄρους, Bυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν Β΄ (1925), 107–121.
exhibition catalogue, Thessaloniki 1997².
Xyngopoulos 1956: Ξυγγόπουλος, Ανδρέας, ‘Ὁ ναὸς τῆς
Tsigonaki 2000: Τσιγωνάκη, Χριστίνα, ‘Εισηγμένα Ἐπισκοπῆς Σκοπέλου’, Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς 95
αρχιτεκτονικά γλυπτά και τοπικά εργαστήρια (1956), 181–198.
145
12
Observations On the Altar-Screen of the Late Byzantine Church

at Prangi, Thrace
Abstract: Near Evros river, to the south of the village of Prangi the complex of a Byzantine
monastery was excavated, with its katholikon, a vaulted single-nave church, decorated with
a marble altarscreen. The remaining parts of the altarscreen result in the reconstruction of its
original form as a colonnade altarscreen or portico of six pillars, and capitals, an architrave,
and two closure slabs. According to its excavators, the monastery was founded in the late
13th century and was abandoned towards the end of the Late Byzantine period or in the early
years of the Ottoman period. The sculptures of Prangi have, so far, been dated from the 11th
to the beginning of the 13th century. However, a date between the late 11th and the early 12th
century would be more precise, according to their decorative patterns, and technique.
Νοτίως του χωριού Πραγγί, στη θέση Πανωκκλήσι ή Γνηματούδια κοντά στον δρόμο που οδηγεί
από το Διδυμότειχο στο Πύθιο, ανασκάφτηκε πριν τριάντα περίπου χρόνια το συγκρότημα μίας
βυζαντινής μονής. Ήρθαν στο φως το καθολικό της μονής, ένας μονόχωρος θολοσκεπής ναός,
και δύο μικρά, επίσης μονόχωρα, παρεκκλήσια. Το καθολικό διέθετε μαρμάρινο τέμπλο, από το
οποίο διατηρούνται, τμήμα του στυλοβάτη, ορισμένα από τα στηρίγματα με δύο κιονόκρανα, το
μεγαλύτερο μέρος του επιστυλίου και τμήματα δύο θωρακίων. Μόνο ο στυλοβάτης διασώθηκε
στην αρχική του θέση. Από τα υπόλοιπα μέλη, τα περισσότερα βρίσκονται στην αποθήκη
του Μουσείου Διδυμοτείχου, ενώ τα θωράκια έχουν περιληφθεί στη μόνιμη έκθεση του ίδιου
Μουσείου. Τα διασωθέντα στοιχεία του τέμπλου επιτρέπουν την αναπαράστασή του ως ενιαίου
με έξι πεσσίσκους με συμφυείς κιονίσκους και κιονόκρανα, επιστύλιο και δύο θωράκια. Από τα
τμήματα του τέμπλου κοσμούνται, με φυτικό διάκοσμο τα κιονόκρανα και το επιστύλιο, ενώ τα
θωράκια με γεωμετρικό διάκοσμο και σταυρούς. Κιονόκρανα και επιστύλιο είναι πολύ καλώς
επεξεργασμένα, εμφανίζουν μεταξύ τους συγγένεια ως προς το διάκοσμο και την εκτέλεση και
είναι δυνατό να συσχετιστούν με τα γλυπτά της Κωνσταντινούπολης του τέλους του 11ου ή των
αρχών του 12ου αιώνα. Συγγενικά μεταξύ τους είναι τα όχι ιδιαίτερα προσεγμένης τεχνικής δύο
θωράκια με το γεωμετρικό διάκοσμο. Η επιλογή των συγκεκριμένων κοσμημάτων τα συνδέει
με την παράδοση του 11ου αιώνα. Η μονή ιδρύθηκε, σύμφωνα με τους ανασκαφείς, Χαράλαμπο
Μπακιρτζή και Κώστα Τσουρή, στο τέλος του 13ου αιώνα και εγκαταλείφθηκε προς το τέλος της
υστεροβυζαντινής περιόδου ή στις αρχές της οθωμανικής κυριαρχίας. Τα γλυπτά που απαρτίζουν
το τέμπλο του Πραγγιού έχουν έως τώρα χρονολογηθεί από τον 11ο έως και τις αρχές του 13ου
αιώνα. Η τοποθέτησή τους στο τέλος του 11ου ή στις αρχές του 12ου αιώνα θα ήταν, κατά την
άποψή μου, περισσότερο ακριβής, καθώς σε αυτήν οδηγούν τα διακοσμητικά τους θέματα και η
κατεργασία τους.
Keywords: Byzantine Thrace, byzantine architectural sculpture, marble altarscreen, byzantine

sculpture decorative patterns, byzantine workshops.
The village of Prangi* lies close to the Evros river and the called Panokklesi or Gnematoudia (Fig. 12.1).1 It included
Greek-Turkish border, half way between Didymoteichon the katholikon, a vaulted single-nave church, as well as
and Pythion (map 1). Some thirty years ago a Byzantine two small single-nave chapels. A paved court bordered
monastery was excavated south of the village, at the site with panels extended to the west of the katholikon, while
the monastery was protected overall by a stone-made
precinct. According to the excavators, Charalampos
*
I would like to thank Mr Ioannes Kanonides, (then) Head of the (former)
15th Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities for granting me permission to
study and publish the altar-screen. Thanks are also due to members of Bakirtzis 1978, 327 ff;Bakirtzis 1994, 204, 205, 207; Dautermann-
1
staff of the Ephorate, at the Didymoteichon Museum, for their valuable Maguire 1997, 38–39, n. 4; Dennert 1997, 107, n. 219, pl. 39; Ousterhout–
help during my research there. Bakirtzis 2007, 154ff; Kontogiannopoulou 2014, n. 1–8, pl. 1.
147
Figure 12.1. Prangi, Monastery ground plan.
Bakirtzis and Kostas Tsouris, the monastery was founded

in the late 13th century and was abandoned towards the
end of the Late Byzantine period or in the early years of
the Ottoman period. This dating was exclusively based on
excavation evidence since no written sources, concerning
the monastery, have survived.
The katholikon was decorated with architectural sculptures,

such as cornices, door frames and window sashes.2 It was
also adorned with liturgical furniture, as the remaining
parts of the marble altar-screen indicate.3
The stylobate4 (Fig.12.1) is relatively well preserved.5

On its upper surface traces of mortises are visible;
vertical supports would have fitted into them. Two of the
supports are preserved almost complete (Figs. 12.2a and
(a) (b)
15.2b);6 they are small rectangular-sectioned pillars with
similarly-shaped jambs. A part of an integrated octagonal Figure 12.2a-b. Pillars with integrated colonettes.
colonette remains on one of these pillars. A fragment
from a third pillar also survives, but without a jamb.
reconstructed today, (Figs. 12.5a and 12.5b), completed
Two impost capitals (Figs. 12.3a and 12.3b) with a flat
the altar-screen.9
abacus and octagonal gorgerin also belong to the altar-
screen.7 The architrave (Fig. 12.4) was articulated, like the
Only the stylobate remains in situ. The closure slabs are
stylobate; it is reconstructed from several fragments but is
exhibited at the Archaeological Museum of Didymoteichon,
missing its extremities.8 Its profile is composite, bevelled
while the other remaining parts of the altar-screen are kept
with mouldings. Two rectangular closure slabs, partly
in the Museum stores. The members of the altar-screen
were briefly mentioned in the excavation reports,10 whilst
2
Bakirtzis 1994, 207, for a photograph of a carved stone cornice fragment
from the architectural decoration of the church. See also, Ousterhout–
one of the capitals was included in the exhibition The
Bakirtzis 2007, 158, for a photograph of glass window sash fragments. Glory of Byzantium and was also discussed by Martin
3
Bakirtzis 1978, 327–239, drawing on p. 328, pls 157α–δ, 158α; Dennert in his study of the Middle Byzantine capitals.11
Ousterhout–Bakirtzis 2007, 155 and figure on the same page, 157
and figure on the same page; Dautermann-Maguire 1997, 38–39, n. 4.
Dennert 1997, 107, n. 219, pl. 39. The reconstruction of the Prangi altar-screen’s original
4
For all the English terms used here in relation to the Byzantine altar form is facilitated by the survival of the stylobate in situ
screen, see Κalopissi-Verti, Panayotidi-Kesisoglou 2010, 320 figure 625.
5
Bakirtzis 1978, 327–239, drawing on p. 328, pl. 157α; Ousterhout–
across the opening of the sanctuary apse. The mortises
Bakirtzis 2007, 155 and figure on the same page. denote two door openings, one at the centre, corresponding
6
Bakirtzis 1978, 239, drawing on p. 328. to the sanctuary door and another to the north for the
7
For one of the capitals, see Bakirtzis 1978, 329, pl. 158α; Bakirtzis
1994, 205; Dautermann-Maguire 1997, 38–39, n. 4; Dennert 1997, 107,
n. 219, pl. 39; Ousterhout–Bakirtzis 2007, 157 and figure on the same
page, lower left. The second capital is unpublished. 9
Bakirtzis 1978, 329, pl. 157β;Ousterhout–Bakirtzis 2007, 157 and
8
Bakirtzis 1978, 329, pl. 158β; Bakirtzis 1994, 204; Ousterhout–Bakirtzis figure on the same page, upper left. Bakirtzis 1978, 329, pl. 157γ;
2007, 157 and figure on the same page, lower left. Its material has not Ousterhout–Bakirtzis 2007, 157 and figure on the same page, upper right.
been identified, therefore conclusions with regards to its provenance 10
See note 3.
cannot be drawn. 11
See note 7.
148
Observations On the Altar-Screen of the Late Byzantine Church at Prangi, Thrace
(a)
(a)
(b)
Figure 12.3a-b. Capitals.
Figure 12.4. Architrave.
prothesis door. The lower intercolumnar spaces north of the

sanctuary door and north of the prothesis door would have
been screened with closure slabs. So far, the altar-screen’s
appearance is typical.12 However, the stylobate does not
survive south of the sanctuary door and this confuses the
issue. Although this part of the altar-screen would have (b)
been expected to be symmetrical to the one north of the
Figure 12.5a-b. Panels.
sanctuary door,13 the general asymmetry of the church’s

12
For general issues concerning Middle Byzantine altar-screens, see interior, exacerbated by the bulky buttresses, results in a
Bréhier 1940, 48–56; Lasareff 1964–1965, 117–143. Delvoye 1966, 922
ff; Chatzidakis 1973, columns 326–353; Chatzidakis 1976, 333–366;
narrower southern half and precludes such a solution. It
Grabar 1976, 28 ff; Epstein 1981, 1–28; Walter 1993, 203–228; Walter is most probable that the southern part of the altar-screen
1993, 251–267; Spieser 1999, 131–164; Ćurčić 2000, 134–142; Lidov included only two intercolumnar spaces with two closure
2000, 713–717; Bouras – Boura 2002, 446 ff. and 526 ff. Gerstel 2006,
135–161; Kalopissi-Verti 2006, 107–132; Vanderheyde 2007, 77–98,
fig. 1–29. For the inscriptions on Middle Byzantine altar-screens, mainly
on the architraves, see Pallis 2013, 761–810; Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 13
Openings in front of parabemata in all Middle Byzantine altar-screens
150ff, with a typology of the Middle Byzantine templa in northern and are of a similar configuration, including those in single-nave churches.
central Greece (Thessaly), Melvani 2015, 305ff, with a brief presentation For example, the altar-screens of Mount Papikion, near Prangi, as in the
of the Middle Byzantine marble altar-screens of the monasteries on case of the excavated monastery katholikon in the Kerasia village, near
Mount Athos. Kontogiannopoulou 2016, 880. Komotini, see Zekos 1989, figs 2, 3; Zekos 1998, 752.
149
associated holes or fittings. Similarly, no traces of fittings

for hangings could be seen. Nevertheless, it is possible that
some of the features mentioned above were fitted onto the
altar-screen using alternative methods, probably with the
use of mortar.16
One of the dating criteria used by the excavators for the

katholikon was the style of sculpture, which they attributed
to the 13th century.17 This dating begs for revision, at least
with regard to the altar-screen.
The vertical supports are quite similar to the ones on the

altar-screen in the Rabdouchos Cell on Mount Athos,
dating to the 11th century.18 The pillars are decorated on
their front with a geometric ornament, very popular in
the Early Christian period, but in this case simplified and
executed in low relief, almost incised.19 This decorative
Figure 12.6. Stylobate reconstruction. pattern is frequently encountered in Middle Byzantine
sculpture, especially on pillars and sanctuary jambs, for
slabs and a single pillar between them (Figs. 12.6 and example at the katholikon of the Vatopedi Monastery20 and
12.7), but lacked any door opening for the diakonicon.14 at the two churches of the Hosios Loukas Monastery.21
The two pillars with jambs correspond exactly to the The two capitals are similar in shape and decoration. On
prothesis opening. The third pillar, without any jamb, must each side two large acanthus leaves culminate into a trefoil,
have been part of the southern section of the altar-screen. while below emanate small acanthus-like palmettes. The
The two capitals, with gorgerins slightly wider than the low relief matches the carving technique of the veins of the
surviving colonette, must have fitted on top of the supports acanthus leaves. Decoration is dense, well-designed and
framing the sanctuary gate; these supports do not survive skilfully executed. In shape and decoration, these capitals
but could have been similar to the existing ones. The resemble late 11th to early 12th-centuries Constantinopolitan
narrowest closure slab fits the northernmost intercolumnar examples, as the one in Koça Mustafa Paşa Camii22
space of the altar-screen, whereas the other slab must have (Fig. 12. 8) and another reused in the 14th-century chapel
fitted into the southern section. Two methods have been of the Pammakaristos Monastery.23 The very high quality of
used in joining the Prangi altar-screen parts: mortises the Prangi capitals makes plausible their attribution to a late
carved into the stylobate and the architrave for fitting 11th–early 12th centuries Constantinopolitan workshop.
vertical supports and mortar for securing slabs.
The architrave’s upper register features the well-known
The proposed reconstruction results in the type of motif of alternating acanthus-like palmettes and lotus
colonnade altar-screen or portico,15 equal to the inner flowers, whereas the lower register is decorated with a
width of the church and reaching a height of 2.90 m. It composite interlace. Carving is both dense and carefully
was mainly decorated on the side facing the congregation executed, similar to the capitals, although drilling is
and was furnished with iconostasis doors, at least on the used more on the architrave. Such motifs are frequently
prothesis opening as can be concluded by the presence encountered in Byzantine sculpture.24 Similar vegetal
of mortises on the pillar sides. The Prangi altar-screen decoration appears on a late 11th-century capital at the
does not seem to have included epistyle or despotic icons chapel of the Pammakaristos Monastery25 and on the 12th-
or lamps, as the largely surviving architrave lacks any century proskynetarion in the Church of the Theotokos at
14
Byzantine church architectural design after the Iconoclasm normally 16
For liturgical furniture of marble Byzantine altar-screens in northern
included two identical or almost identical areas on both sides of the and central Greece, see Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 150ff.
horizontal axis of the church, one for prothesis and the other for 17
See note 3.
diakonicon. From the 12th century, though, and especially from the 18
Pazaras 2006, 135–146.
13th century onwards a tendency for less symmetry is observed and 19
For similarly-decorated Early Christian architectural members,
a downgrading or even a deformation of the diakonicon can be seen, especially pillars, and for the origins of this ornament see Orlandos 1954,
mainly in small churches. Thus, in some churches, such as Saints 515, figures 473, 474, 479.2–6 and 481, with examples.
Anargyroi at Kastoria, the basilica of Servia, and the Dormition of 20
Pazaras 2001, 36, fig. 30. For the Middle Byzantine altar-screens on
Theotokos at Kalambaka, a solid wall was erected between sanctuary and Mount Athos, see recently Melvani 2015, 305 ff.
the diakonicon. In these cases there are no traces of a diakonicon screen. 21
Stikas 1970, fig. 122, pl. 179. See also Boura 1980, fig. 135.
That probably occurred as a result of the fact that the Little Entrance 22
Dennert 1997, 105ff, n. 216, pl. 39.
procession had already lost its importance, see further Bouras – Boura 23
Dennert 1997, 118ff, n. 251, pl. 45.
2002, 359. Also Κarayianni – Mamaloukos, 95 ff. 24
The door frame of the lite in the Church of the Theotokos in Hosios
15
For the form of the Middle Byzantine altar-screen, see footnote 12. Loukas is a superb example, see Boura 1980, 110, fig. 181 and 64 ff. with
For a typology of the Middle Byzantine altar-screens in northern and more examples. For the origin of the ornament, see Soteriou 1924, 21.
central Greece (Thessaly), see Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 150ff. Also, Also Boura 1975–1976, 241; Pazaras 1988, 101;Diamantis 1992, 252.
Kontogiannopoulou 2016, 880. 25
Dennert 1997, 118ff, n. 251, pl. 45.
150
Figure 12.7. Altar-screen reconstruction.
David, a cruciform interlace and a Solomon’s knot.32 Ivy

leaves and palmettes fill in the spaces between geometric
ornaments.
Comparable slabs were widely used in Byzantine

altar-screens during the late 10th and, mostly, the 11th
centuries.33 Similarly-decorated panels appear at the
dibela of the katholikon of Vatopedi Monastery, at Saint
Sophia in Kiev, at the Protaton and at the Rabdouchos
Cell. Furthermore, a capital from Serçicler in Asia Minor
shares similarities with the slabs of Prangi, including the
cruciform interlaces.34
Figure 12.8. Constantinople. Κoça Μustafa Paşa Camii.
Capital.
The two rectangular frames in the second slab enclose a
Latin cross with knots, formed of an interlace and another
Hosios Loukas.26 The lower register interlace was often cross conjoined with a rectangle and similarly ending in
used in late 11th and early 12th-centuries sculpture, as knots.35 Rectangular frames appear frequently on 11th and
on some capitals from Asia Minor,27 on the well-known 12th-centuries panels and enclose single ornaments as well
Torcello slabs28 and on two slabs in the Hosios Loukas as complex decorative arrangements.36 Similar geometric
Monastery.29 The architrave seems to be contemporary crosses appear on an 11th-century capital from Κuşadasi
with these works and its superb craftsmanship also betrays (New Ephesus) in Asia Minor37 and on panels of the phiale
a Constantinopolitan workshop. at Grand Lavra Monastery (Fig. 12.9).38 Cross-shaped
interlaces adorn late 10th-early 12th-centuries sculptures
The two slabs are closely associated in both decoration and at Hagia Irene in Constantinople,39 at Saint Nicholas
technique. The first is decorated with the pentaomphalon
or ‘five loaf’ ornament, featuring a central lozenge and four
interlacing circles.30 The lozenge encloses a lemniskos31 32
About the Star of David and the Solomon’s knot in Byzantine art, see
weave, whereas the circles surround a rosette, a Star of Meinardus 1975–1976, 96 ff., with numerous examples.
33
For example on the phiale at Grand Lavra Monastery, see Grabar 1976,
68–69, n. 62, pl. XXXIX, and on the altar-screen and windows of the
Hosios Loukas katholikon, see Grabar 1976, 50ff, n. 44, pl. XXIa.
26
Bouras – Boura 2002, 218, fig. 244. 34
For the Vatopedi panels, see Pazaras 2001, 25ff, drawings 7β, 8β and
27
Dennert 1997, 68ff, n. 147, 149 and 154, pls 26, 27 and 28 respectively. 9β, figs 9, 11, 17, 19, 21 and 23. For sculptures at Saint Sophia in Kiev,
28
Grabar 1976, 115–116, nos 112, 113, pl. XCI. See also Polacco 1976, see Grabar 1976, 83ff, n. 76, pl. LIXb–c. For the Protaton altar-screen
138ff, nos 85–86. and its date, see recently in Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 294ff, nos 144–
29
Boura 1980, 98ff, figs 163, 164. 184, pls 21–22. For the Rabdouchos Cell, see Pazaras 2006, 374, fig. 5.
30
The term appears in documents, see Miclosich-Müller, 1860–1890, 3, For the Serçicler capital, see Grabar 1976, 43, n. 13, pl. ΙΧd.
56. The ornament that probably has its roots in woodwork (Pallas 1950, 35
For the Latin cross in Byzantine sculpture, see Sheppard 1969, Marble
233–249, with examples of early Christian marble panels) can be seen Slabs, 66, footnote 11; Boura 1980, 48, figs 49–50. Also, Pazaras 1988,
in several 5th-century sculptures and mosaic floors (Boura 1980, 90–91, 117.
Dimitrakopoulou – Skyloyianni 1985–1986 157 ff, and Κavvadia – 36
Eleventh-century examples include a panel in Hosios Loukas at
Spondyli 1989–1990, 200, footnote 1). The pentaomphalon became very Aliveri, Euboea, see Grabar 1976, 60–61, n. 45, pl. ΧΧΙΧa. Twelfth-
popular in Byzantine sculpture, mostly on panels, such as the ones at the century examples include the altar-screen panels of the Hosios Meletios
choirs of the katholikon of the Vatopedi Monastery, see Pazaras 2001, Monastery katholikon in Megara, Attica, see Grabar 1976, 102–103, n.
25 ff., drawings 7β, 8β, 9β, fig. 9, 11, 17, 19, 21, 23. See also Bouras – 85, pl. LXXIVc,d and Saint Panteleimon at Nerezi, Former Yugoslav
Boura 2002, 558, for more examples. It was also widespread among the Republic of Macedonia, see Sinkević 2000, fig. XXXIV.
epistyles, such as the one at the Vatopedi katholikon, see Pazaras 2001, 37
Dennert 1997, 87, n. 184, pl. 33.
28, fig. 3, 4. Also, Boura 1975–1976, 240; Boura 1980, 90–91. 38
Boura, 1975–1976, pl. 48, 47b, 48b. See also, Kontogiannopoulou
31
Meinardus 1975–1976, 97 ff.; Bouras – Boura, 557, footnotes 244, 245 2014, nos 209–210, pl. 26ε.
with the bibliography. 39
Grabar 1976, 39, n. 6, pl XVIe.
151
Figure 12.9. Mount Athos. Monastery of Megisti Laura.

Phiale. Panels.
in Bari40 and at the Church of the Theotokos in Hosios

Loukas.41 Almost identical crosses appear on two sculpted
members, near Larissa, Thessaly, both of a late 11th-early
12th-centuries dating, a capital from the katholikon of an
excavated Byzantine monastery in Metsiares at Kokkino
Nero42, (Fig. 12.10) and a now-missing panel from the
Monastery of Saint Demetrios at Stomion.43
The range and execution of these decorative ornaments,

with compartments incorporating geometric or vegetal Figure 12.10. Kokkino Nero near Larissa. Metsiares.
Katholikon of an excavated Byzantine monastery. Capital.
patterns or crosses enriched with various supplementary
motifs, correlates the two Prangi closure slabs with each
other and with other works of 11th-century sculpture.44 as well and were probably made by a workshop active in
Similar to the previously-discussed capitals and architrave, the wider area. All the Prangi sculptures date between the
the low relief decoration combines the carving technique late 11th and the early 12th centuries45 and were probably
with drilling; however, ornamentation on both slabs lacks gathered in the late 13th century from various unidentified
assuredness in execution and appears somewhat clumsy. churches and assembled into the Prangi altar-screen.46
They were carved by an inadequately-skilled workshop By combining superior and more naïve sculptures of an
which was, however, aware of the latest developments in earlier date, a liturgical structure was created, reflecting
taste. 13th-century preoccupations. This is the only possible
explanation for the asymmetrical layout of the altar-screen,
The vertical supports and capitals of the altar-screen in which would have been unthinkable in earlier centuries.47
Prangi were probably a product of the same workshop and
were destined for the same project. They share the same Altar-screens assembled from mismatched materials or
material, a white marble of good quality, which reminds spolia were not unheard of in Byzantium, especially
one of Proconnesian, and are similar in manufacture. The
architrave is a high quality work, too, but I am uncertain
as to whether it could be attributed to the workshop 45
Middle Byzantine Didymoteichon became a wealthy commercial and
cultural centre thanks to its geographic position near Constantinople,
which executed the vertical supports and the capitals. particularly in 12th century when its bishopric was upgraded to an
Furthermore, it has been carved out of local stone. It is autocephalous archbishopric, see Κοgiannopoulou 2015A, 110 ff.
most probable that it was made in situ by an itinerant group Also, Κοgiannopoulou 2017, 28–29. For Byzantine Thrace in general,
see also Papoulia, Μeraklis, Symeonidis, Κοrres, Chatzopoulos,
from Constantinople. Finally, the panels can be associated Chidiroglou 1994, 151–210. For the architectural production in Middle
with each other, but are both of inferior quality in relation Byzantine Thrace, including Didymoteichon, its connections with
to the other reliefs. They are of local Didymoteichon stone the art of Constantinople and the existence of local workshop, see
Ousterhout 2011, 489 ff. For Middle Byzantine sculpture in Thrace
related to Constantinople, see Orlandos 1933, 20 ff, Sinos 1985, passim,
Zekos 1989, 677–693, Ousterhout – Bakirtzis 2007, passim. Also,
40
Grabar 1976, pl LIVb. Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 363.
41
Boura 1980, figs 49, 50. 46
In the reign of Andronikos II Paleologos, Didymoteichon became a
42
Kontogiannopoulou 2015. metropolis, see Κοgiannopoulou 2015A, 110 ff. Also, Κοgiannopoulou
43
Soteriou 1928, 366, fig. 16 on p. 365. See also Sythiakaki 1999, 433– 2017, 28–29.
434; Sythiakaki-Kritsimalli 2010, 139–140. 47
For the Middle Byzantine altar-screen form, especially those of the
44
For a systematic analysis of defining features of 11th and 12th-centuries northern and central Greece, see recently Kontogiannopoulou 2014,
sculptures, see Grabar 1976, ff and Sodini 2008, 7 ff. 113ff.
152
in Constantinople, even in periods of plenty when Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας, περ. Δ΄, τ. Η΄(1975–1976),
such works radiated luxury,48 while at the same time 85–96.
reﬂected a scarcity of materials. Those altar-screens,
Boura 1980: Μπούρα, Λασκαρίνα, Ο γλυπτός διάκοσμος
however, expressed a concern to enhance not only the
του ναού της Παναγίας στο μοναστήρι του Οσίου Λουκά,
beauty of a monument but also its dignity, by rooting it
Athens 1980.
in the glorious past.49 The practice continued in the Late
Byzantine period, when newly quarried marble or stone Bouras – Boura 2002: Μπούρας, Χαράλαμπος– Μπούρα,
was rare.50 So, at the end of the 13th century the marble Λασκαρίνα, Η ελλαδική ναοδομία κατά το 12ο αι.,
altar-screen of the Taxiarches church in Drama, eastern Athens 2002.
Macedonia was built from collected Middle Byzantine Bréhier 1940: Bréhier, Louis, ‘Anciennes clôtures de
elements.51 choeur antérieures aux iconostases dans les monastères
de l’ Athos’, Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di
Despite the poor economic state of Late Byzantium, in the Studi Bizantini (Roma 20–26 Settembre 1936), Roma
first years of the reign of Andronikos II Paleologos (1282– 1940, 48–56.
1328), thanks to the stable political context, Didymoteichon
and its surrounding area became one of the most wealthy Buchwald 1985: Buchwald, Ηans, ‘Chancel Barrier
territories in the Southern Balkans, mostly thanks to Lintels Decorated with Carved Arcades’, Jahrbuch der
agricultural production that was improved then.52 So, the Österreichischen Byzantinistik 45 (1995), 233–276.
spoliation of older, motley materials into an altar-screen Chatzidakis 1973: Chatzidakis, Manolis, ‘Ιkonostas’,
reflects the economic and social realities of the late 13th in K. Wessel–M. Restle (eds.), Reallexikon zur
century in Constantinople and its hinterland. Gathering the byzantinischen Kunst, Stuttgard 1973, columns
various sculptures of different dates and matching them 326–353.
up to build the Prangi altar-screen reflects the enthusiasm
of the unknown patron of the Prangi monastery, a citizen, Chatzidakis 1976: Chatzidakis, Manolis, ‘L’ évolution
perhaps, of Byzantine Didymoteichon, who might have de l’ icone aux 11e–13e siècle et la tranformation
pursued through this initiative his own social recognition du templon’, XVe Congrés International d’ études
and advancement.53 Thus, the Prangi altar-screen byzantines, III, Art et Archéologie, Athens 1976,
exemplifies the ways in which current circumstances 333–366.
consume, mediate and transform the past into what is Ćurčić 2000: Ćurčić, Slobodan, ‘Proskynetaria Icons,
bequeathed to the future. Saints’ Tombs and the Development of the Iconostasis’,
The Iconostasis, Origins-Evolution-Symbolism,
Literature Moscow 2000, 134–142.
Bakirtzis 1978: Μπακιρτζής, Χαράλαμπος, «Πραγγί. Ν. Dadaki 1998: Δαδάκη, Σταυρούλα, ‘Αναστήλωση του
Έβρου. Βυζαντινά, μεσαιωνικά και νεότερα μνημεία τέμπλου στο ναό Ταξιαρχών Δράμας’, Η Δράμα και
ανατολικής Μακεδονίας και Θράκης», Ἀρχαιολογικὸν η περιοχή της. Ιστορία και Πολιτισμός, Πρακτικά Β΄
Δελτίον 33 (1978), Β΄ 2, Χρονικά, 327–329, pls Επιστημονικής Συνάντησης, Δράμα 18–22 Μαΐου 1994,
157–158. Drama 1998, 287–293.
Bakirtzis 1994: Μπακιρτζής, Χαράλαμπος, «Βυζαντινή Dautermann-Maguire 1997: Dautermann-Maguire,
Θράκη (330–1453)», Θράκη, Athens 1994, 151–209. Εunice, ‘Fragment of a Colonnette Capital,’ in Helen
Evans (ed.), The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture
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Delvoye 1966: Delvoye, Charles, ‘Cancelli’, Reallexikon
zur byzantinischen Kunst I, Stuttgard 1966, 922 f.f.
48
Such screens are known to have existed in Constantinople since the
Early Christian period, with the Hagia Sophia screen being the supreme Dennert 1997: Dennert, Μartin, Mittelbyzantinische
example; for its description by Paul the Silentiary, see Fayant and Chuvin Kapitelle, Asia Minor Studien 25, Bonn 1997.
(eds) 1997, 104–107 (lines 673–719). Sources mention such altar-screens
in Middle Byzantine churches as well: Christ the Saviour, New Church, Diamantis 1992: Διαμαντή, Καλλιόπη, ‘Βυζαντινά γλυπτά
Virgin of the Pharos, Christ Panoiktirmon by Michael Attaleiates and the σε εκκλησίες του Νέου Μυστρά’, Λακωνικαί Σπουδαί
Pantokrator Monastery. See Chatzidakis 1973, lines 331–332; Grabar
1963, 107;Epstein 1981, 6ff. Such altar-screens have not survived since ΙΑ΄ (1992), 240–273.
they were stripped of their precious materials either in trying times or
during pillaging events. See also Sodini 2002, 129 ff. Dimitrakopoulou-Skyloyianni 1985–1986:
49
Sodini 2002, 145. Δημητρακοπούλου-Σκυλογιάννη, Νικολέττα,
50
Sodini 2002, 142. ‘Ανάγλυφα θωράκια από το Βυζαντινο Μουσείο’,
51
Pennas 1973–1974, 850–853, draw. 8 on p. 852, pl. 638, 639. Also,
Pennas 1975, 308–309, pl. 210 α–δ; Pennas 1992, 157–195; Dadaki 1998, Δελτίον τῆς Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας,
287–293; Pazaras 2002, 480, footnote 113. For a date to the late 11th and περ. Δ΄, τ. ΙΓ΄ (1985–1986), 157–172.
the early 12th centuries, see Kontogiannopoulou 2014, 313–314.
52
For the architecture of Byzantine Thrace, see Ousterhout 2011, 489 ff. Epstein 1981: Epstein, Ann Wharton, ‘The Middle
53
Kontogiannopoulou 2004, 52–53. Byzantine Sanctuary Barrier: Templon or Iconostasis’,
153
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13
Τhe Plough in the Byzantine Material Culture compared to its

Western medieval counterpart
Sophia Germanidou
Abstract: The plough was a seminal invention that transformed human history and formed an
integral part of the technological, economic and societal changes in the medieval world. An
interdisciplinary and cross-cultural approach to the archaeology, textual documentation and
iconography of the implement is the subject-matter of the present study, further debating on
the two different mechanic types that Byzantines and the Latins were using.
Η έρευνα του μεσαιωνικού αγροτικού εργαλειακού εξοπλισμού παραμένει ακόμη σε πρώιμο

στάδιο. Το «συμμετρικό ή ελαφρύ» άροτρο, η αρχαιότερη και βασικότερη «μηχανή»
οργώματος και συνεπώς, εξασφάλισης καλλιεργήσιμης γης, δεν έχει ακόμη αποτελέσει πεδίο
αυτόνομης μελέτης, παρά τις πληροφορίες που μπορούν να αποδώσουν γραπτές, εικαστικές,
ανασκαφικές, εθνογραφικές και γλωσσολογικές μαρτυρίες. Στο παρόν άρθρο επιχειρείται
μια στοιχειώδης προσέγγιση των σχετικών πηγών βυζαντινής εποχής, προκειμένου να
διαφωτιστεί η λειτουργία, τα κατασκευαστικά μέρη, ο τρόπος και ο τόπος όπου λάμβανε χώρα
αυτή η κομβική γεωργική δραστηριότητα. Αναφέρονται επιγραμματικά οι πολύ ενδεικτικές
μικρογραφίες χειρογράφων (Οκτάτευχοι, Μηναία, Ομιλίες Γρηγορίου Ναζιανζηνού, Κυνηγετικά,
Έργα και Ημέρες Ησιόδου κτλ.) και τοιχογραφίες (η τιμωρία του παραυλακιστή στη Δευτέρα
Παρουσία) όπου απεικονίζεται το άροτρο. Σε τυπικά, διαθήκες και αρχεία επισημαίνεται
ότι το άροτρο, ειδικά τμήματά του, όπως το υνί, έχουν ενισχυθεί με σίδηρο, και γι' αυτό
αποτελούν αντικείμενα αξίας. Πολύ σπάνια είναι τα ανασκαφικά ευρήματα, συνήθως τμήματα
σιδερένιων υνιών από χώρες των Βαλκανίων.
Ενδιαφέροντα στοιχεία προκύπτουν από τη σύγκριση με το «ασύμμετρο ή βαρύ» άροτρο

που χρησιμοποιήθηκε στη Δύση, τύπος διαφορετικός από αυτόν που εφαρμόστηκε καθολικά
σχεδόν στο Βυζάντιο. Τρεις ήταν οι επαναστατικές προσθήκες στην κατασκευή του, οι οποίες
και επέφεραν εντυπωσιακά αποτελέσματα στη γεωργική παραγωγή της μεσαιωνικής Ευρώπης:
μία κάθετη λεπίδα (coulter) που έκοβε κάθετα το χώμα, μία ξύλινη σανίδα στα πλάγια του
μηχανήματος (mouldboard), που ανακάτευε το χώμα και απομάκρυνε τα χόρτα και οι τροχοί
(wheels) που επέτρεψαν ευκολότερη μετακίνησή του. Η αλλαγή της μορφής του κλασικού
αρότρου έχει αποτελέσει μεγάλο ζήτημα έρευνας στη δυτική βιβλιογραφία, καταλήγοντας στις
εξής διαπιστώσεις: α) δεν υφίσταται η αγγλο-σαξονική ή σλαβική καταγωγή του β) οι Ρωμαίοι
σίγουρα είχαν χρησιμοποιήσει προοδευτικές κατασκευές άροσης αλλά όχι την ολοκληρωμένη
μεσαιωνική μορφή που γνωρίζουμε μέσα από πλούσιο εικονογραφικό και ανασκαφικό υλικό
γ) η χρήση του πρωτοποριακού δυτικού αρότρου πρέπει να διαδόθηκε κατά τον 10ο αιώνα.
Το βασικό ερώτημα, που αποτελεί και την αφορμή της σύντομης μελέτης, είναι εάν οι
Βυζαντινοί γνώριζαν ή καλύτερα, γιατί δεν χρησιμοποίησαν τον δυτικό τύπο αρότρου. Οι
κλιματικοί και γεωμορφολογικοί λόγοι που έχουν ήδη προταθεί, θεωρούμε ότι δεν αρκούν για
να τεκμηριώσουν την απουσία του στα εδάφη του ελλαδικού χώρου και της Μικράς Ασίας.
Αντιθέτως, πιθανόν πιο περίπλοκοι πολιτισμικοί, κοινωνικοί, πολιτικοί και οικονομικοί
λόγοι να συντέλεσαν στην απόρριψή του –χωρίς ωστόσο να θεωρείται δεδομένη η έλλειψη
καινοτομίας ή τεχνολογικής προόδου εκ μέρους των Βυζαντινών. Ο David Jacoby είχε
επισημάνει ότι η χρήση του ασύμμετρου αρότρου θα είχε επεκταθεί στα λατινοκρατούμενα
εδάφη δυτικά της Πελοποννήσου, προσφέροντας έτσι μια ώθηση στην εκ νέου προσέγγιση
του ζητήματος, αν και δεν παρέχονται αρκετές ενδείξεις για να ενισχυθεί αυτή η υπόθεση.
Καταλήγοντας, γίνεται λόγος για την ανάγκη διεπιστημονικής προσέγγισης όχι μόνο του εν
λόγω θέματος αλλά γενικότερα του υλικού πολιτισμού του Βυζαντινού αγρότη σε αντιδιαστολή
με τον αμεσότερο Λατίνο ανταγωνιστή του. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο θα διαφωτιστούν πτυχές
της μεσαιωνικής κοινωνίας και να επαναπροσδιοριστούν εικονογραφικές ιδιαιτερότητες και
ευρήματα της τέχνης και της αρχαιολογίας.
157
Sophia Germanidou
Keywords: plough, material culture, medieval technology, iconography, light-archaic-

symmetrical (Byzantine) type, heavy-pioneering-asymmetrical type (Western).
The plough (British English) or plow (American English) ‘Byzantine’ plough and the medieval, heavy, asymmetrical
was a seminal invention that transformed human history ‘western’ plough (Fig. 13.1a,b). The symmetrical type,
and formed an integral part of the technological, economic the sole-ard or scratch type, is as old as agriculture itself,
and societal changes in the medieval world without, originating from prehistoric Middle-East kingdoms, and
however, it having received any particular scholarly marking the passing of the nomadic food-gathering and
attention. An interdisciplinary approach1 to the archaeology hunting societies to the establishment of settled life. It
of the implement was hindered by the fragmentary or was well-adjusted to the Mediterranean semi-arid soil and
scarce excavated finds, the disputed or underestimated climate, with its hot, dry summer and wet winter, because
iconography, the scattered or recondite textual references, it helped retain surface moisture, but it was unsuitable for
and the disregarded or circumstantial ethnographic and the heavy, and so resistant, soils of northern Europe.
linguistic parallels. The purpose of the present essay is
to provide, in brief, a rudimentary survey of the plough’s Early depictions of the light, symmetrical plough are
mechanism, typology and of the repercussions of its use found in mosaic pavements from Cherchell, Algeria (3rd
initially and mainly in the Byzantine world, but also in a century)4 and Argos (second half of the 6th century).5 A
restricted comparison on a cross-cultural basis with what is number of mid-Byzantine representations are found in
conventionally termed the ‘West’ during the Middle Ages. manuscript miniatures,6 especially in the Octateuchs, the
Book of Job, where it is erroneously or very schematic
The function of the plough is the tilling of the earth in represented, the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus,
preparation for sowing. It cuts the soil into furrows and the Cynegetics, the Typika and Menea (The Labours of
at the same time, it crumbles and aerates it, destroys the the Months,),the unique portrayal of the sumptuously
weeds, helps moisture to the surface, and eventually dressed female personification of Earth with an ard
increases the fertility of fallow lands, expands cultivated on her head in Bari Exultet I7 and the attribution of a
fields and increases labour productivity. More than mythological allegory in a marble capital of the church of
a tool or an implement, we prefer to classify it as an Transfiguration of Christ in Nomitsi, the Messinian Mani
archaic ‘machine’, the archetype of ‘proto-industrialism’, (Fig. 13.2).8 The invariable character of the ploughing
considering it as the first application of a power not purely scenes in the Byzantine iconography is striking in the case
reliant on human muscle in the agricultural landscape. of the setting, but distinguished in the details of the plough
It was adopted whenever it met specific prerequisites:2 type, the garments of the farmer and the surrounding
availability of large, domesticated animals to pull the landscape. The plough depiction varies from an abstract
plough, sufficient population density, appropriate ecology and generalized outline, almost sketch-like representations
and topology of the land, advanced metal provision which to close-to-realism versions. Technically improved models
made otherwise wooden tools harder, more effective and are also highlighted, such as the ploughshares that are
longer-lasting; and, above all, the presence of a primary manufactured from a single piece of iron and not attached
standardized and semi-commercialized peasant economy, by a separate ‘ring’ to a wooden core.9 The ploughman’s
based on relatively solid social relations and stable ‘work-uniform’ includes a mantle with long sleeves, a cap,
political circumstances. Last but not least, populations that and skin-tight leggings. There is a principal concern for
could consume the extra plough-produced crops, such as depicting the place where the plough was worked, outside
wheat, barley, rye, was the key-factor of its enduring use, the city walls or in the open, in the fields. Nonetheless,
a feature archetypically portrayed in the Genesis narration in artistic terms, the Byzantines remained conformists and
and in the depictions on Adam and Eve becoming farmers didn’ t adopt the agricultural innovation in their painting.
(Gen. 3:20) and Cain as tiller of the ground (Gen. 4:20).3 Maybe it was still considered a ‘novelty’, something
restricted to a regional basis and, as attested in visual
The plough consisted of three essential parts: the beam, to evidence, not favoured.
which a stilt with a handle was attached and to which the
draught animals, usually a pair of oxen, were harnessed, In the illustrated manuscripts of Hesiod’s Works and
and the share, which performed the main action. Besides Days, dated to the Late Byzantine period, diagrams of
the regional variations, we distinguish two basic types,
differentiated in mechanical, geographical, chronological
and cultural terms; the archaic, light, symmetrical
4
Bérard 1935, 113–142.
5
Asimakopoulou-Atzaka – Pelekanidis 1987, 53–65, pl. 20, 21β, 23γ.
6
For a detailed account: Liveri 2000, 276–278; Papadaki-Ökland 2009,
fig. 75, 80, 81 (Job); Spatharakis 2004, 86–87, fig. 52 (Cynegetics).
1
The need for an interdisciplinary approach to the archaeology of 7
Micunco 2011, 91–95 (where the past bibliography).
(agricultural) material culture has been already stressed but not yet 8
Drandakis 2002, 122; Drandakis 1985, 616, 630, fig. 23. Probably a
fulfilled: Mihail 1986, 179–189; Parani 2003, 199–203; Hamilakis – parallel occasion to this myth and consequently, of a similar, even more
Anagnostopoulos 2009, 65–87. For an overview of the ‘archaeology of schematic plough, is to be found on a column capital in the church
the tool’: Murphy – Poblome 2012, 197–217. of Saint Nicholas, in Charia of the Laconian Mani (fig. 13.3). I thank
2
Pryor 1985, 727–743. Angeliki Mexia for assisting me on locating the particular scene.
3
Weitzmann – Bernabò, 2, 1999, fig. 97, 105. 9
See Brokalakis 2014, 354 for detailed description and relevant finds.
158
Τhe Plough in the Byzantine Material Culture compared to its Western medieval counterpart
(a)
(b)
Figure 13.1. Diagram (a) of the light, symmetrical plough used in Byzantium (b) of the heavy, asymmetrical plough used
in the West.
159
Sophia Germanidou
the demon, using the tip of the very realistic sole-ard.12

Judging from the examples in iconography, it is difficult
to place the Byzantine plough portrayed into a definite
typology. There is an underlying diversity for example in
the attribution of the stilt – ranging from totally vertical, to
vertical with a short, straight or slightly bent component,
and most importantly, in the form of the share, which is
even more evident in the excavated finds.
The physical remains of Byzantine ploughs add to our

knowledge, but they are very scarce. Excavations in the
Balkans, such as in Dinogetia in Romania, and again in
Asia Minor, such as in Pergamon, and finally in Greece,
such as in Nemea, Olympia and in Panakton of Boeotia,
have all yielded pieces of iron ards, dated from the Early
Christian period to the 14th century.13 On the other hand,
Figure 13.2. Marble capital, church of Transfiguration of a wide variety of Byzantine textual sources14 refer to the
Christ in Nomitsi, Messinian Mani, second half of plough, which however concentrate on three main aspects
11th century. of its use that are repeated in a stereotypical fashion: a) its
symbolic meaning as a beloved, recurring allegory in the
patristic literature and in the Lives of Saints, b) the repeated
yet significant reference to iron plough-parts, mainly the
tip of the ard, as stressed in wills and monastic inventories,
dated after the mid-12th century and c) the legal disputes
imposed by the violation of the field boundary limits or the
theft of ploughs or shares, as recorded in the legislation,
e.g. The Farmer’s Law.15 Interesting information can be
obtained from Geoponica, the only Byzantine treatise
dedicated to agriculture, compiled however from ancient
sources. We read that the tilling of the earth can be done
with the hoe or that the ard of a plough should be heavy
(made from iron?), pulled by a pair of oxen, or for even
better results, by four.16
In the asymmetrical type, the introduction of three crucial

functional parts17 permitted the sudden expansion of
Figure 13.3. Marble capital, church of Saint Nicholas in cultivation and fertility: an iron coulter, a vertical blade
Charia, Laconian Mani, second half of 11th century. fixed in the front of the ploughshare that cut the soil
vertically, and a wooden mouldboard, which turned the
cut sods aside for a controlled disposal of weed waste,
the plough-components are preserved with their current
while creating a deep furrow allowing for the absorption
terms:10 γύης (beam), ἰστοβοεύς (yoke beam), ἐχέτλη (stilt),
of manure substances and efficient drainage. Thus, a
ἔλυμα (share-beam or just beam), ὑνίς (ploughshare),
more effective, labour-saving, heavy plough, whose
βούκεντρον (goad),the last a wooden accessory for
controlling the yoked animals, wielded in the left hand. 12
Mouriki 1975–1976, 150; Gerstel 2002, 211–216. 213; Gerstel
They reflect, in all probability, the actual model of the 2015, 109, fig. 79. I thank Nikoletta Pyrrou for providing me a
plough, and not a conventional or traditional delineation coloured photograph of the particular scene. For a relevant curse on an
of the artefact. We believe that this is also the case in the architectural member of the 6th century, from Ancient Messene, see:
Bardani 2002(1998), 89–90.
mural painting of the plough.11 The after-death punishment 13
For an account of agricultural implements found in the Balkans and in
of the sinning-farmer who crossed the boundary line of Greece, see in general: Mihail 1986, 179–189; Ostuni 1986, I, 286–288,
the field (παραυλακιστής) is frequently depicted in Late- II, 783–788, 923–924; Parani 2003, 199–201; adding Rheidt 2002, 627
(Pergamon); Volling 2002(1998), 196–207 (Olympia).
Byzantine scenes of the Last Judgment, as a visual warning 14
For a brief overview: Bryer 1986, 67; Harvey 1989, 122–124; Parani
against agricultural crimes. The typical motif includes a 2003, 200–201. For agriculture as a skilled occupation cherished by the
violent prod being administered to the damned figure by monastic elite: Teall 1971, 38.
15
Ashburner 1910, 105; Ashburner 1912, 93. Koder 2020, 76–77.
16
Beckh 1944(1895), 65, Book B (cap. 23), 98 Book C.
17
For a selected bibliography chosen from the numerous studies
dedicated to the plough in medieval Europe: Manning 1954, 58–62;
10
Selected bibliography: Derenzini – Maccagni 1970, 65–93; Kaplan Sawyer –Hilton 1963, 90–100; White 1962, 41–47; White 1967, 51–57;
1992, 48–50; Derenzini 1995, 447–454; Paribeni 1995, 411–434; Liveri Fussell 1966, 177–186; Pryor 1985, 727–743; Henning 1987, 48–57;
2000, 276–278; Bryer 2002, 45–80. Reigniez 2002, 77–87; Fowler 2002, 182–204; Riguax 2005; Andersen
11
See for example the extra-sized plough in Deçani, c. 1340; Popović – –Jensen –Skovsgaard 2013, 1–54. For the farming techniques in the
Marjanović-Dušanić – Popović 2016, 63. medieval West: Astill –Langdon 1997.
160
more progressive models were also wheeled, was used to agricultural tradition, technological conservatism,
in the west and north European lands. There were many lack of innovative motives, though these arguments are
regional and chronological variations in the shape of not really convincing. David Jacoby had put forward
the asymmetrical plough, but the bow-ard was the most an alternative interpretation, proposing the use of the
popular type with a curved, bow-like beam, used at least heavy, asymmetrical plough in the south-west lands of
from the Roman times. The long-lasting arguments about Latin-occupied Greece, such as in Methoni, during the
its Anglo-Saxon, Slav or Germanic origin are by now first half of the 14th century.23 If so, it seems that the
rejected but the issue remains alive.18 Roman authors procedure of transmitting the ‘new’ (better/different)
remarked, in a rather confusing way, on the types current plough model, adapting it to the conquered lands took a
during their period, insinuating possible attempts at a period of time but that it was finally successful. However,
primitive wheeled model.19 Whatever the plough-model not enough evidence is yet gathered to support this
achieved in the Late Roman times, it was certainly of hypothesis.
extreme effectiveness. In a characteristic quotation the
apologist Tertullian commented in his treatise Of the The resolution of this pivotal debate would help elucidate
Soul on the changes brought about in the landscape by the collective psychology and the material culture of the
the inventive interference of humans, so attesting to the Byzantine peasantry; theirs was a massive population,
prosperity that was achieved by the acceleration of the but one which is the least able to express itself in
systematic deforestation for agricultural causes.20 archaeological and historic scholarship, in view of the fact
that agricultural technology was the concern of people
The transition to the heavy plough was gradual, but who read little and wrote even less.
seemed to have been accomplished and widely adopted
with the additions of the coulter, the mouldboard and Primary Literature
the wheels, from the 10th century onwards, resulting in
Ashburner 1910: Ashburner, Walter, ‘The Farmer’s Law’,
an unprecedented growth in productivity. The earliest
Journal of Hellenic Studies 30(1910), 85–108.
depictions point to its breakthrough in the mid-Middle
Ages, presenting distinctive differences when compared Ashburner 1912: Ashburner, Walter, ‘The Farmer’s Law
to the relevant Byzantine scenes: more people participate (Continued)’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 32(1912),
in the act, clothing is heavier and more protective against 68–95.
the harsh weather conditions that prevailed during the
Beckh 1944(1895): Beckh, Henricus, Geoponica sive
ploughing season, though the scenes are not lacking a sense
Cassiani Bassi scholastici de re rustica eclogae,
of humour. Medieval asymmetric-plough components,
Stuttgart 1944 (Lipsiae 1895).
either shares or coulters, were preserved in peat-bogs or
in hoards of ironworks, suggesting, as Florin Curta noted, Waszink 2007: Waszink, Jan Hendrik, Tertullian. De
that they were not being stored exclusively according to anima, Olms 2007.
their function but probably as payments of tribute or debts,
Koder 2020: Koder, Johannes, Nomos Georgikos. Das
as objects capable of being treated as valuable items of byzantinische Landwirtschaftsgesetz, Wien 2020.
exchange, indicative of the economic power of the elite
classes.21 Secondary Literature
Ever since Anthony Bryer published his study on Aitken 1956: Aitken, Robert, ‘Virgil’s Plough’, Journal of
Byzantine agricultural implements, a question has Roman Studies 46(1956), 97–106.
remained – was the progressive asymmetrical plough of Amouretti 1986: Amouretti, Marie-Claire, Le pain et
the medieval West unknown to the Byzantines?22 And if l’huile dans la Grèce antique, Paris 1986.
so, were there reasons besides the obvious ones, namely
the different geomorphology of the soil and climate Andersen –Jensen –Skovsgaard 2013: Andersen, Thomas
conditions, that imposed such reluctance to accept it? It Barnebeck – Jensen, Peter Sandholt – Skovsgaard,
is true that the Byzantines used developed and specialized Christian Stejner, ‘The heavy plough’, Discussion
hand tools with iron fittings that could have been utilized Papers on Business and Economics 6 (2013), 1–56.
in a supplementary and more affordable way instead of Asimakopoulou-Atzaka – Pelekanidou 1987:
the plough. It could be that they knew of the pioneering Asimakopoulou-Atzaka, Panagiota – Pelekanidou,
wheeled model but failed to utilize it, due to cultural, Elli, Σύνταγμα των παλαιοχριστιανικών δαπέδων
social, economic, political parameters, i.e. adherence της Ελλάδος (Πελοπόννησος-Στερεά Ελλάδα), II
Thessaloniki 1987.
18
Astill––Langdon 1997, 182–186.
19
Gow 1914, 249–276; Aitken 1956, 97–106; Amouretti 1986, 81–93; Astill––Langdon 1997: Astill, G. Grenville – Langdon,
Oleson – Sheerwood 1998, 99–105; Decker 2009, 89–91; Shaw 2013, John (eds.), Medieval Farming and Technology, Leiden
120–123. 1997.
20
…most pleasant farms have obliterated what were once famous
wastelands; cultivated fields have subdued forests; sandy deserts are
sown; rocks are planted... Waszink 2007, 30.3, 112.
21
Curta 2011, 318–320.
22
Bryer 2002, 107–108. 23
Jacoby 2013, 223–224.
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Rheidt 2002: Rheidt, Klaus, ‘The Urban Economy of
Pergamon’, in A. Laiou (ed.), The economic history
of Byzantium: from the seventh through the fifteenth
centuries, v. I, Washington D.C. 2002, 623–629.
Rigaux 2005: Rigaux, Dominique, Le Christ du dimanche,
histoire d’une image médiévale, Paris 2005.
Sawyer – Hilton 1963: Sawyer, Peter Hayes – Hilton,
Rodney Howard, ‘Review article: Technical
determinism: the stirrup and the plough’, Past and
Present 24(1963), 90–100.
Shaw 2013: Shaw, Brent, Bringing in the sheaves.
Economy and metaphor in the Roman world, Toronto
2013.
Spatharakis 2004: Spatharakis, Ioannis, The illustrations
of the Cynegetica in Venice, cod. Marc. gr. Z139,
Leiden 2004.
Teall 1971: Teall, L. John, ‘The Byzantine Agricultural
Tradition’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 25 (1971), 35–59.
Volling 1998(2002): Volling, Thomas, ‘Early Byzantine
Agricultural Implements from Olympia (5th/6th
Centuries AD)’, Πρωτοβυζαντινή Μεσσήνη και
Ολυμπία: αστικός και αγροτικός χώρος στη Δυτική
Πελοπόννησο, Athens 1998(2002), 99–105.
163
14
Traces of Weaving Activity at Halassarna/Kardamaina,

Kos/Greece. Preliminary Remarks.♦
Smaragdi Arvaniti
Abstract: The excavations carried out at Kardamaina, Kos by the University of Athens, have
brought to light the remains of a Hellenistic temple dedicated to Apollo, along with an array of
lesser structures related to the shrine, as well as a settlement with a lifespan from the late 4th
to the mid-7th centuries AD.
This paper aims primarily to record the finds related to the manufacture of textiles, such as
loomweights and spindle whorls and to restore the image of everyday life in a coastal settlement
of the early Christian period. Issues such as the differentiation in types, the dimensions and
weight of the loomweights, the type of the loom, the quality of the fabric, the number of looms
needed and dating will be discussed.
I will attempt to highlight the textile activity in Kardamena and I will argue whether these finds
reflect an organized craft installation or an individual household activity.
Οι ανασκαφές που πραγματοποιήθηκαν στην Καρδάμαινα της Κω υπό την εποπτεία των
Καθηγητριών του Παν/μίου Αθηνών Σοφίας Καλοπίση – Βέρτη, Μαρίας Παναγιωτίδη –
Κεσίσογλου και Γεωργίας Κοκκορού- Αλευρά έφεραν στο φως τα ερείπια ενός ναού των
Ελληνιστικών χρόνων αφιερωμένου στο θεό Απόλλωνα, αρκετά κτίσματα που συνδέονται με
τη λειτουργία του, καθώς και τα ερείπια ενός οικισμού με διάρκεια κατοίκησης από τον 4ο έως
τα μέσα του 7ου αι. μ.Χ.
Μεταξύ των πλουσίων ευρημάτων περιλαμβάνονται και αντικείμενα της καθημερινής ζωής
που σχετίζονται με την κατασκευή υφασμάτων και ενδυμάτων.
Η παρούσα δημοσίευση αποτελεί τμήμα ευρύτερης έρευνας που έχει ως στόχο να καταγράψει
τα αντικείμενα αυτά και να αποκαταστήσει την εικόνα της καθημερινής ζωής σ’ έναν
παραλιακό οικισμό της παλαιοχριστιανικής περιόδου. Στο συγκεκριμένο άρθρο θα επιχειρηθεί
η ανάδειξη της υφαντουργικής δραστηριότητας στην Καρδάμαινα μέσα από την παρουσίαση
και τη μελέτη των υφαντικών βαρών και των σφονδυλίων και θα συζητηθεί εάν αφορά
οργανωμένη βιοτεχνική εγκατάσταση ή μεμονωμένη οικιακή δραστηριότητα.
Τα ζητήματα που θα μας απασχολήσουν αφορούν στο κατά πόσο οι διαφοροποιήσεις στο
σχήμα, τις διαστάσεις και το βάρος των αγνύθων σχετίζονται με καθαρά τεχνικά ζητήματα,
όπως το είδος του αργαλειού και την ποιότητα ή το είδος του υφάσματος ή μπορούν να
συνεισφέρουν και στη διαμόρφωση της εικόνας της οργάνωσης της τοπικής κοινωνίας του
οικισμού. Ένα σημαντικό, επίσης, ζήτημα που τίθεται είναι η χρονολόγησή τους, καθώς το
υλικό κατασκευής και η τυπολογία είναι κατά το πλείστον κοινά διαχρονικά.
Keywords: Kardamaina /Kos, loomweights, spindle whorls, early Christian, household

activity.
♦
I would like to thank Professors Emeritae Sophia Kalopissi–Verti, Maria Panayotidi- Kesisoglou and Georgia Kokkorou–Alevra, directors of the
Kardamena excavation, for their valuable advice and kind permission to study the material unearthed. I would like, also, to express my warmest
thanks to my colleague archaeologist George Gavalas, for helping me understand and categorize the material under study. His PhD, unfortunately still
unpublished (Gavalas, 2014) is a valuable tool for the researcher into loomweights and spindle whorls.
165
Smaragdi Arvaniti
Loomweights and spindle whorls are finds of great importance It consists of two vertical uprights, a horizontal warp beam,
for textile production research. They reveal everyday a shed rod, a heddle rod and weights. The warp threads
activities because they are associated with the operation are tied to the horizontal beam at the top and hang down
of the warp-weighted standing loom and yarn processing. vertically towards the ground. It uses a system of holding
These small items make up one of the most common groups the warp threads parallel under tension by tying them in
of artifacts, recovered in many archaeological excavations. small bunches to weights made of clay, stone or metal.7
They have been found at settlement sites of both urban
and rural character, as well as in cemeteries as part of the The weights are attached to the ends of the warp threads,
funerary gifts, or in temples as votives mainly to the goddess then are grouped together and tied so that the spun threads
Athena Ergane, protector of handicrafts and craftsmen.1 cannot untwist. The warp-weighted loom is used in a near-
Their importance is considerable because all other evidence vertical position. So, the fabric is woven at around waist
of textile activity, such as bone and wood, has been lost since to upper torso height (for the convenience of the worker)
they were made of organic materials. Regrettably they have and then pushed up towards the top of the loom. This also
not attracted scholarly attention for a long time. However, in allows the weaver to walk back-and-forth while working,
recent years they have become a focus of interest, especially and in that way wider cloth can be woven.8 This procedure
in publications of excavated material. is very tiring for the weaver, who must stand all the time
and has to push up the weft against gravity.9
This paper examines technical issues such as typology,
dimensions and quality as factors related to the organization The loomweights – αγνύθες (λεῑαι or λαιαί) – are the
of the weaving activity and, through them, attempts to weights used to keep the warp threads taut in a standing
document the textile production in the area. loom. There are usually one or two suspension holes by
which threads were attached either directly or on small
14.1 The weaving technique sticks or rings that have been passed through these holes.10
In order to appreciate the existence of different types of They come in a variety of types. The basic ones are
loomweights and the quantity found in an excavation, it is pyramidal, discoid/lentoid, conical and doughnut-shaped.
necessary first to discuss both the importance of weaving They are almost undatable by themselves, because types
activity and the operation of the loom itself. In the pre- remain diachronically the same with but minor variations
industrial society of the Byzantine Empire until the 10th focused on quality. And since they cannot easily be
century, weaving and the manufacture of textiles were destroyed, they are re-used through the years.11 Typology
very important activities within the household economy is not a secure criterion for their provenance either, since
in which producers were also consumers.2 Loomweights the specific forms were widely disseminated, although the
found in houses constitute proof of the existence of a loomweights themselves seldom travelled far.
household workshop and of a daily economic activity. A
larger amount of loomweights may indicate a primitive No sensible chronological development of the shapes
craft activity, as a supplement to the household income. is noted, nor does shape appear to play a specific role
Changes appeared in the larger production centers and in the weaving process or serve a practical purpose.12
started as early as the 11th century. Usually different types coexist in the same contexts.
There is but a single – so far – example of chronological
Since Neolithic times, the loom was the main weaving tool. differentiation; among the material unearthed in Athens
It was used at least till the Byzantine period, but practically – Pnyka, the pyramidal ones are found in layers earlier
in its essential parts remained almost unchangeable till than those with the conical: they are dated between the end
recently.3 The most common type was the standing warp- of 4th century and the beginning of 3rd AD.13 Davidson
weighted loom, which was used widely until the 2nd argues that typological evolution is often influenced by
century AD and more rarely until the 7th century.4 By the local customs,14 while Tsigonaki, taking into account the
mid-12th century, as the needs in quality and quantity were excavated material form Crete – Eleftherna, claims that
more demanding, other types of looms appeared, like the in the same undisturbed layer she found different types of
horizontal loom, which made the loomweights unnecessary.5 loomweights.15
The standing/warp-weighted loom is a small-sized and The method of manufacturing loomweights is not
simple structure, which can be easily moved about and standardized. The differentiation in shapes has to do
placed at a convenient slant against a wall in a room or a
yard.6 These basic characteristics indicate that it could be 7
For a general description of this type of loom, see Crowfoot 1936–7;
readily used as part of the household activity. Hoffmann 1964, 323; Wild 1970, 68; Koutsoubou 2012, 579–580.
8
More about construction and function of the standing loom in: Tsigonaki
1994, 158–160.
1
Sofianou, 2012, 77; Tzouvara-Souli 1983, 16; Chaniotis 2005, 96; 9
Kalamara, 2005, 52; Davidson – Thompson 1943, 67.
Koutsoubou 2012, 580; Miszk, 2013, 303. 10
Davidson – Thompson 1943, 68.
2
Sofianou 2011, 430. 11
Davidson, 1952, 146
3
Kalamara 2005, 52; Tzachilli 1997; Barber 1990, 93. 12
Sofianou, 2012, 78.
4
Davidson – Thompson 1943, 70–71. 13
Thompson 1934, 474 ff.
5
For the horizontal loom, see: Gavalas 2014, 20–24. 14
Davidson – Thompson, 1943, 69
6
Sofianou, 2011, 422; Kalamara 2005, 54. 15
Tsigonaki 1994, 92.
166
Traces of Weaving Activity at Halassarna/Kardamaina, Kos/Greece Preliminary Remarks
strictly with aesthetics and has no practical use. The perishable materials. The wide differentiation of types
homogeneity and the density of the cloth and therefore is also explained by the use of various items as spindle
the quality of weaving are further influenced by the good whorls, such us a large perforated astragalus.21 Αnother
balance of weights. Consequently, it is not possible to use reason that explains the small number of finds is that some
together loomweights of greatly differing weights, as the of these items have not either been recognized as such or
downwards pull on the warp threads must be uniform. In they have originally been used for another purpose, such as
the same loom one can use weights of different shapes, but buttons,22 and need to be re-examined for secondary usage.
of similar weight.
Their shape is mainly conical, with one side flat or slightly
Loomweights of different weights are used depending convex in profile, but also biconvex, spherical, and
on the kind of textile desired. The heavy and bigger ones flattened spherical ones are known.23
are used for the woolen textiles, tapestry and for dense
textures in general, while the smaller and lighter ones suit Loomweights and spindle whorls were not exported. They
linen and silk textiles, or for the production of accessories. were of local production, intended for local consumption.
Given that fact, the existence of groups of loomweights of Archaeological evidence indicates that they were made
different calibers indicates the existence of more than one as a secondary product of kilns intended for firing other
loom or of one loom used to produce a range of fabrics. items such as bricks and tiles. They can never have been a
It is not easy to define the exact number of loomweights hugely important item of manufacture, for the demand was
needed for a loom. It depends on the size of the loom, relatively limited.
the quality and the size of the textile, the weight of the
loomweights etc. 14.2 The Halassarna material
Davidson and Thompson having studied the material The excavations carried out at Kardamaina, Kos by the
coming from Pnyka, dated to the Classical and Hellenistic University of Athens, have brought to light the remains
periods, concluded that for a textile of 1.80 m in width, about of a Hellenistic temple dedicated to Apollo, along with an
70 loomweights are needed.16 These calculations, however, array of lesser structures related to the shrine, as well as
neither apply to all periods nor all types of looms.17 The a settlement with a lifespan from the late 4th to the mid-
number (150) of loomweights that has been gathered in 7th centuries AD. Two terrifying earthquakes in 469 and
the Hellenistic settlement of Halara, Phaistos in Crete led 554 caused major destructions and brought big changes in
the researchers to assume the existence of a loomweight- the character of the settlement itself. The decline of life at
production workshop, while the 450 loomweights found in coastal settlements came with the Arabic expansion in the
the Bronze Age West House in Santorini has been seen as middle of the 7th century.24
indicating a weaving workshop.18
All the aforementioned elements are very valuable when
Loomweights often bear decoration; either signs, trying to restore the everyday life at the settlement of
symbols and letters, or engraved, impressed, and painted Kardamaina. An archaeological context can be interpreted
iconographic representations, which serve as the mark of as containing the remains of a loom when the quantity of
the manufacturer of the weight, for decorative purposes or loomweights uncovered is numerous enough and if they are
it is related to the votive nature of the artifact.19 Decorative arranged in a way that recalls how they would have been
motifs can be valuable for issues of dating and provenance. on a working loom. The amount of whorls recovered do
not act as an indicator of a household or specialized level
Spindle whorls – σφονδύλια – are artifacts of a small of production, but with the loomweights this is the case.
size, often made of bone, stone or clay, bearing a hole in
the center in order to slotted onto the spindle. The whorls Most (60) of the loomweights are made of clay with only
provided weight, stability and momentum to the spindle in seven of stone, mainly marble. The majority are almost
use. While spinning, the factors affecting the quality of the intact and quite elaborate. The clay is fine, clean with
thread produced are the weight, the diameter of the spindle small limestone inclusions. Comparing their clay to that
whorl, the quality and nature of the raw fibers, the spinning of the locally-made amphoras, we can deduce that the
technique and the skill of the spinner. In this, the weight of loomweights too were made in a local workshop.25 Given
the whorl is the most crucial factor and must be appropriate
to the weight of the yarn to be spun.20 A light spindle gives
fine thread and a heavy one gives thicker thread.
21
Tsigonaki 1994, 167.
22
Davidson 1952, 172.
23
Tsigonaki 1994, 167; Tzachili 1997, 142 pp; Angelkou 2012, 196–7,
Spindle whorls are the only finds associated with the 389–395.
spinning process, as they are mainly made of non-
24
More information concerning the history of the area and the excavation
in: Katzia 1984; Alevras et al. 1985; id. 1986; id. 1987; id. 1990;
Kalopissi-Verti 1991; Alevras et al. 1995; Kokkorou-Alevras e.a. 1995–
16
Davidson – Thompson, 1943, 69 pp; Tsigonaki 1994, 160. 6; Didioumi 1999; Alevras et al. 2001; Kalopissi-Verti – Panayotidi
17
Tsigonaki 1994, 160. 2001; Kokkorou-Alevras 2001; Militsi 2001; Alevras – Kokkorou 2009;
18
Stillwell 1948, 268; Tzachili 1992, 142; Tsigonaki 1994, 161. Kokkorou et al. 2010; Diamanti 2010; Poulou-Papadimitriou – Didioumi
19
Sofianou, 2012, 80; Miszk, 2013, 303; Márton et.al. 2008, 9–11. 2010; Brouskari 2011; Poupaki 2011; Kokkorou-Alevras et. al. 2016.
20
For spindle whorls, see Crewe 1998; Barber 1991. 25
Diamanti 2010.
167
Smaragdi Arvaniti
that no traces of metal have been found in the suspension

holes, we can conclude that they were either attached
directly to the warps or through the intermediary use of
wooden rods.
Taking into consideration the stratigraphical data of the

excavation and after comparison with broad parallels from
different sites of Greece, the pieces could date to any time
between the 3rd century BC and the 5th century AD. More
specific parallels occur in Hellenistic/Roman and early
Christian levels, between the 2nd century BC to the 1st
century AD. Only the pyramidal ones were exclusively
seen in Hellenistic levels.
Six different types have been identified at Kardamaina:

Figure 14.1. Discoid loomweight, 1st century AD.
1. Discoid with both faces flat and two small suspension
holes. Diam.: 8.5 cm, weight: 170 gr.26 (Fig. 14.1)
2. Discoid elliptical, with both faces flat and two small
suspension holes. Diam.: 9 cm, weight: 170 gr. Stamped
on both sides. (Fig. 14.2).
3. Discoid with both faces convex / loaf-shaped, bearing a
small suspension hole at the center. Diam.: 7 cm, weight:
170 gr. Around the hole, four shallow impressions.27
(Fig. 14.3)
4. Truncated pyramidal loomweight with suspension
hole on the upper side. Height: 8.1 cm, weight: 100 gr.
Stamped on the one side with a finger ring. The
impression shows a figure, probably a man, wearing
a head covering and holding a stick, first half of 4th
century.28 (Fig. 14.4)
5. Pinched–fig-shaped loomweight with two suspension
holes. Height 3.1 cm, dimension of the base: Figure 14.2. Discoid elliptical loomweight, 2nd century
4.5 × 4 cm, weight: 60 gr. Stamped on both sides. BC – 1st century AD.
We can distinguish an impression of a woman’s head.29
(Fig. 14.5)
6. Doughnut-shaped, with a big central suspension hole.
Diam.: 8 cm, diam. of hole: 2.8 cm, weight: 150 gr.
(Fig. 14.6). Early Christian period. The specific
item might be confused with a spindle whorl, but its
dimensions are far too large.
Most are discoid, followed by the doughnut-shaped ones.

There is no great variety in shape, size and weight with all
belonging to a medium caliber. We can distinguish three
basic groups of discoid ones according their diameter:
a) 4–5 cm, b) 6–7 cm, c) with the majority at 8 cm. The
pyramidal ones are in height 7–8 cm. Loomweights weigh
either between 100 and 190 gr or can come in a slighter
version of 30 to 50 gr. The biggest one was 10 cm high
and weighed 250 gr.
Figure 14.3. Discoid concaved / loaf-shaped loomweight, 2nd

century BC – 1st century AD.
26
Robinson, 1959, 39, pl. 50, G162; Davidson 1952, 162–3; Davidson –
Thompson, 1943, 79.
27
Robinson, 1959 Vol. V, pl. 50 G 162, 39. Five of them are decorated with incised letters: Φ and
28
Arch. Text. Newsletter, 47, 7–8, second half 5th – first half 4th century Ε; others are stamped. We can recognize a petal motif, a
BC; Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum, 1st–2nd centuries AD.
29
Davidson – Thompson 1943, 83, 85, fig. 34, no. 61, 63; Davidson woman’s head and the figure of a man. Usually the designs
1952, no. 1126, pl. 75. are so schematic that they hardly can be identified.
168
Figure 14.4. Truncated pyramidal loomweight, second half

5th – first half of 4th century BC. Figure 14.7. Elliptical loomweight made of marble, late
Hellenistic – early Christian period.
As far as the stone loomweights are concerned, their form

is simple: usually utilizing a perforated pebble-like stone
that are abundant close to river beds or at the seaside. We
cannot confirm their use at a standing loom. They might,
perhaps, have been used as weights with a horizontal
loom with paws to hold the warp bundle down. Also,
their being found near the temples may argue their use
as counterweights for hanging up chalks in the temples.
According Poupaki, the marble ones found in Kardamaina
are dated to the early Christian period.30 A marble lentoid
weight with two suspension holes on the upper side (diam.:
9 cm, weight: 300 gr.) is presented here as an example
(Fig. 14.7).
Only five spindle whorls were retrieved from the

excavation. They are objects of small to medium size,
with a hole in the center, by which they are attached to the
Figure 14.5. Pinched–fig-shaped loomweight, 2nd century
BC – 1st century AD. spindle, which would have been approximately 30–45 cm
in length. The whorls are usually conical and biconical,
with the exception of a small discoid and flat one. As it
has been already discussed, their scarcity is not a clear
indication of the amount of spinning activity undertaken,
because some of other materials and forms must be re-
examined. We present as an example a spindle whorl
with a small projection as a handle, weighing 60 gr.31
(Fig. 14.8).
The preliminary conclusions to be drawn from the study of

the Kardamaina material concerning the weaving activity
are the following:
Surprisingly few loomweights and spindle whorls

were recovered, given the large area excavated. The
small number of these items has led us to conclude that
production of textiles was limited to the household level
and that no greater craft activity, let alone large-scale
Figure 14.6. Doughnut-shaped loomweight (?), early 30

After Poupaki 2011.
Christian period. 31
Gavalas 2014, 1st century BC – 1st century AD.
169
Smaragdi Arvaniti
out if the looms were scattered throughout the settlement

or confined to some neighborhoods, thus giving a clearer
picture of the distribution of the activities in the settlement.
The history of the Byzantine loom has not yet been

written. Surviving pictorial representations of Byzantine
looms and documentary evidence do not provide a clear
idea of the complexity of the actual looms that produce the
textiles known, especially the sophisticated ones.
The study of loomweight shapes and decorative motives

in itself does not provide us with complete and safe results
concerning the sort of weaving practiced. Here, it is very
important to further demonstrate the level of the textile
production to calculate the role played in the economic
activity. Further, the above identifications of loomweights
and spindle whorls in the archaeological material do not
Figure 14.8. Spindle whorl, 1st century BC – 1st century AD.
exhaust all possibilities for the same. There is no standard
or norm for these items against which potential pieces
may be examined. As we have already mentioned, the use
industry, can be attested. Output was sufficient to meet the of some items must be re-examined, in case they were
needs of the inhabitants. Furthermore, lack of all traces exploited for quite different purposes, such as fishing
for an organized workshop – such as large quantity of weights, weights for hanging lights etc. The frequency
loomweights, molds, traces that indicate the existence with which they were recovered as singletons or in small
of special place for the installation of looms – constitute groups prevents us from viewing them as casual deposits.
further proof of a household economy. The dispersion of The reasons for decorating and stamping weights, also,
the loomweights in different houses and rooms tells the still remain unclear.
same story.
Future study of such material groups in similar contexts
In the settlement of Halasarna there exist the common may necessitate revision of some of the above conclusions
categories of loomweights found in all structures, and or lead us to alternative ones. Therefore, more research
throughout all their use, except for the conical ones (which should be undertaken, and their detailed description and
are Hellenistic alone). Taking into consideration their publication encouraged.
weight and size we can conclude that they were producing
mainly textiles for everyday needs, perhaps a linen fabric Literature
or a light woolen one. The existence of smaller and lighter Alevras et al. 1985: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση, Σοφία –
weights also reveals the manufacture of clothing accessories Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,‘Ανασκαφὴ
like scarves, bands, etc. From the amount of loomweights στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω)’,
found, we can estimate the existence of at least ten looms. Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίδα 1985, Χρονικά, 1–18.
As far as dating is concerned, the difficulties have already Alevras et al. 1986: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση,
been identified above. Unfortunately, even in Halasarna Σοφία – Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,
where there is a fairly clear stratigraphy, because of the ‘Ανασκαφὴ στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα
destructive earthquakes and the continuous movement of της Κω)’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1986,
the soils due to the weather and construction activities, the 298–330.
layers are not uncontaminated. We observe that most of Alevras et al. 1987: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση,
our findings were found in the layers of late Hellenistic to Σοφία – Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,
early Christian times. Certain types were also found in late ‘Ανασκαφὴ στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα
Hellenistic / Roman layers, with only the pyramidal sort in της Κω)’, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 1987,
pure Hellenistic strata. The majority dates to between the 325–355.
3rd century BC and the 5th century AD, which coincides
with the flourishing of the Hellenistic era and the first early Alevras et al. 1990: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση,
Σοφία – Λαιμού, Άννα – Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,
Christian settlement. This is also some indication for the
‘Ανασκαφὴ στην Καρδάμαινα (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της
re-use of older items.
Κω) ’, κατὰ τὰ ἔτη 1988–1990, Πρακτικά Αρχαιολογικής
Εταιρείας 1990, 342–367.
We can thus conclude that the early Christian settlement
in Kardamaina operated at the level of the household Alevras et. al. 1995: Αλευρά, Γεωργία– Καλοπίση, Σοφία
economy. Matters that need to be still clarified are a more –Παναγιωτίδη, Μαρία,‘Ανασκαφὴ στην Καρδάμαινα
accurate dating of the loomweights, which will provide a (αρχαία Αλάσαρνα της Κω), Κωακὰ Ε΄(1995),
more refined picture for the researcher, as well as to find 141–184.
170
Alevras et al. 2001: Αλευρά-Κοκκορού, Γεωργία – Λαιμού, Kalopissi-Verti 1991: Kalopissi-Verti, Sophia, ‘Kos
Άννα – Σημαντώνη-Μπουρνιά, Ευαγγελία (eds.), Ιστορία tardoantica e bizantina nelle scoperte archeologiche
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Συνέδριο. Κως, 2–4 Μαΐου 1997 (Δημοσιεύματα sullʼarte ravennate e bizantina, Ravenna 15/20 Marzo
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172
15
Western Influence on Palaeologan Coins1
Abstract: The Palaeologan coins represent a rather complicated topic. At this time, a number
of numismatic types appeared that had no analogues in Byzantium. The present article focuses
on the analysis of the features whose origin can be found in the coinage of Western Europe.
These influences were reflected both in iconography and in some cases in legends. Some
influences of Western iconography on Byzantine coins can be traced even in previous periods,
but it was the first time under the Palaelogan dynasty when these influences became long-term
and started to gradually dominate the iconographic repertoire. The first such influences started
to appear on Palaeologan coins already in 1261 and they became definitely more spread after
1304. After 1367 the western style predominates. The article discusses various issues that
were definitely influenced by Western models and puts them in context with the political and
economic development in the Mediterranean during the Palaeologan period.
Οι δυτικές επιρροές ξεκίνησαν να εμφανίζονται στα βυζαντινά νομίσματα ήδη στην εποχή πριν
το 1261, αλλά κατά την περίοδο των Παλαιολόγων η σημασία των συγκεκριμένων επιρροών
αυξήθηκε σημαντικά και στην ουσία το Βυζάντιο αποδέχονταν για πρώτη φορά στην διάρκεια
της μακραίωνης ιστορίας του την εικονογραφία, τα βάρη και τα ονόματα νομισμάτων άλλων
κρατών σε τόσο μεγάλο βαθμό. Το άρθρο εστιάζεται στην εικονογραφία, χωρίς να παραλείπει
επίσης τα βάρη και τις ονομασίες των νομισμάτων που μπορούσαν να είχαν επηρεαστεί από
την δυτική νομισματοκοπία. Το άρθρο τονίζει και την προβληματική μελέτη ορισμένων
εικονογραφικών στοιχείων για την προέλευση των οποίων είχαν εκφραστεί ποικίλες θεωρίες
(όπως το κρινάνθεμο ή ο φτερωτός αυτοκράτορας).
Μελετώντας τις δυτικές επιρρόες στην εικονογραφία των νομισμάτων των Παλαιολόγων
δύναται να εκφραστεί το συμπέρασμα ότι τα δυτικά στοιχεία εμφανίζονταν ήδη στην
πρώτη φάση της νομισματοκοπίας των Παλαιολόγων (1261–1304), αλλά ο ρόλος τους δεν
ήταν σημαντικός και κυρίαρχος και είναι σχετικά προβληματική η μελέτη τους. Κατά την
δεύτερη φάση (1304- περ.1367) εμφανίστηκαν νομίσματα στα οποία οι δυτικές επιρροές ήταν
περισσότερο εμφανείς – όπως ήταν το βασιλικόν, το πολιτικόν και το τορνέσιον παραδείγματα
που μπορούν να εκτιμηθούν ως άμεσα εμπνευσμένα από τα δυτικά νομίσματα. Η Τρίτη φάση
(περ.1367–1453) αποτελεί στην πραγματικότητα τον επίλογο της βυζαντινής νομισματοκοπίας
και στην συγκεκριμένη περίοδο κόβονταν τα επονομαζόμενα σταυράτα, η εικονογραφία των
οποίων αποτελεί περίπτωση εκτροπής από την βυζαντινή εικογραφία γενικότερα. Eίναι φανερό
ότι περισσότερη επιρροή άσκησαν τα νομίσματα των κρατών που ήταν ανταγωνιστικά έναντι
του Βυζαντίου στον γεωπολιτικό χώρο της ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Διακρίνονται κυρίως
οι επιρροές των βενετσιάνικων, των φλωρεντίνικων και των φραγκικών νομισμάτων. Η
εικονογραφία των βυζαντινών νομισμάτων της εποχής των Παλαιολόγων δείχνει ότι σταδιακά
με την πάροδο του χρόνου αυξάνονται οι δυτικές επιρρόες και απλουστεύεται η τεχνοτροπία.
Η αποδοχή δυτικότροπων θεμάτων και η εισαγωγή καινούργιων νομισμάτων μαρτυρεί την
δυνατή οικονομική θέση των δυτικοευρωπαϊκών κρατών στην Μεσόγειο και την προσπάθεια
του Βυζαντίου να τα ανταγωνιστεί.
Keywords: Palaeolog – coins – Western coins – basilikon – Western influences – deniers –

politikon – stauraton – fleur-de-lis.
1
I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to both Professors to whom Postgraduate Seminar under the title ‘Το Βυζάντιο τον 14ο αιώνα:
this volume is dedicated. The present article represents a developed συρρίκνωση και εξέλιξη, αντιπαλότητες και ακτινοβολία / Byzantium
and modified version of a seminar essay entitled ‘Εικονογραφία των during the 14th century: contraction and development, strife and outreach’.
νομισμάτων του 14ου αιώνα – παράδοση και νεωτερισμοί / Iconography My focus has since shifted towards Western influences on Late Byzantine
of 14th century coins – Tradition and Innovation’ which I prepared under coinage. The preliminary results of my research were published in 2012 in
the supervision of Professor Sophia Kalopisi-Verti in 2010 and presented the Czech scholarly journal Parrésia: ‘Západní vlivy v ikonografii mincí z
at an one-day workshop during the ‘Nikos Oikonomides’ Interdisciplinary období dynastie Palaiologů,’ Parrésia VI (2012), 187–204.
173
Western influence on Palaeologan coins appeared soon

after the accession and consolidation of that dynasty on
the imperial throne and can be traced for the duration of
the era. During the reign of Andronikos II (r. 1282–1328)
western influence on Byzantine coinage was relatively
strong. It was in all probability in 1304 that the minting
of a new silver coin named basilikon (pl. basilika) started
(Fig. 15.1). Its iconography was largely influenced by
the grosso (ducato) (Fig. 15.2) which had been struck in
Venice since the period of doge Enrico Dandolo (r. 1192–
1205).2 The silver coin was eventually called the ducat
(ducatus argenteus) and the term later became a name for Figure 15.1. Basilicon of Andronikos II Palaeologos, struck
after 1304.
the Venetian gold coins.3 The iconography of this Venetian
coin was in turn influenced by the iconography of 11th
and 12th-centuries Byzantine coinage;4 remarkably, 14th-
century Byzantium emulated western iconography which
actually had had Byzantine origins.
The Byzantine basilikon was also called doukaton in written

sources.5 The adoption of Latin names for Byzantine coins
was not an isolated phenomenon and other instances are
known.6 On the obverse of the Venetian coins, Saint Mark
was accompanied by the doge and Christ was depicted
seated on the throne on the reverse. Christ enthroned also
appeared on the obverse of the Byzantine coin, but the
shape of the throne had gradually evolved into a simple
Figure 15.2. Grosso of Jacopo Tiepolo Doge XLIII,
seat.7 On the reverse, two emperors holding a patriarchal 1229–1249.
or simple cross (later a labarum) replaced Saint Mark and
the doge, but the similarities with the Venetian grosso are
evident.8 The iconography of basilika was later enriched
by other subject matters and several new symbols.
The Venetian grosso influenced the Byzantine coin’s

weight and purity of metal,9 as well as its iconography.
It is noteworthy that it also inspired coins minted in other
Western European states and in various islands of the
Eastern Mediterranean.10
Western influences also appear on copper and silver

alloy coinage, for example the so-called tornesion Figure 15.3. Tornesion of Andronikos II Palaeologos.
(Fig. 15.3), a name harking back to the deniers tournois.11
The deniers also influenced coins in other states and
imitations have been excavated as far north as present- East Mediterranean.13 On the reverse of certain of these
day Ukraine.12 Deniers tournois struck by various Western Byzantine coins, a cross was encircled by an inscription.
states established after 1204 circulated in the 13th-century This particular iconography originated in 9th-century
Frankish deniers (Fig. 15.4).14 Inscriptions encircling
2
DOC V, 142; Stahl 2000, 16; Dimov 2012, 25–37. crosses also appear on coins struck in Venice during the
3
DOC V, 25. 12th and 13th centuries.15
4
Stahl 2000, 18–19; Touratsoglou–Baker 2002, 205.
5
Numismatists refer to notary records of the period and argue that the
term ‘doukaton’ can be sometimes read as ‘basilikon’, Morrisson 1996, The cross-encircled-by-an-inscription formula could also
151–162; DOC V, 50. appear on issues called politikon (pl. politika), a coinage
6
Grierson 1976, 108–109, 315; Penna 2003, 381.
7
DOC V, Pl. 31/504–508, s. 510–527; Bendall-Donald 1979, 66–67
of two denominations in billon and copper, the second of
(5, 6).
8
DOC V, Pl. 31/504 and 509; Bendall-Donald 1979, 64–65 (4),
66–67 (6).
9
Laurent 1952, 56; DOC V, 50; Penna 2004, 316. 13
Metcalf 1960, 42–44; Metcalf 1995, pl.39 (Achaia), pl. 41 (Athens),
10
Ives 1954, 13–28; Metcalf 1995, 291. pl. 42 (Lepanto), pl. 44(Frankish Greece) or Schlumberger 1878, pl. III
11
DOC V, 51; Penna 2003, 380. (Antioch), pl. IV (Tripoli), pl.VI–VIII (Cyprus), pl. XII (Achaia) and
12
On finds of Western European denars in the region of the Old Rus‘, see others.
Janin 2009, 84–86; Zaharova 2013, 4, 19–22; for an example of imitation 14
Whitting 1973, 238, among others, stresses the Frankish origins of the
of a Western European denar found in Russia, see Zaharova 2013, 22 iconography.
(no.12); Потин 1962, 183–211. 15
Stahl 2000, 16.
174
Western Influence on Palaeologan Coins
Figure 15.4. Charlemagne, silver denier, 8th-9th centuries.

Figure 15.5. Anonymous politikon.
which is cup-shaped (Figs. 15.5 and 15.6).16 The name is

associated with the inscription on the coins (ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΝ
or ΤΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΝ). Certain issues carried the name of
a particular emperor whereas others were anonymous.17
The meaning of the word ‘politikon’ in this instance, the
motivations behind the coin’s issue and the rate it was
traded at in relation to other Byzantine coins remain
unclear.18 Certain scholars have argued that these coins
were minted in times of urgency, for example during Figure 15.6. Anonymous politikon.
political tribulations when a shortage of circulating coins
was foreseeable.19 Numismatists suppose that the Byzantine
Greece.28 The image occurred not only as a single motif
politika could be also have been struck as a counterparts
on politikon coins, but also as a detail on some trachea
to the Frankish deniers tournois which were widespread in
from Thessaloniki in the period of Andronikos II, where
the Eastern Mediterranean.20 It has also been argued that
the figure of the emperor holds a ‘model’ of the city in
the word ‘politikon’ is strongly reminiscent of the terms
the shape of a triple-towered castle.29 At some point the
BVRGENSIS and PVBLICAΕ COMMODITATE, which
iconography of the castle changed and it became a ‘gabled
appeared on Frankish and Italian coins.21 Certain subject
castle’ as found on the coins struck in Thessaloniki and on
matters appearing on 14th-century politika were rather
issues of politikon coinage.30 There has been expressed an
unusual and their interpretation remains conjectural. This
opinion on a possible relation between the gabled castles
is the case, for example, of three keys (Fig. 15.5) arranged
and influence of the Montferrat dynasty, as Andronikos
vertically: such iconography is completely unusual and has
II’s wife came from that family and had an influence in
no parallels either in Western Europe or in older Byzantine
Thessaloniki.31 Examples of city models depicted as
coinage;22 one or two keys can be found on papal coins
castles can be found also in the period of Ioannes V in
since Mediaeval times till today, but their arrangement is
the hands of Anna of Savoy; it has been proposed that in
different.23 The symbolism of the keys on papal coins has
that latter case the depiction could be actually a schematic
been related to the words of St. Peter referring the keys
drawing of the St. Demetrios basilica.32 Images of triple-
of kingdom of Heaven.24 The precise interpretation of the
towered castles were most probably inspired by Western
three keys on Byzantine coins remains obscure.
coinage; however the precise coin-prototype is difficult
to identify without any ambiguity as there is not enough
As a Western influence on the design of politikon coinage
strong evidence on circulation of some of the possible
can be considered the depiction of a building,25 which
prototypes in Greece.33 In the view of N. Kontogiannis, it
originally was a temple façade but later mutated into
seems that most probably the 13th-century Thessaloniki
something looking more like a castle (Fig. 15.6).26 The
coins depicting triple-towered castles had their source of
triple-towered castle with a gate indicated had appeared
inspiration in Hohenstaufen Italy, possibly being related
already on 13th-century Thessaloniki coins27 and it could
to the idea of renovatio of the East Roman empire in
also appear on coins struck in Frankish territories in
the period of Theodore Doukas (r. 1215–1230), whose
policies centred on the figure of Frederick II Hohenstaufen
(r. 1220–1250) and who had aspirations to present himself
16
DOC V, 194–197; Bendall 2008, 254–255. as a successor of the Byzantine emperors.34
17
Grierson 1982, 313.
18
DOC V, 52; Bendall-Donald 1979, 178–179.
19
Whitting 1973, 247.
20
Bendall 2008, 255.
21
DOC V, 52; Penna 2003, 380–381. 28
Μetcalf 1995, 252–286.
22
Lianta 2009, 43; DOC V, 90. 29
DOC V, 159; Kontogiannis 2013,726; Bendall – Donald 1979, 216,
23
See for examples Berman 1991, 56–63 (e.g. no.196, no.213, no.228, 224.
no.244, no.255, no. 269, no.284). 30
Kontogiannis 2013, 726–727.
24
Matthew 16:19; Berman 1991, 17. 31
Kontogiannis 2013, 727.
25
DOC V, 194–195; Bendall – Donald 1979, 184–187. 32
Morrisson 2003, 181.
26
Metcalf 1960, 38 (Fig.1). 33
27
Kontogiannis 2013, 713–719. 34
175
In general, Byzantine coins circulating in international

trade networks during this period found it hard to compete
against western equivalents.35 At this difficult economic
juncture, the emperor Ioannes V Palaeologos (r. 1341–
1391) tried to introduce a new gold coin, the florin. The
fiorino d’oro was the earliest gold coin of Florence and
was first minted in the mid-13th century.36 The Byzantine
florin is a very rare coin: known from only one published
specimen in the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris, its
authenticity was doubted in the past.37 Its iconography
was inspired to a large extent by the Florentine gold coin.38 Figure 15.7. Stavraton of John V Palaeologos, struck ca.
Saint John was depicted on the one side of both coins; 1367–1391.
on the Byzantine florin he was further identified by the
inscription Πρόδρομος (Forerunner). On the other side, the
Florentine coin had a fleur-de-lis and the Byzantine carried
the image of the emperor.39
Ioannes V introduced also another new coin, the staurata

(sing. stauraton) in the seventh decade of the 14th century
(Fig. 15.7).40 From that point onwards, the stauraton became
the most valuable Byzantine coin.41 It was sometimes
referred to in sources as hyperpyron argyron and in reality
it replaced the gold hyperpyron which had dominated
Byzantine coinage since the time of Alexios Komnenos
Figure 15.8. Gigliato, struck in Napoli 1309–1343.
(r. 1081–1118), before ceasing to be struck during the
fifth decade of the 14th century.42 The stauraton was a
very heavy coin, reaching 8.5 gr in early issues, a weight opinion on the possible relation between the name of the
greater than any Western European coin in circulation at Byzantine coin which is related to word σταυρός and the
the time.43 The iconography of the staurata was greatly reverse type of gigliato which bore a depiction of cross.47
influenced by western imagery, so that their style departed He also stressed the fact that the term stauraton appeared in
entirely from coins theretofore struck in Byzantium. On written sources dated prior to the introduction of the earliest
the one side, the bust of Christ Pantokrator was depicted; known examples of type stauraton, as the term appeared in
on the other side, the bust of the emperor was encircled treaties between duke of Crete and emir of Aydin in 1337
by two lines of inscriptions with his name and titles. and later in 1353. These two documents provided evidence
The emperor was depicted in linear, geometric fashion for an amount equivalent in stavraton and in gigliati.48 He
and bore no resemblance to how he appeared on earlier proposed that most probably the stavraton coin was related
Byzantine coins. The two-line inscription around his bust to the double gigliati from Provence which weighed about
was typical of 13th and 14th-centuries Western European the same.49 The appearance of staurata until the final days
coins. P. Grierson argued for the influence of gigliato coins of the Byzantine Empire50 did not change significantly; the
(Fig. 15.8) struck in Naples and Provence, which novelties sometimes introduced were limited to details or
circulated into the Aegean sea region and whose imitations to the inscription.51
were common in the Asia Minor. 44 A similar design can be
found also on coins struck in the eastern Mediterranean Byzantine coins of the Palaeologan era also feature many
sites under the Crusaders (e.g. on Cyprus)45 and schematic motifs which did not originate in western iconography, but
helmeted busts encircled by a legend could appear on conformed to the traditional subject matter of Byzantine
Crusader coins from Antioch.46 Grierson expressed an coinage. Furthermore, some innovative motifs seem
unrelated to western coin iconography and instead may
35
For example, Nikolaou 2001, 195; A.L. Ponomarev mentioned in his reflect personal choices or regional traditions. In certain
work that the development and changes in the weight of coins during instances, the origins of motifs have not been explained so
the 14th century were related to the attempts of Byzantium to adapt its
coins to foreign coinage, see Ponomarev 2008, 17–37; Ponomarev 2009, far and their study is quite difficult.
25–42, 76.
36
Grierson 1976, 163. The fleur-de-lis motif (an abstract lily flower) is of
37
For the history of research, see DOC V, 193.
38
Blanchet 1910, 81–83. particular interest. It first appeared on Palaeologan coins
39
DOC V, 48, 193.
40
Metcalf 2003, 19.
41
Contemporary sources mention it as ‘hyperpyron argyron’ and 47
DOC V, 31.
‘stauraton’; see Grierson 1995, 1060; Cutler 1964, 237–240. 48
DOC V, 29–30; Grierson 1995, 1061.
42
DOC V, 47. 49
DOC V, 31; Grierson 1995, 1061–2. No samples of double gigliato
43
DOC V, 201. have preserved, but based on various mentions in the written sources,
44
Grierson 1999, 16; DOC V, 28–31. P. Grierson concludes that their existence is plausible.
45
See Metcalf 1995, pl. 30– pl. 34 50
Penna 2004, 320.
46
Metcalf 1995, pl. 16. 51
DOC V, 201–202.
176
Figure 15.10. Trachy of Andronikos II Palaeologos,

Thessaloniki, 1282–1328.
Figure 15.9. Trachy of Michael VIII, Thessaloniki,
1261–1282.
Similar problems are encountered when investigating
issued by Michael VIII (r. 1259/61–1282), but its use in the origins of the image of the winged emperor on
Byzantine coin iconography remained limited throughout Palaeologan coins (Fig. 15.10).60 The iconography was
(Fig. 15.9).52 The first instance in which the fleur-de-lis uncommon in earlier centuries, however it appeared on
appeared on Byzantine coins predates 1261; it was used 13th-century Byzantine coins in connection to the mint
at the Empire of Nicaea in relation to the veneration of of Thessaloniki.61 In the 1950s, T. Bertelè suggested
Saint Tryphon.53 This very old symbol was not only used a German origin for the winged ruler, as it appeared on
in European art and coinage, but also in the Islamic world, Central European coins, for example on 12th and 13th-
where it appeared on a late 7th / early 8th-centuries lead centuries issues.62 His theory was followed by other
seal and later was also employed on coins.54 By around researchers.63 More recently, scholars have argued for a
the year 1000, the fleur-de-lis was used on coins struck Byzantine origin for the iconography and have associated
for the Holy Roman emperor Otto III (r. 996–1002) and it with angels and with the connection of the Byzantine
it proliferated on 12th-14th-centuries coins minted in emperor with Heaven.64 In addition, M. Pomero connects
present-day Italy, France, Belgium and Germany.55 It is the image of the winged emperor to the changes in the
therefore significant that the symbol could have been used hierarchy at the court, with an increase in the power of the
on coins struck in Byzantine areas under Frankish rule.56 aristocracy and a decline in the perception of the Emperor
as a mimesis of Christ on Earth.65
In the first instance, it seems strange that the coins of
the emperor who liberated Constantinople from its Latin Western influences are detectable in the economy
overlords feature a symbol generally associated with and politics around the Mediterranean, namely the
western coinage. I. Touratsoglou argued in an article that predominance of Italian and other Western merchants, as
the use of the symbol by Michael VIII could betray his well as the control and exploitation of areas around the
cautious policy and diplomacy towards western states eastern end of the basin by rulers of Western European
and could also be connected to his efforts and plans for origin. In addition to these two main reasons, Adrien
the unification of the eastern and western Christian Blanchet also emphasized in 1910 the marriage of
Churches.57 C. Morrisson argued that the fleur-de-lis was Byzantine emperors with Western European aristocrats
in essence inspired by Florence, which used the symbol as which strengthened further the cultural infiltration of
its emblem and on its coins.58 R. Ousterhout proposed that Western Europe into Byzantium between the 13th and
the use of the symbol in Byzantine iconography was not 15th centuries.66 Byzantine merchants had to counter the
exclusively connected to western prototypes, but rather rising power of their Italian competitors who were granted
continued the iconographic tradition of coins struck in the by the Byzantine emperor concessions improving their
mint of Nicaea.59 In short, the associations of fleur-de-lis position.67 Foreign coins, mainly those struck in Italian
iconography exemplify the complexity of symbols used states, circulated all over the eastern Mediterranean due
on Palaeologan coinage and the variety of opinions with to commercial and political circumstances and exerted
regards to their origins.
60
DOC V, 67–68; Bendall – Donald 1979, 48 (20), 210 (11), 212 (12),
52
DOC V, 92. P. Grierson mentions that ‘the use of the lily other than as an 216 (20), 226 (33 and 34), 238 (9).
adjunct of St. Tryphon on a silver trachy was confined to Thessaloniki’; 61
Morrisson 2003, 185.
Braun von Stumm 1951, 45–46, 49, 52. 62
Bertelè 1951, 52–88; DOC V, 68.
53
On aspra trachea of Theodoros II Laskaris (r. 1254–1258) struck in 63
Among others: DOC V, 68.
Magnesia, a fleurs-de-lis accompanied the figure of Saint Tryphon (DOC 64
Morrisson 1995, 194–195; Papadopoulou–Morrisson 2013, 85;
IV, part 2, p. 520); Laurent 1958, 426. Morrisson 2003, 185–186.
54
Mayer 1933, p.19, 22–24; Grabar 1973, 97–98 (fig. 21). 65
Pomero 2008, 181–182.
55
Braun von Stumm 1951, 46, 49, 52. 66
Blanchet 1910, 78–90. Anna of Savoy was not the only Latin aristocrat
56
Metcalf mentions that coins bearing fleurs-de-lis were struck in 13th- who married a Byzantine emperor of the Palaeologan dynasty. The
century Athens but stresses that their style is more Italian, see Metcalf second wife of Andronikos II originated from Montferrat and so did the
1960, 46. wife of Ioannes VIII. The first wife of Andronikos III was born into the
57
Touratsoglou 1971, 192–193. Brunswick family.
58
Morrisson 2003, 184. 67
Grierson 1982, 276–278; Laiou 1973, 131–135; Nicephorus Gregoras,
59
Ousterhout 2009, 164–166. 683–684; Chrysostomides 1970, 268, 272.
177
strong influence on local coinage.68 It can be surmised that significant power in a range of areas. Most eloquent
these particular coins were the predominant inspiration is the case of the last Byzantine coins, the staurata,
for western elements on Byzantine coins of the period. that depicted the Byzantine emperors in a completely
Certain western influences had appeared on coins minted Western style. The iconography of late Byzantine
in Thessaloniki since the 13th century and so the discussion coins expressed in visual ways the new conditions
remains open.69 and situations which the empire faced: Byzantium had
definitely more intense contacts with the Western culture
Palaeologan coinage falls into three phases.70 The first than before and the Byzantine coins gradually lost their
started with Michael VIII’s entry into Constantinople in significance as the main media of exchange in the Eastern
1261 and concluded in 1304, by which time the new silver Mediterranean.
coin, the basilikon, had been introduced. The minting of the
basilikon characterises the second phase which concludes Literature
in 1367. The third phase, typified by the stauraton, ends
Catalogues:
with the fall of Constantinople in 1453.
DOC IV: M.F.Hendy, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in
The study of western influences on Palaeologan coins the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore
allows one to reach certain conclusions as to their Collection IV (1081–1261), Washington 1999.
periodization. Western elements appear during the first
DOC V: P.Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in
phase, but they are hardly dominant or important and their
the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore
interpretation is conjectural (as in the case of the fleur-de-
Collection V (1258–1453), Washington 1999.
lis). In the second phase, coins with more evident western
influences emerged, like the basilikon, the politikon and Primary sources:
the tornesion, all of them directly inspired by western
Nicephorus Gregoras: Nicephorus Gregoras, Byzantina
prototypes. The third phase is not just the last chapter
Historia, II, ed. L. Schopen, Bonn 1830.
of Byzantine coin production but also the epilogue of
Byzantine imperial history altogether. The staurata diverge Secondary literature:
from Byzantine iconography, western styles predominate
Baker 2015: Baker, Julian, ‘Money and Currency in
and the variety of configurations featuring the emperor is
Medieval Greece’, in Nickiphoros I. Tsougarakis –
limited.
Peter Lock (eds.), A Companion to Latin Greece,
217–254.
Western influences on the iconography of Palaeologan
coins increase with the passage of time, while Baker 2010: Baker, Julian, ‘Τα βενετικά νομίσματα’, in
simultaneously the style becomes generally simplified. The Chryssa Maltezou (ed.), Βενετοκρατούμενη Ελλάδα:
greatest influence was apparently exerted by coins issued Προσεγγίζοντας την ιστορία της, τόμ. Α’ – La grecia
by states which were in contact with Byzantium within the Durante la Venetocrazia. Approccio alla sua istoria,
eastern Mediterranean geopolitical sphere, consequently vol.I, Atene–Venezia 2010, 277–293.
they reflect Venetian, Florentine and Frankish coinage
Baker 2009: Baker, Julian, ‘Νομίσματα, νομισματοκοπία
styles. Furthermore, it is remarkable that for the first
και νομισματοκοπεία στις μεσαιωνικές Κυκλάδες,
time in its long history Byzantium adopted in earnest
13ος–15ος αιώνας – Monete, Monetazione e zecche
the iconographies, weights and names of coins issued by
nelle Cicladi medievali, 13o–15o secolo’, in Nikos
other states. There had been instances of Byzantine coins
G.Moschonas – M.G. Lily Stylianou (eds.), Το δουκάτο
reflecting certain outside influences,71 but the appearance
του Αιγαίου. Πρακτικά Επιστημονικής Συνάντησης
of Byzantine coinage had never been so decisively altered
(Νάξος – Αθήνα 2007) – Il Ducato dell’Egeo, Atti
by foreign inspiration as in the Palaeologan period. Up to
dell’Incontro di Studio (Nasso – Atene 2007), Atene
that point it was Byzantine issues that were avidly imitated.
2009, 333–385.
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dominant economic position of Western European states Bendall – Donald 1979: Bendall, Simon –Donald, Paul J.,
and Byzantium’s efforts to challenge it. The Later Palaeologan Coinage, London 1979.
Bendall 2008: Bendall, Simon, ‘Palaeologan Billon
The intense adoption of Western models has to
Tornese’, Spink’s Numismatic circular, CXVI, October
be understood as a sign of increased political and
2008, no.5, 252–256.
economic influence of Western hegemons in the Eastern
Mediterranean, where the Western coins circulated on a Berman 1991: Berman, Allen G., Papal Coins, New York
large scale and the hegemons of Western origin gained 1991.
Bertelè 1951: Bertelè, Tommaso, L’imperatore alato nella
68
Baker 2015, 219, 232–236; Baker 2009, 333–385; Baker 2010, numismatica bizantina, Roma 1951.
277–293; Touratsoglou–Baker 2002, 222–227.
69
Morrisson 2003, 186. Blanchet 1910: Blanchet, Adrien, ‘Les Dernières Monnaies
70
Lianta 2009, 9; DOC V, 40–42.
71
For example, 8th-century silver milliaresia bear Islamic influences, see dʼor des Empereurs de Byzance’, Revue Numismatique
Miles 1960, 189–218; Whitting 1970, 158–163. 14 (1910), 78–90.
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‘L’origine de la fleur de lis des rois de France au point 1453 in the Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford,
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(1951), 43–58.
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Chrysostomides 1970: Chrysostomides, Julian, ‘Venetian survey. Oxford, 1933.
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Cutler 1964: Cutler, Anthony, ‘The Stavraton: Evidence for G.Moschonas (ed.), Διεθνές Επιστημονικό Συμπόσιο
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Yale University Press 1973. the British School at Athens vol. 55 (1960), 38–59.
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1982. and Arab Dirhem: Some Notes on Their Relationship’,
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XVII vekov, iz arheologicheskih kollekcij Saint, and the City: Coinage and Money in Thessalonike
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195–201.
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16
Visualizing a Lost Monument of Early Constantinople.

The Basilica or Basileios Stoa1
Abstract: The quadriporticus Basilica or Basileios Stoa, one of the most important buildings of
Constantinople, hosted prominent functions and activities of public life: the Schools of higher
education, the Public Library, the Courts and the Temple of Tyche. Justinian constructed the
Basilica Cistern under its courtyard. The re-examination of written sources and topographical
evidence suggests that the monument was constructed upon a strong and high stone-foundation.
A great staircase of 72 steps enhanced the impressive façade of the northern portico, which had
a direct visual relation to the passage of Bosphorus and the ancient Acropolis. The separate
construction of the north portico during the Hellenistic period, which was later transformed to a
Roman Agora, is argued. The Basilica is identified with the ancient Agora of Zeuxippos which
was integrated by Constantine into the newly-designed Imperial monumental center as a symbol
of the transition from Byzantion and old Rome to the New Rome-Constantinople.
Η Βασιλική ή Βασίλειος Στοά υπήρξε η έδρα των Παιδευτηρίων, της δημόσιας Βιβλιοθήκης,
των Δικαστηρίων και του Τυχαίου της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Βρισκόταν στη 4η Ρεγιώνα της
Πόλης απέναντι από την Αγία Σοφία και επάνω από την Βασιλική Κινστέρνα. Πρόκειται για ένα
τετράστωο οικοδόμημα με μεγάλο αύλειο χώρο σύμφωνα με την περιγραφή του Προκοπίου, στο
υπέδαφος του οποίου ο Ιουστινιανός οικοδόμησε την Κινστέρνα κατά το πρώτο έτος της βασιλείας
του. Το μνημείο παραμένει μέχρι σήμερα στο περιθώριο της έρευνας του μνημειακού κέντρου
της Κωνσταντινούπολης εξαιτίας των δυσχερειών στην αποκατάσταση των μορφολογικών
στοιχείων, της οικοδομικής ιστορίας και της λειτουργικής χρήσης του.
Μέσα από μία νέα προσέγγιση της τοπογραφικής θέσης και των γραπτών μαρτυριών αναδεικνύεται
η ανέγερση του βόρειου τμήματος της Βασιλικής επάνω σε μία πολύ ισχυρή λίθινη θεμελίωση
εξαιτίας της κλίσης του εδάφους (πλαγιά λόφου) στο σημείο που οικοδομήθηκε. Το στοιχείο αυτό
επιτρέπει την αποκατάσταση μίας μεγάλης κλίμακας με 72 σκαλοπάτια στο μέσο της βόρειας
όψης, η οποία υπήρξε η κύρια όψη του μνημείου. Η κατανόηση της αρχιτεκτονικής της μορφής
υποδεικνύει ότι η Βασιλική δεν οικοδομήθηκε στο πλαίσιο του Κωνσταντίνειου προγράμματος,
αλλά υπήρξε τμήμα της μνημειακής παρακαταθήκης του αρχαίου Βυζαντίου που παρέλαβε και
αξιοποίησε ο Κωνσταντίνος. Προτείνεται η οικοδόμηση αρχικά μίας Ελληνιστικής Στοάς με
εντυπωσιακή πρόσοψη προς την Ακρόπολη, την κάτω πόλη του Βυζαντίου και κυρίως προς το
νότιο άνοιγμα των Στενών του Βοσπόρου, η οποία θα επιδείκνυε την οικονομική ευρωστία και
πολιτική δύναμη της πόλης. Μία σειρά από στοιχεία υποδεικνύουν την μορφολογική συγγένεια
της Στοάς του Βυζαντίου με την Ελληνιστική Στοά της Ακρόπολης της Λίνδου. Η Στοά αυτή
κατά την Ρωμαϊκή περίοδο μετατράπηκε σε κλειστή αγορά με εμπορικό χαρακτήρα κυρίως, ενώ
το πολιτικό κέντρο του Βυζαντίου παρέμεινε στην παραδοσιακή αρχαία αγορά, το Στρατήγιο,
κοντά στον Προσφοριανό λιμένα. Ο Μέγας Κωνσταντίνος μαζί με τον Ιππόδρομο και τις Θέρμες
του Ζευξίππου ενσωμάτωσε στο νέο μνημειακό κέντρο της Πόλης του την αρχαία Αγορά, η
οποία ανακαινίστηκε από τον Κωνστάντιο και σύντομα μετονομάστηκε σε ‘Βασίλειος Στοά’,
ονομασία που χρησιμοποίησε για πρώτη φορά στο περιβάλλον των γραπτών πηγών ο ρήτορας
Ιμέριος και αργότερα οι κλασσικίζοντες συγγραφείς του 6ου αιώνα.
Keywords: Basilica, Basileios Stoa, Monumental center, Constantinople, Byzantion, Constantine,

Agora, Zeuxippos.
1
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my Professors Maria the summer of 2012. I am most grateful to the Getty Foundation and
Panagiotidi-Kesisoglou and Sophia Kalopissi-Verti for their continuous the Council of American Overseas Research Centers for the selection
support and guidance in my academic endeavors. This paper was and funding of my project. I would also like to extend my appreciation
supported by the 2012 Getty Research Exchange Fellowship Program to the organizers of the Program, Professor R. Ousterhout and Dr. A.
for the Mediterranean Basin and Middle East, which was entitled ‘Vision Greenwood. This research was conducted as part of my Ph.D. dissertation:
and Visual Culture in Byzantium’ and held at Constantinople during Chatzilazarou 2016, chapters 3 and 4.
181
Figure 16.1. The interior of the Basilica Cistern.
The dimly lit interior of the Basilica Cistern, now called

Yerebatan Sarayi, forms today one of the most impressive
visual experiences of Byzantine Constantinople for the
visitor of the modern City (Fig. 16.1). According to
John Malalas2 and the Chronicon Paschale,3 the Cistern
was constructed during the first year of Justinian’s
reign in order to store the abundant water provided by
the Emperor Hadrian’s Aqueduct. During the Byzantine
period, the Cistern was not a tourist attraction and had Figure 16.2. The eastern part of Constantinople (plan of the
only a functional use as it was constructed under the author).
courtyard of the Basilica, after which it was named.
Although the Basilica Cistern is considered today a visual
στοὰ10 and Βασιλικὴ στοὰ11 meaning Royal or Imperial
landmark of Byzantine civilization, it never constituted
Portico. In Latin it was called the Basilica.12 It was
part of Byzantium’s visual culture in the past. However,
situated north of the eastern part of the Mese Street in the
the monument above the Cistern, the Basilica or
Regio IV of the City.13 The most important monuments
Basileios Stoa, was one of the most important buildings
of Constantinople were erected around the Basilica; to
of the monumental center and of the visual culture of
the north was the church of Theotokos Chalkoprateia, to
Constantinople (Fig. 16.2).
the northeast the church of Hagia Eirene, to the east the
church of Hagia Sophia, to the southeast the Augustaion,
Byzantine writers inform us that the Basilica hosted the
the Milion and the Baths of Zeuxippos and to the south
institutions of higher education,4 the Public Library,5
the Hippodrome. In fact, the Basilica along with the
the Juridical Court6 and the Temple of Tyche7 of early
Hippodrome virtually defined the boundaries of the
Constantinople. Greek textual sources refer to the
western part of the monumental core of Constantinople.
monument as Βασιλικὴ,8 Βασίλειος στοὰ,9 Βασιλέως
In spite of the significance of the Basilike Stoa for social
and political life, it remains perhaps the most neglected
historical monument of the city’s monumental center.
2
Malalas, Chronography, 364.39–41 (XVIII.17).
3
Chronicon Paschale, 619.1–3. The most important visual description of the Basilica can
4
Socrates, Church History, 188.3–8 (ΙΙΙ.1.9–10). Simocattes, History, be found in the Buildings of Procopius: ‘κατὰ τὴν βασιλέως
20.21–21.4. Xanthopoulos, Church History, 436D-437A.
5
Zosimus, New History, 127.6–7 (III.11). Cedrenus, History, 616.4–10. στοάν … αὐλή τίς ἐστιν ὑπερμεγέθης, περιμήκης μὲν καὶ
Zonaras, History, 130.15–131.8. εὔρους ἱκανῶς ἔχουσα, ἐν τετραπλεύρῳ δὲ περίστυλος
6
Novellae Justiniani, 402.32–403.1 and 408.15–21 (Neara 82). οὖσα, οὐκ ἐπὶ γεώδους ἐδάφους τοῖς αὐτὴν δειμαμένοις,
Procopius, Anecdota, 92.11–13 (14.13). Procopius, De Aedificiis, 43.6–8
(Ι.11). Lydus, De Magistratibus, 156.19–21 (ΙΙΙ.65). Agathias, History, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ πέτρας πεποιημένη. στοαί τε τὴν αὐλὴν
84.15–17 (ΙΙΙ.1). Menander Protector, 40.8–11 (fragm. 1). Palatine περιβάλλουσι τέσσαρες, κατὰ πλευρὰν ἑκάστην ἑστῶσαι.
Anthology, ΙΧ.660. ταύτην τε οὖν καὶ τῶν στοῶν μίαν, ἥπερ αὐτῆς τέτραπται
7
Socrates, Church History, 206.12–13 (ΙΙΙ.11). Hesychius, Patria,
6.9–11 (15). Palatine Anthology, ΙΧ.697. Suidae ΙΙΙ, 325.1–3 (M201).
Xanthopoulos, Church History, 496C.
8
This was the most common name of the monument from the 5th 10
Zosimus, New History, 127.6–7 (III.11). Procopius, De Aedificiis, 43.6
(earliest reference: Socrates, Church History, 188.3–8 and 206.12–13) (Ι.11). Lydus, De Magistratibus, 156.19–21 (ΙΙΙ.65). Simocattes, History,
to the 14th centuries (latest: Planoudea Anthology, 106, no 66–67 and 20.21–21.4.
Xanthopoulos, Church History, 436D-437A and 496C). 11
John of Antioch, fragments, 426.7–10 (234).
9
Novellae Justiniani, 402.32–403.1 and 408.15–21. Procopius, 12
Codex Theodosianus, XV.1.50. Notitia Urbis, 232, V.8. Codex
Anecdota, 92.11–13 (14.13). Agathias, History, 78.10–12 (ΙΙ.29) and Justinianus, VIII.11.21.
84.15–17 (ΙΙΙ.1). Menander Protector, 40.8–11 (fragm. 1). 13
Notitia Urbis, 232, V.5–15.
182
Visualizing a Lost Monument of Early Constantinople
No material remains of the monument exist today. The

only excavation that took place in the area of the Basilica
was conducted in its courtyard during the year 1934 on
the occasion of the construction of houses on Yerebatan
Street.20 Large rectangular slabs were found between 0.9
m and 1.7 m deep and according to Mamboury they were
the actual pavement stones of the courtyard. The Swiss
scholar, based on the finds of the excavation, concluded
that the whole surface of the Cistern was a rectangular
paved inner courtyard around which a zone of now lost
buildings was erected. His conclusions confirm Procopius’
testimony. During the same excavation a vaulted
construction retaining the zone of buildings to the north
of the Cistern was found in the adjacent Salkim Soğüt
Street.21 This discovery led Mamboury to the conclusion
that the Basilica was directly adjacent to the church of
Theotokos Chalkoprateia. He also estimated that the floors
of the two buildings differed in elevation by about 12 m.
The Basilica was erected on the north slope, between the

Figure 16.3. The excavated area of the Basilica according to
Procopius (plan of the author). first and the second hills of Constantinople (Fig. 16.5).
The orientation of the monument was developed at right-
angles to the longitudinal axis of the Hippodrome and in
πρὸς ἄνεμον νότον, ἐς βάθους μέγα τι χρῆμα κατορύξας
parallel to the contour lines of the north slope of the second
Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεύς, ἀποβαλλομένοις τῇ περιουσίᾳ
hill. As a result the long south portico of the monument
κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας ὥρας τοῖς ὕδασιν ἐς θέρος ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ
was founded on the natural ground surface, while the
θησαυρὸν ἔθετο’.14 The author states that the Basilica was
floor of the long north portico was about 4 m above the
a very wide rectangular quadriporticus which surrounded a
ground level due to the gradient of the slope (Fig. 16.6A).
wide open courtyard. According to Procopius’ description,
Therefore the construction of the north portico required
excavations were executed only under the south Portico
the erection of high and very long foundations which
and the courtyard of the Basilica implying that the other
could only bridge this difference (Fig. 16.6B).
three porticoes, the northern, eastern and western ones
were not disturbed (Fig. 16.3). The Chronicon Paschale
In my opinion the testimony of Procopius: ‘…οὐκ ἐπὶ
confirms that Justinian: ‘Ἐποίησε…καὶ τὸ μεσίαυλον τῆς
γεώδους ἐδάφους, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ πέτρας πεποιημένη’22 –
βασιλικῆς Ἴλλου κινστέρναν μεγάλην’.15 The rectangular,
translated as ‘not set upon a foundation of earth…but
elongated Cistern16 measures 138 m in length and 64.6
built upon living rock’ – refers to these strong foundations
m in width (Fig. 16.4). It practically reproduced the
which were constructed at the time. The translation of this
shape and the orientation of the Quadriporticus Basilica
passage by Dewing and Downey reveals the limitations of
at a slightly smaller size. Thus, the other three porticoes
topographical research based on the translation of ancient
continued to rest ‘ἐπὶ πέτρας’,17 as Procopius states and
texts. In Greek the word ‘πέτρα’ has a double meaning: it
not on the roof of the Cistern. Soon we will re-examine
may mean ‘stone’ or ‘rock’. The translators preferred to
the meaning of this ambiguous expression which Dewing
translate the word as ‘living rock’. But, as we have seen,
and Downey translated as ‘living rock’.18 Guilland and
the existing variation in elevation, which they ignored, not
Mango following Procopius’ description estimated that
only prevented the erection of the north part of the Basilica
the original dimensions of the Basilica were about 150 m
on the rock, but also demanded the construction of high
(length) by 70 m (width).19
foundations.
14
Procopius, De Aedificiis, 43.6–17 (Ι.11). Translation Dewing-Downey We should keep in mind that the Basilica Cistern is the
1961, 91: ‘At the Imperial Portico…there is a certain very large court, largest covered cistern of Constantinople, with a total
very long, and broad in proportion, surrounded by columns on the four
sides, not set upon a foundation of earth by those who constructed it, capacity of about 72,000 cubic meters and a total surface
but built upon living rock. Four colonnaded stoas surround the court, of about 9,000 square meters.23 It required 336 columns
standing one on each side. Excavating to a great depth this court and one of about 8 m high to support the roof. If the ground was
of the stoas (that which faces toward the south), the Emperor Justinian
made a suitable storage reservoir for the summer season, to contain the rocky, the excavation of the ‘living rock’ to 138 m in
water which had been wasted because of its very abundance during the
other seasons’.
15
Chronicon Paschale, 619.1–3: ‘made the central court of the Basilica 20
Mamboury 1936, 274.
of Illus a great cistern’. 21
Mamboury 1936, 274. Bardill 1997, 78, no. 46. Probably the same
16
Crow-Bardill-Bayliss 2008, 127, 215–216, fig. 9.1–9.2. Müller-Wiener retaining wall was mentioned by Schneider 1936, 24 and Kleiss 1965,
1977, 285, fig. 323. 166–167 (fig. 4).
17
Procopius, De Aedificiis, 43.11–12 (Ι.11). 22
Procopius, De Aedificiis, 43.10–12 (Ι.11).
18
Dewing-Downey 1961, 91. 23
Crow–Bardill–Bayliss 2008, 127. Müller-Wiener 1977, 285, fig. 323.
19
Guilland 1954, 102. Mango 1959, 49. Tonguç 1990, 13. Additionally, see Mamboury–Wiegand 1934, 54–71.
183
Figure 16.4. The area around the Basilica Cistern.
length and 8 m in depth would render the construction foundations there already existed underground empty
of the Cistern not only a huge technical work which spaces for storage or commercial use, the integration
could never be accomplished during the first year of of which facilitated the construction of the Cistern
Justinian’s reign,24 but also an unprofitable project which (Fig. 16.6C-D). Such a circumstance would justify
could be constructed more easily and at a lower cost on Justinian’s choice of the Basilica courtyard for the
earthy soil. It seems reasonable that with the phrase ‘ἐπὶ construction of the Cistern.
πέτρας πεποιημένη’, meaning ‘constructed on stones’,
Procopius implies the strong and high stone-foundations Important evidence concerning the architectural plan
of the Basilica. It is also very possible that in these deep and the decoration of the Basilica is provided by the
Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai, a source from the middle
of the 8th century. In the description of the first Spectacle,
As recorded by Malalas, Chronography, 364.39–41 (XVIII.17),
24
Chronicon Paschale, 619.1–3 and Theophanes, Chronography, that of a huge statue of an Elephant which was placed in
176.24–27. the Basilike Stoa, it is mentioned that: ‘Ἐν γὰρ τῇ αὐτῇ
184
Figure 16.5. The Basilica between the first and the second hills.
Figure 16.6. The high foundations of the Basilica and the Cistern (plan of the author).
185
χρυσορόφῳ Βασιλικῇ τὸν ἐλέφαντα παραμένειν εἰς θέαμα

ἐξαίσιον· ὅρον γὰρ εἶναι πρὸ τοῦ μέρους τῶν ἀναβαθμῶν
τῶν οβ΄ ἔλεγον·’.25 In the Patria of the 10th century it is
repeated: ‘ὅρος δὲ ἦν πρὸ τοῦ μέρους τῶν ἀναβαθμῶν’.26
A large, external, monumental staircase, which is used as
a topographical indication, was located in one of the four
sides of the building. Additionally, the golden decoration
of the roof of the Basilica, mentioned in the Parastaseis
and the Patria,27 is confirmed by a law of the year 440 in
the Codex Justinianus which refers to the monument as the
‘Basilicam inauratam et marmoribus decoratam…’.28 The
law also informs us that the monument was decorated with
luxurious marbles.
Without a doubt, the Basilica and in particular its north

side was a very impressive construction, as it was erected
upon its high, strong and 150 meter–long foundations.
Inevitably, the most functionally and morphologically
appropriate site to reconstruct the high staircase stood
in the middle of the north portico of the Basilica29
(Fig. 16.7). The 72 steps mentioned in the Parastaseis Figure 16.7. The Monumental Center of Constantinople
would provide access to this portico from the lower level (plan of the author).
of the Chalkoprateia. At the same time this monumental
staircase would enhance the impressive façade of the north of the 5th century, Socrates mentions that: ‘Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ
portico of the Basilica. In fact, if we allow for an average αὐξηθεὶς τῶν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει παιδευτῶν ἠκροᾶτο,
height of approximately 17 cm for each one of the 72 steps, εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν, ἔνθα τότε τὰ παιδευτήρια ἦν’.32 Mango
the total would amount to 12.24 meters, which accords re-dated the establishment of the Basilica before the
well with the 12 meters proposed by Mamboury30 for the middle of the 4th century, using this piece of information
actual difference in elevation. as terminus ante quem.33 Socrates informs us also that
in the year 362 the emperor Julian: ‘θυσίας δὲ ἐπετέλει
In the Patria, the location of a statue of Theodosius the τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως Τύχῃ δημοσίᾳ ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ,
Great, which stood at the opposite side of the Basilica, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ τῆς Τύχης ἵδρυται ἄγαλμα’.34 According to
between its southeastern corner and the Milion was Socrates’ testimony, which has never been disputed by any
described as: ‘ὄπισθεν τῆς Βασιλικῆς πλησίον του researcher, the Schools and the Tychaion of Constantinople
Μιλίου’.31 This testimony clearly confirms that the front had already been established in the Basilica by the middle
view of the Basilica was its northern façade. But why was of the 4th century.
this huge and expensive building constructed on the slope
of the hill facing north while the monumental center of Specifically, two more testimonies confirm that the
Constantine’s City was developed toward the east and the Tychaion of the City still existed in the Basilica during
south? Before we try to answer this crucial question, let us the 6th century. Hesychius when describing the foundation
examine what other information is provided by Byzantine of ancient Byzantion by Byzas confirms: ‘Ῥέας μὲν κατὰ
sources about the existence of the Basilike Stoa on the τὸν τῆς βασιλικῆς λεγόμενον τόπον νεών τε καὶ ἄγαλμα
monumental stage of Constantinople. καθιδρύσατο, ὅπερ καὶ Τυχαῖον τοῖς πολίταις τετίμηται’.35
Also Theodorus τριcέπαρχοc renovated and embellished
The oldest testimony about the existence of the monument the temple of Tyche according to an epigram of the
refers to the reign of Constantius. The Church historian Palatine Anthology which was inscribed in the apse of
the Basilica: ‘Ἔπρεπέ σοι, Θεόδωρε, Τύχης ἐϋκίονα
νηὸν/ἔργου κοσμῆσαι θαύματι τοσσατίου/δῶρά τε
25
Parastaseis, 40.14–16 (37). Cameron–Herrin 1984, 99: ‘For in the
same golden-roofed Basilica they say the elephant lived, an extraordinary κυδήεντα πορεῖν χρυσασπίδι Ῥώμῃ,/ἥ σ’ ὕπατον τεῦξεν
spectacle. They said there was an enclosure in front of the area of the
seventy-two steps’. Translation modified by the author: ‘For in the same
golden-roofed Basilica they say the elephant remains an extraordinary
spectacle. It set the boundary in front of the area of the seventy-two 32
Socrates, Church History, 188.3–8 (ΙΙΙ.1.9–10): ‘Julian, during his
steps’. adolescence was taught by the teachers of Constantinople in the Basilica,
26
Patria, 172.2–3 (41): ‘It set the boundary in front of the area of the where the Schools were at that time’.
steps’. 33
Mango 1985, 26. Initially Mango 1959, 49 dated the construction of
27
Patria, 171.16–17 (41). the Basilica to the early 5th century, following Guilland 1954, 98.
28
Codex Justinianus, VIII.11.21: ‘The Basilica which is decorated in 34
Socrates, Church History, 206.12–13 (ΙΙΙ.11): ‘offered sacrifices to
gold and marble…’. Tyche of Constantinople publicly in the Basilica where the statue of
29
Mango 1959, 44 argued that the staircase was constructed at the Tyche was erected’.
northeast corner of the monument. See below no. 44. 35
Hesychius, Patria, 6.9–11 (15): ‘He established a temple and a statue
30
Mamboury 1936, 274. of Rhea in the so called place of the Basilica, which has been honoured
31
Patria, 171.14–15 (40): ‘…behind the Basilica, near the Milion’. by the citizens as the Tychaion’.
186
καὶ τρισέπαρχον ὁρᾷ’.36 Alan Cameron37 proved that this proposition has been generally accepted45 and has led to
Theodorus is identical with Theodorus Teganistes who the consideration of the Augustaion as an Agora or Forum
became prefect of the City three times during the reign of of Constantinople, his viewpoint has not satisfied all the
Justin I. The temple of Tyche not only survived until the parameters posed by the sources and the archaeological
first quarter, maybe the middle, of the 6th century, but it evidence.46 The identification of the ‘Great Quadriporticus
was also renovated and embellished by the most important Agora’ still remains an open issue for the topographical
dignitary of the City. Furthermore Theodorus boasted research.47
about this restoration by inscribing an epigram in the apse
of the Basilica. At this point we should consider a very interesting detail
in Zosimus’ account. While his narration refers to the past,
Our case becomes extremely interesting thanks to a as the writer uses two verbs in the past tense: ‘οὔσης δὲ ἐν
reference of the pagan writer Zosimus to Constantine τῷ Βυζαντίῳ μεγίστης ἀγορᾶς τετραστόου’48 and ‘ναοὺς
the Great in which he mentions that: ‘οὔσης δὲ ἐν τῷ ᾠκοδομήσατο δύο’,49 between these two verses he refers
Βυζαντίῳ μεγίστης ἀγορᾶς τετραστόου, κατὰ τὰς τῆς to the portico with the numerous steps using the present
μιᾶς στοᾶς ἄκρας, εἰς ἣν ἀνάγουσιν οὐκ ὀλίγοι βαθμοί, tense: ‘κατὰ τὰς τῆς μιᾶς στοᾶς ἄκρας, εἰς ἣν ἀνάγουσιν
ναοὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο δύο, ἐγκαθιδρύσας ἀγάλματα, οὐκ ὀλίγοι βαθμοί’.50 This apparently inconsistent but
θατέρῳ μὲν μητρὸς θεῶν Ῥέας, …ἐν δὲ θατέρῳ Ῥώμης spontaneous description gives life to his narration. Also
ἱδρύσατο Τύχην’.38 Zosimus’ reference attributes three it provides a direct impression that Zosimus is vividly
main characteristics of the Basilica, the quadriporticus sketching a portico which his contemporary readers
form, the great external staircase and the temple of Tyche, could actually see. The fact that Zosimus feels the need to
to a monument unknown to us, the ‘Great Quadriporticus differentiate this specific portico with the staircase implies
Agora’ of ancient Byzantion. that all the other porticoes also existed and were still
visible. Thus, his grammatically paradoxical description
The identification of this monument has aroused presents to his contemporary readers a quadriporticus
controversy among the researchers of Constantinopolitan monument with a great staircase which still existed in their
topography. Ducange39 proposed that this monument is to time. What did not exist anymore was its function or use
be identified with the Augustaion, which in his opinion as an Agora.
was a Forum of ancient Byzantion. Schneider40 and
Guilland41 argued instead that the ‘Quadriporticus Agora’ Now we may return to our main question and attempt
pre-existed in the place of the Basilike Stoa.42 Mango43 to answer why the predominant and most impressive
following Ducange argued that the Agora overlapped façade of the Basilica faced towards the north, while the
partly with the later Augustaion, but initially occupied monumental center of Constantine’s City was developed
a broader area which included the Milion and the east to the east and the south of the monument. In our opinion
end of the Mese Street.44 Despite the fact that Mango’s there is only one satisfactory answer. The quadriporticus
known as Basilica or Basileios Stoa was not constructed
36
Palatine Anthology, ΙΧ.697. Paton 1958, 387: ‘It beseemed thee, by Constantine the Great or his successors during the
Theodorus, to adorn the columned temple of Fortune (Tyche) by such a re-planning and the urban expansion of Constantinople.
wonderful work, and to give splendid gifts to Constantinople, city of the
golden shield (Rome with the golden shield), which made thee consul Actually, what happened was the exact opposite. The
and sees thee for the third time prefect’. All translations in parentheses City inherited and integrated into the newly-designed
are the author’s. Imperial monumental center one of the greatest and most
37
Cameron 1976, 269–286.
38
Zosimus, New History, 88.16–89.2 (ΙΙ.31). Ridley 1982, 38: ‘There was impressive monuments of ancient Byzantion, the ‘Great
in Byzantium a huge forum consisting of four porticoes, and at the end of Quadriporticus Agora’. And as it should be expected
one of them, which has numerous steps leading up to it, he (Constantine) the monument was built facing the plain, where ancient
built two temples. Statues were set up in them, in one Rhea, mother of the
gods…and in the other, the statue of Fortuna Romae (Tyche of Rome)’. Byzantion was built, and also towards the Acropolis to the
Translation modified: ‘There was in Byzantium a Great Quadriporticus north (Fig. 16.8).
Agora, and at the edges of one portico, which has numerous steps…’.
39
Ducange 1680, I, 70.
40
Schneider 1939, 23–26. between the Augustaion and the Basilica leading from the east side of the
41
Guilland 1954, 97. Hippodrome to the Acropolis of Byzantion. It intersected the Mese Street
42
This proposal was accepted by researchers as Bauer 1996, 218–220 at the Milion, see Berger 2000, 163 and pl. 1. Possibly the direction of
and Schlange-Schöningen 1995, 101–102. this road is indicated by the conduit which was discovered by Firatli–
43
Mango 1959, 42–47. Ergil 1969, 209–210, fig. 1. The pavement of the road was found during
44
This proposal presupposes that the Tetrastoon-Augustaion initially Schneider’s excavation in the atrium of St. Sophia: Schneider 1941, 4
extended to the east side of the Basilica in order to explain why the and pl. 1.
staircase was defined in the text of Parastaseis as part of the latter. Mango 45
Janin 1964, 59–60; Speck 1974, 92–94, 106; Müller-Wiener 1977, 248,
1959, 44 argued: ‘if, therefore, the flight of many steps mentioned by 283; Dagron 2000, 420, no. 11; Bassett 2004, 20–24; Cassanelli 2008,
Zosimus and the temples of Rhea and Fortuna were at the north-east 15–22; Anadol 2010, 58.
corner of the Basilica, then they could also be described as being at one 46
Dagron 2000, 426 points out that the Tetrastoon is vaguely identified
end of the Augustaion, so that the argument in favour of placing the with the Basilica in written sources.
Tetrastoon over the Cisterna Basilica loses some of its cogency’. This 47
Berger 1987, 24–28. Berger 1988, 417–422. Barsanti 1992, 129.
proposal has no archaeological, topographical or historical foundation. 48
Zosimus, New History, 88.16–17: ‘There was in Byzantium a great
It is a logical assumption in an attempt to bridge the gap between the quadriporticus agora’.
Augustaion and the Basilica and to explain why the position of the steps 49
Zosimus, New History, 88.18: ‘he built two temples’.
was defined in connection to the Basilica. But a very important road, 50
Zosimus, New History, 88.17–18: ‘at the edges of one portico, which
which probably pre-dated the foundation of Constantinople, used to pass has numerous steps leading up to it’.
187
that it refers to the buildings of the monumental center

of Constantinople not with their familiar and widely used
names, but with their ancient or archaic appellations. The
description of the passage of the flames leaves no room for
misunderstanding.54 The fire started at the Chalke Gate and
from there it leaped successively to Hagia Sophia, to the
Senatus at the Augustaion, to the Agora of Zeuxippos and
finally to the Baths of Zeuxippos. The Agora of Zeuxippos
cannot be identified with the Augustaion, as the writer
clearly differentiates the two edifices by stating that the
fire was transmitted from the Senatus at the ‘Augustus’
Panegyris’ to the Agora of Zeuxippos. And the only
quadriporticus building adjacent to the Augustaion was
the Basilica.55
The construction of the Agora of Zeuxippos and especially

the erection of the north portico on the hill slope appears
to have been a deliberate choice for the citizens of ancient
Byzantion. Their purpose was the construction of a very
impressive building with a monumental façade facing the
Acropolis, the city and especially the south opening of
the sea passage of the Bosphorus where the visual axes
of the north portico converge (Fig. 16.9).56 This majestic
monument would visually impose the political strength
Figure 16.8. The monuments of Ancient Byzantion (plan of and the economic prosperity of the independent and
the author). powerful Byzantion to friendly or hostile ships, sailing
across the Bosphorus and the Propontis, at the time when
Zosimus’ grammatically paradoxical description derives

from his nostalgic effort to locate the Temple of Tyche
not in relation to the topography of contemporary
Constantinople during his time, as Socrates51 and the Augustus’ Panegyris, from which it proceeded to the Agora called
Zeuxippus after king Zeuxippus…’.
Hesychius52 did, but according to the topography of pagan 54
Lydus describes the destructive results of two separate fires together.
Byzantion. This is why, although his description was The best description is provided by the Chronikon Paschale, 621.17–
showing the quadriporticus Basilica to his contemporary 622.15. Mango 1993, Addenda, 1 correctly restitutes the text of the
Chronikon Paschale, 622.12–13: ‘and Hagia Eirene [and the Basilica]
readers, he used the ancient appellation of the monument which was erected by Illus the Isaurian…’ according to the references
instead, where the Tychaion had been constructed and of the Chronikon Paschale, 619.1–2 and Theophanes, Chronography,
where it still existed at the time. 176.24–27. For the events, see Greatrex 1997.
55
Mango 1959, 46, no. 55, focused on Lydus’ phrase: ‘ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰουλιανοῦ
Γερουσίαν, ἥν καλοῦσι Σενᾶτον κατὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου [Πανήγυριν]’
The most certain confirmation that the ancient Agora is and translated it: ‘Market (or fair) of Augustus’, arguing that even in
identified with the Basilica comes from a passage of John Lydus’ time the Augustaion-Tetrastoon remained a public space-Agora
of Constantinople. The fact that Lydus mentions right next to the
Lydos, where he lists the buildings of the City’s monumental ‘Αὐγούστου [Πανήγυριν]’ the actual Agora: ‘ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγοράν, ἥν καλοῦσι
center which were damaged by the conflagration of the Ζεύξιππον’ was passed over. Moreover Mango’s translation of the term
Nika Riot: ‘…ἀρχῆς δὲ λαβόμενον τὸ πῦρ ἐκ τῶν τῆς ‘Augustus’ Panegyris’ is not precise. An inscription of the Sebasteion
of Ancyra is instructive: ‘ἔτ[ι] πολλ[οὺς] τόπους ἀν(έ)[θηκ]ε ὅπο[υ]
αὐλῆς εἰσόδων, εἶτα ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἱερόν, ἐξ τὸ Σεβαστῆόν ἐστιν καὶ ἡ παν[ή]γυρις γείνεται καὶ ὁ ἱπποδρόμος.’ in
οὗ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰουλιανοῦ [γερουσίαν] – ἣν καλοῦσι σενᾶτον Dittenberger 1905, 203, no 533. The term ‘Panegyris’ in the context of
κατὰ τὴν Αὐγούστου [πανήγυριν – ἀφ’ ἧς ἐπὶ τὴν] ἀγοράν, Imperial Cult refers to the celebrations in honor of the Emperor. About
the relation of the Hippodrome to the celebrations, see Gros 1996,
ἣν καλοῦσι [Ζεύ]ξιππον ἀπὸ Ζευξίππου βασιλέως… 229–231. Lydus, Mensibus, 163 (IV.86) mentions Imperial celebrations
τὸ γὰρ δημόσιον βαλανεῖον Σεβήρειον ἀπὸ Σεβήρου… in the Augustaion: ‘Τῇ Πέμπτη τοῦ Ὀκτωβρίου μηνὸς οἱ ῥεγεωνάρχαι
παρωνόμασται…τῶν δὲ τηλικούτων σωμάτων [εἰς πῦρ] καὶ σεβαστοφόροι ἐχόρευον ἐν τῷ Γουστείῳ, οἷον, ἐν τῷ ὀψοπωλείῳ,
εἰς τιμὴν Τιβερίου· τὸν δὲ τοιοῦτον τόπον νῦν οἱ ἰδιῶται Αὐγουστεῖον
μεταβαλόντων…’.53 The importance of this passage is καλοῦσιν’. In fact the term: ‘Αὐγούστου [Πανήγυρις]’ indicates the
public space where imperial celebrations used to take place, that is the
Augustaion. About the displacement of the imperial title ‘Sebastos’ by
51
Socrates, Church History, 188.4 (ΙΙΙ.1.9–10) and 206.13 (ΙΙΙ.11). ‘Augoustos’ in the Greek East, see Salway 2007.
52
Hesychius, Patria, 6.9 (15). 56
Polybius, Histories, IV.43.7–44.5 describes the strong sea currents in
53
Lydus, De Magistratibus, 162.21–163.16 (ΙΙΙ.70). Bandy 1983, 245– the south opening of the Bosphorus: ‘…πλὴν ὅ γε ῥοῦς τὸ τελευταῖον
247: ‘…the fire got its start at the gates of the court. Then from there it ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῆς Βοὸς ἐπ’ αὐτὸ φέρεται τὸ Βυζάντιον…’. When ships
spread to the First Temple. From the latter it leapt to the Council-House were sailing to Chalkedon the strong currents pushed them towards
of Julian called Senatus after the Assembly Hall of Augustus. From this it Byzantion: ‘ἀλλ’ ὅμως εἰς τὴν μὲν βουληθέντα καταπλεῦσ’οὐ ῥᾴδιον,
proceeded to the forum called Zeuxippus after King Zeuxippus … As for πρὸς ἥν δέ, κἄν μὴ βούλῃ, φέρει κατ’ ἀνάγκην ὁ ῥοῦς’. This parameter,
the public bath, it was named Severeum after Severus … When structures which was very important for the naval and economic prosperity of
of such grandeur had been turned into flames…’. Translation modified: Byzantion, also reveals the strategic significance of the city’s peninsula
‘From the latter it leapt to the Council-House of Julian called Senatus at and the direct visual connection of the north portico to the sailing ships.
188
The transformation process of the monumental portico

of Byzantion into a quadriporticus is in keeping with
the architectural evolution of the Greek Agora during
the Hellenistic and Roman periods. During that era the
free-standing porticoes in the Agoras of the Greek Cities
were expanded with the addition of lateral porticoes or
other monumental buildings which framed and isolated
the perimeter of the public spaces.61 Gradually, the open
space of the Greek Agora was transformed into a closed
quadriporticus, a process driven by social, political and
religious concepts. In practice, this evolution seems to
have served to define and isolate the commercial activities
from the political functions in such ancient public spaces.62
The Agora of Zeuxippos in Byzantion looks to have hosted

mainly commercial activities,63 which were once located,
Figure 16.9. Aerial view of Constantinople and the Bosporus
strait. along with the political activities, in the Ancient Agora of
the City, namely the Strategion near the Prosphorianos port.
The simple quadriporticus form of the Agora of Zeuxippos
this nautical city controlled the sea passage of Bosphorus which did not incorporate other buildings and the wide
and the commercial route to the Black Sea.57 courtyard remind us of similar Commercial Agoras of the
Hellenic world, such as the Tetragonos Agora of Ephesus,
In my view, the monumental character of the north portico, the Roman Agora of Athens, and the South Agora of Miletus.
its high, strong foundation, the impressive façade with the The Agora of Zeuxippos ranked in size amongst the great
great staircase and especially the direct visual relation Agoras64 of the rich Greek cities in Asia Minor. The terminus
to the passage of the Bosphorus indicate the separate ante quem for the completion of the transformation process
construction of the portico during the Hellenistic period of the free-standing north portico into a quadriporticus is
when similar daring monumental porticoes were erected set by the building activity of Emperor Severus, according
by Pergamon and other rich Greek cities in Asia Minor.58 to John Malalas65 and the Chronicon Paschale.66 When
The closest known parallel to the portico of Byzantion can Severus constructed the Hippodrome and the Thermes, the
be traced in the Hellenistic Stoa of the Acropolis of Lindos Quadriporticus of Zeuxippos was already standing in the
on the island of Rhodes, in terms of architectural form, monumental foreground of ancient Byzantion.
morphological elements and especially in terms of the
central monumental staircase. The façade of the Stoa of The identification of the Basilica with the Roman Agora
Lindos59 was dominated by a central monumental staircase of Zeuxippos67 allows us to re-evaluate certain testimonies
which bridged the gap between two different ground levels, about the pagan past of the area of Zeuxippos which probably
while at the same time its view from the sea was greatly have seemed irrelevant until today. These testimonies,
impressive. A really solid foundation, with underground now integrated in the environment of the ancient Agora,
barrel-vaulted rooms, formed a wide plateau in front of acquire a new and essential meaning. There are references
the Stoa. Wings projected from both edges of the portico
(Fig. 16.10). They provide a visually very effective model οὖν Βαβυλωνίων ἤ τὰ Μεμνόνεια τὰ ἐν Σούσοις τείχη τοῖς Περσικοῖς
for the restoration of the temples of Rhea and Tyche at οὔτε εἶδον, οὔτε ἄλλων περὶ αὐτῶν ἤκουσα αὐτοπτούντων· τὰ δὲ ἐν
Άμβρώσῳ τῇ Φωκικῇ ἐν τε Βυζαντίῳ καὶ Ῥόδῳ, ταῦτα γὰρ δὴ τετείχισται
the edges of the north portico of Byzantion, according τὰ χωρία ἄριστα, τούτων Μεσσηνίοις ἐστὶν ἐχυρώτερον’.
to Zosimus’ description. It seems plausible that during 61
Coulton 1976, 173–174; Evangelidis 2010, 188–193 and 292–293.
the 3rd century BC, when Byzantion and Rhodes were
62
Coulton 1976, 174–177; Evangelidis 2010, 193–196 and 293.
63
As reflected in the law of the Codex Justinianus, VIII.11.21.
competing to dominate the commercial sea routes, this 64
Martin 1951, 392–408, 421–431. Müller-Wiener 1995, 175–179.
competition was also expressed in the field of monumental Chatzilazarou 2016, 287–288.
architecture.60
65
Malalas, Chronography, 221.62–76 (ΧΙΙ.20).
66
Chronicon Paschale, 494.12–495.6.
67
This identification also explains the key position of a cistern of
57
Russell 2017, 104–113. Justinianic date for the understanding of an aqueduct of Hadrianic
58
Coulton 1976, 67–71; Winter 2006, 57–59. date, as Crow–Bardill–Bayliss 2008, 17 pointed out: ‘the association
59
Dyggve 1960, 217–297, pl. VI.H, VI.Ο and fig. VI.24. See also of the Basilica Cistern with the Hadrianic line provides key evidence
Coulton, 1976, 61 and 251–252. A cistern also existed in the substructure for understanding the topography of the water supply system within
of the platform in front of the Stoa of Lindos. the city’. Recently, Ward, 2018, 192–205, suggested a southern route
60
On the competition: Polybius, Histories, IV.46.6 – IV.52.10. Hesychius, for the Hadrianic line. Additionally, see Ward – Crow – Crapper 2017,
Patria, 9.9–10 (20). Oberhummer – Miller – Kubitschek 1897, 1131– 349–356 and Crow, 2018, 224–225. Ward 2018, 197–198, also recognizes
1136; Bréhier 1938, 1504–1505; Marinescu 1996, 409–413; Russell Basilica Cistern as ‘a critical factor in determining the route followed
2017, 93–98. Additionally Marinescu mentions three events during the by the Aqueduct of Hadrian’ (the proposal of Crow – Bardill – Bayliss
late 3rd century BC, whereby Byzantion along with Rhodes contributed 2008, 114–117, figure 2.2 and maps 12–15 for the Hadrianic line was
as intercessors to the relief of military tensions between Greek cities. followed in figures 16.2 and 16.8). The Hadrianic Aqueduct probably
Gyuzelev 2008, 177 mentions the place name ‘Ῥοδίων περίβολοι’ in the supplied a Nymphaeum in the area of the Roman Agora. Evidently the
territory of Byzantion. Also Pausanias, Description of Greece, 4.31.5 ‘Nympheum’, which is mentioned by the Notitia Urbis, 232, V.8–9 right
draws an analogy between the walls of Byzantion and Rhodes: ‘Τὰ μὲν next to the Basilica, was rather part of the Hadrianic line.
189
Figure 16.10. The monumental façade of the Hellenistic Stoa of Lindos.
in textual sources to ancient statues68 donated or erected in illustrate the integration of the monument into the Imperial
the Basilica during the Hellenistic and Roman periods and Centre, its functional renewal or its lavish decoration.74
also references to pagan shrines69 and cults located in the It seems that while the quadriporticus was acquiring the
Basilica and the surrounding area which were incorporated glamour of an imperial monument at the same time it was
into the monuments of Byzantion and Constantinople. In renouncing its functional destination as an agora.
my opinion all these narrations echo vague memories of the
pagan past of the Agora of Zeuxippos later integrated into The transference of the Tychaion75 from the Political
the Christian environment of the Basilike Stoa. Agora, the Strategion, to the Agora of Zeuxippos depicts
in a symbolic way the transference of the city’s centre of
The transition from the Agora of Zeuxippos to the gravity from the ancient public space to the new imperial
Basilike Stoa constitutes an important visual aspect of core of Constantinople. The selection of the Agora and
the transformation of ancient Byzantion into New Rome- specifically of the north portico constituted the ideal choice
Constantinople. The case of the now lost Basilica illustrates in terms of greatness, tradition and history. The orientation
the assimilation of the ancient monumental legacy within of the portico towards the old, pagan Byzantion at the
the newly designed and constructed Imperial centre of same time divorced it from the new centre of Christian
Constantinople.70 When Constantine the Great decided to Constantinople. The relocation of the Tyche of Byzantion
establish his own City on the actual site of Byzantion’s as the Tyche of New Rome-Constantinople in the Agora-
peninsula, he incorporated the Circus,71 the Agora and Basilica conferred a symbolic sense of continuity on
the Baths of Zeuxippus72 into his town-planning. This the monument, the town and the citizens. This symbolic
decision was the easiest, fastest and most convenient way message was not in opposition to the rapidly growing
to develop his own Imperial Centre, as the functions of Christian character of Byzantium’s visual culture.
these monuments were in harmony with his intentions.
The sole exception was the commercial character of Constantine the Great used a conciliatory approach
the Agora of Zeuxippos. The Imperial will gradually towards the Greek population of Byzantion, showing not
transformed its functional character by hosting in the only religious tolerance but also respect for the traditions
ancient quadriporticus the institutions of higher education, of the city.76 As the new founder, through a highly symbolic
the Public Library, the Juridical Court and the Tychaion act, he transformed the ancient Agora of Zeuxippos into
of the city. The change of the name of the edifice from the visual merging point between the Roman legacy and
Agora to Basileios Stoa or Basilica is sufficiently recorded the traditions of Byzantion. Here not only Tyche of Rome
in the textual sources of the 4th and 5th centuries.73 It may met the Greek goddess Rhea, but also the Greek Agora
68
Trophies: Hesychius, Patria, 13.5–8 (31); Statues of Byzas and
Phidaleia: Hesychius, Patria, 14.9–15 (34); Opitz 1934, 573. Planoudea Themistius, Oratio XXI, 43.19–44.7 (260b–c). The monument was called
Anthology, 106, no 66; Łajtar 2000, 35–36, no 8Α–Β; Statue of an Elephant: ‘Basileios Stoa’ for the first time by Himerius, Oratio XLI, 175.155–159.
Parastaseis, 40.9–41.9 (37). Patria, 172.1–11 (41); Bassett 2004, 172. The 74
Themistius, Oratio IV, 83.12–13 (58c): ‘…καὶ τὴν βασίλειον ἀγορὰν
chariot of Helios: Parastaseis, 41–42 (38). Patria, 172.16–173.3 (42). ὥσπερ καλύπτραν διαπλέκων χρυσῷ καὶ μορίοις’. Codex Justinianus,
69
Sanctuary of Rhea: Hesychius, Patria, 6.9–11 (15); Sanctuary of VIII.11.21: ‘Βasilicam inauratam et marmoribus decoratam…’.
Zeus: Souda IV, 335.2–3; Altar of Zeus: Hesychius, Patria, 15.13–16.6 Basilicorum libri LX, LVIII.12.21, 2674.6–9: ‘[Ἡ] βασιλικὴ κεχρυσωμένη
(37); Opitz 1934, 574. Sanctuary of Hekate: Hesychius, Patria, 7.2–3 καὶ μεμαρμαρ[ωμέν]η…’.
(15); Sanctuary of Dioscuri: Zosimus, New History, 88.10–13 (ΙΙ.31); 75
Tyche at Strategion: Marcellinus Comes Chronicon, 97.15–17 (year
Hesychius, Patria, 16.1–5 (37). 510). Patria, 184.5–6 (II.61). Berger 1988, 409–410. Wilkinson 2010,
70
Chatzilazarou 2018, on the formation of the monumental center of 181–185 connected four epigrams of Palladas (Palatine Anthology,
Constantinople. IX.180–183) to the transference of the Tychaion of Constantinople to
71
Malalas, Chronography, 245.74–76 (XIII.7). Chronicon Paschale, the Basilica by Constantine. But it is not certain whether the epigrams
528.4–6; Zosimus, New History, 88.10–15; Sozomenus, Church History, are referring to the Tychaion of Byzantion or of Alexandria, see Gibson
52.11–13 (II.3.5). 2009, 618–622, no 49.
72
Malalas, Chronography, 246.5–9 (XIII.8). Chronicon Paschale, 529.5– 76
Constantine did not take advantage of the magnificent site of the
7. The testimony of the sources concerning the original construction of traditional cult center of Byzantion, the ancient Acropolis, for the
the Circus and the Baths by Severus is neither yet confirmed nor rejected construction of his Palace, as Mohammed the Conqueror did eleven
by archaeological research; see Bardill 2004, 67–69, 116–117. Bardill centuries later. The ancient temples of Aphrodite, Artemis and Helios-
2010, 93–94; Mango 2003, 599–606; Mango 2010, 37–38. Apollon, see Malalas, Chronography, 221.72–222.78 (ΧΙΙ.20), remained
73
Chatzilazarou 2016, 299–315. The Basilica as Agora: Libanius, intact but without income, see idem, 248.56–59 (ΧΙΙΙ.13). Theodosius
autobiography, 100.14–18 (35) and 106.12–15 (46). Themistius, Oratio transformed them in ‘καρουχαρεῖον’, ‘ταβλοπαρόχιον’ και ‘αὐλὴν
IV, 83.12–13 (58c). The Agora as the seat of the Lawcourts and Schools: οἰκημάτων’, see idem, 267.75–82 (ΧΙΙΙ.38).
190
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Rome to the New Rome-Constantinople. Parastaseis: Scriptores originum constantinopolitanarum,
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193
17
Ludi Scaenici in Late Antique Constantinople:

Aspects of Theatre in Late Antiquity*
Abstract: Theatrical spectacles (ludi theatrales) formed an inseparable part of social life in
Constantinople throughout Late Antiquity. Written sources inform us on various occasions
when theatrical performances were taking place; texts also refer to the only theatrical feast of
the annual calendar known, the feast of Brytae.
Citizens of the capital enjoyed, at least until the end of the 6th century, all the kinds of
theatrical performances known at that time, from the adaptations of ancient tragedies, in the
form of pantomime or not, to the scenic performances, often improvisations, where all kinds
of performers participated.
The most valuable archaeological evidence on theatrical spectacles is the consular diptychs
that depict scenes related to theatre in the capital.
Four buildings described as “theatres” are mentioned in Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae,

one of them being the amphitheatre of the city. One theatre and the amphitheatre were located
on the acropolis hill, while another theatre is mentioned in Sycae and one perhaps in the
neighbourhood of Vlachernae.
Θεατρικά δημόσια δρώμενα λάμβαναν χώρα στην Κωνσταντινούπολη σε όλη τη διάρκεια

της ύστερης αρχαιότητας. Αυτά πλαισίωναν, μαζί με άλλες εκδηλώσεις, τις αυτοκρατορικές
τελετές, όπως τον εορτασμό των στρατιωτικών νικών, τους γάμους της αυτοκρατορικής
οικογένειας, την ανέγερση μνημείων με αυτοκρατορική χορηγία. Στο πλαίσιο του εορταστικού
ημερολογίου γνωρίζουμε ότι θεατρικά δρώμενα πλαισίωναν τα Βρυτά, ετήσια γιορτή
πιθανότατα συνδεδεμένη με την εποχή της άνοιξης. Σκηνικά θεάματα ήταν υποχρεωμένοι
κατά τον 6ο αι. να παρουσιάσουν στον λαό της πόλης και οι ύπατοι κατά τη διάρκεια της
ετήσιας θητείας τους.
Το περιεχόμενο των θεατρικών θεαμάτων που παρακολουθούσαν οι κάτοικοι της

Κωνσταντινούπολης κατά την ύστερη αρχαιότητα είναι δύσκολο να προσδιοριστεί με
ακρίβεια και άπτεται του ευρύτερου ζητήματος των «μορφών» του θεάτρου κατά την εποχή
αυτή. Αξιοποιώντας τις πληροφορίες των γραπτών κειμένων και των υπατικών διπτύχων
καταλήγουμε στο συμπέρασμα ότι τα θεατρικά δρώμενα συνίσταντο, κυρίως, αφενός
σε παραστάσεις ὀρχηστῶν/ὀρχηστρίδων –δηλαδή ηθοποιών/χορευτών-χορευτριών που
υποδύονταν με συνοδεία μουσικής ρόλους που συνδέονταν, κατά πάσα πιθανότητα, με τους
αρχαίους τραγικούς μύθους– και, αφετέρου, σε παραστάσεις μίμων· αυτές περιελάμβαναν
μια ποικιλία σκηνικών δρώμενων, όπως κωμικές σκηνές, χορό και τραγούδι, ακροβατικά,
ανέκδοτα και φάρσες επί σκηνής. Στους μίμους ανήκαν και οι υδρόμιμοι, οι οποίοι εκτελούσαν
χορευτικές παραστάσεις στο νερό, όπως γνωρίζουμε ότι συνέβαινε στη γιορτή των Βρυτών.
Το θέατρο της Κωνσταντινούπολης δεν έχει εντοπιστεί ανασκαφικά. Στη Notitia urbis
Constantinopolitanae (5ος αι.) αναφέρονται τέσσερα κτήρια ως θέατρα, ενώ καταγράφεται ένα
theatrum maius και ένα theatrum minor. Η σύγχρονη έρευνα τοποθετεί το θέατρο της πόλης του
Βυζαντίου της περιόδου των Σεβήρων στο βορειοανατολικό τμήμα της ακρόπολης. Τα άλλα θέατρα
αναφέρεται στη Notitia urbis ότι βρίσκονταν στο προάστιο των Συκεών και στην 14η συνοικία.
Τα θεατρικά θεάματα ήταν ιδιαίτερα δημοφιλή στην πρωτεύουσα μέχρι τουλάχιστον το τέλος
του 7ου αι., όπως γνωρίζουμε από τις σχετικές αναφορές των αποφάσεων της 7ης Οικουμενικής
The theme of the present article falls into a wider frame of research on
* Panayotidi. I am deeply grateful to Prof. Panayotidi for her guidance, the
public spectacles in the East during Late Antiquity, which was the topic fruitful collaboration and her warmest support during my work.
of my doctoral thesis conducted under the supervision of Prof. Maria I am indebted to Mrs. Angeliki Antonakou for proofreading the English text.
195
Συνόδου σε αυτά, ενώ έχουν καταγραφεί στις πηγές παροδικές απαγορεύσεις των σκηνικών
θεαμάτων, που οφείλονταν κυρίως στα φαινόμενα αστικής βίας που συνόδευαν ενίοτε τα
λαοφιλή αυτά δρώμενα.
Keywords: Constantinople, Theatre, Late Antiquity, Ludi scaenici, Public spectacles,

Pantomimus, Mimus, Consular diptychs.
‘While the Prefect of the City Constantius was watching the the parties (δήμοι).5 The violent incidents of 499 and 501 led
theatrical games (ludos theatrales) in the middle of the day, Emperor Anastasius to abolish the feast of the Brytae and to
the Greens prepared secret ambushes against the opposing exile the four dancers (τοὺς ὀρχηστάς) of the demes,6 thus
Blues in the theatre itself. ....The seating of the theatre depriving the cities of the empire of ‘the best of the dancing’
tottered and creaked.....For the imperial city wept for more (τῆς καλλίστης ὀρχήσεως).7 We do not know whether these
than three thousand citizens lost to stones and swords, to measures led also to the actual end of the Brytae feast. The
the crush of spectators and the waters of the stage.’1 dancers, however, returned to the capital city, but only after
the people of Constantinople demanded it from Justin I.8
The above excerpt from Comes Marcellinus’ Chronicle that
refers to the clashes between the Blues and the Greens in 501 Apart from the Brytae feast, theatrical spectacles formed a
AD is also the only written testimony for the performance regular part of imperial celebrations, such as war victories,
of ludi scaenici inside the actual theatre of Constantinople weddings or the erection of honorary monuments, such
throughout Late Antiquity. From John of Antioch’s Historia as that of Eudoxia in 403 AD when ‘clapping and public
chronikē and John Malalas’ Chronographia we also learn spectacles (took place) by dancers and mimes…. as it was
the name of the feast (πανήγυρις) during which the violent customary then during the erection of emperors’ images’.9
clashes of 501 AD took place: it was the feast of the Brytae.2 In 416, the prefect Ursus organized theatrical spectacles
The Brytae feast (Βρυτά) of Constantinople had distinct and chariot races in honor of Theodosius II following the
similarities, according to Greatrex and Watt, with the emperor’s victory over Attalus10 and a few years later (421)
May festival in Edessa (Syria) and the Maiuma, the well- the same emperor celebrated his wedding to Eudokia in the
known feast mainly celebrated in Antioch (Syria).3 The city’s circus with chariot races and theatrical spectacles.11 In
Brytae feast included most probably similar performances 582, Mauricius’ wedding to Tiberius’ daughter Constantina
with common roots — possibly from Syria — that were was celebrate, including similar spectacles where different
celebrated in the theatres of the empire in the afternoon or in kinds of musicians and mimes took part.12
the evening [παννυχίδες (pannychides)], including theatrical
performances mainly involving water — that are suitable for 5
John of Antioch, Historia chronikē fr. 309: ‘Ότι ἐπὶ Ἀναστασίου ὁ τὴν
tetimimi (υδρόμιμοι). They were very popular, particularly in ὕπαρχον ἀνύων τῆς πόλεως Ἠλίας τοὔνομα τὴν τῶν καλουμένων Βρυτῶν
the East, throughout Late Antiquity.4 We do not know which ἑορτὴν ἐπιτελῶν, ὡς οὔπω πρότερον γέγονεν, ὑπὸ τινος βασκανίας αἴτιος
πολλῶν ἐγένετο φόνων. τῶν γὰρ ἀθροισθέντων ἐς δείλην τοῦ δήμου ἅμα
time of year the Brytae feast was celebrated in the capital. ξίφεσι κατ’ἀλλήλων ὡρμηκότων, πολὺς ἦν τῶν ὀλλυμένων ὁ τρόπος.
It was possibly an annual spring feast since the name refers ‘During the reign of emperor Anastasius the prefect of the city who had the
to the blossoming of the earth. The same feast is mentioned name Helias celebrated the feast that bore the name Bryta; and because of
again in 499 AD when clashes had burst out earlier among an evil eye he became responsible for so many murders that never happened
before. For as the members of the parties were gathered in the afternoon,
they attacked each other with swords; and the massacre was big’.
1
Marcell.com. p. 33, 111 (501 AD).
6
Malalas, Chronographia 16.4: ... ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀγανακτήσας πολλοὺς
2
John of Antioch, Historia chronikē fr. 309: ‘Ότι ἐπὶ Ἀναστασίου.... ἐκόλασεν ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν καὶ ἐξώρισεν καὶ τοὺς τέσσαρας
Κωνστάντιος ὁ ἄρχων τῆς πόλεως τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιτελεῖν τῶν Βρυτῶν ὀρχηστάς τῶν μερῶν.
πανήγυριν βουλευσάμενος ὁλίγου διώλεσε τὸν ἅπαντα δῆμον, ποικίλοις ‘The emperor grew angry and punished many from both factions, and
διαφθαρέντα τρόποις, ὡς τὸν βασιλέα τοῦ λοιποῦ χηρῶσαι τῆς καλλίστης also exiled the factions’ four dancers.’. On the dates of the events related
ὀρχήσεως τὰς πόλεις. to Brytae see Cameron 1973, 231, 234.
‘During the reign of Emperor Anastasius....Constantius the prefect of the
7
See n.2 above.
city, who also wished to celebrate the feast of Brytae, almost destroyed the
8
Malalas, Chronographia 17.8: καὶ τὰ μέρη ἔκραζον ζητοῦντες τοὺς
entire population which was massacred in various ways. Consequently, ὀρχηστάς...καὶ παρέσχεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἑκάστῳ μέρει τὸ αἰτηθέν.
the emperor from then on deprived the cities of the best of the dancing’. ‘…and the factions chanted requests for dancers….The emperor granted
Malalas, Chronographia 16.4: ‘Ότι ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίνου τὸ ἐπίκλην each faction what it had asked for.’
Τζουρούκκα ἐπάρχου τῆς πόλεως ἐγένετο ἀκαταστασία. θεωροῦντος
9
Sozomenus, Eccl. Hist. 8.20: κρότοι τε καὶ δημώδεις θέαι ὀρχηστῶν τε
δέκιμον τοῦ αὐτοῦ Κωνσταντίου ἐπάρχου τῶν λεγομένων Βρυτῶν ἐν καὶ μίμων …. ὡς ἔθος ἦν τότε ἐπὶ τῇ ἀνακλήσει τῶν βασιλικῶν εἰκόνων.
τῷ θεάτρῳ ἐπανέστησαν ἀλλήλοις τὰ μέρη ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ, καὶ πολλοὶ ‘clangs and public spectacles by dancers and mimes ... as was the custom
ἐπνίγησαν ἐν τοῖς ὕδασι καὶ ἐτραυματίσθησαν καὶ ξιφήρεις ἀνῃρέθησαν... then during the erection of imperial statues’.
‘When Constantius, surnamed Tzouroukkas, was city prefect, a
10
Chronicon paschale p. 573; Dagron 1974, 266.
disturbance took place. While Constantius the prefect was watching the
11
Chronicon paschale p. 578: Τούτῳ τῷ ἔτει γάμους ἐπετέλεσε Θεοδόσιος
afternoon session during the festival known as the Brytai in the theatre, Αὔγουστος λαβὼν γυναῖκα Ἀθηναΐδα τὴν καὶ Εὐδοκίαν....καὶ ἐπετελέσθη
the factions set on each other in the theatre. Many were drowned in the ἱππικὸν τῶν αὐτῶν γάμων...ὁμοίως καὶ θέατρον τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἱππικοῦ.
water, wounded or killed in fighting with swords….’. ‘In this year Theodosius Augustus celebrated nuptials, taking as his
3
From verb βρύω = I am plentiful, I grow plentifully; I am overwhelmed wife Athenaïs who was also called Eudocia…, and chariot races were
by fruits (Liddell / Scott). On the festival of Brytae (τῶν Βρυτῶν), see performed in celebration of the same nuptials…, and likewise also a
Greatrex / Watt 1999. See also Malineau 2002, 174–176. On Maiuma, theatrical spectacle in the same Hippodrome’. (transl. M. Whitby).
see Roueché 1993, 188–189; Mentzou-Meimare 1996; Belayche 2004. 12
Theoph. Simokattes, Historia Ι.10: ...θέατρον ἦν τοῦ βουλομένου
4
On tetimimi (υδρόμιμοι) see below p. 199. παντὸς ἑστιᾶσαι τὰς ὄψεις, αὐλοί τε καὶ σύριγγες καὶ κιθάραι περιελάλουν
196
Ludi Scaenici in Late Antique Constantinople
Sponsoring ludi scaenici was also part of the consul’s that throughout Late Antiquity audiences in the theatres of
annual duties. According to Justinian’s novel no. 105, the Eastern Roman Empire were attending performances
each consul was expected to present to the people of inspired by the classical repertoire of Greek and Roman
Constantinople two days for chariot races, one for tragedy and comedy, as well as the more recently introduced
beast hunting (πάνκαρπον, silva), one for beast fighting performances of pantomimus and mimus. The quantity and
(venationes) and one for theatrical spectacles. 13 The variety of the terms used in written sources referring to actors
amount of gold that was spent by the consuls in the 6th and dancers in the theatre of Late Antiquity reflect the fluid
century reached 144,000 solidi.14 boundaries among the kinds of acting that different actors
were serving (tragedy, comedy, pantomime, mime, dance,
How much the people of Constantinople loved theatrical recitation); in fact, they reflect more the absence of specific
spectacles is clearly evident when someone reads the ‘kinds’ of theatrical acting with defined characteristics and,
speech John Chrysostom addressed to the clergy, in only consequently, the difficulty of describing them textually.
the first year of his appointment as patriarch in the capital The servants of theatre are generally described as θεατρικοί
(399/400), with the eloquent title Πρὸς τοὺς καταλείψαντας (theatrikoi),17 θυμελικοί (thymelikoi), σκηνικοί (skēnikoi),18
τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ αὐτομολήσαντας πρὸς τὰς ἱπποδρομίας οἱ περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν (oi peri tēn skēnēn), οἱ περὶ τὴν ὀρχήστραν
καὶ τὰ θέατρα (‘To those who abandoned church and (oi peri tēn orchēstra), οἱ τὰ σκηνικὰ μετερχομένοι (oi ta
defected to chariot races and theatres’).15 skēnika meterchomenoi).19 More specifically they are
referred to as ὀρχησταί (orchēstai) [ὀρχηστρίδαι, ὀρχήστριαι
The ‘theatres of mimes’ (θέατρα τῶν μίμων) and the (orchēstridai, orchēstriai)], τραγωδοί (tragōdoi), παντόμιμοι
‘dances on stage’ (οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς ὀρχήσεις) continued (pantomimoi), ὑποκριταί (hypokritai), μίμοι (mimoi),
to be a beloved spectacle for the people in Constantinople θαυματοποιοί (thaumatopoioi), ἀκροβᾶται (akrovatai),
at the end of the 7th century, a fact that led to its strict χορευταί (choreutai), γελωτοποιοί (gelōtopoioi).20
conviction, along with venationes, by the Ecumenical
Council in 692 with the sentence of defrocking for We should further notice two parameters that characterise
clergymen and excommunication for lay people.16 the theatre in Late Antiquity. The first one is that up to the
middle of the 3rd century theatrical plays were no longer
What sorts of theatrical spectacles were the citizens of performed on stage in the traditional, classical way. From
Constantinople attending? What precisely were the ‘public that time on the theatrical performance no longer ‘follows’
spectacles of dancers and mimes’ (δημώδεις θέαι ὀρχηστῶν the theatrical text. 21 The second parameter is the inclusion
τε καὶ μίμων)? To answer this question we have to turn to of theatrical performances (ludi scaenici) in the program of
the wider theme of the theatre in Late Antiquity. The study public spectacles along with the other Roman spectacula
of written sources and archaeological finds attests to the fact of venationes and ludi circences.22
ἀνειμένον ὁμοῦ καὶ ἐπαγωγόν, πολλοί τε τῶν θαυματοποιῶν πανημέριοι τὰς As far as the classical theatrical types of ancient tragedy
σφῶν αὐτῶν εὐτραπελίας τοῖς φιλοθεάμοσιν ἐθριάμβευον, οἳ τε ἐπὶ σκηνῆς and comedy are concerned, it is worth noting — beginning
λοιδορούμενοι οἷς ἂν ἐθέλοιεν μετὰ μεγίστης ἁμίλλης τὰς γελωτοποιοὺς with tragedy — that there is no specific evidence that
δραματουργίας οἷα περὶ σπουδαίου τινὸς τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεδείκνυντο,
ἱππικοί τε ἐτελοῦντο ἀγῶνες, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἱστία τοὺς ἐν τέλει ἐν τῆι ancient Greek tragedy survived as an autonomous
τῶν βασιλέων οἰκίᾳ. και οὕτως ὁ περίδοξος ἐκεῖνος κατεπέπαυστο γάμος. theatrical performance after the 3rd century. It seems that
‘Flutes, pipes, and lyres sounded, carefree and at the same time already from the 1st century AD the chanting parts of the
seductive; all day long numerous conjurors paraded their individual plays were sung separately, accompanied by contemporary
diversions before the eager spectators; actors who abuse whomever
they wish presented their humorous plays with the keenest rivalry as
though in some serious business; chariot-races were performed, and the
emperor entertained men of rank in the royal dwelling. In this manner
17
Socr. Scholasticus, Eccl. Hist. 7. 13.
that illustrious marriage was brought to a conclusion’.
18
According to Zonaras’s interpretation of canon 51 of Trullo Ecumenical
Synod ‘scēnē is the pretence and the acting; thus those who are acting
On the description of mime theatre in the texts of Late Antiquity see and imagine themselves as being sometime servants, sometime masters,
below pp. 198–199. sometime generals and lords are called scēnikoi’ (Rallēs / Potlēs Β΄, 425).
13
Novellae Iustiniani 105: Quintum quoque faciet processum qui ad 19
Novellae Iustiniani 123.44.
theatrum ducit, quem pornas vocant, ubi in scena ridiculorum est locus 20
Asterius of Amaseia, Hom.1, To the rich man and Lazarus 5.4,3. In the
tragoedis et thymelicis choris, et spectaculis universis atque auditibus Latin texts we read the terms ‘thymelicus–a’, ‘pantomimus’, ‘saltator–
apertum est theatrum. saltatrix–saltatricula’, ‘mimus–mima’, ‘histrio–ionis’.
‘The course of the fifth procession is directed to the theatre called 21
Easterling / Miles 1999, 97; Huskinson 2002–3, 137. On the presentation
adorna, where comedy, tragedy, concerts by musicians, and all kinds of of theatrical performances in the hippodrome of Constantinople, see
performances take place’. Dagron 2011, passim.
14
Procopius, Hist. Arcana 26, 12–13. 22
How different theatre in the 4th century was from ancient classic theatre
15
Patrologia Graeca 56, 263–270. is apparent in the words of Julian, the last pagan emperor: ‘No priest must
16
Rallēs / Potlēs Β΄ 424–427: Καθόλου ἀπαγορεύει ἡ ἁγία αὕτη καὶ anywhere be present at the licentious theatrical shows of the present day,
οἰκουμενικὴ σύνοδος, τοὺς λεγομένους μίμους, καὶ τὰ τούτων θέατρα... nor introduce one into his own house; …Indeed if it were possible to banish
καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ὀρχήσεις ἐπιτελεῖσθαι. Εἰ δέ τις τοῦ παρόντος κανόνος such shows absolutely from the theatres so as to restore to Dionysus those
καταφρονήσει, καὶ πρός τι ἑαυτὸν τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων τούτων ἐκδῷ, εἰ theatres pure as of old, I should certainly have endeavoured with all my
μὲν κληρικὸς εἴη, καθαιρείσθω, εἰ δὲ λαϊκός, ἀφοριζέσθω. heart to bring this about’ (transl. Wright, II, p. 335).
‘This holy and ecumenical synod totally forbids the so–called mimes Τοῖς ἀσελγέσι τούτοις θεάτροις τῶν ἱερέων μηδεὶς μηδαμοῦ παραβαλλέτω
and their performances….it also forbids dancing on stage to take μήτε εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εἰσαγέτω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ... Καὶ εἰ μὲν οἶόν τε ἧν ἐξελάσαι
place. In case anyone despises this and gives himself to any of those παντάπασιν αὐτὰ τῶν θεάτρων, ὥστε αὐτὰ πάλιν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ Διονύσῳ
forbidden things he will be defrocked, if he is a clergyman, and he will be καθαρὰ γενόμενα, πάντως ἂν ἐπειράθην αὐτὸ προθύμως κατασκευάσαι
excommunicated if he is a layman’. (Julian, Ep. 89b, 304B, p. 172).
197
music. However, at least until the end of the 2nd century θεαμάτων),32 while during the 5th century the character
people in theatres had the chance to watch excerpts of the so-called orchēstai significantly varied. Apart from
(διασκευαί)23 of classical theatre, as well as complete their inclusion in the system of the parties (demes), it was
versions of them, while there is literary and epigraphical during that time that they assumed a greater freedom, both
evidence about the writing of new theatrical plays in the in regard to the repertory as well as the stage performance,
late 2nd century.24 Gradually, the theatrical performance while they adopted many aspects of the mime theatre, such
of tragedies was transformed into a succession of excerpts as the emphasis on erotic stories.33 In the new system of
read or sung by a tragedian — τραγωδός (tragicus cantor) organisation the dancers were the first in the hierarchy of
— who played the guitar or was accompanied by a guitar the scaenici. One of the consequences of this new system
player. The tragedian wore a long-sleeved dress and a was that all performers were placed under the control of the
mask, while walking in high shoes (cothurni).25 central administration. This fact influenced the theatrical
profession in various ways. Already at the beginning of
Comedy is not often mentioned in Late Antique texts. We the 5th century emperors had subsumed the profession of
cannot tell with certainty what idea contemporary authors scaenicus into the hereditary obligatory services (munera),
such as Libanius, John Chrysostom or Choricius had about a decision that led performers to abandon their traditional
comedy performances. It is considered though beyond a mobile way of life and to settle down in a particular city.34
doubt that Late Antique comedy performance had nothing The initiative of the city prefect to provide four dancers to the
to do with the way Aristophanes’ plays were performed in four parties of Constantinople (‘he provided the four parties
ancient Greece. The better authors — at least Libanius — of Constantinople with four dancers’)35 is construed within
did have a general idea of the way Menander’s plays were this context, as are the decisions of Emperors Anastasius and
performed on the stage.26 Nevertheless, the presentation Justin I to dismiss and then repatriate the dancers for the
of only selected excerpts of ancient comedies on theatre Brytae festival we mentioned above.36
stages during the 4th century cannot be excluded.27
The theatre of mime is considered to be the successor to
As far as the theatre of pantomime (παντόμιμος) is ancient comedy, just as pantomime is considered to be the
concerned — the form of entertainment that is considered successor to tragedy.37 During Late Antiquity, the theatre
to be the successor to tragedy in Roman times and involved of mime was significantly enriched so that it included
through dancing the dramatization of ancient myths28 — it other forms of entertainment as well, such as dancing and
suffered many and considerable changes between the 3rd singing, acrobatics,38 practical jokes. It is worth noticing
and 6th centuries, so that entertainers who performed this that mimes are also referred to in the texts as γελωτοποιοί
tragic rhythmic dance are described more frequently in (gelōtopoioi),39 θαυματοποιοί (thaumatopoioi),40 and
contemporary texts29 as ὀρχησταί [(παντόμιμοι) ὀρχησταί30] παιγνιῶται (paigniōtai).41 Further, within the intermingling
(‘pantomime dancers’). This term covered a wide range of different forms of theatre during this period, the theatre
of entertainers, male and female dancers (ὀρχηστρί(δ)αι),31
who, most probably, were not exclusively connected with the 32
Libanius, Or. 64, A reply to Aristides on behalf of dancers 27. Robert
rhythmic dancing performance of ancient tragic myths. The 1930, 118. On the texts referring to pantomime dancers (παντόμιμοι
pantomimos orchēsis (παντόμιμος ὄρχησις) seems to have ὀρχησταί) between the 4th and the 6th centuries, see Molloy 1996, 62–64.
33
The text of Procopius of Gaza is very eloquent on the matter:
flourished in the civic centres of the East and was described (Panegyric of Anastasios 18.1–5): ἄρρενες γὰρ παῖδες, ὥσπερ τὴν ἰδὶαν
as ‘the most pleasant among the spectacles’ (ἤδιστον εἰς γυναῖκας ἀμειβόμενοι φύσιν, γυναῖκες ἤθελον εἶναι τῷ σχήματι καὶ
διεκλῶντο τοῖς μέλεσιν, ἀντὶ γλώττης κινοῦντες τὴν χείρα καὶ δῆμον ὄλον
πρὸς ἀσελγῆ θέαν ἐκμαίνοντες.
‘Young boys, changing their gender so to speak, were trying to look like
women; they were dancing with languid movements replacing the voice
23
Dio Chrysostom, Or. 32, To the People of Alexandreia 94. with gestures, and this immoral spectacle was agitating all the people’.
24
Jones 1993. 34
Codex Iustinianus XI. 41, 5 (409).
25
Easterling / Miles 1999, 96; Péché / Vendries 2001, 42. Tragedy as a 35
Malalas, Chronographia 15.12: καὶ παρέσχε εἰς τὰ τέσσαρα μέρη
literary and theatrical genre is mentioned in Late Antique texts as well as Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ὀρχηστάς… μικροὺς τέσσαρας .
the tragic actors (τραγωδοί), who are mentioned together with the other
performers (ὑποκριταί, μίμοι), without further clarification (Libanius, Or. ‘For the four factions of Constantinople he provided four young
64, A reply to Aristides on behalf of dancers 73, 98; Choricius, Or. 8, On dancers…’.
behalf of the Mimes 29.2, 32.2;. Procopius, De bellis 5.18).
36
See above p. 196.
26
We cannot rule out the possibility that in using the terms κωμωδία,
37
Bieber 1961, 227. Basic bibliography on mime: Theocharidis 1940;
κωμωδοί (kōmōdia, kōmōdoi) or κωμωδίας ὑποκριταί (kōmōdias Bonaria 1965; Wiemken 1972; Molloy 1996, 81–85; Webb 2008, 95–138.
hypokritai), Libanius is referring to the contemporary theatre of mime: On the iconography of mime: Bieber 1939; Dunbabin 2004; Dunbabin
Libanius, Decl. 22.1.17. 2016, 114–137. On the prosopography of mime: Stefanis 1988.
27
Neiiendam 1992, 115.
38
On the depictions of acrobats in Byzantine art with emphasis on the
28
Basic bibliography on pantomime: Weinreich 1948; Rotolo 1957; Middle and Late Byzantine periods, see Kepetzi 2014.
Slater 1995; Jory 1996; Molloy 1996; Jory 2001; Benz 2000; Garelli
39
Beacham 1999, 9–11. In the text of Porphyrius’s martyrium, it is written
2007; Hall / Wyles 2008; Webb 2008; Slater 2010; Dunbabin 2016, that he was a mime and jester: ‘Ότι οὖτος ἦν μίμος και γελωτοποιός
85–113. (Synaxarium p. 48). See also Novellae Iustiniani 105.
29
Cf. Libanius, Or. 64, A reply to Aristides on behalf of dancers; Julian,
40
Θαυματοποιοί continued in later times to be called the performers of
Misopogon; Malalas, Chronography; Procopius, Hist.Arcana; Choricius, various impressive shows like dancers, acrobats, magicians etc. (Stefanis
Or. 8, On behalf of the Mimes; Anthologia Palatina. 1988, 182; Koukoules Γ΄, 256 κ.ε.)
30
Julian, Misopogon 351D.
41
Rallēs / Potlēs Γ΄ 415: Σκηνικοὶ καὶ μῖμοί εἰσιν…. οἱ παιγνιῶται, οἱ
31
‘Saltatrix’ is the Latin term. Women always participated in pantomime δούλους καὶ στρατιώτας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ ἕτερα πρόσωπα μιμούμενοι.
as members of the choir or even as secondary performers in the scene ‘Scēnikoi and mimes are… the actors, those who imitate servants and
(Webb 2002, 287). soldiers as well as women and other persons’.
198
of mime influenced that of pantomime (performances with as countermeasures to civic unrests caused by the Blues
multiple actors, participation of female performers), but it at major civic centres. 49 To these cases we should add the
was also influenced by it. It seems that in Late Antiquity temporary banning of the Brytae feast — the theatrical
dancing became the basic activity in mime performances, festival par excellence of the capital — by Anastasius I in
while male and female mimes adopted the long and luxurious 502, as a result of the clashes between the demes that led
dresses of the dancers. The distinctive characteristic of mime to the death of the emperor’s illegitimate son.50
performances throughout Late Antiquity was the comic
feature. Mimic art finally ‘has nothing artful, it attracts the Regarding the prosopography of the scaenici in
common people only by irrational laughter’.42 Theatrical Constantinople we are familiar with some of the figures,
spectacles of the 6th century almost exclusively involved such as the mime Porphyrius who was punished by Julian
mime performances.43 They were largely improvised stage in 362 when he embraced Christianity.51 In 486, four of the
performances, which included a vast repertory, from single best known dancers of the time (ὀρχησταί) arrived in the
acting to more complex dramatic enactments, usually of city: Autokyonas, the so-called Karamallos, and Rodos, the
everyday life, but also of ancient myths,44 aiming to entertain so-called Chryssomalos, both from Alexandria; Helladios
an audience who was more interested in a bawdy sense of from Emessa and Margaritis Katzamys from Cyzicus.
humour, a raunchy show and music.45 In fact during the The dancers were given to the four demes by the prefect
5th and 6th centuries most scaenici (σκηνικοί) — the term Longinus since their famous predecessors had retired.52 The
used in legislation to describe anyone, male or female, who Greens fans demanded a dancer named Karamallos from
performs on stage — were performing a wide variety of Alexandria in 520 AD, while the Blues asked for someone
roles that covered the full range of acting (θεατρίζειν), from named Porphyrius also with Alexandrian origins.53 We are
the tragic rhythmic dance of pantomimus to the improvised furthermore informed that in the 6th century the Greens had
mimic plays (παίγνια), where a strong satirical character a dancer named Asterius.54 From the female scaenicae of
and erotic/sexual themes prevailed, according to Procopius’ the 6th century the name of Theodora, the later well-known
— perhaps — exaggerated report.46 empress, who was a mime, has come down to us.55 Her
sisters Komitó and Anastasia,56 the mother of Antonina, wife
Tetimimi also belong to mimes. This is the term used of Belisarios, and perhaps Antonina herself were engaged
by modern scholars to describe actors who presented in the same occupation as well, according to Procopius.57
theatrical performances in water, either dramatic or The names of two female dancers of the 6th century,
involving choreography.47 Helladia58 and Chryssomallou59 are also known to us. The
editors of the relative epigrams in Planudes’ collection
In the late 5th and the first quarter of the 6th centuries, assume that epigrams nos. 283 and 285 written by Leontius
we find written evidence on the first bans of theatrical Schlolasticus refer to the female dancers Rhodokleia and
spectacles by the emperors, obviously within the frame of Anthoussa, who were performing in Constantinople in the
the suppression of civic violence, which may be caused by 6th century.60 The performers are praised for their physical
political or economic reasons, but often burst out inside grace, but mostly for their agility surpassing those of the
buildings designed to host spectacles. Theatres, which Muses and Graces.61 Stefanis, however, enlists them among
primarily served as civic gathering places, constituted the fictitious or people of questionable historicity, and he
undoubtedly the natural ‘stage’ for every kind of public does not propose any dates for them.
protest. Furthermore, spectacles that were then hosted
there deliberately set out to arouse the spectators’ reactions, 17.1 The evidence of the consular diptychs
thus creating a particularly vivid atmosphere unfamiliar
in earlier times. This atmosphere, with the audience Consular diptychs form the only archaeological finds
vigorously participating during performances, naturally that depict scenes related to theatre in the capital. On the
fostered every sort of mass protest. Two cases of banning
ludi scaenici are recorded in Late Antique texts, one by 49
Malalas, Chronograhpia 17.12. Greatrex / Watt 1999, 21.
Anastasius I48 and the other by Justin I in 524/25 AD, both
50
Malalas, Chronograhpia 16.4.
51
Stefanis 1988, αρ. 2122.
52
Malalas, Chronograhpia 15.12.
53
Malalas, Chronograhpia 17.8. Cameron 1973, 168.
42
John Lydus, On powers p. 62: ἀλόγῳ μόνον τὸ πλῆθος ἐπάγουσα γέλωτι, 54
Procopius, Hist.Arcana 9. 5. Stefanis 1988, αρ. 465.
τεχνικὸν μὲν ἔχουσα οὐδὲν. 55
43
On the theatre in the 6th century, see Malineau 2005. 56
Procopius, Hist.Arcana 9. 8.
44
The survival of Homeristae (ὀμηρισταί), the mimes who performed — 57
Procopius, Hist.Arcana 1.11–12.
probably as a farce comedy — episodes inspired by the Homeric epics 58
Anth.Plan. nos. 284, 286, 287. Stefanis 1988, 159 no. 829. The
is testified to in Choricius’s Or. 8, On behalf of the Mimes 78 (Μalineau editor of Anthologia (p. 300), Stefanis and Cameron (Cameron 1973,
2005, 156). On Homeristae, see Ηillgruber 2000. 171) presume that it is this Helladia to whom the ivory comb found in
45
Stefanis 1986, 25–26. Antinoe in Egypt belongs, bearing the inscription Νικᾶ ἡ τύχη Ἑλλαδίας
46
Procopius, Hist. Arcana 9.11. Cf. Stefanis 1986, 156 (on Choricius’ καὶ Βένετων Ἀμὴν (‘The fortune of Helladia and the Blues triumphs’)
writings about adultery in the mime theatre); Malineau 2005, 157. and which is exhibited in the Louvre museum. Rutschowscaya keeps her
47
G. Traversari was the first who, inspired by an epigram by Martialis, distance from this assumption (Rutschowscaya 2000), while Malineau
gave the name tetimimi – from Thetis, patron of the genre – to the speaks about two different scaenicae (Malineau 2002, 56–57, pl. VIII,
water entertainers (Traversari 1960, 50–51). The term ‘υδρόμιμος’ was fig. 3).
proposed later and adopted by Berlan-Bajard (Berlan-Bajard 2006, 131– 59
132, 139, 140). 60
Anthousa is described as a guitar player (κιθαριστρίδα).
48
Procopius of Gaza, Panegyric of Anastasios 18. 1–5. 61
Anth. Plan. nos. 283–288; Garelli 2007, 409–411.
199
Figure 17.1. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Anastasius diptych, 517 AD.
Anstasius diptych in the Hermitage (517 AD), 62 two figures

are represented (Fig. 17.1) next to the scene with the
acrobats. It is supposed to be a scene of comedy, quite a
popular motif in iconography. It is already known from the
time of Menander (342–292 BC), while later versions are
numerous, some of them dated quite late in antiquity. In all
of the examples the same scene, that of a young drunken man
supported by a servant, is depicted. According to Green,
the scene is symbolic of comedy and does not represent an
extract from a particular theatrical play.63 The young figure
with the tall head-cover that appears in even later examples
would be suitable also for a cantor (ἀναγνώστης).64
In the Anastasius diptych in London,65 (517 AD), the left-

hand scene has been interpreted as a parody of a Christian
ceremony (Fig. 17.2).66 The representation of the symbolic
liberation of slaves, a procedure that could have taken place
during the inauguration of the new city prefect, has also been
62
St Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum, Inv. No. W-263;
Delbrück 1929, 125–126 N18, Taf. 18; Bieber 1961, 251, fig. 835;
Volbach 1976, 36 no. 19, Taf. 9; Green 1985, 471–472; Webster 1995,
467 6DI 1; Malineau 2002, 83, pl. ΧΙΙΙ, fig. 1; Olovsdotter 2005, 53,
no. 11D, pl.11: 3. This diptych has also been attributed to Anthemius Figure 17.2. Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
(Olovsdotter 2005, 53 n. 253). Anastasius diptych, 517 AD.
63
Green 1985, 472.
64
Webster 1995, 76. On the evolution of this iconography from
Hellenistic times onwards, see Green 1985. Delbrück assumes that suggested.67 We should, however, point out that the central
it could be Teiresias depicted within a scene from Oedipus (Delbrück figure of the scenes wears the dress of an athlete or an acrobat,
1929, 125–126 N18, Taf. 18). Bieber also interpreted the representation
as a tragedy scene (Bieber 1961, 251, fig. 835) and much later so did that is a perizoma, while he holds something that could be
Neiendam (Neiiendam 1992, 114–115, fig. 38), who saw the cothurnus a palm branch.68 We consider it very likely that a victorious
worn by tragic actors in the figures’ footwear. Olovsdotter proposed a athlete or acrobat is depicted, who celebrates his triumph.
scene from Medea instead, in accordance with a similar interpretation
given to a theatrical scene depicted on a diptych also in the Hermitage
collection (see below) (Olovsdotter 2005, 53 n. 256). The scene on the right, which is now but partially preserved
65
London, Victoria and Albert Museum, Inv. 386–1871; Delbrück 1929, and can be reconstructed thanks to a drawing of the diptych
127–131 N20, Taf. 20; Bieber 1961, 251, fig. 836; Volbach 1976, 36 no.
18, Taf. 8; Weitzmann 1979, 98–99 no. 88; Neiiendam 1992, 117–119;
Malineau 2002, 82–83, pl. 12, fig. 2; Olovsdotter 2005, 50–52 no. 11Β, Williamson 1998, 53.
67
pl. 11: 2. It has been interpreted as a sceptre (Neiiendam 1992, 118) or bunch of
68
66
Olovsdotter (ibidem) prefers the depiction of the ‘healing of the blind’. garlic (Delbrück 1929, 130).
200
Figure 17.3. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Anastasius

diptych (517 AD). Figure 17.4. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg.
Part of a diptych. Constantinople (?), 4th-5th centuries.
dated to the 17th century, depicts, according to Delbrück,
the punishment of two slaves who are depicted with hands probable evidence that together with tragōdoi (tragici
tied behind their backs while being bitten by crabs on cantores) — the successors to tragic actors, who read or sung
the nose.69 According to a more recent interpretation,70 extracts from ancient tragedies74 and were accompanied by
the scene represents a mime performance, where the a guitar — there existed also the tragic actors [ὑποκριταὶ
well-known μωροί φαλακροί (stupidus) are engaged in a τραγωδίας (hypokritai tragōdias) or τραγωδίας ὑπόκρισιν
particular amusing performance for the spectators. μετιόντες (tragōdias hypokrisin metiontes)] who would
sing and dance similar extracts.75 As far as the scene on the
In the contemporary Paris diptych,71 a theatrical scene of Paris diptych is concerned, Neiiendam sees Phaidra, her
three figures is depicted (Fig. 17.3). The figure on the right nurse and Hippolytus, or Helekra accompanied by Orestes
is seated on a throne. He or she reaches his or her hand and Pylades. Incidents from mythology were particularly
forward as a gesture of welcome or farewell toward the next loved in the theatre of Late Antiquity and were played out
figure nearby and is waving back. A third figure between as pantomimes,76 as well as in mimes.77
the two raises up his/her right hand. It is clear that this is a
tragedy scene judging from the performers’ appearance that To the left of the above tragedy scene a mime scene is
differs from that of the comic actors, pantomime dancers depicted. A parody of the healing of the blind78 or another
and mimes since they wear high masks (with oncus), Christian ceremony is represented according to scholars.79
richly decorated long dresses and cothurni (ἐμβάτες).72 In the scene two mimes participate, a man and a woman,
The presence of tragic actors (ὑποκριταὶ τραγωδίας) in together with another pair, who belong to the genre of
the 6th century, at least up to 526 AD, is well known from stupidus (μωροὶ φαλακροί).
Choricius’ text.73 The scene on the Anastasius diptych is
In one part of a diptych (end 4th to 5th centuries) in the
Hermitage,80 two theatrical scenes are depicted (Fig. 17.4).
69
Delbrück 1929,130.
70
Neiiendam 1992, 118–119, fig. 40, 41; Malineau 2002, 83.
71
Bibliothèque Nationale, Cabinet des médailles (Département des 74
See above, p. 198.
Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques), Inv. 40. Delbrück 1929, 131–134 75
Cf. Neiiendam 1992, 119.
N21, Taf. 21; Bieber 1961, 251, fig. 834a; Volbach 1976, 36–37 no. 21, 76
Molloy 1996, 277–281.
Taf. 9; Byzance 1992, 54–56 no. 15, fig. 2; Malineau 2002, 82, pl. 11, 12, 77
Choricius, Or. 8, On behalf of the Mimes 78.
fig. 1; Olovsdotter 2005, 48–50 no. 11Α, pl. 11: 1. 78
Delbrück 1929, 134; Olovsdotter 2005, 49.
72
On the clothing of scaenici in Late Antiquity, see Bieber 1939, 641; 79
Neiiendam 1992, 121.
Molloy 1996, 222; Webb 2008, 61–66. 80
St. Petersburg, The State Hermitage Museum, Inv. No. W-15; Delbrück
73
Choricius, Or. 8, On behalf of the Mimes 29.2, 32.2. 1929, 208–209 N53, Taf. 53; Bieber 1961, 250–252, fig. 833; Volbach
201
Figure 17.5. Map of Constantinople in the 4th century.

in Verona.86 Bieber considers that the scene may be a
At the centre of the upper zone the figure of an actor is depiction of the blinded Oedipus supported by his children,
represented holding a mask in one hand, while raising the while the other two figures represent his daughters or are
other in a greeting gesture. He wears a long-sleeved long members of the choir.87
dress fastened under the chest with a broad belt and a garment
buckled in the front. Two other shorter young actors stand by 17.2 The theatre(s) of Constantinople
the leading actor figure, while the head of a third figure is
preserved in the right side of the scene also raising his hand. According to the texts, the theatre of the city of Byzantium
was among the buildings destroyed by Septimius Severus
First Delbrück81 and later Bieber82 saw in the central figure in 196 AD and reconstructed later by the same emperor.88 In
of the above scene a female actress, more precisely one Malalas’ Chronograhpia, the emperor built a theatre on the
portraying Medea, while in the two lower scale figures they acropolis hill across from the temple of Aphrodite.89 In the
recognized Medea’s children.83 According to the two scholars, Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae (first quarter of the 5th
the actress waves at the spectators — represented by the figure century) three buildings are described as theatrum (regiones
at the upper corner of the scene — who cheer. However, the ΙΙ, ΧΙΙΙ, ΧΙV),90 while a theatrum maius and a theatrum
presence of a Phrygian pilos on the actor’s / actress’s mask minor are mentioned. There is as yet no archaeological
makes his/her identification with Medea rather problematic. evidence for any of these buildings mentioned by the texts.
Webster claimed that this is a comedy and not a tragedy scene.
It shows an actor enjoying the audience’s applause as he takes Archaeological research has focused on the acropolis hill to
off his costume and mask after the end of the performance. locate the Severian theatre (regio I or II), the older theatrical
Webster also postulated that the Phrygian pilos testifies that building in Constantinople. The major issue for archaeologists
the actor has just completed the performance of Menander’s was — and still is — the location of the theatre in relation to
Eunuch, or at least, some excerpts of the play.84 the amphitheatre (κυνήγιον), also mentioned in the sources
and located on the acropolis, along with the problem of the
Behind the figures, an arch is depicted that most probably identification of the theatrum maius and theatrum minor of
represents one of the doors of the theatre’s stage. the Notitia urbis with either of these buildings.
The scene at the lower zone of the same diptych depicts, According to the most recent scholarly research, the city’s
according to Delbrück and Volbach,85 a dancing group — theatre is placed in the region of the co-called column of
where also little children participate — that accompanies Claudius Gothicus, at the northeastern part of the acropolis
the theatrical performances. The scene is interpreted (Fig. 17.5).91 Mamboury proposed that the ruins unearthed in
in accordance with that on the diptych of Anastasius 1913 around the column belonged to the city’s amphitheatre
1976, 50, no. 53, Taf. 28; Webster 1995, 467 6DI 2, 76. 86
Delbrück 1929, 208–209 (Ν53).
81
Delbrück 1929, 208–209 (Ν53). 87
Bieber 1961, 250–251, fig. 833.
82
Bieber 1961, 250–251 fig. 833. 88
Herodianus, Historiae sui temporis 3.6,9.
83
Delbrück believes that they are members of the choir accompanying 89
Malalas, Chronographia 12.20. The temple of Aphrodite was built by
the actor. the shore (Zosimus, Hist. nov. 2.30,3).
84
Webster 1995, 76. 90
Berger 1997.
85
Volbach 1976, 50 no. 53. 91
Mango 2004, 19.
202
Figure 17.6. The acropolis hill of Byzantium – Topkapi palace.
(κυνήγιον, κυνήγιν) and that this was the theatrum minus far away from the shore, near the kitchen rooms of the later
mentioned in the Notitia urbis (regio ΙΙ).92 The same scholar Topkapi palace.95 Mango’s suggestion followed Berger,96
later disassociated these ruins from the amph itheatre, according to whom some blocks of seats that came to light
which, he rather believed was located at another place and is during the excavation works in the second yard of Topkapi
identified with the theatrum maius of the Notitia Urbis.93 This palace in front of the kitchen wing in 1959, and maybe were in
last point of Mamboury was later adopted by Janin as well.94 situ, belonged to the city’s theatre. The suggestion of Berger,
Mango in his 1990 edition of his study on Constantinople’s who combined the archaeological finds with the reports
urban evolution suggested as a possible place for the theatre of the written sources about the possible location of the
the foot of the hill at the eastern side of the acropolis, not theatre and the amphitheatre of Byzantium/Constantinople
at the eastern and southeastern side of the acropolis hill
92
The ruins were a line of consecutive irregular rooms built in front of an
respectively, is in accordance with the geomorphological
elliptic wall. On the other side of the wall there was an arched gallery 5m
wide (Mamboury 1936, 235–236).
93
Mambury 1953, 192. 95
Mango 2004, 19, pl. I, II. Cf. Barsanti 1992, 24.
94
Janin 1964, 196–197. 96
Berger 1997, 357–360, 353 abb. 1.
203
remarks made on the district’s relief by Martiny in 1938, Choricius, Or. 8, On behalf of the Mimes: R. Förster / E.
who also had the main written texts in mind.97 However, in Richtstieg (eds.), Choricii Gazaei opera, Leipzig 1929,
the appendix of the revised 1990 edition as released in 2004, 344 ff.
Mango had reconsidered: he now suggested the northern
Chronicon paschale: L. Dindorf (ed.), Chronicon Paschale
part of the acropolis as the most possible site of the theatre,
[Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae], Bonn 1832
in the region of Claudius Gothicus’ column,98 returning thus
(Engl. transl. M. Whitby / M. Whitby, Chronicon
to the opinion of earlier scholars.
Paschale 284–628 AD, Liverpool 1989).
As far as the theatre of Sycae is concerned, on the opposite Codex Iustinianus: P. Krüger / T. Mommsen (eds.), Codex
shore of the Golden Horn, we know nothing other than that Iustinianus, Corpus Juris Civilis, v. IΙ, Berlin 1877.
it was renovated by Justinian I.99 It is probably the same
Dio Chrysostom, Or. 32, To the People of Alexandreia:
building about which Ρetrus Gyllius writes in the middle
J. Von Armin (ed), Dionis Prusaensis quem vocant
of the 16th century, located at the foot of the hill, near
Chrysostomum quae exstant omnia, vol. I, Berlin 1893
Honorius’ forum.100
(repr. Berlin 1962).
There is no other reference to the theatre of the regio XIV Herodianus, Historiae sui temporis: K. Stavenhagen (ed.),
apart from that in the Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae. Herodiani ad excessu divi Marci libri octo, Leipzig
The regio in question is located, according to Berger, in the 1922 (repr. Stuttgart 1967)
neighbourhood of Vlachernae.101 The remains of another
John of Antioch, Historia chronikē: U. Roberto (ed.),
theatre, perhaps that of Μεσόμφαλον (Mesomphalon)
Ioannis Antiocheni, Fragmenta ex Historia chronica
according to Berger, have been unearthed in the region
[Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
between regiones VII or X, but this is not referred to in the
altchristlichen Literatur Bd. 154], Berlin 2005.
Notitia urbis.102
John Lydus, On powers: A. Bandy (ed. and transl.),
In conclusion, it is safe to claim that theatrical spectacles Ioannes Lydus on Powers or The Magistrates of the
(ludi theatrales) formed an inextricable part of social life Roman State, Philadelphia 1983.
in Constantinople throughout Late Antiquity. Citizens of
Julian, Ep.: J. Bidez, (ed.), L’empereur Julien, oevres
the capital enjoyed, at least until the end of the 6th century,
completes, t. 1 – 2e partie, Lettres et fragments,
in the theatres and the hippodrome, all kinds of theatrical
Paris1972 (Engl. ed. and transl. W.C. Wright, The
performances known at that time, from the adaptations of
Works of the Emperor Julian, II, London: Loeb 1913)
ancient tragedies — in the form of pantomime or otherwise
— to the scenic performances — often improvised — where Julian, Misopogon: Ch. Lacombrade, L’empereur Julien,
all kinds of performers participated (mimes, acrobats, oevres completes, t. 2– 2e partie, Discours de Julien
dancers, clowns). Furthermore, it is beyond doubt that empereur, Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1964, 139–199
the people of Constantinople enjoyed the most numerous (Engl. ed. and transl. W.C. Wright, The Works of the
and the most impressive public theatrical spectacles in Emperor Julian, II, London 1913, Or. VII 420–511).
comparison to the rest of the people in the Eastern Roman
Libanius, Decl.: R. Foerster (ed.), Libanii opera, v.VI,
Empire, since these events were inextricably linked to the
Declamatiiones XIII–XXX, Leipzig 1911 (repr.
activities of the emperors and prefects, who used to spend
Hildesheim 1963).
huge amounts of money on the spectacle ‘industry’.
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18
The Tombs of Gregory and Apasios Pakourianos in the

Monastery of the Mother of God Petritzonitissa at Bačkovo*
Το my teachers with great affection
Abstract: The monastery of the Theotokos of Petritzos was founded by Gregory Pakourianos
as a burial place for his brother Apasios and himself. The exact burial place of the Pakourianos
brothers has not been a research question in its own right so far. Any reference to the burials
is usually made as part of the study of the painted decoration of the surviving two-storey
ossuary outside the monastery walls. This paper analyzes the founder’s typikon and the
excavated remains of the katholikon. The analysis proposes that the katholikon belonged to
the Athonite type with two chapels at the sides of the narthex. It is also suggested that the
founders’ tombs were placed within the chapel of St John the Baptist, while the ossuary was
reserved as the resting place of the monks. The diverse burial locations of the Pakourianos
family and the monks reveal that there was a symbolic manipulation of space, emphasizing
the social differentiation between aristocratic founders and the monastic community in
11th-century Byzantine society.
Η μονή της Θεοτόκου Πετριτζονιτίσσης, κοντά στο σημερινό Bačkovo της Βουλγαρίας,
ιδρύθηκε το έτος 1083 από τον σεβαστό και μέγα δομέστικο της Δύσεως Γρηγόριο Πακουριανό
για να στεγάσει τον τάφο του ιδίου και αδελφού του Απασίου. Η θέση των τάφων των
Γρηγορίου και Απασίου Πακουριανού, αυτή καθεαυτή δεν έχει απασχολήσει την έρευνα, αλλά
κάθε αναφορά στους τάφους γίνεται πάντα σε σχέση με τον σωζόμενο διώροφο κοιμητηριακό
ναό και με αφορμή τις περισσότερες φορές την μελέτη του ζωγραφικού του διακόσμου. Έτσι
κάποιοι μελετητές, με πρώτο τον André Grabar, υποστήριξαν ότι αυτός ο ναός είναι το ταφικό
παρεκκλήσιο των Πακουριανών, ενώ άλλοι, όπως η Elka Bakalova, τοποθέτησαν τους τάφους
εντός του καθολικού χωρίς να αναφέρουν συγκεκριμένη θέση.
Η πρώτη πηγή για την αναζήτηση της θέσης των τάφων είναι το κτητορικό τυπικό της μονής.
Παρά τις αόριστες αναφορές που κάνει ο Γρηγόριος στον τάφο του ιδίου και του αδελφού του,
σε ένα απόσπασμα σχετικά με τον ήδη νεκρό Απάσιο γράφει, πως ο χώρος που ενταφιάσθηκε ο
Απάσιος βρισκόταν εντός της εκκλησίας, δηλαδή του καθολικού. Αυτή η θέση επιβεβαιώνεται
από τα ταφικά έθιμα των βυζαντινών. Από τα αρχαιολογικά τεκμήρια, τα κτητορικά τυπικά και
τις άλλες γραπτές πηγές προκύπτει, ότι οι κτήτορες ενταφιάζονταν σε χώρους του καθολικού
της μονής που ίδρυαν με δευτερεύουσα λειτουργική σημασία και κυρίως στο νάρθηκα ή σε
παρεκκλήσια προσαρτημένα σε αυτόν. Από την άλλη πλευρά τα κοιμητήρια των μοναχών
βρίσκονταν εκτός των μοναστικών τειχών και διέθεταν δικό τους παρεκκλήσιο, το οποίο ήταν
πολλές φορές διώροφο, όπως της μονής του Πετριτζού. Επομένως, ο σωζόμενος διώροφος
κοιμητηριακός ναός ανήκει στο κοιμητήριο των μοναχών της μονής του Πετριτζού, ενώ οι
Γρηγόριος και Απάσιος τάφηκαν εντός του καθολικού.
Στο τυπικό ο Πακουριανός αναφέρεται πολλές φορές στο καθολικό χωρίς να το περιγράφει.
Τις περισσότερες φορές γράφει για μία εκκλησία αφιερωμένη στη Θεοτόκο, άλλοτε κάνει λόγο
για άγιες εκκλησίες εντός των τειχών της μονής, ενώ μία φορά αναφέρει πως το καθολικό είναι
αφιερωμένο στη Θεοτόκο, τον άγιο Γεώργιο και τον Ιωάννη τον Πρόδρομο. Στον Ιωάννη τον
Πρόδρομο ήταν αφιερωμένο και ένα ευκτήριο, το οποίο ο Πακουριανός αναφέρει όταν δίνει
οδηγίες για να μνημόσυνα των νεκρών, ενώ παρεκκλήσιο του Προδρόμου αναφέρεται και στο
γεωργιανό κείμενο του τυπικού. Η κοινή αφιέρωση του ευκτηρίου και του καθολικού στον
*
I am grateful to Dr. Mercourios Georgiadis (Marie Curie Postdoctoral from his personal archive, Dr. Eugenia Drakopoulou (National Hellenic
Research Fellow, Institute of Classical Archaeology in Catalunia) for Research Foundation) for helping me with unaccessible Bulgarian studies
every kind of help he offered me at different stages of writing this article, and Ms Mila Adonova (University of Nottingham) for the translation
Assistant Professor Stavros Mamaloukos (University of Patras) for his of the Bulgarian texts. I also thank Assistant Professor Georgios Pallis
kind permission to use the ground plan of the Great Lavra monastery (University of Athens) for reading the first draft of this paper.
209
Πρόδρομο, ο όρος ευκτήριο που χρησιμοποιεί, και που είναι ο πιο συνηθισμένος όρος στις πηγές
για τα παρεκκλήσια, αλλά και η αναφορά ότι το καθολικό οικοδομήθηκε «εἰς τιμὴν καὶ δόξαν
καὶ τῶν τριῶν τούτων», οδηγεί στο συμπέρασμα ότι πρόκειται για το καθολικό, αφιερωμένο
στη Θεοτόκο με δύο παρεκκλήσια, του αγίου Γεωργίου και του Ιωάννου του Προδρόμου.
Κατά τη διάρκεια εργασιών που έγιναν στον παρών καθολικό το 1955 αποκαλύφθηκε η κόγχη
της πρόθεσης και μία κόγχη στον βόρειο τοίχο που ανήκαν στο ναό του 1083. Το τριμερές ιερό
Βήμα του καθολικού και η πλάγια κόγχη υποδεικνύουν ότι ο ναός δεν ανήκε στους απλούς
τρίκογχους ή τετράκογχους, των οποίων το Βήμα έχει μόνο μία αψίδα, αλλά στον αθωνικό
τύπο. Η επιλογή αυτού του τύπου μπορεί να ερμηνευθεί από τις στενές σχέσεις που είχαν οι
Γρηγόριος και Απάσιος με τη μονή Ιβήρων στο Άγιον Όρος, σχέσεις που διατήρησε η μονή
του Πετριτζού και μετά το θάνατο του κτήτορά της. Στα αθωνικά καθολικά τα παρεκκλήσια,
κάποια από τα οποία είχαν και ταφική χρήση, τοποθετούνται εκατέρωθεν του νάρθηκα. Εάν,
λοιπόν, το καθολικό της Πετριτζονίτισσας ανήκε στον αθωνικό τύπο, τα παρεκκλήσια θα
ήταν προσαρτημένα στο νάρθηκα και οι τάφοι των δύο αδελφών θα είχαν τοποθετηθεί εντός
του ευκτηρίου του Προδρόμου. Σε αυτό ορίζει ο Γρηγόριος να υπάρχει μόνιμα ιερέας για
την τέλεση των μνημοσύνων των νεκρών και αυτό είναι ένα προνόμιο που πρωτίστως ένας
κτήτορας θα αναγνώριζε για τον εαυτό του και δευτερευόντως για τους άλλους νεκρούς.
Keywords: ktetors’ tombs, ktetorika typika, monastic founders, ossuaries, Athonite type,
Iviron monastery, byzantine aristocracy, Middle Byzantine period.
18.1 Introduction the monastery and not in the ossuary, it was Elka Bakalova7
who substantiated this idea with her thorough analysis.
The monastery of the Theotokos of Petritzos, near modern
Bačkovo in Bulgaria, was founded in 1083 by the sebastos 18.2 The ossuary as the resting place of the monks
and megas domestikos of the West, Gregory Pakourianos,
as an offering to the Mother of God for the forgiveness of Gregory and his brother Apasios were members of
his sins and the salvation of his soul, and as a burial place the Iberian aristocratic family of the Pakourianoi, and
for his brother Apasios and himself.1 The exact burial attained pre-eminence in the Byzantine court. Apasios
place of the Pakourianos brothers has not been the basis became magister of Antioch and Gregory served in the
of a separate study so far. Any reference to the tombs is highest ranks of the Byzantine army. In 1081, Gregory
always patchy and usually made as part of the study of provided military support to Alexios I Komnenos in his
the painted decoration of the surviving two-storey ossuary claim for the imperial throne. The emperor rewarded him
outside the monastery walls.2 André Grabar3 was the first with the office of megas domestikos of the West and one
to suggest that the tombs of the Pakourianos brothers of the principal titles in the Byzantine hierarchy, that of
lay in the ossuary chapel of the monastery, a hypothesis sebastos.8 The megas domestikos probably died in 1086,
followed by other researchers4 and which was discussed in fighting the Patzinaks near Philippoupolis.9 According
detail by Sasha Grishin.5 Although yet other authors6 have to the typikon of the Monastery of Petritzos, written by
claimed that the tombs were located in the katholikon of Gregory in December 1083, three years before his death,
the monastery was meant to be populated exclusively by
fifty Iberian monks and their abbot,10 and was organized
1
Gautier 1984, l.s. 1924, 174– 216. The motive for saving one’s soul
was the main one shared by all lay founders of monasteries, Galatariotou
1987, 91– 95. 7
Bakalova 2003, 53– 58; Neli Čaneva-Dečevska (the bibliographic
2
The monastery of the Theotokos of Petritzos was destroyed in the reference in Korunovski 2011, 115 and n. 27) made a different proposal,
second half of the 15th or the early 16th century by the Ottoman Turks, namely that the tombs of the Pakourianos brothers were located in the
and abandoned. It was rebuilt in 1603/1604. From the Middle Byzantine two-storey church of the Archangels, which is situated south of the
structures and its lavish liturgical equipment, which are mentioned in present katholikon, within the walls of the Bačkovo monastery. However,
the typikon (Gautier 1984, l.s. 1672– 1754), all that survived are the during restoration works in the church of the Archangels no grave was
icon of the Theotokos Glykofiloussa (Panayotidi 1992), parts of the found, Korunovski 2011, 116 n. 35. For more details on the church of the
fortification wall (Ieni 1977, 115; Tschilingirov 2000, 1), and the ossuary. Archangels, see Mijatev 1974, 166– 168, figs. 199– 200, who dated it in
The paintings of the ossuary, executed by the Iberian Ioannis Iviropoulos the 12th century.
and his assistants, belong to the classicizing tendency of the last quarter 8
In the time of Alexios Komnenos, sebastos was the highest rank in
of the 12th century, Panayotidi 1989, 463. For other datings in the 12th the Byzantine hierarchy, Kazhdan – Ronchey 1997, 229. The megas
century, see Grabar 1928, 55– 86; Ieni 1977, 120– 122. Mavrodinova domestikos was the second highest commander of the Byzantine army,
1991; Bakalova 2003, 59– 104; Oretskaia 2018. For the proposed date at after the emperor; there was one for the armies of the East and one for
the late 11th century, see Grishin 1978, 93– 96; Mouriki 1981, 732– 736. the West. This rank was created by Alexios Komnenos and Gregory
For the ossuary see also below p. Pakourianos was the first megas domestikos of the West, Guilland 1967,
3
Grabar 1924, 891; Grabar 1928, 56. I, 405– 425.
4
Mijatev 1974, 190; Jordan 2000a, 509; Tschilingirov 2000, 1. 9
For the careers of Apasios and Gregory Pakourianos, see Vasiliev 1935,
5
Grishin 1978, 91– 93. III, 222– 226; Lemerle 1977, 158– 175; Skoulatos 1980, 112– 115;
6
Ieni 1977, 117 (who briefly mentions that the tombs must have been in Garsoïan 1991, 1553; Jordan 2000a, 507– 508; Bakalova 2003, 11– 16.
a chapel annexed to the katholikon). Lemerle 1977, 132 n. 42; Mouriki 10
Gautier 1984, l.s. 12– 13, 637– 656; For an English translation of
1981, 733; Mavrodinova 1991, 1123. Pakourianos’ typikon, see Jordan 2000a.
210
The Tombs of Gregory and Apasios Pakourianos in the Monastery of the Mother of God Petritzonitissa
after the model of the monastery ton Panagiou at were not allowed,18 there was a strong desire for the
Constantinople, due to Gregory’s close relationship with founders and other members of their families to be buried
that particular foundation.11 within the monasteries they had established.19 This issue
led to a compromise, whereby the burials were placed in
In his typikon, apart from the regulations concerning the spaces of secondary significance in the church during the
daily life of the monks, the organization of the monastery liturgy. These spaces were the same for all graves within
and its property, Pakourianos was interested, as all ktetors all types of churches and for all ktetors and non-ktetors,
were, in giving his guidance to the monks on how to conduct for the clergy and the laity alike. During the Middle
the commemorations and offer the prayers to ensure the Byzantine period, these spaces were the side aisles of the
saving of his soul and those of his family members.12 He naos, the west corner bays of the cross-in-square churches,
characterized the whole monastery as koimeterion,13 but chapels annexed to the narthex, and in most cases the
he did not specify the exact location of the tombs and narthex itself.20 In all cases, the important liturgical spaces,
he did not describe them. When he refers to the tomb of i.e. the sanctuary and the nave, stayed free of burials.21
Apasios, he becomes more explicit. Apasios was already The clearest exposition of the ktetor’s conception of the
dead when the monastery was founded, but had declared special burial place for himself and his family members
in his will that he should be buried along with his brother or his immediate retinue was made by sebastokrator Isaak
in the monastery to be founded by the latter, to whom he Komnenos. In 1152, in the typikon of the monastery of
left all his land.14 Gregory fulfilled his brother’s wish and Theotokos Kosmosoteira, Isaak wrote that his grave should
moved Apasios’ corpse to the monastery of Petritzonitissa, be moved from the monastery of Chora in Constantinople,
ἐν τῷ κοιμητήριῳ ἡμῶν (in our koimeterion), as he wrote.15 where it was perhaps placed in the narthex, and be placed
In a segment of his text regarding Aspasios’ donations to in the narthex of the katholikon at Kosmosoteira.22 For
the monastery he was more specific: ‘τὸ Πριλόγκιον κατὰ the closest men of his retinue, Leon Kastamonitis and his
τὴν ἐκείνου διάταξιν (i.e. of Apasios), δεδώκαμεν εἰς τὴν secretary Michael, Isaak states that they should be buried
πολλάκις εἰρημένην καθ᾽ἡμᾶς ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ in the exonarthex of the katholikon.23 At the same time,
κοιμητήριον, ἐν ᾧ τέθαπται τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ’.16 According he categorically denied the burial of any individual in the
to the typikon, Apasios was buried within the church, i.e. courtyard of the monastery, with sole exception someone
the katholikon. who had donated to the monastery significantly large
funds. In the latter case, a burial would have been allowed
This part of the typikon confirms the burial practices within the courtyard of the monastery, but outside the
associated with ktetors during the Middle Byzantine period. katholikon and the narthex.24 Thus, burial within a space of
One of their rights was their burial within the monastery the katholikon was a privilege bestowed only on the ktetor,
they had founded.17 Although burials within the churches and extended to his close relatives. The same concept is
found in the typikon of Empress Eirene Doukaina for the
convent of Kecharitomene at Constantinople, which she
founded probably in the early years of the 12th century.
11
Gautier 1984, l.s. 25– 66. A copy of the typikon of Petritzonitissa was
kept at the monastery ton Panagiou, Gautier 1984, l.s. 1860– 1874.
Those female members of Eirene’s family who wished to
The monastery of Theotokos ton Panagiou, known today as Theotokos become nuns would be buried according to her wish in the
Mouchliotissa or Mougouliotissa, was located in the modern quarter of exonarthex of the katholikon.25
Fener in Constantinople, but it is unknown when it was founded. At the
beginning of the 11th century (possibly in the first decade) the abbot of
Panagiou, Antonios, a disciple of St Athanasios the Athonite, wrote the The cemeteries of the monks are usually found outside the
typikon of the monastery. For the monastery of Panagiou and its history, walls of the monastery.26 In the typika a clear separation is
see Janin 1939, 394– 396; Laurent 1965, 94– 96, no. 1170; Janin 1969,
385– 386; Lemerle et al. 1970– 1982, I, 26– 30; Müller–Wiener 1977,
made between the space for burying the monks and that
204– 205; Zacos – Nesbitt 1984, 357, no. 766; Kidonopoulos 1994, 88–
90; Steppan 1995, 80– 83; Bakalova 2003, 18, 165 n. 42; Bouras 2005, 18
Thomas 1987, 255; Emmanouilidis 1989, 215– 223; Marinis 2009,
35– 38, 49; Ryder 2009– 2010, 74– 78; Krausmüller 2013, 48. For the
150.
association of the typikon of Petritzonitissa with that of Panagiou, see 19
Galatariotou 1987, 96– 97; Morris 1995, 134– 136.
Krausmüller 2013. 20
Papageorgiou 1982, 447 and n. 47; Teteriatnikov 1984; Bache
12
Gautier 1984, l.s. 1287– 1383. For the special reference to the prayers
1989; Emmanouilidis 1989, 215– 218; Sinkević 1993; Teteriatnikov
of the monks, which the ktetors make in their typika, concerning the
1996, 165– 182; Ousterhout 1999, 119– 127; Sinkević 2000, 17– 19;
salvation of their soul and the souls of their family members, see Morris
Ousterhout 2002, 5– 17; Sinkević 2002, 82– 85, 89– 90; Popović 2006;
1984, 117– 122; Galatariotou 1987, 92– 94. These commemorations
Marinis 2009, 149– 161 (where many examples of the Middle Byzantine
were one of the ktetors’ rights, Thomas 1987, 254.
period and references in the written sources are cited); Marinis 2014,
13
Gautier 1984, l.s. 19– 24. The main point used by Grishin 1978, 91–
59– 63, 73– 76, 84– 86.
92, for the position of the Pakourianos brothers’ tombs in the ossuary is 21
Marinis 2009, 152, 156.
Gregory’s use of the term koimeterion, arguing for the area of burials 22
Papazoglou 1994, ch. 89– 90. For the English translation of the typikon
outside the monastery walls. However, the term koimeterion has a broader
of Kosmosoteira, see Ševčenko 2000. For the problem of the location
meaning and refers to any space related to the dead, i.e. a sarcophagus, a
of Isaak Komnenos’ tomb, see Ševčenko 1984; Sinos 1985, 55– 59;
tomb and even a burial chapel, Babić 1969, 50.
Ousterhout 1987, 26, 98– 100; Ousterhout 1999, 122– 125, fig. 92;
14
Gautier 1984, l.s. 314– 326.
Ousterhout 2002, 13– 15, fig. on page 12; Ousterhout – Bakirtzis 2007,
15
Gautier 1984, l.s. 314– 344, 359– 366. For the English translation of
75– 81.
the passage, see Jordan 2000a, 525. 23
Papazoglou 1994, ch. 107, l.s. 1946– 1957.
16
Gautier 1984, l.s. 339– 344. ‘We have given his aforesaid estate of 24
Papazoglou 1994, ch. 86, l.s. 1632– 1636.
Prilonkion in accordance with his command to our often-mentioned 25
Gautier 1985, l.s. 1987– 1993. For the English translation of the
church and to the burial place in it in which his body, very dear to me,
typikon of Kecharitomene, see Jordan 2000b.
has been buried’, Jordan 2000a, 525. 26
Orlandos 1958, 146– 148; Popović 2013, 181– 182.
17
Konidaris 1984, 39– 40.
211
reserved for the tombs of the ktetors, but their location Christ at the Last Judgement, the Theotokos, St George,
inside or outside the walls was dictated – as Eirene and St John the Forerunner.37 To St John the Forerunner
Doukaina and Isaak Komnenos explain in their typika – was dedicated an eukterion, which Pakourianos mentions
by the availability of space; both mention that their initial when he gives his guidelines for the commemorations of
intention was that the monks or nuns should be buried the dead,38 whilst the chapel of the Forerunner is referred
within the monastery walls, but the available space did not to in the Georgian text of the typikon.39 The common
allow that. Thus, in the convent of Kecharitomene, Eirene dedication of the eukterion and the katholikon to St John
Doukaina founded Ta Kellaraias to serve as a burial the Forerunner, the use of the term eukterion, which was
chapel for the nuns,27 while the cemetery for the monks the closest term employed in written sources for chapel,40
of the Kosmosoteira, outside the monastery walls, was and the reference that the katholikon was built ‘εἰς τιμὴν
surrounded by its own wall and included a chapel.28 καὶ δόξαν τῶν τριῶν τούτων’,41 allow us to propose
that there was a katholikon with two chapels, one for
The ossuary at Bačkovo belongs to the type of two-storey St George and one for St John the Forerunner.42 Each of
church typical of cemeteries of monks, which are located these chapels seems to have contained its own sanctuary,
close to the monasteries but outside their walls,29 like since noted in the brebion of the typikon are not only
the church of St Nicholas at the Daphni Monastery near the altar cloths of the Holy Altar of the katholikon,43 but
Athens30 and the church of St Luke at the Nea Mone on also two complete altar cloths for the other two
Chios,31 which are both dated in the 11th century. Both churches.44
churches had two-storeys and were built a short distance
from the monasteries. St Nicholas stands almost 150 m The positioning of chapels in the katholikon during the
east of the Daphni monastery and St Luke about 200 m Middle Byzantine period was dictated by the architectural
west of Nea Mone. The cemetery church of the Petritzos type of the church, with two variable factors possible. On
monastery is located approximately 300 m outside the one hand its harmonic coexistence within the architectural
walls and is two-storeyed.32 It was erected in 1083 and form, and on other the continuation of the symmetry that
shares a similar type of masonry and similar articulation to characterized Middle Byzantine architecture; for that
parts of the Pakourianos katholikon, which were brought reason they are found in pairs.45 In the 1955 construction
to light during the 1955 excavations.33 The separation works that took place in the northeast side of the current
of the Bačkovo ossuary from the main buildings of the katholikon, the apse of the prothesis and a conch from the
monastery and its architectural type reveal that it was the north wall were discovered, which belonged to the church
burial place of the monks of the Theotokos Petritzonitissa, erected by Pakourianos (Fig. 18.1).46 According to the
which means that the Pakourianos brothers could not excavation finds, the katholikon of 1083 had a tripartite
have been buried there. Gregorios Pakourianos, one of sanctuary with conches at the side walls. The three-apse
the highest officials of the Empire and a close friend of sanctuary, its position, as well as the dimensions of the
Alexios I,34 would have chosen to be buried along with his side conch, argue that the church could not belong to the
brother in a more privileged place within the katholikon, simple triconch or tetraconch type, in which the east wall
as was usual for aristocratic founders and as he himself
mentioned in his typikon.
37
Gautier 1984, l.s. 216– 234.
18.3 The reconstruction of the Katholikon and the 38
The existence of the eukterion of St John the Forerunner has been
position of the tombs doubted by Lemerle 1977, 132 n. 42, who argues that the specific part of
the text comes from the typikon of the Panagiou monastery; Krausmüller
2013, 43, 49– 63, has shown that Pakourianos copied parts of the
In his typikon, Pakourianos refers to the katholikon a regulations concerning the everyday life of the monks from the typikon
number of times, without describing it. In most cases he of Panagiou and changed the order of the different chapters. The same
scholar does not exclude the possibility that Pakourianos made changes
mentions a church dedicated to the Theotokos,35 while even to regulations of the Panagiou. Thus, Pakourianos did not just copy
in some he refers to holy churches within the walls of the typikon, but it seems that he had read it and chose the regulations
the monastery,36 and in one instance he notes that the that interested him. Moreover, there is no point as a ktetor to mention
a building that does not exist. There is no available information for the
katholikon was dedicated to his guides and intercessors to building complex of the Panagiou monastery and therefore we do not
know whether chapels existed or not. We only know that the katholikon
was a tetraconch church erected at the beginning of the 11th century,
27
Janin 1969, 188, 549; Gautier 1985, l.s. 115– 119. Bouras 2005, 38– 49, fig. 8; Ryder 2009– 2010, 84– 91, fig. 1.
28
Papazoglou 1994, ch. 54, l.s. 1020– 1025, ch. 118. 39
Gautier 1984, p. 72 n. 889.
29
Xyggopoulos 1952, 22– 23; Bouras 1981, 199; Korunovski 2011, 114– 40
For the term eukterion, see Dagron 1989, 1080– 1083; Marinis 2014,
115; Popović 2013, 179– 182. For the liturgical function of monastic 77; Vitaliotis 2014, 93– 95.
ossuaries, see Stanković 2006. 41
Gautier 1984, l.s. 228. ‘to the honor and glory of those three’, Jordan
30
Millet 1899, 23– 24; Orlandos 1958, 147– 148, figs. 176– 177; Pallas 2000a, 523.
1966, 1133; Papaevangelu 1982, 135– 136. 42
Gautier (1984, p. 32 n. 228) comments on the specific reference and
31
Bouras 1981, 197– 200, figs. 175– 185. mentions that it concerned the katholikon of the Theotokos and the two
32
For the architecture of the ossuary, see Grabar 1924, 885– 891; Mijatev annexed chapels of St George and St John the Forerunner. The same
1974, 190– 192, figs. 239– 242; Ieni 1977, 115– 120; Kolarova 2003. hypothesis is expressed by Grishin 1978, 90– 91, and Spieser 1999, 141–
33
Mijatev 1957; Ieni 1977, 120. 143, although following a different reasoning.
34
Skoulatos 1980, 115. 43
Gautier 1984, l.s. 1730, 1733– 1734.
35
Gautier 1984, l.s. 18– 22, 32– 33, 203– 204, 287– 288, 308– 309, 330, 44
Gautier 1984, l.s. 1731– 1732.
340, 361, 364, 424, 599– 600, 676, 721, 820, 1155– 1156, 1232– 1233. 45
Ćurčić 1977.
36
Gautier 1984, l.s. 247– 251, 287– 288. 46
Mijatev 1957.
212
Figure 18.1. Bačkovo, Monastery of the Theotokos of Petritzos. Ground plan of the excavated parts of the katholikon of 1083
under the present katholikon (after J. Mijatev 1957, fig. 1).
had only one apse,47 but instead to the Athonite triconch the death of the Petritzonitissa’s ktetor the monastery
type.48 continued to keep close ties with the Iviron monastery,
since two of the Petritzonitissa’s abbots are mentioned as
The choice of this particular architectural type can be donors to the Iviron monastery.50
related to the special relations that Gregory and Apasios
Pakourianos, as well as other members of their family, In the katholika of the Holy Mountain there is always
had with the monastery of Iviron on the Holy Mountain. a narthex and the chapels are placed in the sides of the
In a note of the Synodikon of this monastery, among narthex already from the Middle Byzantine period
the names that should be commemorated due to their (Fig. 18.2).51 Some of these chapels had a burial use. In the
generous donations, the names of Gregory and Apasios north chapel of the Holy Forty Martyrs of Sebaste at the
are mentioned.49 In the same text it is confirmed that after Great Lavra monastery the sarcophagus of St Athanasios
the Athonite was placed.52 In the north chapel of the Iviron
monastery, which was dedicated to the Archangels and
47
For the triconch churches, see Steppan 1995. For the tetraconch
churches, see Bouras 2005, 44– 47 (with previous bibliography). was erected in or after 1005, the tomb of John the Iberian
The 12th-century church of St Nicholas at Larymna in Phthiotis is an
exception, being triconch with a tripartite sanctuary, which is considered
a typological unicum, Bouras 1991.
48
Ieni 1977, 119–120; Ćurčić 2010, 393 (who has not excluded the generous donors of the monastery. Lefort et al. 1985– 1995, ΙΙ, 8 and n.
possibility that builders came to Bačkovo from the Holy Mountain in 37, 31, 33– 34, 150– 156, no. 44, 170– 183, no. 47; Morris 1995, 135–
order to build the katholikon). The preserved katholikon at Bačkovo was 136; Bakalova 2003, 16, 80.
erected by the archbishop of Philippoupolis Daniel in 1603/1604 and is 50
In the third quarter of the 12th century, the abbot of Petritzos, Nicolas,
also of the Athonite type (Apostolidis 1936, 62, 67– 71; Mijatev 1974, who had visited the Holy Mountain, made a donation to the Iviron
205– 208, fig. 265; Ieni 1977, 114; Tschilingirov 2000, 1; Messis 2010, I, monastery, while at an unknown date the abbot of Petritzos, Theophanes,
367– 368, cat. no. 77, pl. IV. 77, II, plan 162), which means that it must on two occasions gave coins to the Iviron monastery, after the abbot
have followed the architectural type of the Middle Byzantine katholikon. Eugenios had asked him, Lefort et al. 1985– 1995, ΙΙ, 7, 34, 41. These
A different hypothesis has been proposed by Čaneva-Decevska 1970, relations were the main reason why the two Iberian saints, Euthymios,
who claimed that the katholikon of Petritzos was of the triconch type. one of the founders of the Iviron monastery, and George, abbot of the
According to her, Pakourianos’ church followed the Bulgarian tradition same monastery, were painted in the ossuary, Bakalova 2003, 74– 80;
of selecting the triconch type for monastic churches and Bačkovo was Mouriki 1981, 736, considered very likely that the Iviron monastery
one of the earliest examples of this tradition. The churches she examines in the Holy Mountain or another Iberian monastery in Constantinople
belong to the triconch type and cannot be related to the ground plan of provided the funds for the wall-paintings at Bačkovo.
the Bačkovo katholikon, except for St John the Baptist in Kardjali which 51
Messis 2010, I, 321.
is an Athonite type church as Ćurčić 2010, 393, has proved. 52
There is no consensus regarding the dating of the chapels in Great
49
Each of the two brothers had donated 200 gold coins and Apasios 500 Lavra, whether they were built in the time of St Athanasios, which is
more coins of Romanos IV, seven horses, mules, textiles and a garment. the most likely hypothesis, or later. Whatever the case, its construction
Lemerle 1977, 171 n. 133; Lefort et al. 1985– 1995, ΙΙ, 5, 7 and n. 32, had been concluded by the mid-11th century, before the foundation
25; Bakalova 2003, 79– 80. There were important relations between of Petritzos monastery. For the different opinions about the dating,
the Iviron monastery and other members of the Pakourianos family, i.e. see Mylonas 1981, 60; Mylonas 1984, 96, 104; Papaggelos 1985, 74;
the kouropalatis Symbatios Pakourianos, his wife Kale and his brother Steppan 1995, 99; Mamaloukos 2001, 206– 207, 282– 283; Messis 2010,
magister Sergios. From 1080 Symbatios and Kale were among the most II, cat. no. 1, 29, 32 and n. 26.
213
Figure 18.2. Mount Athos, Great Lavra Monastery. Ground plan of the katholikon in the 11th century
(courtesy of S. Mamaloukos).
was initially located53 and later, in 1093, the grave of his typikon mentions that of the two chapels the one related
Symbatios Pakourianos was added.54 to the dead was the eukterion of St John the Forerunner,
because he states that there was always a priest there who
Thus, the katholikon of Pakourianos, since it belonged to would offer the prayers for the dead.56 It is reasonable
the Athonite type, would have a narthex, and the chapels
of St George and St John the Forerunner would have been 536. Spieser 1999, 139–143, in his analysis of the text, considered that
annexed at the sides of the narthex.55 Gregory himself in Pakourianos described only the area of the sanctuary and the templon,
and he concluded that the chapels were in the east part of the church,
on either side of the sanctuary. This is not confirmed by the excavation
53
Martin-Hisard 1991, 100– 101. There are also issues in the dating of at Bačkovo, where the sanctuary stops at the apse of the prothesis and
the south chapel of St John the Forerunner at the Iviron monastery, which there do not seem to be any remains of a chapel. Moreover, according
had a burial crypt. For this matter, see Mylonas 1985, 66, 67, fig. 3; to the burial traditions of the Byzantines, the tombs of the two brothers,
Mamaloukos 2001, 288– 289; Messis 2010, II, cat. no. 3, 45, 48, plan 6. who were lay founders, could not have been placed in the east side of the
54
Lefort et al. 1985– 1995, ΙΙ, 8, 34, 155, no. 44:14– 15, 178, no. 47: church, close to the altar. It seems that Gregory, in the specific reference
12– 13. in his text, described different areas of the church and was not restricted
55
In the typikon, when Gregory describes the lights in front of the to the sanctuary and the templon. For the problem of reconstructing the
icons of the church, he mentions: ‘Ὀφειλόμενον ἡμῖν ἐστι καθ᾽ἑκάστην templon of Petritzonitissa, see Epstein 1981, 21–22; Walter 1993, 214,
ἡμέραν | τε καὶ νύκτα ἀκοιμήτους διατηρεῖν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς εἰκόνος τῆς 217, 222.
ὑπεραγίας Θεοτόκου κανδήλας τρεῖς, καὶ ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ βήματι κανδῆλαν 56
Gautier 1984, l.s. 1498– 1500. Emperor John II Komnenos also
μίαν, καὶ ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ ἁγίου βήματος, ἐν τοῖς καγκέλοις, ἔμπροσθεν characterized in the typikon of the Pantokrator monastery as eukteria the
μὲν τῆς σωτηρίου Σταυρώσεως κανδῆλαν μίαν, ἔμπροσθεν δὲ τῆς ἁγίας churches that were used as burial places, the church of the Archangels
εἰκόνος τοῦ Προδρόμου καὶ βαπτιστοῦ κανδῆλαν μίαν, καὶ ἔμπροσθεν where the tombs of the Komnenoi rested (Gautier 1974, l.s. 77– 78),
τῆς εἰκόνος τοῦ ἁγίου Γεωργίου κανδῆλαν μίαν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τάφῳ ἡμῶν and the eukterion of the Medikariou monastery, where the dead from the
κανδήλας τρεῖς’, Gautier 1984, l.s. 885– 891. ‘It is our duty to maintain hospital and the gerokomeion of Pantokrator were buried, Gautier 1974,
continuously throughout each day and night three lamps in front of the l.s. 1324–1335. In the 12th century, Theodore Balsamon mentions that
icon of the very holy Mother of God and one lamp in the great sanctuary the deceased can be buried in the eukteria because no relics of martyrs
on the screen, one lamp before the crucifix of the Savior and one lamp were placed under the altar in the sanctuary and no opening ceremonies
before the holy icon of the forerunner John the Baptist and one lamp or enthronements were taking place there, Marinis 2009, 152– 153 and n.
before the icon of St. George and three lamps at our tomb’, Jordan 2000a, 36 for Balsamon’s text.
214
to assume that this chapel was the resting place for the ranking official and a close friend of the emperor Alexios
Pakourianos brothers, because the permanent presence of Komnenos, such as Gregory Pakourianos, could follow
a priest for the conduct of commemorations would have the burial practices of the Komnenian dynasty for himself,
been a privilege that a ktetor would recognize primarily his family and the monastic community of his foundation.
for himself and secondarily for the rest of the deceased.
Its position at one side of the narthex was compatible Literature
with the Byzantine funerary rites, which took place in
the narthex or the chapels annexed to the narthex, and Primary Sources
the commemorative services for the dead monks and the
Gautier 1974: Gautier, Paul,‘Le typikon du Christ Sauveur
founders in the monasteries.57
Pantocrator’, Revue des études byzantines 32 (1974),
1–145.
18.4 Conclusion
Gautier 1984: Gautier, Paul, ‘Le typikon du sébaste
The privileged position of the tombs of the ktetors, which Grégoire Pakourianos’, Revue des études byzantines 42
during the Middle Byzantine period was located always (1984), 5–145.
in the west part of the church, the excavated remains of
Gautier 1985: Gautier, Paul, ‘Le typikon de la Théotokos
the katholikon and the ties of the Petritzonitissa’s founders
Kécharitôménè’, Revue des études byzantines 43
with the Iviron monastery, strongly suggest that the
(1985), 5–165.
restored form of the katholikon of 1083 belonged to the
Athonite type. It had a narthex and chapels placed at the Lefort et al. 1985–1995: Lefort, Jacques et al., Actes
sides of the narthex; of these, it was within the eukterion d’Iviron, I–IV, Paris 1985–1995.
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reserved as the resting place of the monks. This choice
was associated with the social status and the ethnic identity
Secondary sources
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centre of the monastic complex with the Pakourianos family (2005), 35– 50.
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19
Church Architecture in the Mesa Mani During

the Thirteenth Century*
Angeliki Mexia
Abstract: The present paper focuses on church architecture in the Mesa (Inner) Mani during
the transitional era of the 13th century, aiming to designate continuations and alterations
compared to the Middle Byzantine period, to detect relationships and influences with adjacent
territories, belonging either to the Byzantines or to the Franks.
The comparative study shows that the simplified, and totally conforming to the local building
methods, architectural trend is strengthened, as the humble barrel-vaulted single-nave
buildings pronounce. Churches of higher aspirations certainly continue to be erected, although
in these rather complex building programmes several simplifications and improvisations are to
be discerned, due perhaps to the limited competence of the local craftsmen or to the economic
conditions. Reconstructions or additions to antecedent monuments also occur. The ample
artistic activity shows a quite vivid rural society, which builds and decorates ecclesiastical
edifices as a visible expression of its piety and taste.
Η λατινική κατάκτηση του 1204 σηματοδοτεί για ολόκληρη την Πελοπόννησο μία περίοδο
στρατιωτικών αντιπαραθέσεων μεταξύ Φράγκων και Βυζαντινών και συνακόλουθα εδαφικών
ανακατατάξεων. Στη χερσόνησο της Μάνης η φραγκική κατοχή αποδεικνύεται βραχύβια,
καθώς, μετά την απόδοση του κάστρου της Μεγάλης Μαΐνης στους Βυζαντινούς, κατά το
β΄ μισό του 13ου αιώνα, η περιοχή εντάσσεται στον πυρήνα της βυζαντινής διοίκησης που
σταδιακά εξελίσσεται στο Δεσποτάτο του Μορέως.
Στη μελέτη παρουσιάζονται τα εκκλησιαστικά κτίσματα της Μέσα Μάνης κατά τον 13ο αιώνα,
με στόχο να γίνει κατανοητή η ναοδομική εξέλιξη στην περιοχή αυτή τη μεταλλασσόμενη
εποχή, να αναδειχθούν οι συνέχειες και οι τομές από την προηγούμενη περίοδο, να ανιχνευθούν
οι σχέσεις και αλληλεπιδράσεις με τις όμορες περιοχές είτε ανήκουν στους Βυζαντινούς είτε
στους Φράγκους.
Η συνολική εξέταση του σωζόμενου μνημειακού αποθέματος καταδεικνύει ότι η

απλουστευμένη και προσαρμοσμένη στα ντόπια υλικά και τους τρόπους δομής αρχιτεκτονική
έκφραση κυριαρχεί, με μικρά μονόχωρα δρομικά καμαροσκέπαστα κτίσματα, χωρίς μέριμνα
για τη διάπλαση και την ανάδειξη των όψεων. Παράλληλα συνεχίζεται και η ανέγερση
εκκλησιαστικών κτηρίων υψηλών προθέσεων, αν και κατά την υλοποίηση των σύνθετων
αυτών οικοδομικών προγραμμάτων ορισμένα στοιχεία φαίνεται να απλοποιούνται, ίσως
εξαιτίας των δυνατοτήτων των ντόπιων τεχνιτών ή και των οικονομικών συνθηκών.
Σε σύγκριση με τη μεσοβυζαντινή εποχή, δεν παρατηρείται ουσιαστική εξέλιξη σε θέματα

τύπων, μορφών και τρόπων δομής. Τα πρωτότυπα επιτεύγματα, με ελάχιστες εξαιρέσεις,
λείπουν και η δημιουργικότητα των τεχνιτών ανιχνεύεται σε παραμέτρους που αφορούν κυρίως
αισθητικές αναζητήσεις και επιδιώξεις ή βελτιώσεις ήδη γνωστών τεχνικών. Τα ελλαδικά
χαρακτηριστικά της προηγούμενης περιόδου περιορίζονται σε μεμονωμένα αρχιτεκτονικά
στοιχεία των υψηλών προθέσεων τρουλαίων ναών, όπου παράλληλα αρχίζει να γίνεται αισθητή
η παρουσία των πρώτων δειγμάτων των μορφολογικών επιλογών της υστεροβυζαντινής
αρχιτεκτονικής. Δυτικές επιδράσεις ανιχνεύονται μόνο σε ορισμένους κατασκευαστικούς
τρόπους, όπως στη λαξευτή τοιχοποιία και στη χρήση πώρινων θολιτών στη θολοδομία, στη
διαμόρφωση των παραθύρων με συμφυή με την τοιχοποιία λίθινα πλαίσια.
*
The long-lasting pursuit of the honoree professors, concerning the extend to them my sincerest gratitude. I would like to thank the editor
Byzantine monuments of Mani and their interpretation of aspects of the of the volume for improving the English text. Footnotes are limited for
local population’s artistic output, gave the impetus for my research. I brevity.
219
Angeliki Mexia
Καθώς, λοιπόν, η Μέσα Μάνη χάνει σταδιακά τη δημιουργικότητα των μέσων χρόνων,
ανέρχονται στο προσκήνιο, ως κέντρα εκκλησιαστικής αρχιτεκτονικής, η Κάτω και η Έξω
Μάνη. Ιδιαίτερα, μάλιστα, κατά τους δύο επόμενους αιώνες στις περιοχές αυτές και κυρίως
στην Έξω Μάνη οικοδομούνται πλέον τα ποιοτικότερα έργα, κάτω από την επιρροή της
αρχιτεκτονικής του Μυστρά.
Η βραχύβια συνύπαρξη των ευάριθμων ετερόδοξων κατακτητών και του ντόπιου πληθυσμού
δεν μεταβάλλει την εικόνα και την οργάνωση του αγροτικού και οικισμένου χώρου, με εξαίρεση
την ίδρυση ορισμένων κάστρων από τους Φράγκους στα βόρεια και δυτικά της χερσονήσου
της Μάνης. Στη συντριπτική τους πλειονότητα τα μνημεία της περιόδου ανεγείρονται σε
μία ακτίνα λίγων χιλιομέτρων γύρω από το κάστρο της Μαΐνης στη χερσόνησο Τηγάνι, το
κέντρο της βυζαντινής διοίκησης, που εξακολουθεί να συσπειρώνει τον πληθυσμό. Η πλούσια
ναοδομική παραγωγή παραπέμπει σε μία αρκετά εύρωστη, αγροτική κοινωνία, που συνεχίζει
να κτίζει τους ναούς της, σύμφωνα με την παράδοση του τόπου. Οι χορηγίες, ατομικές ή
συλλογικές, υψηλών ή ταπεινών προθέσεων, για την ανέγερση και διακόσμηση εκκλησιών,
αποτελούν βασική μέριμνα και επιδίωξη των κατοίκων, μέσο έκφρασης της προσωπικής
ευλάβειας και καλαισθησίας τους.
Keywords: 13th century, Peloponnese, Mesa (Inner) Mani, church architecture.
Following the dispensation of the territories of the the first quarter of the thirteenth century.5 A Latin bishop
fragmented Empire, after the conquest of Constantinople is probably appointed after the erection of the castle of
by the Crusaders in 1204, the Principality of Achaia was Grand Magne.6 When the Byzantines took control over
founded in the Peloponnese under the Villehardouins. the region, the Bishopric of Maini was granted to the
However, the Frankish penetration in the peninsula Metropolis of Monemvasia.7
was gradual, beginning from the north and the west.1 In
Laconia, the Franks encountered fierce resistance for a Our knowledge of the thirteenth century churches of the
long time, managing to subjugate the wider region only Mani, as well as of its Byzantine monuments over the
after the surrender of Monemvasia around the middle of centuries, is due to the tireless labour of the late Nikolaos
the century.2 In order to effectively control the mountainous Drandakis and his colleagues, professors nowadays at
passes of southern Taygetos, the Franks built the castles the University of Athens.8 The present paper focuses on
of Passava, seat of the homonymous barony, Lefktro church architecture in the Mesa (Inner) Mani during this
and Grand Magne.3 Their occupation, however, proved transitional era, aiming to designate continuations and
to be short-lived. In 1262, after the battle of Pelagonia, alterations compared to the preceding period, to detect
William II of Villehardouin ceded to the Byzantines the relationships and influences with adjacent territories,
castles of Mystras, Monemvasia and Grand Magne. Thus, belonging either to the Byzantines or to the Franks.9 Firstly,
a Byzantine administrative core came into existence in the we cite the most important churches that leave their mark on
southeastern Peloponnese, comprising the Mani peninsula. the landscape by their scale and architecture, and secondly,
For its reinforcement, the Byzantines immediately we are concerned with structural and morphological issues.
undertook concerted military operations, so that their
dominance became established and gradually expanded.4 The domed cross-in-square churches number some eight
examples, with special preference for the two-columned/
As for church organization, the Bishop of Maini, who distyle variant. Although few in comparison with the
prior to the Latin conquest depended on the Metropolis aggregate of contemporary architectural output, they
of Corinth, seemed to retain his position, at least during outnumber the churches of the same type in the region
throughout the centuries.
1
On the conquest of the Peloponnese by the Franks and the Principality
The church of Episkopi close to the village of Hagios
of Achaia, see Bon 1969; Kordoses 1986; Ilieva 1991; Dourou-Iliopoulou Georgios initiates the building activity on the threshold
2005. of the thirteenth century.10 Its erection around 1200 is
2
Kordoses 1986, 107– 112, 126– 136, 150– 155, 180, 181; Kalliga 2003,
104– 131. In the Mani until the year 1222, Ioannis Chamaretos conducted
the struggle against the Franks.
3
Bon 1969, 502– 509; Bouza – Kontoyiannis 2004, 45– 47. There are 5
Kordoses 1986, 130; Kordoses 1987, 41, 65.
different views regarding the location of the castle of Grand Magne, see 6
Kordoses 1987, 41.
Avraméa 1998, 58– 59; Burridge 1996, includes in the same fortification 7
Zakythinos 1975, vol. 2, 271– 279; Avraméa 1998, 57– 58.
network the castle at Vardounia. 8
Beyond the individual publications of monuments and wall paintings,
4
In 1263/64, sevastokrator Konstantinos, brother of the emperor Michael Drandakis 1986, has studied, as a whole, the Maniot wall paintings of
VIII Palaiologos, arrived in the Peloponnese in charge of army troops, the century.
while the Byzantine fleet, under the protostrator Alexios Philanthropinos, 9
The study is confined to the Mesa Mani, a geographical unity with a
saw successful action along the south coastline of Laconia. Bon 1969, cohesive development through the centuries.
120– 135; Zakythinos 1975, vol. 1, 15 et seq., 317– 331; Kordoses 1986, 10
Bouras – Bouras 2002, 128– 131, with the previous bibliography. The
170– 177; Ilieva 1991, 151– 154; Kalliga 2003, 132– 137. church was initially dedicated to St. George.
220
Church Architecture in the Mesa Mani During the Thirteenth Century
Figure 19.1. Mesa Mani, church of Vlacherna, north façade.
associated with the powerful local notable Georgios masonry in conjunction with the absence of windows
Daimonogiannes.11 The containment of the cloisonné in in the gables. Panagia Odigitria (Agitria) near to the
the dome, the way the red marble ashlars are adjusted to settlement of Hagia Kyriaki shares several analogies with
the surfaces and the dense layout of the built-in bowls, Vlacherna in terms of architectural arrangement, as well
especially in the west façade, with their decorative approach as in themes of morphology and construction, so it seems
and emphasis on variegation, herald the morphological reasonable to suggest a similar dating for its erection.14 The
options prevailing from the thirteenth century onward. marble pavement, even in its quite simplified rendering,
Constantinopolitan influences, reaching the region the embellished marble members and the wall paintings
through the nearby castle at cape Tigani, identified with reveal the desire of the donors, a clergyman and a layman,
the well-known (from the written sources) castle of Maini, to enhance the internal space of the church.15
the administrative center of the Middle Byzantine period,
are discerned, mainly in the quality of the sculptural The semi-complex four-columned type church of Hagios
decoration and the excellent wall paintings, revealing the Ioannis at Keria is one of the most imposing monuments
financial means and pretensions of the donor.12 in the peninsula. The so far accepted dating of its erection
to the first half – mid of the thirteenth century could
In the vicinity of the Tigani promontory, two more be shifted to the second half of the century, judging by
churches, Vlacherna and Panagia Odigitria are built, the choices observed in matters of structure and morphology
appellations of which refer to the homonymous pilgrimages (Fig. 19.2).16 Namely, the recessed brick technique on the
in Constantinople. The erection of Vlacherna, following arches, the construction of the hemisphere of the dome
the variation of the simple four-columned cross-in-square, with voussoirs in concentric rings and impacted ribs in
is dated from the first decades of the thirteenth century, cruciform shape, the formation of the gables at the ends
as its constructional and morphological features attest of the north and south arms of the cross with ceramic
(Fig. 19.1).13 The tiny building stands out for its plain,
albeit picturesque, style, evident in the application of ashlar
14
Mexia 2011, Α, 311– 312, Β, 9– 12; Bouras – Bouras 2002, 24– 25,
favour a date around the end of the 12th century. The choice of the two-
11
Papamastorakis 1987, 155– 157. columned variant in Agitria is maybe due to the shortage of columns,
12
For the wall paintings and the sculptural decoration, see Drandakis which in this particular church are material in second use. At a later time
1995a, 151– 212 and idem 2002, 265– 275 respectively. Lately Pinatsi during the 13th century a narthex was added to the west side of the naos.
2018, 478– 479, presented the marble pavement of the church. For the 15
For the marble pavement, see Pinatsi 2018, 476– 478; Drandakis
identification of the castle at Tigani with the castle of Maini, see Avraméa 1995a, 223– 258, studies the wall paintings; Idem 2002, 275– 281,
1998, 55– 56. presents the sculptural decoration.
13
Kappas 2009, A, 142– 143, B, 324– 326. A narthex was added to the 16
For the date around the mid-13th century, see Drandakis 2002, 49– 51,
west a little later. A date to the late 12th century was generally accepted 134– 135; Bouras – Bouras 2002, 186– 187; A later date, perhaps in the
up to the present, see Bouras – Bouras 2002, 94– 96. 14th century is suggested by Pinatsi 2018, 480– 481.
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Angeliki Mexia
Figure 19.2. Mesa Mani, Hagios Ioannis at Keria, view from southeast.
bowls framed by bricks, as well as the more general in its sides, reveals an aesthetic perception embraced also
arrangement of built-in glazed bowls on the façades and by other nearby Late Byzantine monuments, such as the
the porous stone carving in the interior, all conform to Late Sotiras church at Kotrafi.20 Indeed, the plain schist slabs
Byzantine practices. The numerous ancient and Byzantine covering the ‘false windows’ recall a craftsman experienced
marble spolia built into its walls, variegating the façades in the Middle Byzantine local tradition of the ‘Athenian
and even giving them a triumphal character, constitute a dome’, who attempts to combine morphological features
unique case in the Mesa Mani, prominently highlighting of the windows, namely the marble window partitions, as
the preferences of the unknown donor.17 well as of the blind arches of this dome variant, using the
local materials available at that time. The construction of
The slender dome of the Sotiras church at Oitylo the hemisphere of the dome with impacted stone ribs of
(Fig. 19.5), with the unusual elongated form of the cruciform shape is seen in the region only once again, in
windows, the arches of which are bordered with a wide Hagios Ioannis at Keria, while the voussoirs in concentric
brick band of herringbone ornament, the kind and the rings in-between are encountered in Late Byzantine vaults
place of the decorative brickwork on the western façade, (Fig. 19.4). So, it would be reasonable to propose the
dictate, alongside other evidence, a date to the Late redating of the monument at least to the late thirteenth
Byzantine period, probably from the second half of the century, if not even later, perhaps after the erection of the
thirteenth century, which is in accord with the earlier layer church at Keria, an idea also supported by the choice of the
of paintings.18 distyle cross-in-square typological variant.21
The absence of features of the Middle Byzantine Scholars suggest a date to the first half of the eleventh
local architectural tradition in the Asomatos church at century for the erection of the ambitious building of the
Kakovouno (Kita), the erection of which up to now has been Sotiras church at Gardenitsa.22 However, the edifice,
placed between the second half of the tenth to the first half both in its individual features and in basic compositional
of the eleventh centuries, dictates the reconsideration of components, diverges from the Middle Byzantine
this early dating (Fig. 19.3).19 The articulation of the drum architectural tradition, adopting solutions widespread
of the dome, especially the presence of ‘false windows’
17
Mexia 2019. 20
For the church at Kotrafi, see Drandakis 1996, 234 no. 456. Between
18
Drandakis 1995b; Kappas 2016, 12, places the church among the 14th- the two monuments, further commonalities concern the rubble masonry
century monuments. The portico in the west side is a later addition. For a from local schist without brick and the vault construction.
brief mention of the layers of wall paintings, see Diamanti 2008– 2009, 21
Since no wall paintings survive to provide a terminus ante quem, the
49. date of the erection of the edifice is by no means definite.
19
Mexia 2011, Α, 314– 316, Β, 87– 92. 22
Drandakis 2002, 92– 101, with additional bibliography.
222
Figure 19.3. Mesa Mani, Asomatos at Kakovouno (Kita), east façade.
Figure 19.4. Mesa Mani, Asomatos at Kakovouno (Kita), impacted stone ribs of the dome (2004).
in monuments of the Despotate of the Morea.23 For the Palaiologan period. Besides, considering the proposed
instance, the five-sided middle apse and the three-sided dating of the earlier layer of paintings to around 1300, we
lateral ones, along with the articulation of the drum of the regard the contemporary erection of the whole building
dome, constitute original forms in the region, paralleled as highly probable.25 The source upon which the architect
in Laconian Palaiologan monuments (Fig. 19.6).24 draws his models remains an open question, insofar as
The kind and the wealth of the external decoration, the new expressive means used, some of which echo
emphasizing variety and polychromy, reflected mainly on Constantinopolitan preferences, are encountered here quite
the middle apse, characterizes the architectural trend of a bit earlier when compared to the Laconian monuments
of the Despotate of the Morea. Plasticity in the articulation
Mexia 2011, Α, 317– 319, Β, 52– 56.
23 of the façades, according to the contemporary trends, is
Mexia 2011, A, 101– 102 and 76– 77 respectively. For example, five-
24 evidenced by the big rectangular propylon with lateral
sided middle apse and three-sided lateral ones are encountered among
the churches of Mystras; furthermore the dome of Gardenitsa is almost
identical with that of the Profitis Elias church at Koniditsa, and quite 25
Τhe earlier layer of paintings as a whole remains unpublished, for a
similar also to that of the church of Hagia Varvara at Skoutari. brief mention, see Diamanti 2008– 2009, 53– 54.
223
Angeliki Mexia
Figure 19.5. Mesa Mani, Sotiras at Oitylo, dome.
Figure 19.6. Mesa Mani, Sotiras at Gardenitsa, east façade.
224
arched openings attached soon thereafter to the west side All the monuments have plain exterior surfaces, interrupted
of the edifice.26 by openings of small dimensions. The domes, either turn
to original solutions, as in Oitylo and Gardenitsa, or follow
The unquestionable common features shared by the the simplified variation of the ‘Athenian dome’, with four
Taxiarches church at Glezou and Sotiras at Gardenitsa, windows on the axes alternating with four blind arches
in the composition of the façades, specifically the gables on the diagonal sides, an architectural form widespread
of the lateral cross arms, in morphological and structural among the local craftsmen of the twelfth century. The
matters, as well as in the articulation of the interior, semicircular apse is the standard in single-nave buildings;
combined with the proposed redating of the last, all however, it is also applied to domed edifices using rubble
point, in our opinion, to the need for a re-examination masonry. In almost all the other cases, three-sided apses
of the erection of the Taxiarches, up to now dated to the articulate the eastern side.
second half of the eleventh century.27 The surviving wall
paintings, from the second half of the thirteenth century, Windows adhere to types already known from the Middle
provide a tangible terminus ante quem. Byzantine period, deriving either from the local tradition
or from the Helladic morphological vocabulary. The apse
The only example of transverse-vault single-nave church window of the Profitis Elias church (Fig. 19.7) and the
during the period under examination is that of Profitis now blind opening in the south wall of Agitria at Hagia
Elias, located close to the settlement of Hagia Kyriaki. Kyriaki are the only exceptions, following a window type
Erected probably during the first half of the thirteenth spread during the Late Byzantine period. They consist
century, it displays morphological and structural of an integral stone arched frame without window-
characteristics pointing to the nearby churches of Agitria jambs, shaped on the exterior face of a rectangular
and Vlacherna.28 opening.31
Far more numerous, with almost 30 examples, is the The basic masonry form is rubble masonry, even for a
group of the smaller barrel-vaulted single-nave churches, few domed buildings, while its local variant, the so called
omitting any consideration for the rendering of their ‘megalithic’, prevalent throughout the centuries in the
volumes and contours. Frequently, the vaults are reinforced landscape of the Mani, is applied in single-nave churches.
with buttressing arches, while blind arches articulate Cloisonné is now limited to certain cross-in-square
occasionally the lateral walls. The internal articulation churches, sometimes only to parts of their façades, while
of the east wall with two conches, symmetrical and equal ashlar masonry is encountered in Vlacherna and in a more
in size, enclosed in a semicircular apse is unusual. The careless rendering in Agitria and Profitis Elias.
double-apse churches, probably dedicated to two different
saints, although known in the region from the tenth century, Decorative brickwork enriches the façades of certain
spread widely during this period, as the monuments of domed edifices and the western wall-face of three to
Hagios Georgios at Kato Boularioi, Hagios Nikolaos at four single-nave ones as well, including dentil courses,
Ano Boularioi and Hagios Panteleimon at Kotrafi all geometric figures or characters of the Greek alphabet,
testify.29 Morphologically and structurally related to zigzag, herringbone, diamond and reticulate ornaments
the double-apse churches are the twin-naved ones. The (Fig. 19.8). Noteworthy are the pseudokufic elements,
addition, around 1300, of the single-nave chapel of Hagios the stylized tree and the meander of the Sotiras church at
Ioannis to the south side of the Middle Byzantine church of Gardenitsa. The built-in glazed bowls constitute a more
Hagios Vasilios at Kafiona constitutes a typical example.30 favorite form of external decoration in the cross-in-square
churches32 and exceptionally so in the single-nave church
of Hagia Kyriaki at Marathos. The abundant compositions
of the middle apse at Gardenitsa and the gables of Hagios
Ioannis at Keria combine all the current trends for
26
Bouras – Bouras 2002, 105– 106, who consider it as a 12th century variegation.
addition. An analogous, not so elaborately built, propylon, probably
contemporary with the naos, accentuates the west façade of the Asomatos
church at Kakovouno. In the beginning of the thirteenth century the production of
27
Drandakis 2002, 101– 115. For the proposed reconsideration of the quality marble architectural and liturgical members carries
dating, see Mexia 2011, Α, 316– 317, Β, 77– 79.
28
Drandakis 1996, 227 no. 404; Bouras – Bouras 2002, 337; Küpper on, continuing the Middle Byzantine tradition. However,
1990, I, 140, II, 13, suggests a dating around 1300. gradually the local workshops abandon marble-carving,
29
Gratziou 2010, 174– 183, summarizes and comments on the so far resorting to carved porous stone and the reuse of earlier
proposed aspects of their usage. For the referred Maniot monuments,
see Drandakis 1996, 232 no. 439, 441, 234 no. 455. Noteworthy is the material.
presence of a contracted porch in front of the south entrance of the church
of Hagios Georgios.
30
Drandakis 2002, 157. Communication between the two churches is by
means of two arched openings. Although the rectangular annexes in the
south side of the churches of Hagios Panteleimon at Kotrafi and Hagios
Georgios at Karynia point to twin– naved monuments, the solid south 31
In Agitria the inner face of the opening is rendered as an exterior one.
wall with the small communication door of the edifices complicate this The frame in both examples forms a slightly pointed segmental arch. For
classification; nevertheless, the conches in the east wall of the annex of this window type, see Mamaloukos 2012, 32; Kappas 2017, 132– 135.
Hagios Panteleimon suggest its use as a chapel, at some point, at least. 32
They are missing only from the churches at Oitylo and Kakovouno.
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Angeliki Mexia
Figure 19.7. Mesa Mani, Profitis Elias close to the settlement of Hagia Kyriaki, apse window.
Figure 19.8. Mesa Mani, Hagia Kyriaki at Marathos, western wall-face with reticulate ornament.
226
Figure 19.9. Mesa Mani, Asomatos at Kakovouno (Kita), dome window.
Arches are normally semicircular. The few cases of peculiarity.34 In certain monuments, Taxiarches at Glezou,
pointed arches are mainly to be ascribed to the material Asomatos at Kakovouno and Sotiras at Gardenitsa, the
used, as in the Asomatos church at Kakovouno, marking vault-head arches of the vaults of the cross arms are
a simplification indicative of inferior constructional level formed in recession; indeed, in the last two churches this
(Fig. 19.9). The arches consist chiefly of porous voussoirs, scheme continues quite lower down from the springing of
of different quality in their cutting. Bricks are used in the arches.
window arches, the recessed brick technique being applied
to the windows of the dome of Sotiras at Oitylo and all In general, the comparative study of the thirteenth century
the openings of Hagios Ioannis at Keria.33 Occasionally, monuments of the Mesa Mani shows that the simplified,
a porous arch surrounded by a cornice from the same and totally conforming to the local building methods,
material or a double arch from porous voussoirs and bricks architectural trend is strengthened, as the humble small
are encountered in door openings. barrel-vaulted single-nave buildings pronounce. Churches
of higher aspirations certainly continue to be erected,
Vaults made of rubble and roughly hewn stones, combined although in these rather complex building programmes
with vault-head arches from cut porous stone, is the several simplifications and improvisations are to be
standard form, both in domed and single-nave buildings. discerned, due maybe to the limited competence of the local
In a few cases vaults are entirely constructed of porous craftsmen or to the economic conditions. Reconstructions
voussoirs, among them noteworthy is the barrel-vault of or additions to antecedent monuments also occur.35
Sotiras at Ano Poula. The impacted ribs in the dome of the
churches at Kakovouno and Keria constitute a structural
34
Slightly projecting ribs articulate the dome of the narthex of Hagios
Petros at Megali Kastania in Exo Mani, dated to the late 13th century, see
33
Recently Kappas 2016, 11, pointed out the application of the technique Mpouza 2010, 260.
in Oitylo; for the application of the technique in other Late Byzantine 35
For example in the church of Hagios Theodoros at Tsopaka, see Mexia
monuments of the Mani, including Keria, see ibid, 15– 16. 2011, Α, 304– 305.
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Angeliki Mexia
Compared to the Middle Byzantine period,36 neither Although church building is not suspended during the first
substantial development in architectural types, forms half of the thirteenth century, the increase in the surviving
and building methods, nor original achievements are monuments during the second half attests that the recovery
to be traced, with minimal exceptions. The creativity of of the south Peloponnese by the Byzantines seems to
the masons is expressed mainly in aesthetic pursuits or bring relative prosperity not only to members of the local
improvements of already known techniques, such as the aristocracy, acting as patrons, but also to the peasants,
porous voussoirs in the vaults. The Helladic features of the enabling them to donate even their small surplus for the
previous period are now confined to isolated elements of erection and decoration of ecclesiastical edifices.42 Indeed,
the domed churches, in parallel with the first morphological as repeatedly has been argued, the large, compared to the
components of Late Byzantine architecture. So, as the preceding centuries, percentage of wall paintings now
Mesa Mani loses gradually the brilliance it enjoyed in commissioned, especially after 1261, bears witness to an
the Middle Byzantine times, so do the Kato (Lower) and active population, probably strengthened through refugees
Exo (Outer) Mani come to the foreground, as centers of from the Frankish-held Morea.43
ecclesiastical architecture. In these regions and especially
in the Exo Mani, during the next two centuries, the most Noteworthy is the fact that the cross-in-square churches
elaborate buildings are now erected, under the influence of of the thirteenth century have wall paintings almost
Mystras architectural trends.37 contemporary with their erection. By contrast, the domed
edifices of the preceding centuries are decorated with
Turning to contemporary Laconian churches,38 there seems wall paintings only during the presently examined period,
to be no substantial interaction between the two regions, as the examples of Hagia Varvara at Erimos and Hagioi
with the Mesa Mani still being remarkably self-contained. Sergios and Vakchos at Kita testify.44 So, it seems that
Only around 1300, in the imposing edifice of Sotiras at during the Middle Byzantine period the interests are
Gardenitsa, do the profuse decoration and the quality of focussed on or even confined to the domain of architecture,
the exterior surfaces point to the architectural evolutions with the erection of buildings following the innovative
in the seat of the Byzantine provincial administration, the Helladic forms, that impose on the surroundings with their
castle-town of Mystras. architectural type, their structural quality, their brickwork
or sculpted decoration. Instead, during the thirteenth
The architectural idiom shaped during this time in the century, as the historical conditions change, the concern
crusader Morea, creatively combining Late Byzantine of the donors is moving or extending to the internal space
architectural perceptions with elements of the local of the church, where the wall paintings constitute the main
tradition and assimilating to various degrees Gothic asset for enhancing the edifice. This differentiation in the
features,39 exerts no direct influence on the Mesa Mani. goals and preferences of the patrons, affecting directly the
Western influences are evidenced only in some building outcome of their donation, is probably to be associated
practices, such as ashlar masonry, vaults made of porous with their socioeconomic status.
voussoirs or also in isolated morphological features, like
windows with an integral frame.40 The short-lived co-existence of the heterodox conquerors
and the local population does not seem to transform the
As donors for these structures, according to Professor spatial organization of the Mani, apart from the erection
Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, who has systematically studied the of certain fortifications by the Franks to the north and
abundant available material, there appear members of the west of the peninsula.45 The newly-built churches are
local aristocracy, clerics or peasants, acting as individuals mostly located in the wider region around the castle of
or in collaboration with others, usually their families, Maini, the administrative center of the Middle Byzantine
a pattern that points to the awakening of the individual period, that still continues to attract the population. The
consciousness.41 Widespread too is the collective ample artistic activity shows a quite vivid rural society,
patronage schema, with almost universal participation of which builds and decorates ecclesiastical edifices, of high
ordinary people. Moreover, small individual offerings are or humble pretensions, as a visible expression of its piety
encountered, in the form of a dedication of a single wall and taste.46
painting. The different socio-economic provenance of the
patrons accounts for the variations in scale and artistic
value of the churches.
36
Mexia 2011, Α, esp. 336– 346.
37
Kappas 2016. 42
Eadem 1992, 34– 37. On the economy of Late Byzantine Peloponnese
38
See the catalogue by Drandakis 1996. For the churches of Mystras, see in general, see Jacoby 2013. Maltezou 2000, elaborates the impact of the
Sinos 2009, 113– 215. historical conditions on the artistic output of the 13th century.
39
Athanasoulis 2013, 142– 151. 43
Drandakis 1986, 684; Panayiotidi 2005, 90.
40
Imitation of Gothic models is perhaps also apparent in the waterspouts 44
Charalabous 2008– 2009, 198– 208 and Panayiotidi 2005, 92– 93
of the dome (unusual by local Byzantine standards) of Sotiras at Oitylo. respectively.
On western elements in Late Byzantine monuments of the Exo and Kato 45
On the co-existence of Franks and Byzantines in the Peloponnese, see
Mani, see Kappas 2016. Ilieva 1991, with previous bibliography.
41
Kalopissi-Verti 1992, passim; Kalopissi-Verti 2005, 102– 105; 46
For the Late Byzantine village communities of the Greek countryside
Kalopissi-Verti 2012, 126– 130 and passim. with multiple references to the Mani, see Gerstel 2015.
228
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20
The Chapel of the Mother of God in Chorēb: Testimonies

for a Lost Sinai Church
Georgia Foukaneli
Abstract: In this paper are collected sporadic traces concerning a lost Sinai chapel. Pilgrim
accounts of the 14th century as well as a marginal note of a Georgian Sinai Lectionary indicate
the chapel’s location in the Prophet Elia’s Valley, in Chorēb, and its dedication to the Mother
of God. The donation of two manuscripts, the Georgian Lectionary already mentioned and the
Chorēb Gospel, reflects the care of the Sinai monastic community to support the chapel in its
liturgical needs. Already destroyed by the 16th century, its memory was preserved for up to a
century later in Greek proskynētaria. The remains of a modest construction investigated at the
northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley, considered along with graffiti on the nearby
rocks attributed to pilgrims, may belong to the chapel in question, since the site corresponds to
the topographical information provided by the written sources.
Στην παρούσα έρευνα συλλέγονται και αξιολογούνται τεκμήρια σχετικά με την ύπαρξη
σιναϊτικού παρεκκλησίου αφιερωμένου στην Παναγία, το οποίο μαρτυρείται στην περιοχή
της κοιλάδας του Προφήτη Ηλία στο Χωρήβ από ημερολόγια προσκυνητών του Σινά του
14ου αιώνα, καθώς και από ελληνικά σιναϊτικά προσκυνητάρια του 16ου και 17ου αι. Στο
ναό αυτό φαίνεται ότι δωρήθηκε το γεωργιανό Ευαγγέλιο αρ. 81 (έτ. 1075) της Βιβλιοθήκης
της Ιεράς Μονής Σινά, σύμφωνα με παρασελίδια σημείωση του χειρογράφου. Η ενδεχόμενη
αφιέρωση του λεγομένου «Ευαγγελίου του Χωρήβ» (Σιναϊτικός κωδ. αρ. 213, έτ. 967), από
τον αρχιεπίσκοπο Σινά Μακάριο τον Ε΄ ή ΣΤ΄ (1224 ή 1248/1258), στο ίδιο παρεκκλήσιο
αποτελεί ένδειξη της φροντίδας των Σιναϊτών για τις λειτουργικές ανάγκες των μοναχών
που εγκαταβίωναν στο χώρο. Αν και φαίνεται ότι ο ναός της Παναγίας είχε πιθανότατα
καταστραφεί πριν τον 16ο αιώνα, η μνήμη του διατηρήθηκε για έναν περίπου αιώνα αργότερα
σε ελληνικά σιναϊτικά προσκυνητάρια.
Σε επιτόπια έρευνα εντοπίστηκαν ερείπια κτίσματος στο νοτιοδυτικό άκρο της κοιλάδας
του Προφήτη Ηλία, τα οποία ίσως ανήκουν στο λανθάνοντα ναό της Παναγίας. Η θέση
ανταποκρίνεται πλήρως στα τοπογραφικά στοιχεία των γραπτών πηγών, ενώ η ύπαρξη
χαραγμάτων στους παρακείμενους βράχους μαρτυρεί τη σημασία του χώρου για τους
διερχόμενους προσκυνητές. Ενδεχόμενη ανασκαφική έρευνα θα δοκιμάσει την ισχύ των
παραπάνω συλλογισμών, προσδιορίζοντας ακριβέστερα και το χρονολογικό πλαίσιο ύπαρξης
του ναού.
Keywords: Sinai topography, Sinai pilgrimage, Pilgrim Graffiti, Sinai manuscripts, Pilgrim
texts, Lost Monuments.
The topography of the Sinai desert is delineated by the places monastic settlements was developed, documented through
of the Old Testamentary Revelations of God: the miracle of archaeological remains and written sources.3 Although
the Burning Bush (Exodus, 3.2–5), the Law Giving at the reduced after the expansion of the Muslim Arabs in the
top of the Sinai Mountain (Exodus 19.17–25, 31.18–34), 7th century, monasticism in Sinai has never declined.4 In
the consolation of prophet Elias (Elijah) in Chorēb during this paper are collected sporadic traces concerning a lost
his persecution (Kings III, 19.1–13).1 The Sinaitic Loca Sinai chapel, dedicated to the Mother of God, as a small
Santa emerged as prominent pilgrim destinations from contribution to the reconstruction of the Sinai monastic and
the 4th century and as points of spiritual reference for the pilgrim topography.
Sinai hermits, who had dwelled in the area from at least
a century earlier.2 Around Sinai Monastery, founded at
the place of the Burning Bush in the 6th century, a net of
39–75, figs. 1–29; Beaux-Boutros 1998, 139–143; Dahari 1998,
1
Bordreuil 1998, 116–118. 144–150; Dahari 2000, 21–23.
2
For the early pilgrimage in Sinai, see Amantos 1953, 5–7; Maraval 3
On the foundation of the Sinai Monastery, see Mayerson 1978, 33.
1985, 304–310. For early monasticism in Sinai, see Finkelstein 1985, 4
Tοmadakis 1990, 12–17; Dahari 2000, 167–168.
231
Georgia Foukaneli
Figure 20.1. Sinai, Chorēb, the chapel of Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’ and part of the ‘path of the steps’.
A typical pilgrim itinerary in the late Middle Ages led dove Elia ditto fece tre anni la penitenza; [...] E nella detta
from the valley of the Burning Bush to the Holy Summit chiesa è una cappella d’ Iliseo profeta, e dirimpietto alla
of Mount Sinai along the commonly known ‘path of the detta chiesa è un’ altra chiesa di Santa Maria antica, ch’
steps’. On their way, pilgrims first venerated the chapel è una chesetta piccola, bella e divota. E da questa chiesa
of Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’, situated by the path di Santa Maria insino alla sommità del monte Sinai […]
(Figs. 20.1, 20.7), and afterwards the building complex sono III miglia di molto viva erta’.8 Some years later, in
with the cave of Prophet Elias, in the valley of the same 1395, the pilgrim Ogier d’Anglure records Prophet Elias’
name (Fig. 20.2, 20.7).5 Sinai tradition, as preserved by complex on his left and a smaller chapel on his right:
Nektarios, archbishop of Sinai and subsequently patriarch ‘[…] en montant toujours a mont, a deux chapelles l’ une
of Jerusalem, in his treatise ‘Epitomē tēs Hierokosmikēs emprès (sic) l’ autre, et plus grande l’ une que l’ autre, dont
Historias’ (1659–1660), and the majority of the pilgrim la plus petite est a la main destre en montant et est fondée
accounts as well, make mention of only this building in de saincte Marguerite; et l’ autre qui est a main senestre
the Prophet Elias valley, consisting of three adjoining est appellée la chappelle Helie’.9
chapels: Prophet Elias’ chapel to the south, where the
cave itself was – and still is – enclosed, Prophet Elisha’s D’Anglure’s attestation that this second little church was
chapel in the middle and Saint Marina’s to the north.6 dedicated to St. Margaret has probably arisen as the result
Nevertheless, the Tuscan pilgrims Lionardo Frescobaldi of confusion of its dedication with the north chapel of
and Giorgio Gucci, visiting the Prophet Elias Valley, in Prophet Elias’ complex, given the merging in the medieval,
1384, although ignoring the north chapel of the complex especially western, hagiography about the traditions for
(i.e. Saint Marina’s chapel), attest for the existence of two Saint Marina, the martyr of the 3rd century from Pisidia, and
separate and physically opposed buildings at the place: Saint Margaret, whose life is not sufficiently documented.10
Prophet Elias’ complex and a second one, dedicated to The adjective ‘Uziaca’ – still enigmatic, although translated
Saint Mary:’Dipoi si trova dove Elía fece la penitenza, ed ‘of Egypt’ by the editors11 – attributed by Frescobaldi to the
è divota chiesicciuola. […]Havvi nella detta Chiesa una dedication of this second church is not confirmed or in any
cappella di Eliseo; dirimpetto a questa si è una chiesa di
Santa Maria Uziaca’;7‘[...] una chiesa piccola e bella, 8
Gucci 1384, 280; ‘[…] a small and beautiful church, where the said
Elias for three years did penance; […] And in the said church there
is a chapel of Eliseus the prophet, and opposite the said church there
5
Braun 1973, 68–70; Dahari 2000, 47. is another ancient church of St. Mary, which is a small, beautiful and
6
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 168; for Patriarch Nektarios (1602–1666), devout little church. And from this church of St. Mary to the summit of
see typically Tzirakis 1966; on Patriarch Nektarios’ treatise, probably written Mount Sinai […] there are three miles of very quick ascent’, Bellorini-
in the years 1659–1660, see Manousakas 1947, 291–332; Grossmann 2002. Hoade 1948, 117.
For the Prophet Elias’ complex, see Külzer 1994, 265; Pringle 1998, 59; 9
Ogier d’Anglure 1395, 49–50. (‘[…] keeping going up the mountain
Dahari 2000, 38–40; Mytiantheos-Koufopoulou 2015, 222–223. The three there are two chapels, one next to the other and bigger than the other;
chapels of the complex are mentioned for the first time in c. 1346 by the the smallest of them is on the right hand, on the way up, and it is founded
traveler Niccolò da Poggibonsi (Niccolò da Poggibonsi 1346, 136). by Saint Margaret; and the other one, which is on the left hand, is called
7
Frescobaldi 1384, 194; ‘Then you find where Elias did penance and it is Elias’ chapel.’)
a devout little church. […] There is in the said church a chapel of Eliseus. 10
Farmer 1992, 318–319, 322.
Opposite to this is a church of St. Mary of Egypt.’, Bellorini-Hoade1948, 61. 11
Bellorini-Hoade 1948, 61; Frescobaldi 1384, 194, note 1.
232
The Chapel of the Mother of God in Chorēb
Figure 20.2. Sinai, Chorēb, the Prophet Elias’ complex, view from the West.
way explained by either the Sinai tradition or any written additional evidence for a chapel of the Mother of God
source. Furthermore, Frescobaldi, Gucci and – a decade later close to the Prophet Elias’ complex. Written in Arabic, the
– the pilgrim Nicola de Martoni (1394) record erroneously note is cited here in the Latin translation of G. Garitte:
that another Sinai chapel, that of the Holy Forty Martyrs, ‘[Hoc] evangelium legavi honoratum (?) ego Iohannes
which they also visited, was dedicated to Virgin Mary, ‘Santa georgianus ecclesiae Genitricis Dei quae (est) in monte /
Maria della Misericordia’ and ‘S. Maria di Valle Verde’ Tūr Sina adiacens Mar Eliae, quae (est) in Chorēb’.14 The
respectively, while Simone Sigoli, a travel companion of donor most probably belonged to the Georgian monastic
the two first pilgrims, inaccurately attributes the dedication community of Sinai, as is testified by a great number of
‘Vergine Maria’ to the chapel on the Holy Summit.12 A liturgical manuscripts preserved in the monastery’s Library
chapel of the Virgin situated close to the pilgrim itinerary, and dated at least until the 15th century.15 Therefore the
apart from the well-known Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’, margin note could be dated between the year 1075 and
may therefore have been the cause of confusion about the the 15th century. The use of the toponyms ‘Tūr Sinai’ and
dedication of the churches. Moreover, in later texts, written in ‘Chorēb’ in the note follows the Sinai tradition, according
a different cultural milieu, namely in Greek pilgrim guides – to which the term ‘Sinai’ refers to Mount Sinai in general;
proskynētaria – dated to the 16th and 17th centuries, there are when used in distinction to the toponym ‘Chorēb’, ‘Sinai’
also included vague references about an unidentified church applies mostly for the higher part of the Mountain, its top
of the Virgin in the area. This church is mentioned in the same being identified with the Summit of the Law Giving or
context with Sinai chapels situated in the Mountain Chorēb, Hagia Koryphē (= ‘Holy Summit’), currently known as
around which hermits had settled over the years: Timios Gebel Musa. The toponym ‘Chorēb’, appearing first in the
Prodromos, Saint George, Saint Anna, Saint Panteleēmōn, Book of the Kings (III, 19, 8), to identify the location of
Hagia Zonē and Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’ (Fig. 20.7).13 the Prophet Elias’ cave, describes the mountainous area
from the valley of the Sinai Monastery to the level of the
A posthumous marginal dedicatory note (f. 4r) in the Prophet Elias’ valley, approximately (Fig. 20.7).16 It is not
Sinai Georgian Lectionary nr. 81 (a. 1075) provides by coincidence that the Arabic toponym ‘Gebel Sufsafa’,
12
Frescobaldi 1394, 194; Gucci 1384, 281; Sigoli 1384, 249; De Martoni 14
Garitte 1956, 257–258. Tūr Sina is the Arabic name for Mount Sinai.
1394, 68. For the chapel of the Holy Forty Martyrs, see Patriarch Nektarios (‘Me, John the Georgian, I have donated this Holy Gospel to the church
1659–60, 171–172. The chapel on the Holy Summit was dedicated to the of the Mother of God which is on the Mount Sinai, close to Saint Elias,
Saviour (Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 168); nowadays it is honored in which is in Chorēb’)
the name of the Holy Trinity. For the archaeological remains on the Holy 15
Aleksidze – Shanidze – Khevsuriani – Kavtaria 2005, 363–364.
Summit, see Panayotidi et al. 2002; Kalopissi-Verti – Panayotidi 2010; 16
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 169: «[...] εἰς τὴν ἁγίαν Κορυφὴν, καὶ
Koufopoulos – Myriantheos-Koufopoulou 2010. εἰς τὸ ἄλλο τὸ ἐπίλοιπον Βουνὸν, ὁποῦ εἴπαμεν Χωρήβ. […] Εἰς δὲ τὸ
13
Anonymous, Ivēron 535 (16th century), 89, 91; Parthenios, Ivēron Ἀνατολικὸν μέρος εἶναι ἡ Κορυφὴ ὁποῦ λέγεται Σινὰ, καὶ Ἁγία Κορυφὴ,
845 (a. 1586), 123–124 (for the writer Parthenios, see Kadas 2003, 45); ἔνθα ὁ Νόμος ἐδόθη.» (‘[…] on the Holy Summit and on the rest of the
Anonymous, Ivēron 694 (a. 1611), 113; Anonymous, Koutloumousiou Mountain which we have called Chorēb. […] In the eastern part there
390 (a. 1630), 146–147; for the archaeological remains, see Dahari 2000, is the Summit which is named Sinai and Holy Summit, where the Law
40–44; Mytiantheos-Koufopoulou 2015, 223–226. was given’).
233
Georgia Foukaneli
used by local Bedouins and the Sinai Monks, is almost the Sinai Greek Lectionary nr. 213 (a. 967), known as ‘the
equivalent to the term ‘Chorēb’.17 Chorēb Gospel’:21
Among the identified Sinai churches dedicated to the + τὸ παρὸν ἅγιον εὐαγγέλιον τῆς / ὑπεραγίας θ(εοτό)κου
Mother of God, two can be considered as located in Chorēb: τοῦ αγίου / ορους τοῦ χωρὴβ∙ ἐτέθη / διαχειρὸς μακαρίου
the chapel of Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’ and Hagia τοῦ / ἁγιωτάτου ἀρχιεπισκό/που τοῦ ἁγίου ὄρους σινὰ∙ /
Zonē (Fig. 20.7). Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’, situated καὶ ἤ της τὸ ἡστερήσει τῆν / θ(εοτό)κον∙ νὰ ἔχει τὰς ἀρὰς
by the ‘path of the steps’, might have been plausibly τῶν / τιη΄ θεοφορων π(ατέ)ρων22
identified as the ‘ecclesia Genitricis Dei’, but in written
sources it is constantly specified with the designations ‘tou The notice, in minuscule script, is generally dated in the
Oikonomou’ (of the Oikonomos), ‘Engyētria’ (Guarantor) 12th or 13th centuries, on paleographic criteria; Sinai
or ‘Damane’ (the Arabic word for Guarantor) recalling the archbishops with the name Makarios are mentioned in
tradition of its foundation.18 1224, and in 1258 (or 1248), known as Makarios V and
Makarios VI subsequently.23 A hypothetical dedication of
Although its construction may date to an earlier period, the manuscript to a church of the Virgin in Sinai Monastery
Hagia Zonē is recorded in written sources dating from itself, for example to the katholikon, is contradicted by the
the 16th century onwards, such as the ‘Epitomē’ and the fact that the name used by the Sinai monks themselves for
proskynētarion of Paisios Hagiapostolitēs (1577–1592), a their Monastery has never included the term Chorēb: It has
Sinai monk and afterwards metropolitan of Rhodes.19 It is not been constantly referred as ¨Monē tou Hagiou Orous Sina’
to be excluded that Hagia Zonē could have been mentioned (The Monastery of the Holy Mount Sinai, in Greek), or
as ‘chapel of the Mother of God’, since it is dedicated to ‘Deir Tūr Sina’ (Monastery of Mount Sinai, in Arabic).24
the Virgin’s Venerable Belt (Zonē), but it is constantly Consequently, if the Chorēb Gospel was donated to a
referred as Hagia Zonē in written and oral tradition, as church of the Virgin, one other than the katholikon of the
well.20 Although in Chorēb, it is situated in an area far off Sinai Monastery or any other known church in Chorēb,
from the Prophet Elias’ complex, so it does not correspond then, for the same reasons as the Georgian Lectionary it
to the description ‘adjacens Mar Eliae’. Furthermore, all the is an interesting hypothesis to correlate it with the lost
above mentioned written sources describe clearly the chapel Chapel of the Mother of God in the Prophet Elias’ Valley.
of the Virgin in question, Our Lady ‘of the Oikonomos’ and
Hagia Zonē as separate buildings. In 2008, a survey in the Valley of Prophet Elias in Chorēb
located ruins which might have belonged to the church in
Consequently, the marginal note of the Georgian question.25 In the northwestern part of the Valley, opposite
manuscript, an ‘internal’ testimony from the Sinai to the Prophet Elias complex and at the starting point of
Brotherhood, most probably dated between the year a path which traverses Mount Chorēb, from the Prophet
1075 and the 15th century, attests to the existence of Elias’ Valley towards Hagia Zonē (Fig. 20.7), there have
a Sinai church, honored in the name of the Mother of been traced remains of a building in a mound probably
God and situated close to the Prophet Elias’ complex in formed by its collapse.26 Although not big, it does not
Chorēb, which cannot be identified with any other church appear to have been a humble construction and the walls
of the Virgin in the vicinity. Therefore the attestation of consist of red granite stones (Fig. 20.3). The building had
Frescobaldi, Gucci and Ogier d’Anglure about a chapel been privileged with a direct view to the Holy Summit,
opposite to Prophet Elias and the vague references of Greek according to the Sinai custom that small chapels or
proskynētaria to an unknown church of the Mother of God hermitages face, if at all possible, towards the places
located in the area coincide. The inaccurate references in of divine revelations: here it would have been oriented
pilgrim texts (Frescobaldi, Gucci, Sigoli and de Martoni) eastwards (Fig. 20.4).
about the dedication of different churches to the Virgin
might be explained as a result of misunderstanding, having
as starting point the dedication of that chapel.
21
Harlfinger et al. 1983, 14–16, Taf. 5–9; Weitzmann – Galavaris 1990,
Under the same premise may also be reexamined the 35–39, figs. 60–82, colorpl. II.
meaning of the dedicatory note on the last folio (340v) of
22
Harlfinger et al. 1983, 15, Taf. 9; ‘This holy Gospel of the All-Holy
Theotokos of the Holy Mount Horeb was dedicated by the hand of
Makarios the most holy archbishop of the Holy Mount Sinai. May he who
deprives the Theotokos of it have the curses of the 318 Holy Fathers’,
Weitzmann – Galavaris 1990, 35.
17
Finkelstein 1985, 39–41; Hobbs 1996, 119–123; Dahari 2000, 37–49; 23
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 222; for Makarios VI, see also: Amantos
‘sufsafa’ in Arabic means ‘willow tree’. 1928, 47 (for the date 1258); Marinescu 2001, 281 (for the date 1248);
18
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 201–204; Pringle 1998, 58. cf. Harlfinger et al. 1983, 15.
19
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 168–169; Paisios Hagiapostolitēs 1577– 24
Braun 1973, 9–11; Fyssas 2008, 244.
1592, 157. For Paisios Hagiapostolitēs, see Manousakas 1947, 304–305; 25
The survey was carried out in the frame of the author’s Doctoral
Metallinos 1966; Sarmanis 2007. For the archaeological remains at the research, supervised by Professors Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, Maria
site, see Finkelstein 1986, 50, 59; Dahari 2000, 42–43. Hagia Zonē is Panayotidi and Florentia Evangelatou-Notara. The hypothesis for the
currently known as Farsh Sufsafa. existence of the chapel has been initially presented in the PhD thesis
20
Patriarch Nektarios 1659–60, 168; see also the Sinai proskyētaria: (Foukaneli 2010, 187–190). In this paper the issue is further discussed. I
Paisios Hagiapostolitēs 1577–1592, 157; Anonymous, Ivēron 535 (16th am grateful to N. Fyssas for his valuable assistance.
century), 91; Parthenios, Ivēron 845 (a. 1586), 124. 26
For the path, see Dahari 2000, 47–48.
234
Figure 20.3. Sinai, Chorēb, ruins at the northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley (view from the East) and the beginning
of the path towards Hagia Zonē.
Figure 20.4. Sinai, Chorēb, ruins at the northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley, view from the West, towards the Holy
Summit.
On the rocks nearby are preserved Greek and Armenian been linked to the pilgrimage of Armenians in the Sinai.27
graffiti, as well as inscribed crosses and the sketch of a The five crosses fourchées accompanying the graffiti could
man riding a camel (Figs. 20.5, 20.6). Among them, twelve
Armenian graffiti, containing names and fragmentary
phrases and generally dated in the first millennium, have 27
Stone – van Lintn 1999, 195–203.
235
Georgia Foukaneli
Figure 20.5. Sinai, Chorēb, graffiti at the northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley.
Figure 20.6. Sinai, Chorēb, graffiti at the northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley.
be dated in the 6th–7th centuries.28 The Greek graffiti are places in the Sinai Peninsula; most of them are found
damaged, because of the exfoliation of the granite rock. on pilgrim itineraries, close to chapels or other spots
An unpublished acclamation in four lines, in majuscule of veneration.29 Therefore, the concentration of a
letters might be dated up to the 9th century, and can be great number of graffiti at the site could be regarded
read as following: «Κ[ύρι]ε β/[ο]ήθησον τoῦ δο[ύ]λο[υ] / as an additional argument for the identification of the
Ἰω[άννην] πρεσβύτερον» (‘God help the servant, the priest surveyed ruins with a chapel. The spot corresponds to the
John’) (Fig. 20.5). descriptions of the pilgrim accounts of the 14th century
about a church located to the right of the ‘path of the
Graffiti containing proper names, invocations, incised steps’ on the way from the Sinai Monastery to the Holy
crosses and sketches of caravans are traced in several
29
Ševčenko 1966, 257, 263–264, nr. 12, 13; Negev 1977, 73–80;
For the dating of the cross fourchée type, see Kalopissi-Verti 1999,
28
Stone 1982, 25–52; Ovadiah 1985, 77–79, pl. I–III; Kraack 1997,
248–249. 42–289.
236
Figure 20.7. Mount Sinai, plan of the area ( : Churches; : Paths).
Summit and opposite to Prophet Elias’ complex. (Fig. the Prophet Elias’ complex and clearly attests that it was
20.7) It is probably the site wherefrom the pilgrim Gucci dedicated to the Mother of God, information already
counted the distance from the valley to the Summit of alluded to in the pilgrim texts. The donation of both
the Mountain, since the summit cannot be seen from manuscripts, the Georgian Lectionary and the Chorēb
Prophet Elias’ complex itself. Although not easily Gospel, reflects the care of the Sinai monastic community
noticed by someone who follows the path of the steps on to support the chapel in its liturgical needs. Already
his way up to the Holy Summit, pilgrims could visit this destroyed by the 16th century, its memory was preserved
church while resting in the Valley or descending from for up to a century later in Greek proskynētaria. The
the Summit and taking the path which traverses Chorēb, remains of a modest construction investigated at the
connecting through its branches the chapels recorded in northwestern edge of the Prophet Elias’ Valley, considered
the Greek proskynētaria of the 16th and 17th centuries; along with graffiti on the nearby rocks attributed to
thus, the unknown church of the Virgin which they pilgrims, may belong to the chapel in question, since
mention, could be plausibly identified with the chapel the site corresponds to the topographical information
recorded in the pilgrim accounts of Frescobaldi, Gucci provided by the written sources. An excavation at the spot
and Ogier d’Anglure. would verify our hypothesis, and also specify the frames
of the chapel’s existence.
The lack of evidence about the chapel of the Mother of
God in the proskynētarion of Paisios Hagiapostolitēs Primary Literature
and the ‘Epitomē’ of Patriarch Nektarios may tell against Aleksidze – Shanidze – Khevsuriani – Kavtaria 2005:
our hypothesis, since both texts preserve the valuable Aleksidze, Zaza – Shanidze, Mzekala – Khevsuriani,
testimony of their authors, as monks of the Sinai monastic Lily – Kavtaria, Michael, The New Finds of Sinai,
community. The eventual collapse of the chapel before Catalogue of Georgian Manuscripts discovered in
the 16th century may however explain the silence of 1975 at St. Catherine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai,
these texts; on the other hand, the vague references in the engl. transl. M. Shanidze, Athens 2005.
Greek proskynētaria may probably derive from a 16th or
17th-centuries elaboration of earlier – but now missing – Amantos 1928: Ἄμαντος, Κωνσταντῑνος, Σιναϊτικὰ
pilgrim guides. Μνημεῖα Ἀνέκδοτα, ἐν Ἀθήναις 1928 (Ἑλληνικὰ,
Παράρτημα 1).
To summarize, a chapel dedicated to the Mother of God
Anonymous, Ivēron 535 (16th c.): «Ιβήρων 535.22», in
was evidently standing in the area of the Prophet Elias’
Kadas 2003, 32–38, 87–92.
Valley in the late Middle Ages. Pilgrim accounts of the
14th century indicate its location, while the marginal Anonymous, Ivēron 694 (a. 1611): «Ιβήρων 694.4», in
note of the Georgian Lectionary verifies its vicinity to Kadas 2003, 39–42, 107–117.
237
Georgia Foukaneli
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145–150. 217–255.
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Maraval 1985: Maraval, Pierre, Lieux Saints et pèlerinages
Ertzetz-Israel 26 (1999), Society of Biblical Literature,
d’Orient. Histoire et géographie des origines à la
195–203.
conquête arabe, Paris 1985.
Tomadakis 1990: Tomadakis, B. Nikolaos, ‘Historical
Marinescu 2001: Marinescu, Adrian, ‘The Hierarchs’
Outline’, in Konstantinos A. Manafis (ed.), Sinai,
Catalogue of Monastery St. Catherine in Mount Sinai’,
Treasures of the Monastery, Athens 1990, 12–17.
Études Byzantines et Post-byzantines IV (2001),
227–289. Tzirakis 1966: Τζιράκης, Ε. Nικόλαος ‘Νεκτάριος’,
Θρησκευτικὴ καὶ Ἠθικὴ Ἐγκυκλοπαιδεία τόμ. 9, Ἀθῆναι
Mayerson 1978: Mayerson, Philip, ‘Procopius or Eutychius
1966, στήλ. 396–397.
on the Construction of the Monastery at Mount Sinaï:
Which is the more reliable source?’, Bulletin of the Valbelle – Bonnet 1998: Le Sinaï durant l’ Antiquité et le
American Schools of Oriental Research 230 (1978), Moyen Âge. 4000 ans d’histoire pour un désert, Actes
33–38. du colloque ‘Sinaï’ qui s’est tenu à l’ UNESCO du 19
au 21 septembre 1997, (textes réunis par Dominique
Metallinos 1966: Μεταλληνὸς, Δ. Γεώργιος, ‘Παΐσιος’,
Valbelle et Charles Bonnet), Paris 1998, 116–118.
Θρησκευτικὴ καὶ Ἠθικὴ Ἐγκυκλοπαιδεία τόμ. 9, Ἀθῆναι
1966, στήλ. 1058–1059.
Mytiantheos-Koufopoulou 2015: Μυριανθέως-
Κουφοπούλου, Μαρίνα, Βυζαντινά και Μεταβυζαντινά
Παρεκκλήσια της Μονής Σινά. Ιστορία και Αρχιτεκτονική.
Unpublished Ph.D. diss., National Technical University
of Athens, Athens 2015.
239
21
Bosphorus-on-Thames: Neo-Byzantine Architecture

in Victorian London
George Manginis
Abstract: Between the mid-19th century and the outbreak of World War I, a few London
buildings wholly or partly copied works of Byzantine architecture. They represent a minority
within the stylistic polyphony of Victorian architecture, dominated by neoclassicism and
‘Gothic Revival.› Neo-Byzantine style was reflected either on the decorative details of façades
or in the plans and roofing systems. During the 1850s and 1860s, its use was reserved for
secular buildings and reference was made primarily to San Marco in Venice. It was first used
for church buildings by Dissenters and Primitive Methodists. The Greek Orthodox church of
Saint Sophia (1877–1879) as well as the Roman Catholic Westminster Cathedral (1895–1903)
moved closer to Constantinopolitan Byzantine style, taking Hagia Sophia as a standard. The
neo-Byzantine style was only adopted for a church building by the Anglican majority in 1902,
fifty years after it first appeared in the streets of London.
Από τα μέσα του 19ου αιώνα έως και το ξέσπασμα του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου
μια σειρά κτηρίων στο Λονδίνο είτε συνολικά είτε σε μεμονωμένα μέρη τους αντέγραφαν
έργα βυζαντινής αρχιτεκτονικής. Αποτελούσαν μειονότητα στο πλαίσιο της ρυθμολογικής
πολυφωνίας της βικτοριανής περιόδου, όταν κυριαρχούσαν ο νεοκλασικισμός και ο γοτθικός
ρυθμός, επενδεδυμένος με αρχαιολογίζουσα ακρίβεια που απηχούσε την «βρετανικότητα». Ο
νεοβυζαντινός ρυθμός επηρέασε τόσο τη διακοσμητική των κτηρίων (με τη χρήση ψηφιδωτών
και ορθομαρμαρώσεων) όσο και την κάτοψη και στέγασή τους. Κατά τις δεκαετίες του 1850 και
του 1860 η χρήση του περιορίστηκε σε κτήρια κοσμικής χρήσης και οι αναφορές ήταν κυρίως
σε βυζαντινίζοντα μνημεία της Ιταλίας, όπως η βασιλική του Αγίου Μάρκου στη Βενετία. Ο
νεοβυζαντινός ρυθμός χρησιμοποιήθηκε για πρώτη φορά σε εκκλησιαστικά κτήρια δογμάτων
εκτός του κυρίαρχου Αγγλικανικού (Διαφωνούντες, Πρωτόγονοι Μεθοδιστές). Εγγύτεροι στα
βυζαντινά πρότυπα και ιδιαίτερα στον καθεδρικό της Αγίας Σοφίας στην Κωνσταντινούπολη
είναι ο ναός της Αγίας του Θεού Σοφίας στο Bayswater (1877–1879), κτίσμα του John Oldrid
Scott για την Ελληνορθόδοξη κοινότητα της βρετανικής πρωτεύουσας, και ο καθεδρικός ναός
του Παναγίου Αίματος στο Westminster (1895–1903) του John Francis Bentley, για τους
πρόσφατα χειραφετηθέντες Ρωμαιοκαθολικούς της Βρετανίας. Μόλις το 1902 εγκαινιάστηκε
ο πρώτος Αγγλικανικός ναός νεοβυζαντινού ρυθμού, σηματοδοτώντας την αποδοχή του
αρχιτεκτονικού τύπου από την κυρίαρχη «Υψηλή» Αγγλικανική Εκκλησία πενήντα χρόνια
από την εμφάνισή του.
Keywords: Victorian architecture, ‘Battle of the Styles,’ neo-Byzantine (style), Greek

diaspora, historicism, eclecticism, revivalism, A.W.N. Pugin, J.O. Scott.
Between the mid-19th century and World War I, a few Victoria’s reign (1837–1901).1 The aim of this article is not
buildings erected in the British capital either indirectly to trace the genealogy of neo-Byzantine style in London,
alluded to or directly copied works of Byzantine a task effected by Professor J. B. Bullen in his seminal
architecture, either using isolated elements or embracing monograph Byzantium Rediscovered (London, 2003),
broader principles of design. The adjective ‘Byzantine’ but to propose a scheme correlating the neo-Byzantine
characterises herein architectural features which attributes of London buildings with their intended uses
were sometimes used outside the Roman Empire of within the social context and intellectual preoccupations of
Constantinople, but within the area of its cultural influence. the Victorian period. The main questions to be addressed
The term ‘neo-Byzantine’ denotes structural forms or are ‘By and for whom were neo-Byzantine buildings
decorative elements emulating equivalents perceived as
Byzantine during the 19th century by the architects who
employed them, although today they may not be seen as 1
Mays 2014, 1–5. Two of the projects discussed herein continued into
such. Finally, ‘Victorian’ encompasses the years of Queen the reign of King Edward VII (r. 1901–1910).
241
George Manginis
erected?’ and ‘Why was this particular style chosen for Saint Pancras ‘New’ Church of 1819–1822 by William
them?’ and Henry William Inwood (1771–1843 and 1794–1843)
are prime London examples of a ‘Gothic Revival’ secular-
The long reign of Queen Victoria marked the apogee of use building and a neoclassical church respectively. Most
British political and economic supremacy, the age of a architects reflected the general public’s apathy on matters
global Empire on which the sun never set. Its heart was the stylistic,9 insouciantly succumbed to the eclecticism of
riverine city of London, where the convergence of power their age, and embraced stylistic promiscuity by working
and capital stimulated a flourishing construction activity in in various styles applied on a multiplicity of buildings, a
public and private buildings. In contrast to the neoclassical discord which was the despair of purists.10
homogeneity of the ‘Georgian’ era,2 the reigns of William
IV (r. 1830–1837) and Victoria were characterised The earliest neo-Byzantine construction recorded in
by a salmagundi of architectural styles. Predominant Britain is the now-lost Byzantine and Romanesque Court
among them were a rigorous, archaeologically-inspired in Crystal Palace, Sydenham (1854) by Sir Matthew
neoclassicism and a ‘Gothic Revival’ of varied exactitude. Digby Wyatt (1820–1877). A pastiche based on research
The former was informed by scholarly publications and of published examples from the Byzantine world and
materialised in ‘Greek Revival’ buildings (a term coined on monuments visited in Italy and central Europe, the
by Charles Robert Cockerell, 1788–1863).3 The latter Court was ‘an affectionate polychromatic anthology of
was heralded in Horace Walpole’s (1717–1797) ‘Gothick’ ornamental details’ rather than an archaeologically-correct
Strawberry Hill House in Twickenham (1749) and achieved reconstruction or an effort to emulate aspects of Byzantine
its apotheosis in the Palace of Westminster (approved in building design.11 Wyatt’s guide book to the Court,
1836, construction 1840–circa 1860), designed by Sir prepared with John Burley Waring (1823–1875), discussed
Charles Barry (1795–1860) under the creative tutelage of an intriguing selection of monuments from France, Italy,
Gothic’s greatest champion, Augustus Pugin (1812–1852). Greece, and Armenia. Its descriptions betray Romanesque
rather than Byzantine influences.12 It was meant to be used
Side by side with less-frequently-encountered styles, as a theme attraction, exotic by definition and in the spirit
including Italianate, neo-Romanesque, and ‘Jacobethan,’4 of the 1851 Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of
neoclassicism and ‘Gothic Revival’ sat uncomfortably all Nations, for which Sir Joseph Paxton’s (1803–1865)
next to each other along the street façades of British cities, Crystal Palace had been built in the first place.
sometimes even blended into awkward concoctions to
the dismay of those supporting an original ‘Victorian’ The eclecticism of the Byzantine and Romanesque Court
architecture.5 The cohabitation was not easy and reached encompassed the then better-known monuments of the
a bitter climax in the ‘Battle of the Styles’ that raged Italian peninsula which only vaguely reflected Byzantine
during the 1850s and 1860s.6 Although it divided mostly architectural principles and were exemplified in the 11th /
professionals and did not involve the wider public, that 12th-centuries Cathedral of San Marco in Venice. San
‘battle’ was more than a clash of stylistic choices. ‘Gothic Marco had been praised by the art critic and writer John
Revival’ referenced British medieval tradition and stressed Ruskin (1819–1900) in The Seven Lamps of Architecture
the country’s island identity despite being sometimes tainted (London, 1849) and especially in the second volume of his
by the suspicion of popish connections (strengthened popular work The Stones of Venice (London, 1853). He was
by Pugin’s conversion to Roman Catholicism in 1834). not alone among contemporary scholars, aesthetes, artists,
Neoclassicism embodied ideals of harmony and order, but and architects to claim that San Marco typified Byzantium.
was often seen as foreign in origin.7 The former prevailed Therefore, it is unsurprising that neo-Byzantine buildings
in church and collegiate architecture, whereas the latter erected in London during the third quarter of the 19th
was preferred for secular buildings connected to statecraft century referenced primarily Venetian architecture,13 like
and the economy, like ministries and banks. Nevertheless, the façade of Albert Buildings, 49 Queen Victoria Street,
hybrids were attempted and oftentimes the concordance 1869, by Frederick J. Ward (Fig. 21.2), the 1864 Mark Lane
between use and form deviated from militant architectural offices by George Aitchison (1825–1910), and the office
essentialism and moved into adventurous directions. building on 123–124 Chancery Lane, probably from the
The Midland Grand Hotel (1865–1873) in front of Saint 1860s. A few elements replicate Byzantine originals, like
Pancras Railway Station by Sir George Gilbert Scott the alternating stone and brick facings, especially around
(1811–1878), foremost exponent of the ‘Victorian Gothic’ arches, and the banded masonry at the office building
style in opposition to Pugin’s antiquarianism,8 and nearby on 23–25 Eastcheap, 1861–1862, by the architectural
practice of John Young & Son (Fig. 21.1); to 21st-century
2
The ‘Georgian’ era corresponds to the reigns of George I (r. 1714– eyes these examples are much more Romanesque-revival
1727), George II (r. 1727–1760), George III (r. 1760–1820) and George
IV (r. 1820–1830).
3
Turner 2000, 198.
4
The term ‘Jacobethan’ was coined by John Betjeman (1906–1984) in
1933, see Betjeman 1970 (1933), 41. 9
Porter 2011, 112–124.
5
Mays 2014, 10–19. 10
Mays 2014, 21.
6
Porter 2011, 95–110, 135–145; Mays 2014, 4–5. 11
Bullen 2003, 131–135; Piggott 2004, 102–104, quote from page 102.
7
Porter 2011, 36–59, 79–93; Mays 2014, 8. 12
Wyatt & Waring 1854, 10–46, 46–116; Bullen 2003, 108.
8
Mays 2014, 6–8. 13
Bullen 2003, 108, 117–131; Porter 2011, 69.
242
Bosphorus-on-Thames
Figure 21.1. John Young & Son, Office building, façade, 1861–1862. 23–25 Eastcheap, London EC3, May 2015.
Figure 21.2. Frederick J. Ward, Albert Buildings, façade, 1869. 49 Queen Victoria Street, London EC4, May 2015.
243
George Manginis
Figure 21.3. T. & W. Stone, Primitive Methodist Chapel, façade, 1870. 431 Caledonian Road, London N7, January 2009.
(Rundbogenstil) than neo-Byzantine.14 The practical late 3rd-century octagonal mausoleum at Split (now
need for a decorative frontage pierced by several large known as the Cathedral of Saint Domnius) are clear and
windows in office buildings was well-served by the dense conform to the preference for better-studied monuments in
fenestration, polychromy, and rhythm of these façades.15 the western part of the Late Antique world, which would
Abundant natural light seems to have been the main no longer today be classified under a Byzantine heading.
reason behind Sir George Gilbert Scott’s proposed third The chapel was destined for Dissenters, Nonconformist
‘Byzantine’ design (1860) for the most fervently-debated Christians separated from the Church of England, a
building in the ‘Battle of the Styles,’ the Government telling fact if associated with the next religious building,
Offices (now Foreign Office) in Whitehall (1863–1874).16 the heretofore-little-known Primitive Methodist Chapel
of 1870 at 431 Caledonian Road (Fig. 21.3). A splinter
The secular nature of the buildings discussed so far group from the Wesleyan Methodist Church, Primitive
rendered innocuous any extraneous cultural reference in Methodists adopted a particularly simple form of ‘Low
the neo-Byzantine style. However, its perceived heterodox Church’ worship and insisted on a plain design for their
connotations forced its acrimonious banishment from the chapels. Designed by the architects T. & W. Stone, this
Anglican Church architectural canon in the 1840s and chapel exemplified these principles by steering away from
the 1870s.17 The earliest neo-Byzantine ecclesiastical exuberant ‘Gothic Revival’ or neoclassical decorations
building in London must have been the Dissenters Chapel and adopting buff brick walls enlivened by Greek cross
in the City of London and Tower Hamlets cemetery, built decorative bands (also appearing on adjacent terraced
by Thomas Henry Wyatt (1807–1880), Matthew Digby houses), triple round-arched windows separated by cast-
Wyatt’s brother, and David Brandon (1813–1897).18 iron colonettes, openings enlivened by alternate red and
Erected in 1849 in the shape of an octagonal mausoleum buff brick voussoirs, and a broken pediment entrance
roofed by a pyramidal tile roof, it was entered through a porch. In its earliest steps outside the secular domain, neo-
pedimented entrance porch. The references to Diocletian’s Byzantine architecture was associated with ecclesiastical
buildings of Christian Nonconformist groups which
eschewed the uniformity of Anglican ‘Gothic Revival’ and
14
On Rundbogenstil Romanesque-revival architecture in Britain, see
Curran 2003, 179–224.
opted for a less-charged style echoing the beginnings of
15
Bullen 2003, 138–140. the Christian Church.
16
Bullen 2003, 136–141; Porter 2011, 13, 14, 56, 76–77. The
Government Offices (Foreign Office) were finally erected in a classicist
Italianate style.
The first church to be built in London for which the neo-
17
Bullen 2003, 112, 158–160. Byzantine style was chosen with clear intent is the Greek
18
The Chapel was demolished in 1967. Orthodox Church (Cathedral since 1922) of Saint Sophia
244
Bosphorus-on-Thames
on Moscow Road in Bayswater. Erected between 1877 and

1879, the church was initiated, commissioned, supervised,
and used by the increasingly-prosperous Greek community
of London from the architect John Oldrid Scott (1841–
1913), second son of Sir George Gilbert Scott and better-
known for following in his father’s ‘Gothic Revival’
footsteps with occasional neoclassical excursions.19 John
Oldrid’s creation could not have been more different from
the previous Greek Orthodox place of worship, the Church
of the Saviour (Christ Church) on London Wall in the City
of London, designed by the Greek architect Lysandros
Kaftantzoglou (1811–1885) and consecrated in 1849.20
The earlier building exemplified the neoclassicism popular
since the 1830s in the new-fangled Greek state, ruled by
the Bavarian King Otto (r. 1832–1862). Thirty years later,
Saint Sophia moved in a different direction, consciously
emulating the name, shape, and decorative scheme of the
greatest Byzantine church, the Patriarchal Cathedral of
Hagia (Saint) Sophia in Constantinople (532–537).
An agreement between architect and building committee

was reached by curtailing the original five-dome plan
(inspired by San Marco, itself referencing the 6th-century
Church of the Apostles in Constantinople) into a less
structurally and proportionately ambitious (and more
economical) version.21 Scott adopted a ‘Byzantine’ style
in the massing of the building, the architectural details,
and even in the cladding of the walls in striped brick
externally and colourful marble internally. References to
Figure 21.4. John Oldrid Scott, Greek Orthodox Church
Hagia Sophia and other Byzantine churches were overt.22
(later Cathedral) of Saint Sophia, interior towards the apse,
Scott’s rigorous neo-Byzantinism was shared with (and 1877–1879 and later decoration. Moscow Road, London
possibly inspired by) his Greek patrons, many of whom W2, 2001.
originated in the Ottoman capital, and was informed by his
scholarly readings and contact with the Byzantine scholar neoclassical Roman Catholic Church of Our Lady of the
Edwin Freshfield (1832–1918).23 A copy of Alt-Christliche Assumption and Saint Gregory on Warwick Street (erected
Baudenkmale von Constantinopel vom V. bis XII. 1789–1790, apse decorated in the 1870s, Fig. 21.5).25 The
Jahrhundert, published in Berlin in 1855 and including designer, John Francis Bentley (1839–1902), is better
coloured prints of Byzantine churches in Constantinople, known for the Cathedral of the Most Precious Blood of Our
is now kept in the Saint Sophia Treasury and has been Lord Jesus Christ or Westminster Cathedral on 42 Francis
connected with Scott; similarities between the book’s Street near Victoria, ‘mother church’ of the Catholic Church
plates and the drawings for Saint Sophia, preserved at the in England and Wales, founded in 1895 and inaugurated
Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) and at the in 1903.26 The colossal building featured striped masonry
Treasury, corroborate such a connection. The preference and decorative brickwork on the exterior, Byzantine-
for mosaic decoration on the upper registers of the walls style fenestration, domes arranged over a basilica-with-
and on the vaults and for marble dado below continued transept ground plan (inspired by San Marco27) as well
into the 21st century over successive decorative schemes as basket capitals,28 marble cladding (referencing Hagia
and generations of trustees. It testifies to the deliberate Sophia, Fig. 21.6), mosaics,29 and Byzantine-inspired
adoption of the neo-Byzantine style (Fig. 21.4), connected light fittings on the interior.30 The shape and decoration
to the national as well as the religious narratives of the of the Cathedral stressed the antiquity and authority of the
London Greek community.24 Roman Catholic Church, emancipated in 1829 in Britain
under the Roman Catholic Relief Act, while differentiating
Neo-Byzantine mosaic and marble cladding had been it from the architectural choices of Protestant Christian
chosen a few years earlier for the altar apse of the severely church builders. It harked back to the pre-schismatic era
19
Konialidis 2002, 27, 31. 25
Fuller 1973, 7–8, 44–46; Bullen 2003, 173; on the revival of mosaic
20
Theodoritos 2002, 23–24, figs 21 and 22. decoration, see Bullen 2003, 142–158.
21
Konialidis 2002, 31, figs 26 and 30; Ferguson 2008, 27–31. 26
Bullen 2003, 173–177.
22
Konialidis 2002, 27–39; Ferguson 2008, 29–30. 27
L’Hôpital 1919, 37–62.
23
Konialidis 2002, 31, 39. On the revival of Byzantine art scholarship 28
L’Hôpital 1919, plate XXII.
in Britain, see Bullen 2003, 113–117. 29
L’Hôpital 1919, 223–258.
24
Konialidis 2002, 27, 39, 43–54. 30
L’Hôpital 1919, 208–222.
245
George Manginis
Figure 21.5. John Francis Bentley (decorative scheme Figure 21.6. John Francis Bentley, Cathedral of the Most
designer), Church of Our Lady of the Assumption and Saint Precious Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ (Westminster
Gregory, apse, 1870s. Warwick Street, London W1, Cathedral), north aisle, 1895–1903. Francis Street, London
May 2015. SW1, June 2015.
before 1054 under the leadership of the pope and to this already familiar from Saint Sophia and Westminster
end adopted an ‘ancient’ style. In the Chapel of Saint Cathedral, like banded brick polychromy, semi-circular
Andrew and the Saints of Scotland, completed in 1915 and arches, and a low dome crowning a cruciform plan
originally funded by the Byzantinist and fervent Roman (Fig. 21.8), while Arts-and-Crafts elements in the
Catholic Scottish peer John Patrick Crichton-Stuart, Third proportions and style of ornament gave it a distinct,
Marquess of Bute (1847–1900),31 the mosaics designed ‘modern’ flavour. Christ Church marked the integration
by Robert Weir Schultz (1860–1951) included a view of the neo-Byzantine style into the British religious
of Constantinople with Hagia Sophia at its pinnacle architecture canon. Beginning with secular constructions
(Fig. 21.7).32 Schultz himself had extensively travelled in of exotic (Byzantine and Romanesque Court) or eclectic
Greece, documenting Byzantine monuments.33 The panel character (City of London office buildings) during the
represented more than a station in Saint Andrew’s travels; 1850s, neo-Byzantine style was negotiated for half a
it placed the greatest cathedral of a unified Christian century in church architecture. It appeared in isolated
Church at the heart of the most important Roman Catholic elements on the façades of the Caledonian Road Chapel
building in London. (1870) for Nonconformist Primitive Methodists, matured
in the plan, elevations, and decoration of the Church
The first Anglican neo-Byzantine ecclesiastical building of Saint Sophia on Moscow Road (1877–1879) for a
in London was to be consecrated in 1902. Christ Church Greek Orthodox community, and became popularised by
on 90 Brixton Road, Lambeth, was designed by Arthur Westminster Cathedral (1895–1903) for a Roman Catholic
Beresford Pite (1861–1934) and incorporated features congregation. It was finally deemed acceptable for a church
of the Anglican majority as late as 1902. The original
inspiration was San Marco in Venice, but after the 1870s
31
Macrides 1992, 5.
32
L’Hôpital 1919, 163–167.
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople monopolised architectural
33
Stamp 1981, 61–63; Greensted 2010, 51–71. references as a standard of structural boldness, decorative
246
Bosphorus-on-Thames
Figure 21.7. Robert Weir Schultz, Constantinople, mosaic, circa 1915. Cathedral of the Most Precious Blood of Our Lord
Jesus Christ (Westminster Cathedral), Chapel of Saint Andrew and the Saints of Scotland. Francis Street, London SW1,
June 2015.
Figure 21.8. Arthur Beresford Pite, Christ Church, façade, before 1902. 90 Brixton Road, London SW9, January 2009.
247
George Manginis
lavishness, and Christian unity. The neo-Byzantine style Stamp 1981: Stamp, Gavin, Robert Weir Schultz, Architect,
began as one of the decorative alternatives to the battle and his work for the Marquesses of Bute, Mount Stuart
between ‘Classicists and Goths,’34 it became associated 1981.
with manifestations of national and religious identity of
Theodoritos 2002: Theodoritos, Bishop of Nazianzos,
dissident and ethnic minority groups, and by the early
‘History of the Greek Cathedral of Saint Sophia in
20th century had been incorporated into a widely-shared
London,’ in Treasured Offerings. The Legacy of the
architectural vocabulary.
Greek Orthodox Cathedral of St Sophia, London,
Athens 2002, 21–26.
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Contributors
Smaragdi I. Arvaniti studied at the Athens University Konstantia Kefala is a curator of Byzantine Antiquities
(B.A., M.A., Ph.D.). Her post-doctoral research examines at the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese. She
the different policies adopted by local communities in the completed her undergraduate studies and received her MA
field of management of cultural heritage. Her interests focus and Ph.D. degrees in Byzantine Art and Archaeology at
primarily on pottery circulation from 13th cent. onwards, the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. Her
and on the activity of local mural painters in Kynouria/ monograph “Thirteenth Century Wall Paintings in the
Peloponnese during 18th c. She is a field assistant in Churches of Rhodes”, based on her doctoral dissertation,
two excavation teams, namely in the early Christian site was published as an e-book by the Christian Archaeological
of Kardamaina (Kos), and in the late medieval fortified Society and the National Documentation Center in 2015.
settlements in Andros.
Theodora Konstantellou has received her MPhil and
Georgia Foukaneli (Ph.D. in Byzantine Archeology) Ph.D. degrees from the National and Kapodistrian
is a member of the Hellenic Archaeological Mission of University of Athens. Her research interests include: art
the University of Athens in South Sinai. She has been a production and patronage; byzantine epigraphy; the role of
scientific collaborator of the National Hellenic Research texts and writing in visual art; artistic exchange between
Foundation and of the Mount Sinai Foundation (Athens, East and West; the cult of saints.
Greece).
Maria Kontogiannopoulou is an archaeologist, and
Nicholas Fyssas (Ph.D. in Archeology) is the curator of Head of the Department of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
the Sinaitic Archive of Monuments at the Mount Sinai Antiquities and Museums of the Ephorate of Antiquities
Foundation and a member of the Hellenic Archaeological of Drama, Hellenic Ministry of Cultures and Sports. Her
Mission at South Sinai. He specializes in Georgian art, area of specialization is byzantine sculpture of northern
in history and archeology of the Sinai Monastery, in Greece. Her research interests lie in byzantine and
miniature art of the post-byzantine period and in history of medieval architecture and architectural sculpture.
the byzantine studies.
George Manginis (Ph.D.) is the Academic Director of
Sophia Germanidou holds a Ph.D. from University the Benaki Museum. He has published and lectured on
of Athens, in Byzantine Archaeology and Art. She Cypriot archaeology, Chinese, Islamic and European art,
has worked many years as archaeologist in the Greek and the Greek and Armenian diasporas. Books: Mount
Ministry of Culture and has published her dissertation Sinai: A History of Travellers and Pilgrims (2016); China
“Byzantine Honey Culture” under National Hellenic Rediscovered: The Benaki Museum Collection of Chinese
Research Foundation. Her publications include many Ceramics (2016); Director’s Choice: Benaki Museum
articles in vernacular architecture, hydraulic technology, (2021); Ceramics from Korea at the Benaki Museum (2021).
iconography. She is currently a Marie-Curie Research
Fellow in Newcastle-St Andrews Universities, with Eleni Manolessou is a graduate of the University of Athens
projects dealing with water management and landscape (Department of History and Archaeology), from which she
archaeology. also holds a Ph.D. (specialization: Byzantine sculpture).
She has served, as archaeologist, in the Ministry of
Pavla Gkantzios Drápelová is currently a postdoctoral Culture, in Athens and Corinth. From February 2018 she
researcher at the Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute works at the Byzantine and Christian Museum of Athens.
of Slavonic Studies (Prague). She earned her Ph.D. and She has published extensively on Byzantine archaeology
Master’s degree in Byzantine archaeology at the National and art in periodicals, collective volumes and conference
and Kapodistrian University of Athens (both summa proceedings.
cum laude). Pavla received two bachelor’s degrees at
the Charles University in Prague. She has participated in Nicholas Melvani received his Ph.D. in Byzantine
various archaeological and research projects in Greece, the Archaeology from the University of Athens. His doctoral
Czech Republic and the UK. dissertation has been published as a monograph (Late
Byzantine Sculpture, Turnhout 2013). His studies deal with
Dimitris Chatzilazarou was born in Athens, Greece. Byzantine sculpture, Byzantine epigraphy, and Byzantine
Undergraduate and postgraduate studies in Archaeology monasticism. He is currently Research Associate at
at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens Johannes Gutenberg University in Mainz.
specializing in Byzantine Archaeology. Doctoral Thesis
(2016) focused on the formation of the Monumental Angeliki Mexia is a curator of Byzantine Antiquities at the
Center of Constantinople. Archaeologist in the Byzantine Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia (Hellenic Ministry of
Department of the Ephorate of Antiquities of Cyclades of Culture and Sports), charged with excavations, museums
the Hellenic Ministry of Culture. management, field research and restoration projects of
249
Contributors
byzantine monuments in the prefecture of Laconia. Her and Theology (2020) at the National and Kapodistrian
research interests lie in byzantine church architecture and University of Athens. He also received his MA and Ph.D.
sculpture, especially in the Peloponnese. Her dissertation in Byzantine Archaeology from the aforementioned
focused on the Middle-Byzantine church architecture of University. Today, he works as an archaeologist in the
Mesa Mani. Hellenic Ministry of Culture.
Penelope Mougoyianni has a BA degree in Archaeology Giannis Vaxevanis studied Archaeology and History of
from the University of Athens. She also has a MA and a Art at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
Ph.D. in Byzantine Archaeology and Art from the same (2001) and he acquired a Master of Arts (2004) in Byzantine
institution. She has published articles in peer reviewed Archaeology from the aforementioned University. Since
volumes on themes related to Byzantine identity and then, he is working as a contract archaeologist in various
Byzantine and Norman Southern Italy. Her research projects of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports.
interests are also focused on architecture, regional studies,
and cultural, religious and political hybridization.
Dionysios Mourelatos read History and Archaeology

at the University of Athens. He was awarded an M.A.
and a Ph.D. (Icon: its placement and function, 2009) in
Byzantine art and archaeology at the same University.
His publications and presented papers cover icon and
monumental painting, minor arts, historiography of
Byzantine art, coinage and the history of metallurgy. He
teaches or has taught in several universities in Greece and
Cyprus.
Christina Papakyriakou (Ph.D.) is member of the

Laboratory Teaching Staff of the Aristotle University of
Thessaloniki Greece since 2014 (Dept. of History and
Archaeology). She conducts her research in the Centre for
Byzantine Research at the same university. Her research
fields include the study of mosaic pavements, the public
spectacles and the interaction between paganism and
Christianity during Late Antiquity. She is member of the
editorial team of the journal BYZANTINA.
Maria Z. Sigala (Ph.D.), a byzantine archaeologist

and art historian, works for the Ephorate of Antiquities
of Cyclades, but has worked for almost 20 years as a
curator of Byzantine Antiquities in the Dodecanese. Her
publications, till now, concern mainly Chalke, the small
island of the Dodecanese, which was the subject of her
Ph.D. thesis.
Anna Takoumi holds a Ph.D. from the University of

Athens, Greece (2020). Her thesis examines the perception
of historical conditions in the Byzantine monumental
painting of Laconia, Peloponnese (1204-1348). Her
research interests focuses on the cult of saints, Byzantine-
Jewish relations, as well as the interaction between
Byzantine and western art.
Kyriaki Tassoyannopoulou is currently a Ph.D.

Candidate in Byzantine Archaeology at the University of
Athens. She has taken part in digitalization programmes
and in excavations carried out by University of Athens.
Her research interests are focused on the relation between
Byzantine ideology and painting, and on the cult of saints.
Georgios D. Tsimpoukis was born in Athens in 1977.

He studied Archaeology and History of Art (2001)
250
Copyright of the Photos
Number of photo Copyright credit

Cover photo Designed by Elias Kouris
Preface photo Anna Takoumi
I.1 Anna Takoumi

I.2 Dionysios Mourelatos
I.3 Smaragdi Arvaniti
P.1 Anna Takoumi

P.2 Sophia Kalopissi-Verti
P.3 Platon Petridis
1.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Dodecanese

2.1 Saint Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai

3.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Messenia

(photo: Kyriaki Tassoyannopoulou)
3.2 Ioannis Sisiou
3.3 Ioannis Sisiou
3.4 Nikoletta Pyrrou
3.5 Ioannis Sisiou
3.6 Ioannis Sisiou
251

3.10 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia (photo: Kyriaki
Tassoyannopoulou)
4.1 Stavros Mamaloukos

4.2 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Cyclades
4.3 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Cyclades
4.4 Theodora Konstantellou
5.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Laconia

(photo: Anna Takoumi)
5.4 Lorenzo Riccardi
5.5 Ephorate of Antiquities, Cyprus (photo: Anna Takoumi)
5.6 Ephorate of Antiquities, Cyprus (photo: Anna Takoumi)
5.7 Nenad Vukicevic
5.8 Nenad Vukicevic
5.9 Hirofumi Sugawara
5.10 Miodrag Markovic
6.1 Nikolaos Fyssas

6.2 Nikolaos Fyssas
6.3 Nikolaos Fyssas
7.1 Nicholas Melvani

7.2 Heidelberg University Library
8.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Karditsa
8.3 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Chalkidiki and Mount Athos
8.10 Goodspeed Manuscript Collection, [ms931-370], Special Collections Research Center, University
of Chicago Library
9.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Corinthia

252

9.10 Dimitris Athanasoulis
10.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea

10.2 Despina Christou
10.5–10.6 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Euboea
10.8 After Brenk 1966, fig. 89, processed by Giannis Vaxevanis
10.9 After Jakšić 2014, fig. 3a, processed by Giannis Vaxevanis
10.10 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Boeotia

12.1 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Antiquities of Rhodope

12.6 Maria Kontogiannopoulou
13.1 Sophia Germanidou

13.2 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities of Messinia
13.3 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities of Laconia
14.1 Smaragdi Arvaniti

253

15.1 Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. www.cngcoins.com
Auction Triton XVIII , lot 1354, auction date 6.1.2015
last accession date on the site 28.2. 2016
15.2 Numismatica Ranieri SRL
www.numismaticaranieri.it
Auction 7, lot 892, auction date 16.11.2014; last accession date on the site April 2015
Electronic auction 331, lot 423; auction date 23.7.2014;
last accession date on the site 28.2.2016
Auction Triton XVIII, lot 1386; auction date 6.1.2015;
From the Joseph R. Lasser Collection for the benefit of The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.
Ex Dix, Noonan, Webb 88 (29 September 2010), lot 1356.
15.5 Gerhard Hirsch Nachfolger, www.coinhirsch.de at wildwinds.com
Auction 266, lot 2303; last accession date on the site 2.3.2016
15.6 Copy from Bendall – Donald 1979, p.185
electronic auction 335, lot 686; From the El Cid Collection; auction date 24.9.2014
last accession date on the site April 2015
15.8 Numismatica Ranieri SRL www.numismaticaranieri.it
Auction 7, lot 557; auction date 16.11.2014
last accession date on the site April 2015
15.9 Gorny & Mosch, Giessener Münzhandlung, www.gmcoinart.de
Auction 225, lot 2771; auction date 14–15 October 2015;
15.10 Copy from Bendall – Donald 1979, p.211.
16.1 Dimitris Chatzilazarou
16.4 After Kleiss 1965, 150, abb. 1, processed by Dimitris Chatzilazarou
16.5 After Müller-Wiener 1977, Lageplan (detail), processed by Dimitris Chatzilazarou
16.9 Accessible photo on internet, unknown source, processed by Dimitris Chatzilazarou
16.10 After Dyggve 1960, plate VI.H, processed by Dimitris Chatzilazarou
17.1 The State Hermitage Museum. Photo by Vladimir Terebenin, Leonard Kheifets
17.2 Victoria and Albert Museum, London
17.3 Bibliothèque Nationale de France
17.4 The State Hermitage Museum. Photo by Vladimir Terebenin, Leonard Kheifets
17.5 After Mango 2004, pl. I
17.6 After Martiny 1938, p. 91 processed by Christina Papakyriakou
18.1 After J. Mijatev 1957, fig. 1, processed by Penelope Mougoyianni
18.2 S. Mamaloukos
254
19.1 Angeliki Mexia

19.2 Angeliki Mexia
19.3 Angeliki Mexia
19.4 Angeliki Mexia
19.5 Angeliki Mexia
19.6 Angeliki Mexia
19.7 Angeliki Mexia
19.8 Angeliki Mexia
19.9 Angeliki Mexia
20.1 Georgia Foukaneli

20.7 After Τσάμη, Δημητρίου Γ., Τό Γεροντικόν τοῦ Σινᾶ, Θεσσαλονίκη 1988, χάρτης 1, processed
by Georgia Foukaneli
21.1 George Manginis
21.4 Greek Orthodox Cathedral of Saint Sophia, London
255
BAR INTERNATIONA L SE RIE S 3046
`The essays address new, largely unknown and not sufficiently

published material. As such the volume offers new knowledge and
information, thus making welcome contributions to the subject area,
namely Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art and Architecture.’
Dr Nikolas Bakirtzis, The Cyprus Institute
Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond consists of 21 papers, which represent
the breadth of the research interests of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-
Kesisoglou, to whom this volume is dedicated. The chapters have been divided into four
sections and each is set in chronological order. The first section is dedicated to Byzantine
and Post-Byzantine painting, including papers on wall-paintings and icon paintings.
The second section contains four papers on Byzantine sculpture, showcasing examples
from different regions of the Byzantine Empire. The third section concerns material
culture (coinage and minor arts). The fourth and final section concerns architecture and
topography in Byzantium and beyond. It tackles matters of topography in Byzantine
cities and pilgrimage sites and investigates aspects of Byzantine architecture and its
perception. Overall, this volume offers new perspectives on familiar topics, as well as
new material for discussion. The book includes abstracts in Greek.
Dionysios Mourelatos read History and Archaeology at the University of Athens where
he was awarded an MA and PhD in Byzantine art and archaeology. His publications
and presented papers cover icon and monumental painting, minor arts, historiography
of Byzantine art, coinage, and the history of metallurgy. He has taught at several
universities in Greece and Cyprus.
Contributors: Smaragdi Arvaniti, Dimitris Chatzilazarou, Georgia Foukaneli,

Nikolaos Fyssas, Sophia Germanidou, Pavla Gkantzios-Drápelová, Konstantia Kefala,
Theodora Konstantellou, Maria Kontogiannopoulou, George Manginis,
Eleni G. Manolessou, Nicholas Melvani, Angeliki Mexia, Penelope Mougoyianni,
Dionysios Mourelatos, Christina Papakyriakou, Maria Z. Sigala, Anna Takoumi,
Kyriaki Tassoyannopoulou, Georgios D. Tsimpoukis, Giannis Vaxevanis
Printed in England

Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou

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Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond: Essays in Honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou

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Art and Archaeology in

Byzantium and Beyond

BAR International Series 3046

Art and Archaeology in Byzantium and Beyond

ISBN 978 1 4073 5648 8 paperback

© the editors and contributors severally 2021

The Authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs

BAR titles are available from:

Archaeology of a World of Changes. Late Roman and Early Byzantine Architecture,

Proceedings of the XXth International Congress on Ancient Bronzes

For more information, or to purchase these titles, please visit www.barpublishing.com

The idea of organizing one conference to honour two

Their collaboration started when they first met at the

Figure I.3. Educational excursion, Ag.Achileios, Prespes.

This volume — the majority of its papers were presented

It is dedicated to them both from all their students.

The organizing committee

It is a time-honoured tradition in university institutions –

Figure P.2. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou, Mani.

Figure P.3. University excavation, Kardamaina, Kos (1996).

Figure P.5. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti and Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou.

As teachers only in the classroom but also in the educational trip, in

Figure P.6. Maria Panayotidi-Kesisoglou in the Chora monastery (Constantinople).

Figure P.7. Sophia Kalopissi-Verti in an educational excursion.

A Brief Survey of the Monumental Painting of Chalke in the

Keywords: Dodecanese, Chalke, wall-paintings, Early Christian, Middle-Byzantine, Monasticism,

To the middle of the 7th century is dated the first

a donor in the Dodecanese. In the conch of the prothesis, a

The wall-paintings have been dated with some uncertainty,

Stylistically, the two layers are quite close and can be

The importance of the monument, in spite of the simple

Figure 1.5. St Savas at Koila: a. Sketch of the Deisis (first

with fragments of wall-paintings, very poorly preserved,

From the first layer survive fragments of scenes on the

Figure 1.9. Taxiarches Michael o Panormites (or Palarniotes):

Lassithiotalis 1962: Λασσιθιωτάκης, Κωνσταντίνος, ‘Δύο

A Royal Panel at Sinai. Contribution

This paper sets about answering a series of questions

This panel (Fig. 2.1) at Sinai represents Saint George on

garment is decorated with valuable stones, while on his

The main purpose of this paper is to interpret the role of

Such panels that represent emperors are known in

Figure 2.4. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a

from Sinai the Georgian king is depicted wearing a crown

Furthermore, there are the two inscriptions.9 Both the

Figure 2.7. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a

Figure 2.6. Detail of the panel with Saint George and a

to that of the crescent, on the royal garment that strongly

All the above mentioned elements (the figures of Saint

(the victory at Didgori) by a Constantinopolitan-trained Kalavrezou-Maxeiner 1977: Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Ioli,

Schrade 2001: Schrade, Brigitta, ‘Byzantium and its

Interpretative Approaches On the Anthropomorphic Depictions

With gratitude to the Ηonorees, who as teachers

Στη βυζαντινή μνημειακή ζωγραφική διασώζονται ευάριθμες παραστάσεις αγίας Τριάδας

Keywords: Byzantine monumental painting, anthropomorphic Holy Trinity, orthodox

(John 14, 28): ’the Father is greater than I am’.22 The

consubstantial and indivisible, but also the differentiation

Figure 3.4. Crete, Selino, Sklavopoula, church of Christ:

framework as the depiction of the crossed nimbus, as

In the church of Christ at Sklavopoula Selinou (second

(c. 1260–1280).45 The crossed nimbus of the Father is

Τhe interpretation of the image as an artistic expression of

liberates the three hypostases in space and therefore it is