CHINMUN 2022 - UNSC

Background Guide

The situation in Yemen

Freeze date - June 23, 2019
Letter from the Executive Board
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the simulation of the UNSC at CHINMUN 2022. It gives
us immense pleasure to invite you all to join us for two days of intense
debate, deliberation and discussion. At CHINMUN 2022, we have
decided to address the situation in Yemen. There are multiple factors
that affect this agenda and we are looking Forward to analysing the
same and coming up with a comprehensive and Feasible solution to
the agenda at hand during the two days of this conference.
Every nation present in this council has a significant role to play in the
agenda and no country is more important than the other. So, we urge
you all to be completely thorough with your foreign policies and take
up your allotment seriously. Considering this is one of the largest
crises in history, we expect a certain degree of critical thinking to
manifest throughout these two days of debate. This agenda has
multiple facets and only when you are well researched, discussion can
be fruitful, and council can proceed efficiently.
To the first timers in our council, do not panic. We, as the executive
board are here to help you out every step of the way. We've all been
there, and we urge you to read up about your countries and the agenda
and speak during council confidently! This experience will prove to be
useful and will definitely be the starting point for many more MUNs to
come.
Feel free to contact any of the executive board members in case you
have questions. We will get back to you at the earliest. Looking
Forward to meeting you all.
Warm Regards,
Siddhartha S - President
Nithin - Co-President
Divya Ramkumar - Director
The United Nations Security Council
Under the Charter, the Security Council has primary responsibility for
the maintenance of international peace and security. It has 15
Members, and each Member has one vote. Under the Charter, all
Member States are obligated to comply with Council decisions. The
Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a
threat to the peace or act of aggression. It calls upon the parties to a
dispute to settle it by peaceful means and recommends methods of
adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, The United
Nations Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even
authorize the use of Force to maintain or restore international peace
and security. The Security Council also recommends the General
Assembly on the appointment of the Secretary-General and the
admission of new Members to the United Nations and together with
the General Assembly, it elects the judges of the International Court
of Justice.
The security council can discuss anything related to the
maintenance of international peace and security as long as it does
not violate the terms stipulated in the UN Charter. Thus, the
mandate of the UNSC is not limited to the discussion of only a
particular agenda item related to military affairs but it can discuss
anything which comes under the scope of the United Nations
based on the principles enshrined in the UN charter.

The Charter of The United Nations

The Charter of the United Nations also known as the UN Charter is the Founding
document of the United Nations, an inter-governmental body which is
responsible For maintaining the international peace and security across the
globe. The United Nations Conference on International Organization was held in
San Francisco California, 25 April - 26 June 1945, to draft the Charter of the
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United Nations. The text was based on earlier proposals, negotiated in various
subsidiary bodies, and Finally adopted unanimously in a plenary meeting of the
Conference on 25 June 1945. Representatives of 50 countries participated in the
San Francisco Conference.
Chapter VI: Pacific Settlement of Disputes
Chapter VI of the United Nations Charter encompasses pacific settlement of
disputes. The Resolutions made under Chapter VI are not legally enforceable,
although the legally binding nature is not precluded/ ignored completely. The
various schools of thoughts include Chapter VI not having enforcement
mechanisms but relying on state provided constitutional enforcement methods
in issues not related directly to the member nation/ state in question.
Chapter VI warrants member nations to look out for peaceful solutions including
but not limited to "negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial
settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful
means of their own choice." Even after implementation or the lack of it, if the
dispute resolution methods professed under Chapter VI Fail, then under article
35 of the United Nations Charter, any country can refer the question to the
Security Council or the General Assembly.
Chapter VI provisions include arbitration and submission of matters not under
arbitration to the Security Council and specifically recommendations to be
provided by the Security Council and not the power to adopt binding resolutions,
in which case, the Security Council acts under Chapter VII of the United Nations
Charter.

Chapter VII: Action with respect to threats to

peace
Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter encompasses powers of the Security
Council to maintain international peace and security. Chapter VII provisions
include "determination of existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the
peace1 or act of aggression" and actions- military and otherwise- to restore
"international peace and security" which is the preambulatory purpose of the
United Nations as mentioned in its Charter drafted and adopted after the Second
World War to prevent crimes against peace which included starting or waging a
war against the territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of a
state, in violation of treaties and conventions.
The Security Council acting under Chapter VII is granted substantial power, in
the wake of failure of League of Nations in the years between First and the
second world war, making the Security Council the most powerful international
organ in all of history. Enforcement of international responsibility is provided For
under Chapter VII through measures economic and military sanctions. Chapter
VII Resolutions majorly act under article 39 and then take decisions pertaining
to the rest of the chapter. "A Security Council Resolution is considered to be 'a
Chapter VII resolution' if it makes an explicit determination that the situation
under consideration constitutes a threat to the peace, a breach of the peace, or
an act of aggression, and/or explicitly or implicitly states that the Council is acting
under Chapter VII in the adoption of some or all operative paragraphs."

Introduction to Yemen
The Republic of Yemen is a country at the southern end of the Arabian Peninsula
in Western Asia. It is bordered by Saudi Arabia to the north, the Red Sea to the
west the Gulf of Aden and Guardafui Channel to the south, and the Arabian Sea
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and Oman to the east. Yemen's territory includes more than 200 islands. Yemen
is a member of the Arab League, United Nations Non-Aligned Movement and
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the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

Yemen's constitutionally stated capital is the city of Sana'a but the city has been
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under Houthi rebel control since February 2015. Yemen is a developing country
and the poorest country in the Middle East. It is also the most corrupt. In 2016,
the United Nations reported that Yemen is the country with the most people in
need of humanitarian aid in the world with 21.2 mlllion.
The Yemeni Civil War began with the overthrow of Yemen's President Abdrabuh
Mansour Hadi in March 2015 by Ansar Allah (Partisans of God) also known as
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the Houthis. However, roots of the civil war can be found in instability in Yemen
resulting from the end of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh's 22-year reign
following 2011 Arab Spring protests, and in armed conflict between the Hussein
Badreddin al Houthi's followers and the Yemeni government has furthermore
been ongoing 2004. The conflicts and relationships between the Hadi
government, Houthi rebels and pro-Saleh forces is only further complicated by
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the role of regional powers and other groups in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia
and Iran have both been heavily involved in supporting the Hadi government and
Houthi rebels, respectively. Additionally, both Al-Qaeda and ISIS have been
attracted to the instability of Yemen and established a presence in the country.
The conflict in Yemen has escalated to a humanitarian disaster, leaving 80% of
its population
in need of aid.

Yemen and colonialism

The recent instability in Yemen has its roots in a complicated history. Yemen as
we know it is a relatively new state. The northern half of the country was a part
of the Ottoman Empire until 1918 while the southern half of the country stayed
under British control until 1967. The two states merged in 1990 to become the
Republic of Yemen but this road to unification was a long and violent path.
After the dissolution of the power of the Ottoman Empire in the region, the
northern half of the country was consolidated under the control of the Zaidi imam.
Zaidiyyah Islam is a sect within Shi'ite Islam common in Yemen where the imam
is believed to be "an absolute figure of spiritual authority" and therefore a spiritual
as well as a political authority. Therefore, Imam Hadya, was able to use his
authority as a spiritual leader and political leader to consolidate his position in
what became the Yemen Arab Republic. However, his rule was brief as
underground opposition to his feudal system, which had started growing in the
1930s, culminated in his assassination in 1948 at his royal palace. He was
succeeded by his son, Ahmad, whose rule was significantly more repressive and
was marked with growing tension with the British over their presence in Southern
Yemen as well as increased pressure to support Arab nationalist objectives
spearheaded by Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Southern Yemen was an important colony for the British because its location
allowed them to maintain control of Bab al-Mandab, the narrow strait between
Africa and the Middle East, which was vital to British trading interests. After
establishing the protectorate of Aden in 1937, the British sought to consolidate
their power through agreements they established with the small tribes and
communities that surrounded the Protectorate of Aden. By 1967, the Marxist
National Liberation Front (NLF) was in control of much of the area and the British
withdrew their last troops in November. On November 30, 1967, the People's
Republic of Yemen was Formed as an independent nation outside the influence
of the British Empire.

History of the Recent Crisis

The roots of the most current crisis can be dated back to June 2004, where
Zaidi cleric Husayn Badr al-Din al-Houthi launched a scathing critique of the
government of Ali Abdullah Saleh claiming that they are willing to sacrifice
Yemeni lives in their appeasement of US and Israeli ambitions. The 3-month
conflict in Sa'da escalated quickly as supporters of al-Houthi clashed with
government forces resulting in 800 deaths, with 400 of them being soldiers.
Al-Houthi was also among the dead. Yet, in March 2005, fighting was
renewed with al-Houthi's father, Badr al-Din al-Houthi taking leadership of
his son's revolutionary movement. This time the bloodshed spread beyond
Sa'da and spread to the capital Sana, lasting several months.
By late 2005, the fighting had begun again as the Houthi rebel movement
leadership was transferred to another member of the al-Houthi family, Adb
al-Malik but a ceasefire was agreed upon by February 2006. Following this
ceasefire, Ali Abdullah Saleh attempted to quell the Houthi rebel movement
by pardoning all Houthi rebels who put down their arms and came to an
agreement with the Government. This was in addition to releasing scores of
prisoners as well as compensating those whose property had been damaged
in the battles. However during the conflict he made alliances with all those
1

who would fight with him, lead to his government making alliances with
extremists Sunni groups. This alliance in particular, embroiled the nation in
the sectarian struggle between Sunni and Shiite Islam which had engulfed
much of the Middle East.
Fighting continued for the next three years until Operation Scorched Earth
began in August 2009. It sought to destroy the Houthi rebel movement once
and for all, which would in turn give the central government more legitimacy
as well as make an example out of the rebels opposing the current regime.
The government deployed 40,000 troops, which is much more than it has in
the past, and even deployed a Popular Army of local tribesmen and other
citizen fighters. This led to a significant escalation of the conflict as President
Saleh told his men to quash the rebellion with an "iron fist." The indiscriminate
bombing of non-combatants as well as up tick in tribal conflict due to the arming
and weaponization of various tribal groups, has led to an unprecedented
number of casualties. The intensification of the violence also led to an
escalation in the numbers of displaced individuals which numbered about
250,000 by this point..
Internationally, the conflict in Yemen also attracted various global players.
Saudi Arabia, a bastion of Sunni fundamentalism, does not want the Hou this
getting power and establishing a Shi'ite nation right at their border.
Furthermore, this became the newest theatre of the ideological conflict taking
place between Saudi Arabia which is Sunni and Iran which is Shia. The two
nations, seeking to establish their sect of Islam have been in various
confrontations over the years, but none as bloody as the proxy war currently
being waged in Yemen.
Although Iran officially supports the Saleh regime and the current government
of Yemen, American warships have intercepted various Iranian arms cargos
which were believed to be enroute to Houthi rebel groups.
In 2014, Houthi rebels, allied with troops who were loyal to former President
Saleh, captured most of the country. The ground captured included even the
capital at Sanaa. An international coalition, led by Saudi Arabia and supported
by the United States, quickly began a campaign by air against the rebels in
support of President Hadi. Ultimately, the air campaign has been
unsuccessful in actually regaining lost ground from the rebels, although it has
been successful in destroying major weapons caches and rebel outposts.

The launch of a ballistic missile towards Riyadh in November 2017 prompted

the Saudi-led coalition to tighten its blockade of Yemen. The coalition said it
wanted to halt the smuggling of weapons to the rebels by Iran, but the
restrictions led to substantial increases in the prices of food and fuel, helping
to push more people into food insecurity.

In June 2018, the coalition attempted to break the deadlock on the battlefield
by launching a major offensive on the rebel-held Red Sea city of Hudaydah,
whose port is the principal lifeline for almost two thirds of Yemen's population.
UN officials warned that the toll in lives might be catastrophic if the port was
damaged or blocked. But months passed before the warring parties could be
persuaded to attend talks in Sweden to avert an all-out battle in Hudaydah.

Sporadic exchanges of fire and other ceasefire violations had been reported
between Houthi forces and coalition troops around Hudaydah in January 2019

An explosion in a warehouse on 7 April 2019, in Sanaa, killed at least 11

civilians, including school children and left more than 39 people wounded.
According to Al Jazeera and Houthi officials the civilians were allegedly killed
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in a Saudi-led coalition airstrike. The Saudi-led coalition denied any airstrikes

took place that day on Sanaa.
Stockholm Agreement and Hudaydah Cease-
Fire
On December 6, 2018, the warring parties to the conflict in Yemen convened in
Sweden under the auspices of the United Nations to discuss various de-escalation
proposals and a possible road map to a comprehensive peace settlement. The talks
were the first formal negotiations since 2016. After a week of negotiations, all sides
agreed to the Stockholm Agreement, which consists of three components: a cease
fire around the port city of Hudaydah, a prisoner swap, and a statement of
understanding that all sides would form a committee to discuss the war-torn city
Taiz.

Though fighting continues along several fronts, on December 13 2018, Special

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Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General for Yemen Martin Griffiths brokered
a cease fire centred on the besieged Red Sea port city of Hudaydah Yemen's 1

largest port. As part of the deal, the coalition and the Hou this agreed to redeploy
their forces outside Hudaydah city and port. The United Nations agreed to chair a
Redeployment Coordination Committee (RCC) to monitor the cease-fire and
redeployment.

On February 17, the United Nations announced that the Houthis would withdraw
from Hudaydah port and the Saudi-led coalition would move out of the eastern
outskirts of Hudaydah city. Still, the warring parties have yet to agree on the
identities of local police forces to take over security in Hudaydah. As of March 2019,
the parties had made "significant progress towards an agreement to implement
phase one of the redeployments of the Hudaydah agreement."

Until a final redeployment is reached, the Houthis remain ensconced in Hudaydah 1

with barricades, trenches and roadblocks still present throughout the city. The
Houthis want local coast guard units to assume control. The coalition claims 1

however, that the leaders of the local coast guards are loyal to the Houthis, and U.N.
observers may have difficulty in verifying the neutrality of security personnel in
Hudaydah. U.N. officials have reported to the Security Council that the Houthis fear
that a withdrawal from Hudaydah will make their forces vulnerable to attack by the
coalitior1.

Overall, many observers remain sceptical that the cease-fire reflects a broader
impulse to end the war, seeing it instead as a means of easing international pressure
on the coalition. Since the signing of the Stockholm Agreement the Saudi-led
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coalition has conducted airstrikes in Sanaa in retaliation for a Houthi drone attack
against a Yemeni military parade. In late January, artillery fire struck a camp for
internally displaced people in Yemen's north western Hajjah province, killing eight
civilians and wounding 30 others. According to reporting by the United Nations,
 implementation of the Stockholm Agreement has been hindered by an overall lack
of trust and a reluctance to make operational concessions outside of a
comprehensive political agreement.

A Brief TImeline of Events

2015 • March 23: After capturing the capital Sanaa in September

2014, Houthi-Saleh forces seize control over most of Aden.
President Hadi flees to Saudi Arabia seeking international
assistance.
• March 26: The Saudi-led coalition begins military operations
with air strikes against Houthi-Saleh forces.
• July -August The Saudi-led coalition retakes Aden.

• September- October: Houthi-Saleh forces fire a ballistic missile

at a military base used by UAE forces, killing at least 45 UAE
soldiers and 5 Bahraini troops. Saudi-led coalition airstrikes hit
two separate wedding parties, killing at least 81 people in one
and 23 in another.
December: U.N.negotiates a temporary cease-fire, as UN-
mediated peace talks begin in Switzerland. The cease-fire lasts
two weeks, ending in early January 2016.
2016 • March - October: Saudi-led coalition airstrikes target:
A market in northwestern Yemen, killing at least 97
civilians and 10 Houthi fighters An MSF-supported
hospital for the fourth time, killing 19
A funeral reception, killing 130-150, including many senior Houthi
political and military figures
April - August U.N.-brokered peace negotiations begin in
Kuwait, but end in August with no agreement.
• October: Houthi-Saleh forces launch anti-ship missiles at U.S.
Navy vessels on patrol off the coast of Yemen, the first time U.S.
Armed Forces come under direct fire in the war. The Obama
Administration responds by directing the Armed Forces to fire
cruise missiles against Houthi-Saleh radar installations in self-
defense.
October I 9: A 72-hour new cessation of hostilities goes into effect.
Violations occur and the ceasefire lasts until October 23 without
renewal.
2017 • November 4: After a Houthi-fired missile with alleged Iranian origins
 lands deep inside Saudi Arabia, the coalition institutes a full
blockade of all of Yemen's ports, including the main port of
Hudaydah (also spelled Hodeidah, Hudayda), exacerbating the
country's humanitarian crisis.
• December 4: The Houthi-Saleh alliance unravels, culminating
in the killing of former President Saleh on December 4, 2017 by
Houthi rebels near the capital Sanaa.
2018 • June: Saudi-led coalition launches Operation Golden Victory
with the aim of retaking the Red Sea port city of Hudaydah.
• August Saudi-led coalition airstrike hits a bus in a market near
Dahyan, Yemen, in the northern Sa'dah governorate, killing 51
people, 40 of whom were children, allegedly in response to a
Houthi missile attack on the Saudi city of Jizan a day earlier that
killed a Yemeni national in the kingdom.
September. UN-mediated talks in Geneva last three days.
The Houthi delegation never arrives, claiming it was
prevented from traveling by the coalition. The coalition claims
that the Houthis sabotaged the arrangements to facilitate their
travel with new last minute demands.
• November: Saudi-led coalition pauses military operations to
pursue negotiations, having seized the eastern outskirts of
Hudaydah, severing access to the main road leading eastward to
the Houthi controlled capital Sana'a.
December 13: After ten days of UN-mediated talks, the two
parties announce the Stockholm Agreement, key components of
which include a prisoner swap, a mutual redeployment of forces
from Hudaydah, and the formation of a committee to discuss the
contested city of Taiz

Humanitarian Situation
All sides of the civil war have been accused of human right violations, particularly
due to rampant targeting of civilian areas, including schools and hospitals. Both
the Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government have blatantly harmed civilians and
destroyed the economic, social and political wellbeing of Yemen. The coalition led
by Saudi Arabia and supported by the United States, Britain and France has been
accused of perpetrating war crimes. For instance, in a report that analysed attacks
from the coalition, only 2 out of 10 could be considered to have a legitimate
military objective.

Civilian casualties have only escalated since the collapse of UN-sponsored talks
in June 2016. By October 2016, over 4,125 civilians had been killed and 7,207
others had been injured in Yemen; children constituted a third of all civilian
deaths during the first year of conflict. Additionally, child soldiers have been used
in the conflict between the Houthi rebels and the Yemeni government since at
least 2010. As attacks on civilian infrastructure became a commonplace tactic in
the war1 21 million people have furthermore been deprived of life-sustaining
commodities and basic services; over 14 million people suffering from food
insecurity and no functioning healthcare facilities.
To make matters worse, an outbreak of cholera began in Yemen in October 2016
and is ongoing as of April 2019. UNICEF and WHO attributed the outbreak to
malnutritior11 collapsing sanitation and clean water systems due to the country's
ongoing conflict, and the approximately 30,000 local health care workers who had
not been paid for almost a year. A vaccination program was not started until more
than a million people were ill, and the Yemen conflict worsened the cholera
epidemic.

Yemeni people now primarily rely on the aid provided by international

organizations, but the complete lack of a central authority and the continued
fighting has made it difficult for them to reach those that are in the direst
circumstances. As the director of Yemen's International Rescue Committee put it,
"There is nowhere in the country you can say, 'This place is better than another'.
Every family is suffering from something whether it's cholera or lack of food, having
child soldiers in the family or having someone go join the rebels or the military.
There's been a whole collapse of the social life."
 The Houthis

The Houthi originated from northern Yemeni followers of Zaydi Islam, the second
largest branch of Shiite Islam. Though followers of Zaydi Islam comprise a majority
of citizens in northern Yemen, they constitute just 40% of Yemen's total population;
the great majority of Yemen's remaining population follows Shafi'i Sunni Islam.
The Houthis began in the late 1980s as a northern Yemeni movement to protect
and revive Zaydi culture and became politicized in 2004. From 2004 to 20101 the
Hou this fought six rounds of armed conflict with the Saleh government.
Since taking control of Sanaa, however1 the Houthis' popularity has declined
dramatically in Southern Yemen. While their move into the capital to help install
a more competent government was popularly supported across the country1
their house arrest of Hadi, monopolization of control over Sanaa1 and territorial
expansion outwards all contributed to a rapid drop in public favour. Indeed, when
Houthi militias reached southern Yemen, local tribesmen perceived them as an
occupying force. This incited the southern resistance that has since solidified,
gained traction and formed the backbone of the domestic forces now opposing
the Houthis in civil war.
Northern Yemen, however, continues to support the Houthi movement.. As the
historic heartland and stronghold of the Houthis, the Houthis have maintained
military control and offer the only coherent leadership. Hadi has no connections
to the north, and the Houthis historic entrenchment in the northern tribes and
leadership will most likely continue to maintain their control and support in
northern Yemen, regardless of national politics.

The Hadi Government

In March 2015, the Houthis and pro-Saleh forces attempted to take control of the
entirety of Yemen, forcing Hadi to flee abroad. However1 Saudi Arabia began
leading a coalition to counter the Hou this with an air campaign aimed at restoring
the Hadi government; while pro-government forces made up of Hadi-supporting
soldiers1 predominantly Sunni southern tribesmen, and separatists, helped keep
Aden out of Houthi control. Coalition group troops then drove the Houthi and anti-
Hadi forces out of much of the south, allowing the Hadi government to establish a
temporary home in Aden.
Borders between Houthi-controlled and Hadi controlled areas have remained at
approximately a stalemate in the time since, despite heavy fighting in the region
by both sides in attempts to gain more territory. Hadi's support within Yemen
remains thin, particularly after his highly-critiqued transition government.
However1 the international community continues to recognize the Hadi
government as the legitimate government of Yemen and has significantly aided
Hadi's side of the civil war.

Pro-Saleh Forces

Though former President Ali Abdullah Saleh was deposed in the popular 2011
Yemeni Revolution, the failures of Hadi's political transition have contributed to a
gain in Saleh's popularity. Furthermore, many of Yemen's security forces, tribal
networks, and members of the General People's Congress (GPC) political party
remain loyal to him and his son Ahmed Abdullah Saleh. Though the relationship
between Saleh's government and the Houthi movement was one of continual
tension and conflict throughout Saleh's presidency, many former Saleh
government members have no'N chosen to ally with the Houthi movement. When
the Houthis forced President Hadi to flee Sanaa and Saudi intervention in Yemen
began, Saleh offered to serves as a mediator between Saudi Arabia and the
Houthis. Saleh is also thought to have influenced the Yemeni military in standing
down to the Houthi's entrance into Sanaa in September 2015. However, in April
2015 he also offered the Saudi coalition help in retiring the Houthis to Northern
Yemen, which would leave Saleh at the centre of Yemen's political Future.

This offer to mediate with Saudi Arabia and growing influence with the Houthi thus
shows Saleh's primary motivation is to regain power within Yemen. While Houthi and
Saleh-controlled areas of Yemen are considered one side of the civil war (against the
side of Hadi's government), it is important to note Saleh's history of tension with the
Houthis and offers of support to both sides of the war. Thus, while Houthi Forces and
pro-Saleh Forces are allied for the time being, they should still be considered
separate groups, with separate loyalties, ideologies, and motivations.

Al-Qaeda in the Arabic Peninsula

Though the Houthi movement and the Hadi government are the two main sides
of the ongoing civil war, the problem of recreating the state is exacerbated by the
presence of Al-Qaeda in the Arabic Peninsula (AQAP) and other southern
secessionist movements. Though these secessionist movements have not
developed the military capacity of the Houthis, they are still a major Faction of
Yemeni people who will need to play a role in any political resolution to the war.
AQAP has further complicated matters in many respects. When the Yemeni
Revolution began in 2011, Saleh moved troops deployed throughout the country
to Sanaa in an attempt to bolster security and maintain control of the capital. The
resulting security vacuum allowed Ansar al-Sharia to take over the southern
province of Abyan, where they have since restored social services, established
sharia courts, and declared Abyan an Islamic emirate. The rise of many extremist
groups amongst the chaos of the Yemeni Civil War has thus created an additional
dimension of the problem highly concerning to the international community.
Yemen is torn between the Houthis, pro-Saleh forces, AQAP, and the southern
secessionists, and none are capable of controlling the entire country.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia's military intervention in Yemen began when Hadi was forced to flee
the country in early 2015. The Saudi response was Operation Decisive Storm1 a
coalition of Saudi Arabia and nine other Middle Eastern nations that primarily
conducted airstrikes to counter the rapid expansion of Houthi control. Operation
Decisive Storm lasted approximately a month before Saudi Arabia ended the
campaign claiming it had "achieved its military goals." However, Saudi and
coalition airstrikes, ground forces, and naval troops have since continued to
maintain a presence in Yemen 1n hopes of restoring the Hadi government to
power.
\Operation Decisive Storm was declared over 1n April 2015 with a statement that
Saudi Arabia had successfully pushed back on Houthi expansion. However, at the
end of Operation Decisive Storm, Hadi had not been restored to power, nor had
most of the Houthi-controlled territories been regained. Saudi coalition
spokesperson General Ahmed al-Asiri stated that the campaign was ending on the
grounds that "the rebels no longer posed a threat to civilians," but that the
coalition would "continued to prevent the Houthi militias from moving or
undertaking any operations inside Yemen through a combination of political,
diplomatic, and military action." Operation Restoring Hope, which succeeded
Operation Decisive Storm and originally aimed to focus on political settlements
and counterterrorism, has since involved Saudi Arabia in far more military action
than political or diplomatic talks. It should be noted that this is not the first time
that Saudi Arabia has been militarily involved in combatting the Houthis in Yemen.
Indeed, during the Saleh regime's 2009 Operation Scorched Earth, Saudi Arabia
openly entered the conflict with significant military operations against the Houthis
following reports of Houthi incursions in Saudi territory that killed several Saudi
border guards.
The Gulf Cooperation Council
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a loose political and economic alliance
between Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Qatar, and
Bahrain. The six members of the GCC share similar political systems and cultures,
run by autocratic monarchies or sheikhdoms. Saudi Arabia is the most powerful
member in the group, often leading initiatives by the group. The GCC collectively
possesses nearly half of the world's oil reserves. In 2004, GCC members signed a
counterterrorism intelligence-sharing pact, and in 2008 the GCC's common market
came into existence.
The GCC states, led by Saudi Arabia, initiated talks between Yemen's various
political factions during the Yemeni Revolution in 2011; negotiations were
overseen by U1 envoys and representatives from 10 countries. These talks led to
the GCC Initiative, which set up the National Dialogue Conference (NOC) and
created the idea of a "transitional phase" from Saleh's regime to a new Hadi
government. The obvious failure of the GCC Initiative and Hadi's transitional
government should serve as a lesson of mistakes not to be repeated in Future
solutions pursued.
Since Houthi takeover of control in the capital and onset of Full-scale civil war, nearly
all GCC states have contributed to the Saudi-led military intervention to bolster Hadi
government control. While Saudi Arabia continues to deploy the largest Force
dedicated to countering the Houthis, the role of the other Gulf States is not
irrelevant. In Operation Decisive Storm, for example, Saudi Arabia's 100 warplanes
were immediately supported with 30 jets from the United Arab Emirates and many
more from other allied states. Such regional support for Saudi Arabia's continued
military intervention should be noted.

The State of Kuwait

Kuwait was one of the first GCC countries to join the coalition Forces under the
umbrella of the operation since its start date.
The deputy prime minister and minister of interior for Kuwait Sheikh Mohammed Al
Khalid Al-Sabah were among the GCC officials who attended the Riyadh meeting on
21 March 2015.
What distinguishes the Kuwaiti attitude in this regard is that Kuwait is adopting a
foreign policy that allows it to play the role of a mediator. This role was evident in
the role played in the crisis of the withdrawal of GCC ambassadors from Doha in
March 2014. On the other hand, Kuwait owes much to its Fellow GCC countries
with respect to their attitude toward its ordeal during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait
in 1990 and after the Kuwait War in 1991. This is an essential Factor in the stances
taken by the government of Kuwait regarding its relations with neighbouring
countries.

The Islamic Republic of Iran

It is widely believed that Iran has trained and armed Houthis since the early stages
of the movement's militancy in the 2000's, particularly as Houthi and Shi'ite control
in Yemen would serve Iran well as a strategic Foothold in the Arabian Peninsula.
Though Iran officially supports President Hadi's government, many Gulf Arab
states have accused Iran of backing the Houthi movement both financially and
militarily. Iran continues to deny any involvement with the Hou this, but
nevertheless has continually criticized political settlement efforts of Saudi Arabia
and the international community. For example, following the commencement of
the Saudi-led Operation Decisive Storm, Iran immediately condemned the air
strikes as "US-backed aggression."
Though it is unclear exactly how much Iran is involved in the current conflict or how
much influence Iran has over the Houthl movement, Yemen is still considered one
of many current points of contention in Saudi-Iran hostilities. At the very least,
Iran's vocal criticism of Saudi coalition actions has lent anti-Hadi forces a small
amount of regional support.

The United States, United Kingdom, and France

Saudi Arabia has seen support from not only its neighbouring regional allies, but
also from several western countries: namely, the US, UK, and France. Though
these three nations have not engaged in the conflict militarily, they have
continued to support the Saudi campaign and the Hadi government in providing
arms to Saudi Arabia and other coalition states. Though the level of destruction
caused by Saudi bombing has made the US, UK, and France increasingly reluctant
to support the campaign with all sides of the war accused of war crlmes, shipments
of arms have not stopped. This is despite massive international pressure For these
nations to stop shipping arms to Saudi Arabia, on grounds of human rights
violations and bombings of schools, hospitals, and other civilian areas.
Though the United States claims that its primary involvement in the region is that
of logistical and intelligence support, it remains the largest provider of arms to
Saudi Arabia. During Operation Decisive Storm, the US authorized additional arms
sales to coalition states. In November 2015, the US approved a $1.3 billion sale to
restock Saudi's depleted munitions and has sold Saudi Arabia approximately $22.2
billion in weapons since the war began. The US has vested interests in Yemen due
to the presence of Al-Qaeda, and in the overall region due to oil supply and trade.
The Hadi government is, to the US, a government in Sana'a that will cooperate
with U.S. counterterrorism programs; with the continued rise of Al-Qaeda influence
during the destructive civil war, the US is also interested in restoring stability to
Yemen and maintaining secure Saudi borders.

The United Nations

The situation in Yemen has attracted high levels of international concern. The UN's
involvement has thus far primarily been one of mediation. In 2011, the UN was
involved in mediating talks with the GCC durlng the transition government
period. UN-sponsored talks between the Had] government on one side, and the
Hou th i's and pro-Saleh General People's Congress members on the other,
commenced in April 2016. However, these peace talks collapsed by August 2016,
which has since led to a series of tit-for-tat escalations in violence across Yemen.
These include a Houthi attack on an Emirati vessel in the Red Sea, and a Saudi
attack on a Yemeni funeral hall that led to massive regional and international
shock and condemnation.
Though former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon had condemned the carnage
and had called for an international investigation into the allegations of human rlghts
violations and war crimes, the UN has yet to take decisive action on the civil war.
The UN's ability to intervene is further complicated by US, UK, and French arms
support of the Saudi coalition. Thus far, the UN has neither helped broker peace
nor secured an independent investigation lnto violations of international
humanitarian law by both sides.

Relevant UNSC Resolutions

Since the beginning of the Yemen] Clvil war in early 2015, the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) has passed three major resolutions (Resolutions 2266,
2216, and 2204). While several other statements have been made on behalf of the
UNSC or UN as a whole, and the UN has encouraged peace talks and ceasefires
while condemning major attacks and human rights violations, these three
resolutions are notable in that they take dlrect actlon against the violence in
Yemen.
Namely, the UNSC has maintained sanctions and an arms embargo against the
Houthis and Saleh loyalists and established a Panel of Experts on the Yemeni
situation since 2014. The Panel of Experts was originally established in February
2014 (Resolution 2140) and was formed in conjunction wlth the flrst monetary
pressures undertaken by the United Nations - namely, freezing all funds, financial
assets, and economic resources of individuals deemed to fit in the above
category.
In April 2015, Resolution 2216 established an arms embargo preventing the supply
of weapons or any other military equipment to any individual or group acting for the
benefit of former President Saleh or the Houthi movement. This arms embargo and
the 2014 asset freeze have since been maintained throughout the current situation.
 DIRECTIVES
This Executive Board will allow delegates to take actions on behalf of their countries
in real time. These actions are to be done by Directives or Action Orders. Since you
are representing your country in a time of crisis, we will allow you to take actions on
behalf of your entire country.
These actions can be military/Spying/economic/public/covert/political 1n nature.
We hope you use directives to its best ability because as stated before the nation
you represent is at your disposal.

There is a specific format the EB recommends you follow with regards to

Directives.

DIRECTIVE - Covert/Overt

TO: The Head of State/Agency which will implement the actions.

FROM: Delegate of "XYZ"

PRIMARY OBJECTIVE - "Primary Goal of the Directive." (Mandatory)

SECONDARY OBJECTIVE - "A goal that can be achieved in the process."

MISSION BRIEF - "The Mission outline given in 4-5 lines."

PLAN OF ACTION - 'The detailed plan explained in steps." (Mandatory)

(All details are to be mentioned or they will be assumed by the EB, which might positive or negative to the
delegate)