Factors Perceived to Influence Young Irish

Men’s Body Image Investment:

A Qualitative Investigation
TRAVIS A. RYAN TODD MORRISON
National University of Ireland, Galway University of Saskatchewan

To better understand young Irish men’s investment in their body image, a series
of focus groups and personal interviews were conducted (N = 28). Recordings
were transcribed verbatim and thematically analyzed. Numerous themes emerged:
factors thought to intensify body image investment (media, sexual partners, body
comparison, participation in sport, peers, negative commentary, family, striving for
a healthy body, and striving for psychological well-being) and influences believed
to weaken body image investment (appearance is unimportant and the time and ef-
fort expended to achieve the ideal are prohibitive). Illustrative quotes are used to
represent each theme, and findings are discussed with respect to the participants’
own body image attitudes.

Keywords: body image, Irish men, men’s health, sociocultural theory, social com-
parison theory, Ireland

Body image is a multidimensional construct that reflects people’s degree of satis-

faction or dissatisfaction with their body and appearance (body image evaluation: Har-
greaves & Tiggemann, 2006) and the “degree of cognitive and behavioral importance”
that people assign to their body and appearance (body image investment: Cash &
Pruzinsky, 2002, p. 510). Historically, the research literature on body image has fo-
cused predominantly on females (Cash, 2007). Indeed, Cash notes that human embod-
iment psychologists’ “theories and investigations have typically neglected boys and
men” while their empirical efforts focus “more on the personal and cultural meanings
of endomorphy and ectomorphy than on matters of mesomorphy” (2007, p. ix). How-
ever, in recent years, interest in the topic of male body image has increased (Cafri &

Travis A. Ryan, School of Psychology, National University of Ireland, Galway; Todd G. Morrison, De-
partment of Psychology, University of Saskatchewan.
Travis A. Ryan’s work on this article was made possible by the Lady Gregory Doctoral Research Fel-
lowship Scheme of the College of Arts, Social Sciences, & Celtic Studies, National University of Ireland, Gal-
way.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Travis A. Ryan, School of Psychology,
National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland. Email: travisryan13@gmail.com

International Journal of Men’s Health, Vol. 8, No. 3, Fall 2009, 213-234.

© 2009 by the Men’s Studies Press, LLC. http://www.mensstudies.com. All rights reserved.
jmh.0803.213/$14.00 • DOI: 10.3149/jmh.0803.213 • Url: http://dx.doi.org/10.3149/jmh.0803.213

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RYAN & MORRISON

Thompson, 2004), with researchers reporting that men experience negative body image
evaluation (Cash, Morrow, Hrabosky, & Perry, 2004; Frederick et al., 2007) and in-
tensified body image investment (Cash & Grasso, 2005; Cash, Morrow, Hrabosky, &
Perry, 2004).
The ideal male physique is muscular mesomorphic, characterised by broad shoul-
ders, a muscular stomach, chest and arms, and a narrow waist (Filiault & Drummond,
2008; Kimmel & Mahalik, 2004; Ridgeway & Tylka, 2005). This ideal is coveted by
gay and straight men (Pope, Philips, & Olivardia, 2000), and men of differing nation-
alities (Pope, Gruber, Mangweth, Bureau, deCol, Jouvent, et al., 2000) and ages
(Fawkner & McMurray, 2002).
Research suggests that, for most men, there is a notable disjunction between their
current and ideal physiques. For example, Olivardia, Pope, Borowiecki, and Cohane
(2004) found that male American college students chose an ideal body with a mean of
about 25 pounds more muscle and 8 pounds less fat than their current physique. Pope,
Gruber, et al. (2000) reported that male undergraduate college students from Austria,
France, and the United States selected an ideal body that was 27 to 29 pounds more
muscular. Similarly, in a study of 48 men attending a college in the United States,
Grieve, Newton, Kelley, Miller, and Kerr (2005) found that participants’ perceived cur-
rent body was less muscular than their ideal. Given such disparities, it is not surprising
that many men experience body dissatisfaction (Cash, Morrow, et al., 2004).
In an attempt to better understand body image concerns in general, social scientists
have relied primarily on two theoretical frameworks: sociocultural theory and social
comparison theory (Morrison, Morrison, & Hopkins, 2003). The core elements of each
theory will be reviewed briefly.

Sociocultural Theory

This framework is an established perspective on the development of body dissat-

isfaction, identifying social agents (media, peers, and family) as contributory influ-
ences. Its main hypothesis is that “individuals come to feel [badly] about their bodies
... because they are exposed to unrealistic beauty ideals, which they then feel [pres-
sured] to achieve by their sociocultural environment, consisting of the mass media,
peer groups, friends, and family” (Dittmar, 2005, p. 1083). According to sociocultural
theorists, mass media promote a “culture of muscularity” (Agliata & Tantleff-Dunn,
2004, p. 8) by promulgating a muscular body ideal for males. The dissemination of this
ideal encourages men to adopt a “body as object” orientation (the body is a constella-
tion of parts that contain only aesthetic value) rather than a “body as process” orienta-
tion (the body is a unit of functional value). Males who deviate from this ideal by being
either too thin or too fat may experience negative body image evaluation and invest
more in their physical appearance (Morrison, Kalin & Morrison, 2004).
According to Blond’s (2008) review of 15 experimental studies examining the im-
pact of exposure to media images of idealized male bodies on male body dissatisfac-
tion, such exposure had a small but significant effect especially amongst those who

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had internalized the muscular ideal and were body or muscle dissatisfied. (The average
d value showing increased body dissatisfaction was 0.43.) Bartlett, Vowels, and
Saucier’s (2008) meta-analysis of 15 correlational studies similarly demonstrated that
pressure from mass media was significantly related to body dissatisfaction, self-es-
teem, and (especially) body esteem, particularly among young adult men (average d =
-0.19).
Qualitative studies also indicate the importance of sociocultural influences on male
body image. For example, Bottamini and Ste-Marie’s (2006) interviews with Canadian
men revealed that media, potential mates, and peers were identified as factors influ-
encing their perception of the ideal body. In another qualitative study, Fawkner and
McMurray (2002) found that Australian men (especially gay men, exercisers, and men
not identifying with alternative media images) reported experiencing negative affect
and behavioral changes in response to self-comparison with muscular male media im-
ages. Finally, interviews with American seminary men identified media, peers, fathers,
romantic partners and women as body image influences (Carlin, 2008).

Social Comparison Theory

This perspective is central to body image concerns (Dittmar & Howard, 2004). It
asserts that individuals compare themselves to others on dimensions such as physical
appearance for the purposes of evaluation and self-improvement (Festinger, 1954).
Comparisons may be sought or unsought (Suls, Martin, & Wheeler, 2002) and down-
ward, lateral, or upward. The latter type is particularly salient when comparisons con-
cern physical appearance (Wheeler & Miyake, 1992).
While much social comparison work has focused on females’ body image (En-
geln-Maddox, 2005), researchers have begun attending to male populations. For ex-
ample, Levesque and Vichesky (2006) found that, for gay American men, greater social
comparison tendencies were associated with greater body dissatisfaction, appearance
orientation, and weight preoccupation. Cahill and Mussap (2007) found that, after view-
ing photographs of male models, Australian men who engage in activities to increase
muscle mass were significantly less satisfied with their body. Body comparison helped
to explain this relationship: frequency of body comparison and internalization of the so-
ciocultural ideal male body mediated the positive association between body dissatis-
faction and engagement in muscle building strategies. In another recent study, Jackson
and Chen (2008) found that height dissatisfaction among a large sample of male Chi-
nese university students was predicted by the tendency to compare one’s appearance
with others.
Despite the increased attention devoted to male body image and the usefulness of
key explanatory frameworks such as sociocultural and social comparison theories, most
studies have been conducted in a small number of countries: the United States (Agli-
ata & Tantleff-Dunn, 2004; Karazsia & Crowther, 2008), Canada (Bottamini & Ste-
Marie, 2006; McCreary, Saucier, & Courtenay, 2005), and Australia (Cahill & Mussap,
2007; Fawkner & McMurray, 2002). The lack of research on body image issues fo-
cusing on men from other countries persists despite recommendations to address this
omission (Harvey & Robinson, 2003).

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With the exception of McDonagh, Morrison, and McGuire’s (2008) quantitative

study of male body image self-consciousness during physical intimacy, to the authors’
knowledge, no male body image research has been conducted on Irish men. Indeed, ac-
cording to Hearn et al. (2002), scholarship in Ireland has been “slow to incorporate the
study of men and masculinities into gender studies, and men as gendered subjects have
remained largely outside of the gaze of critical [inquiry]” (p. 393). The authors elabo-
rate by stating that even compared to the slow development of such research in North
America and the United Kingdom, similar work in Ireland has “barely begun” (p. 394).
Since the 1990s, Ireland has undergone radical social and economic transformation
(Ní Laoire, 2005). Ireland’s changing culture, economy, and society are important since
a man’s identity, personality and experiences are defined socially and historically (Con-
nell, 1995) and masculinity is “a precarious, life-long ongoing performance” (Swain,
2000, p. 96). Although Irish men “[have] a greater share of the material resources of the
state, exercise greater control over its political institutions, and are more favorably val-
ued in paid employment sectors in Ireland” (Gosine, 2007, p. 344), it is argued that
changing Irish culture (for example, women occupying traditionally male positions
such as farming) may be unsettling Irish men’s sense of masculinity (Ní Laoire). Indeed,
Gosine describes the view that Irish men “no longer know how to be men” as a “com-
monly expressed sentiment” (p. 338).
Similarly, threatened masculinity theorists assert that, as traditional gender roles di-
lute and women are increasingly employed in occupations historically filled by males,
some men seek to enhance their musculature to distance themselves from femininity
and highlight their masculinity. Choi (2003) asserts that, in contemporary societies,
“men’s muscles are all that remain as a visible symbol of their masculinity” (p. 79). Re-
searchers have also documented a relationship between masculinity and male body
image (Kimmel & Mahalik, 2004; McCreary et al., 2005). For example, McCreary et
al. found that Canadian men endorsing more traditional gender-typed beliefs wanted to
be more muscular. Given Ireland’s current state of transformation and anticipated im-
plications for Irish men’s sense of masculinity, it is possible that their body attitudes and
behaviors may be in a state of flux.
In support of this contention, two recent articles appearing in Irish broadsheet
newspapers have highlighted the emergence of male body image as an important topic
in Ireland. According to a representative from Bodywhys (the eating disorder associa-
tion of Ireland), increasing numbers of Irish men are unhappy with their bodies and
experience “pressure - real or imagined - to achieve a certain image” (Brennan, 2008,
p. 14). John Griffin, medical director of an eating disorder program at a leading Irish
psychiatric hospital, claimed that, compared to Irish men 25 years ago, their present-
day counterparts are more image conscious and present with eating disorders more
often. He attributed the latter to body image possessing greater salience among con-
temporary Irish men (O’Doherty, 2008). Further, clinical psychologist Armien Abra-
hams identified “the media and an emphasis on the six-pack and looking good” as
reasons for more men presenting with eating disorders in Ireland (cited in Brennan, p.
14).

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Purpose of the Study

Through focus groups and individual interviews, the authors examined young Irish
men’s beliefs about the factors they perceived to influence body image investment. In
addition, participants’ discussions surrounding such influences were expected to high-
light variables neglected to date by male body image researchers. Thus, by asking ques-
tions non-specific to theorized influences (see Appendix A), overarching aims of this
research were to (a) provide a more comprehensive account of the myriad influences
on men’s body image investment and (b) highlight new ways for researchers to test so-
ciocultural, social comparative, and other emergent explanations of men’s body image.

Method

Participants

Twenty-eight males between the ages of 17 and 26 years (M = 20.50, SD = 2.22)

participated in 12 interviews and four focus groups (each consisting of four men).1 The
participants were recruited in Ireland and included men resident in counties Tipperary
(16 participants), Galway (7 participants), and Meath, Westmeath, Leitrim, Waterford,
and Derry (one participant each). Fifteen of the men identified as undergraduate stu-
dents, six as postgraduate students, two as secondary school students, two as full-time
employees, one as self-employed, one as unemployed, and one as unavailable to work.
The majority of the sample (82 percent) self-identified as heterosexual. The remaining
participants self-identified as gay (one participated in an interview and four partici-
pated in a focus group).

Data Collection

The researchers’ elected to employ focus groups in conjunction with personal in-
terviews and to integrate the resultant data. These decisions reflect Wadsworth’s (2000)
recommendation that within-method triangulation (the combined use of focus groups
and interviews) is beneficial when collecting data on a “common but complex theme”
(p. 653). Many other researchers advocate this two-pronged strategy (Krueger, 1994;
Linhorst, 2002). Indeed, in a recent study, Lambert and Loiselle (2008) examined the
utility of combining data obtained from focus groups and individual interviews on pat-
terns of cancer information-seeking behavior. Given that each method is believed to un-
cover unique elements of a phenomenon, it is not surprising the authors concluded that
integrating the two methods resulted in “a more nuanced understanding” (p. 231). For
example, while the focus groups provided a general overview of cancer information-
seeking behavior, the interviews provided detailed accounts of pertinent personal ex-
periences.

1
After pilot work suggested that men would be more likely to discuss body image in smaller
focus groups, Grogan and Richards (2002) limited the number of males to four.

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The use of a male facilitator was deemed acceptable since in comparison to a fe-
male facilitator he might elicit “more natural conversations that groups of men have
around body image” (Grogan & Richards, 2002, p. 230). Further, based on focus groups
with men on masculinity, Allen (2005) concludes that while a facilitator’s gender does
not negate men’s expression of “alternative” or “softer” masculinities, only a male can
engage with men in the “production of a shared hyper-masculine identity” (p. 55).

Procedure

Ethical approval was obtained from the research ethics committee affiliated with
the first author’s university. A set of guiding questions was developed by the authors
to help the qualitative investigation meet its goals (see Appendix A). Participants were
recruited through convenience and snowball sampling. Upon contact, men were in-
formed about the study and, for those wishing to participate, suitable dates, times, and
venues then were scheduled.
On arrival, all participants were thanked for coming, provided with refreshments,
and given a participant information sheet and consent form to read and sign. In addi-
tion, the first author verbally stated that participation was voluntary, the information
gathered was anonymous and would be held in strictest confidence, and participants had
the right to withdraw from the study at any time without penalty or consequence. Fur-
ther, in the case of focus groups, the men were asked to respect each other’s opinions
and not to share information heard during the session with other people. The men were
verbally reminded that the interview/focus group would be audio-recorded and asked
if they consented to this taking place. All men gave their permission.
The men were first asked global questions about body image (for example, “Is
there an ideal male body?”) before being asked personal body image questions (for ex-
ample, “How do you feel about your body?”). On completion, the men were given the
opportunity to ask questions and were immediately debriefed.

Data Analysis

On average, the interviews lasted 67 minutes and the focus groups lasted 108 min-
utes. The interviews and focus groups were transcribed verbatim, resulting in 395 sin-
gle-spaced pages (206 for focus groups [M = 51.5], 189 for interviews [M = 15.75]).
Similar to other qualitative studies of body image (Grogan & Richards, 2002), data
were subjected to an iterative, recursive thematic analysis. Specifically, after closely
reading the transcripts and making notes regarding their content, the first author (TR)
identified emerging, coherent themes within the transcripts. Unlike Adams, Turner, and
Buck’s (2005) decision to initially use an analysis of four randomly chosen transcripts
to inform later investigation of the other text, the first author examined all transcripts
individually to ensure each was assigned equal weight when creating a preliminary
master document which detailed key themes and contextualized them using illustra-
tive quotations. When re-analyzing each transcript, the master document was used as
a blueprint to further assess the themes’ respective complexities. Their meanings were
adapted based on the men’s discussions and verbatim excerpts were recorded to sup-

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port the validity of the analysis. Next, armed with a new, revised master document, all
16 transcripts were reviewed to recheck each theme and the suitability of each illus-
trative quotation.
A similar analytic process was adopted by the second author (TG).2 Specifically,
he read 14 of the 16 transcripts with the primary intention of assessing whether partic-
ipants’ responses mapped onto sociocultural and/or social comparative explanations
for intensified body image investment. Responses that deviated from these dominant
explanations also were noted. The transcripts then were read a second time with the ex-
press purpose of identifying a parsimonious set of superordinate themes operating
within or outside of sociocultural or social comparison theories. Quotations deemed to
be illustrative of each theme also were identified. The resulting set then was compared
to the themes specified by the first author in the revised master document. No sub-
stantive differences in interpretation were observed.

Results

Emergent themes from the focus groups and personal interviews are presented
below, with illustrative quotes given to contextualize each theme. For a table listing
the key themes and providing respective illustrative quotations, see Appendix B.

Factors Intensifying Body Image Investment

Various factors underlying young Irish men’s body image investment emerged.
While many were consistent with the aforementioned theoretical paradigms, other in-
terpersonal or intrapersonal factors were identified.

1. Sociocultural Influences

Media. Across all 16 transcripts, participants identified media as an influence on

body image investment. More specifically, consistent with the tripartite influence model
(Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-
Dunn, 1999) and results from Karazsia and Crowther’s (2008) confirmatory factor
analysis of the Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire–3 (SATAQ-
3; Thompson, van den Berg, Roehrig, Guarda, & Heinberg, 2004), participants evi-
denced an awareness of male body-related messages from the media, an understanding
of male body-related media pressures, and an appreciation that men internalize such
messages.

2
The second author has a PhD and 40 peer-reviewed publications to his credit, many of
which focus on body image (n = 12) and are qualitative in nature (n = 8). Thus, he was deemed
to possess sufficient competence to evaluate the appropriateness of the judgments made by the
first author.

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RYAN & MORRISON

Highlighting the importance of media to male body image, participants referred to

specific actors, models and motion pictures as examples of the body ideal. For exam-
ple, when asked if there is an ideal male body, focus group 2 members Garry (19 years,
heterosexual) and Nigel (19 years, heterosexual) immediately responded by saying to-
gether “Ya [sic] man in the Aero ad!” (reference to Jason Lewis) and describing him as
“muscly [sic],” “fit” (Nigel), “gorgeous,” “toned,” “chiseled” (Garry), and “tanned”
(Simon, 19 years, heterosexual). In focus group 3, Jimmy (23 years, heterosexual)
stated that men are supposed to think there’s an ideal male body and mentioned films
such as Troy and 300 as disseminators of a “warrior ideal” which he describes as “huge,
muscly [sic] guys.”
Feelings of male body-related pressure from media and associated heightened body
image investment were reported by participants. According to some men, these pres-
sures were positive motivational messages about the attainability of an ideal body. For
example, Harry (18 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) claimed that Irish men have a
new attitude of optimism regarding what their bodies can become and named a web-
site which he felt contributed to this attitude.
Other men described media pressures negatively. For example, Maurice (22 years,
heterosexual, interviewee) noted that men in the media are never portrayed as individ-
uals who “work hard in the gym five days a week and have crazy diets” and describes
the media message as “this is what a guy is meant to look like so ... you know ... get to
the gym fatty!”
However, media pressures were not confined to messages concerning mesomor-
phy; other features of men’s appearance also were targeted. For example, Martin (23
years, heterosexual, interviewee) commented that media pressure men to take care of
their teeth: “Every second string of adverts on telly is about brushing your teeth so
that’s a big thing now that … you have to have perfectly, pearly white teeth so that’s
another thing to aim for.” Media were also perceived to pressure men to live healthier
lives. To illustrate, Gabriel (18 years, heterosexual, interviewee) stated that health-re-
lated media “scare stories” make men more “health conscious.”
While internalization of media messages emerged as a theme in all transcripts, par-
ticipants differed in terms of their own perceived susceptibility and in the types of mes-
sages they felt they had internalized. For some, a disjunction was observed in that they
saw men, in general, as highly susceptible to body-related messages disseminated by
media, but not themselves personally. Others acknowledged that they were not imper-
vious to mass media but emphasized messages that were health-related rather than aes-
thetic. For example, Alan (19 years, heterosexual, interviewee) stated that
aesthetic-related media did not motivate him to invest in his body “in the slightest”;
however, he noted that health-related advertisements on television motivate him to have
a healthy lifestyle and body. Only a small number of participants revealed personal in-
ternalization of aesthetic-related media messages. For example, interviewee Maurice
(22 years, heterosexual) said that TV motivated him to improve the appearance of his
abdominal muscles, while Trevor (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) attributed his
belief that body hirsuteness was non-ideal to “advertisements and the media ... you’re

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 IRISH MEN’S BODY IMAGE

not going to have this big hairy fella [sic] coming out advertising ... it’s not what peo-
ple want to see.”

Sexual partners. When discussing body image investment, men stressed the im-
portance of physical attraction in each investigation. Specifically, participants felt that
a critical reason why men attempt to “improve” their body is to enhance their sexual
attractiveness. For example, when asked about the advantages of having the ideal male
body, Paul (22 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) stated: “Women.” This response was
met with laughter followed by another discussant adding, “We’re all going to answer
the same way.” Then, Paul said “C’mon [first author’s name], that’s obvious like.”
In contrast to media, the men seemed more comfortable and enthusiastic to talk
about the importance of the male body with respect to sexual attraction. For example,
in focus group 2, when asked about his desired body image, Evan (19 years, hetero-
sexual) answered “stay in a position where you can still have sex with girls,” while
Garry (19 years, heterosexual) commented that “It’s all about looking good for women
... really ... all about it.”
Of importance, two factors influencing men’s perception of the somatotype that
constitutes a sexually attractive male body and their level of body image investment
were media depicting the bodies that women desire and body-related information from
prospective sexual partners. Nigel (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 2) remarked
that media images of women being sexually attracted to men possessing the muscular
ideal cause men to recognise the ideal body. On body-related information from prospec-
tive sexual partners, members of focus group 1 stressed how women’s comments affect
men’s body image investment. Noel (22 years, heterosexual) stated: “If a woman says
‘Jesus, that fella [sic] looks lovely’ ... you look at yer [sic] man and go ‘Why does she
find him lovely?’” Paul offered agreement by commenting that you’d think “What’s
wrong with me?”
Participants also differentiated between the salience of physical appearance to men
in long-term relationships versus men who are single. Jimmy (23 years, heterosexual,
focus group 3), who revealed he had been with his girlfriend for over four years, sug-
gested that he may be in “the comfort zone” vis-à-vis his appearance and that body
image would be more important to him if he were not in a relationship. Simon (19
years, heterosexual, focus group 2), a single man, stated that body image was more
pertinent to men interested in short-term sexual encounters. Indeed, on one-night stands,
Evan (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 2) commented “They [men] just want to
look good, go out, and get their hole, and then fuck off the next morning.”

Peers. Participants in two focus groups and five interviews identified type of peer
group as an influence on men’s body image investment. For example, in focus group
3, Colm (22 years, heterosexual) stated that the body image investment of a man com-
mencing third-level education would differ depending on whether he lived with fat
men or footballers.

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Also, in six qualitative investigations (five interviews and focus group 4), the par-
ticipants revealed that men invest cognitively and/or behaviorally in their body because
peers judge men based on their perception of their bodies. For example, when ex-
plaining why his body is important, Eugene (26 years, gay, focus group 4) described it
as man’s “representation [to] the rest of the world” stating it is a man’s body and not
his personality that everybody sees. Similarly, Alan (19 years, heterosexual, intervie-
wee) identified the perceptions of others as a reason for his high body image investment,
stating that when a man is “toned and in shape … you give off a good vibe to people
you meet first time round… you seem as though you’re motivated, you have some kind
of direction in your life, you’ve structure to your life.”
In two focus groups and three interviews, negative commentary from peers (teas-
ing, verbal bullying) emerged as a mechanism through which peers convey information
about body ideals and advocate intensified body image investment to others. Garry (19
years, heterosexual, focus group 2) claimed the hurt he experienced as a result of teas-
ing from friends motivated him to take care of his body. Bob (19 years, heterosexual,
interviewee) also reported having gained body fat and recently being a victim of body-
related teasing. Despite claiming not to be a “sensitive person,” Bob revealed a desire
to “have a six-pack by the end of the summer” so he could tease his friends by saying,
“Who’s laughing now?”

Family. Consistent with the tripartite influence model (Keery et al., 2004; Thomp-
son et al., 1999), family members emerged as influential social agents in relation to
body investment in four qualitative investigations (one focus group and three inter-
views). For example, Nigel (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 2) wanted to take bet-
ter care of his physcal health due to a family history of heart disease, while Garry (19
years, heterosexual, focus group 2) noted that he did not wish to look like his over-
weight brother or possess a belly like his father. Bob (19 years, heterosexual, intervie-
wee) stated that his father encouraged him and his brothers to be fit and was sometimes
critical of his diet, weight, and fitness level.

2. Social Comparison

Consistent with the social comparison literature on male body image and in sup-
port of the heightened appearance comparison mediational link of the tripartite influ-
ence model (Keery et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 1999), body comparison emerged as
an influence on men’s body image investment in 15 qualitative investigations (four
focus groups and 11 interviews). The comparison targets (male models, sportsmen,
peers), contexts (sport, movies, magazines), directions (upward, lateral, downward)
and outcomes (self-evaluation, self-improvement) described by participants varied.
The men commonly reported upward comparisons to men in the media. Colm (22
years, heterosexual, focus group 3) said that comparisons to jocks in movies may leave
a man “insulted” and thinking “Jesus, I’m nothing like that.” Similarly, in focus group
4, Mattie (20 years, gay) stated that men look at media images of idealized male bod-
ies and think, “I would love to be that.” One interviewee (Seamus, 21 years, hetero-

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sexual]) stated that men may want to have an ideal body like that of men in the media.
Martin (23 years, heterosexual, interviewee) went further and said that media show the
male body women desire and that “what women want is what I would like to be.”
The men in this study also compared upwardly to sportsmen. For example, Trevor
(19 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) revealed a desire to resemble the physique of
Diarmuid O’Sullivan, a Gaelic games star: “I wouldn’t mind to be ... that built like [ref-
erence to O’ Sullivan]”. Also, in addition to his brother (a sportsman), Bob revealed that
he compared his physique to sportsmen in the media and on the playing field and, con-
sequently, is motivated to become more fit.

3. Enhanced Athletic Performance

In three focus groups and 11 interviews, participants indicated that a key factor
intensifying men’s body image investment is enhanced sporting performance. For ex-
ample, members of focus group 1 revealed that the demands of a sport a man plays
shapes his personal body ideal. Noel (22 years, heterosexual) stated that “if you’re a
rugby player, you want to be big. If you’re a ... rower ... you’d probably want to be
more straggly strong” while Harry (18 years, heterosexual) commented that “for years
anyway, I never really thought about how I looked more so ... how I can change my
body so it would just perform better in sport.”

4. Intrapersonal Influences

Participants also articulated sources of influence on body image investment that ap-
pear to operate within the individual man. The organization of these sources into themes
suggested a mind-body duality in which participants emphasised that greater investment
may reflect the desire to improve the health of one’s body and/or psychological well-
being.

Striving for a healthy body. A desire to attain a healthy body was identified in all
investigations as an influence on men’s body image investment. However, some par-
ticipants stated that while health is a motivating factor for men in general, for them
personally other factors such as sport participation and sexual attraction were more im-
portant (Harry, 18 years, heterosexual, focus group 1, and Ray, 20 years, gay, focus
group 4, respectively). When requested to identify factors motivating young men to
take care of their bodies other than sexual attraction, Mattie (20 years, gay, focus group
4) asked the others: “The desire to stay healthy?” Ray immediately rejected this pro-
posal by saying, “Whist! [dismissive tone] Highlight the sex one!” This was met by
laughter of agreement.
In contrast, other men emphasised the importance of health to their body image in-
vestment. For example, when describing his motivations to exercise, Joe (24 years, het-
erosexual, interviewee) outlined health purposes (battling asthma and high cholesterol)
as his “top priority.” Damien (20 years, gay, interviewee) stated that his experience of
heart palpitations made him “appreciate and care for [his] body much more.”

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Striving for psychological improvement. A desire for improved psychological well-

being emerged as an influence on body image investment in all investigations. They
stated that some men invest in their bodies to feel better about themselves and how
they look. For example, Trevor (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) said that look-
ing good motivates men to exercise because they want to keep their confidence and be
happy about who they are. Likewise, Eddie (24 years, heterosexual, focus group 3) re-
vealed a desire to avoid becoming overweight because he did not want to lose confi-
dence or worsen his “self-image.” He said he would be “disappointed in himself” if he
became overweight because weight is controllable.
For others, personal body-related insecurities were said to increase body invest-
ment. Noel (22 years, heterosexual, focus group 1) referred to the “small man com-
plex” noting that men who are insecure about having a short stature may
“overcompensate” because “small may be seen as weak.” On a similar note, Trevor
evidenced a desire to be taller and said, “if you’re small, you might feel inferior to
those who are larger.” Seamus (21 years, heterosexual, interviewee) said that a man
may want to change his body if he feels that his arms are too skinny, his stomach too
big, or that he has “man boobs.”

Factors Reducing Body Image Investment

Participants also identified factors that serve to decrease body image investment.
These factors were grouped into two themes.

Appearance is unimportant. Men’s lack of prioritisation of body image emerged

as a weakening influence on their body image investment in two focus groups and ten
interviews. According to these participants, some men simply do not care enough about
their body to invest heavily in it. For example, members of focus group 2 agreed that
they did not care about the appearance of their body, outlining higher priorities such as
“drinking [alcohol] and having a laugh” (Garry, 19 years, heterosexual). Cian (18 years,
heterosexual, interviewee) captured this attitude well when he stated, “People are like
‘So what? You only have short lives. What’s the point of looking after your body?’”

Time and effort. A perception that the “cost” of body image investment in terms of
time and/or effort serves as a deterrent emerged in two focus groups and five inter-
views. Simon (19 years, heterosexual, focus group 2) said, “It’s too much effort to try
and achieve it [an ideal body] anyway,” to which Nigel (19 years, heterosexual) agreed
and added, “It has to be a way of life ... gym everyday from now until I die.” When
asked why he did not care about having an ideal body, interviewee Seamus (21 years,
heterosexual) said, “It takes a lot of hard work that I wouldn’t have the time for.”

Discussion

The results of this study suggest that media serve as important motivational influ-
ences on men’s body image investment. Evidencing an awareness of body-related

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media messages, global and/or personal feelings of body-related media pressures, and
global and/or personal internalization of such messages, the men’s discussions high-
lighted the need for more research on this sociocultural factor. However, while media
were discussed during the interviews and focus groups, the men generally exhibited
discomfort when explicating the possible influence of media on their own levels of in-
vestment. One must question if the taboo nature of wanting a body similar to a man ap-
pearing in the media forced men to underestimate or dismiss the media’s influence on
them personally despite having acknowledged its influence on men globally.3 For ex-
ample, members of focus group 2 said that male body image is more pertinent to gay
than heterosexual men. Evan (19 years, heterosexual focus group 2) stated:

They’re [gay men] more into their image though ... They prune them-
selves ... [Heterosexual] fellas [sic] back in the 70s and 80s, like, they’d
be working on farms. They’d have like dirty shit under their nails and yet
they’d still go out (that) same night to like a pub or whatever and they’re
trying to pull (women) like. Whereas like gay fellas like ... I don’t know
... they’d probably paint their nails before they go out like ... It’s a dif-
ferent mindset.

Simon (19 years, heterosexual) remarked that he does not talk about his body be-
cause gay men do and he wishes to distance himself from them, while Evan stated that
if there were gay men in his focus group he would “completely shut off” from dis-
cussing the topic of body image.
Interestingly, the gay focus group members stated that heterosexual men do not
talk about their bodies but may have private body image concerns. To illustrate, Eugene
(26 years, focus group 4) stated: “They [heterosexual men] might be still doing sports
to stay in a certain way or they might be checking themselves out to see ‘Oh, how am
I looking today?’ — but you won’t find it. It’s not something that they’d talk about.”
Mattie (20 years, focus group 4) said it is unacceptable for heterosexual men to talk
about their bodies as it would result in them being called “things that you don’t want
to be called.” Future research should investigate whether scores on measures of media
influence relate to scores on indices of impression management, which are designed to
assess the purposeful manipulation of responses to create a more favorable social image
(Paulhus, 1991).
Although the tripartite influence model (Keery et al., 2004; Thompson et al., 1999)
identifies peers as an influence on body image, little research has examined the role of
sexual partners on men’s body image evaluation and investment. The results of this

3
The tendency to dismiss the potential influence of media on men’s body image evaluation
and investment has been documented. For example, UK college men participating in Elliott and
Elliott’s (2005) qualitative investigation of body image regarded it as a feminine issue, perceived
body consciousness and vanity as female traits, and minimized the media’s influence on their own
body image and psychological functioning.

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study suggest that men invest in their bodies to attract sexual partners, a finding also
demonstrated recently by Frederick et al. (2007). Using samples of American, Ghana-
ian, and Ukrainian men, the authors documented strong endorsement of the belief that
women are sexually attracted to more muscular men, and concluded that men may be
“sensitive to women’s preferences and wish to embody the traits they believe are at-
tractive to women’s preferences” (p. 114).
Other researchers have also noted the importance of the male body as a sexual en-
tity (Cash, Maikkula, & Yamamiya, 2004; McDonagh et al., 2008). Cash, Maikkula
and Yamamiya found that, during sex, more body-dissatisfied American men reported
greater anxious self-focus and body exposure avoidance, and were most concerned
about their weight, muscle tone, waist, chest, and genitals. Similarly, McDonagh et al.
(2008) found that Irish men who were more conscious of their body image during phys-
ical intimacy evidenced higher sexual anxiety, higher drive for muscularity, less sex-
ual esteem, less body esteem, and lower self-rated physical attractiveness. Given such
findings, researchers should examine what factors potentially inform men about the
sexual preferences of partners. The authors also recommend the investigation of po-
tential differences in sex-motivated body image investment and perceived sexual pref-
erences between different populations (men differing in age, ethnicity, relationship
status, and sexual attitudes).
Participants identified peers’ perceptions of a man’s body and the peer group to
which a man belongs as factors influencing men’s body image investment. Although re-
searchers have explored the putative influence of peers in terms of children’s and ado-
lescents’ body image (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2003; Ricciardelli, McCabe, & Banfield,
2000), the authors are unaware of research investigating peers’ importance to men. This
omission is surprising, given that critical to social comparison theory are the roles of
key peer group elements: comparison targets (for example, a man’s friends) and con-
texts (for example, their favorite pastimes).
Negative commentary from peers emerged as a mechanism through which infor-
mation about the ideal physique is disseminated. While some male body image research
has studied negative verbal commentary, most of it has focused on boys (Eisenberg,
Neumark-Sztainer, Haines, & Wall, 2006). However, the limited quantitative research
that exists on the relation of negative commentary to men’s body image suggests its im-
portance. Indeed, Olivardia (2001) states that men with muscle dysmorphia “report
having been very underweight or overweight during childhood and adolescence and
having been harassed and teased for it, leading them to focus overly on their appear-
ance and physique in an effort to stop the harassment” (p. 256). Further, Wolke and Sa-
pouna (2008) found in a sample of British bodybuilders that childhood victimization
positively related to muscle dysmorphic symptoms and, together with muscle dysmor-
phic symptomology, predicted psychopathology and low self-esteem. Given these find-
ings, it is clear that there is a need to examine the significance of negative commentary
for male body image, especially negative commentary experienced during adulthood.
Some participants underlined the impact of family members on their body image
investment. Previous research on male adolescents suggests that family members may

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affect body image (Bearman, Presnell, Martinez & Stice, 2006). However, as it has
been neglected to date, familial influence on men’s body image requires research at-
tention.
Comparing one’s body to that of other men emerged as a significant theme through-
out the discussions and across other themes (media, sexual attraction, and sport). Body
comparison is an intricate construct and there are innumerable body comparisons pos-
sible. Thus, researchers should strive to understand those elements of the comparison
process (comparison contexts, targets, directions, motives, and outcomes) that are most
relevant and influential with regard to men’s body image evaluation and investment.
The role of desiring to enhance sporting performance emerged as a critical influ-
ence on men’s body image investment. However, despite the participants’ emphasis on
sport as a driving influence behind their body image investment, the authors are un-
aware of any research that specifically examines this relationship.4 This is surprising
considering researchers’ belief that men’s participation in certain sports may be a risk
factor for eating disorders (Braun, Sunday, Huang, & Halmi, 1999; Sundgot-Borgen &
Torstveit, 2004).
The participants’ discussion revealed that men invest in their body to improve
health, both physical and psychological. While much research has examined the rela-
tionship between men’s body image and well-being, investigators largely focus on un-
healthy populations such as obese people (Schwartz & Brownell, 2004) or men with
eating disorders (Drummond, 2002), problematic behaviors such as steroid abuse
(Blouin & Goldfield, 1995) and excessive exercise (Hausenblas & Fallon, 2002), and
maladaptive eating attitudes (Duggan & McCreary, 2004). Few researchers adopt a
positive approach which may offer a unique perspective on men’s body image. Thus,
the authors recommend researchers investigate the body image of men characterised by
healthy bodies, eating patterns, and exercise levels. Of particular interest would be the
study of men who successfully complete weight-loss programs and whether they dif-
fer in a meaningful way from men who fail to lose weight.
Morrison et al. (2003) also qualitatively investigated reasons for men’s body image
investment. Despite focusing on men’s drive for muscularity and employing a differ-
ent methodology (that is, 113 Canadian university men were given a short open-ended
questionnaire), differences between the current sample and the Canadian men are note-
worthy. Similar to the Irish, the Canadian sample largely attributed psychological and/or
physical health, and physical attractiveness (that is, attracting sexual partners) as key
reasons underlying men’s desire for enhanced musculature. However, they were less
likely to report sport or sociocultural agents (media, peers, family) as factors, and so-
cial comparison did not emerge as influential. Future research should examine if men’s
discussion of body image issues differs as a function of contrasting research method-

4
Given that sports participation is traditionally seen as a masculine activity, it is possible
that the men overestimated sport’s relevance to body image investment in an effort to guard
against being perceived as feminine or gay. Thus, the authors urge researchers to investigate
sport’s pertinence to body image investment in a way that controls for self-presentation bias.

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ologies (e.g., open-ended questionnaires versus focus groups) and whether, for exam-
ple, men are unlikely to write that they compare their body to other men (while natu-
ral conversation allows for disclosure of this process).
When explaining low levels of body image investment, the men routinely identi-
fied body image as unimportant and referred to the costs required by investment. This
finding suggests that it may be beneficial to educate men about the advantages of con-
suming a healthy diet and engaging in more exercise. In so doing, the prioritization of
body image investment may be enhanced. Also, perceived effort and time costs in-
volved in body image investment need to be understood and reduced, if possible. Re-
search may lead to increased effectiveness of health promotion programmes aimed at
men by helping professionals introduce ones where perceived benefits outweigh per-
ceived costs.
It should be noted that participants in this study were young (M = 20.50 years) and
generally neither under- nor overweight. This is important when considering the re-
sults because it is likely that body image investment is different in intensity and mean-
ing for older men and men whose body weight is cause for concern (for example,
clinically obese men or those with eating disorders). Such groups of men need to be tar-
geted in future research. Also, the authors recommend that when examining “at-risk”
groups of men, future research should treat cognitive and behavioral body image in-
vestment as separate entities. For example, are obese men more cognitively (expressed
by worry, shame, and anxiety) than behaviorally (exhibited by dieting and exercising)
invested in their bodies and, if so, what are the reasons behind this disparity?

Conclusion

The participants elaborated on reasons for varying degrees of male body image
investment. These Irish men’s discussion of media, peers, family, and appearance com-
parison tendencies offered support for sociocultural theory and social comparison the-
ory. Importantly, other facets of sociocultural theory that are often neglected by
researchers were stressed (for example, men’s desire to attract partners). Factors that
have received limited attention to date, such as the role of sport in men’s body image
investment as well as intrapersonal factors (improved psychological well-being) also
were noted by participants and warrant greater scrutiny.

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Appendix A
Guiding Questions Used to Help the First Author Facilitate
Discussion of Relevant Topics

The Ideal Male Body

Is there an ideal male body?
What are the advantages of having such a physique?
Are there any disadvantages to having this type of body?
How motivated are you to achieve this ideal body?
(a) If motivated, why?
(b) If not motivated, why?

Global Attitudes
What kind of attitude do you think young men in Ireland have toward their bodies?
What motivates young men to take care of their bodies?
Do you think Irish men are becoming more aware of the importance of their physical ap-
pearance?

Improving the Body

What are some of the ways in which men can improve their bodies?
What are the reasons men offer for wanting/trying to improve their bodies?

Personal Attitudes
Is your body important to you?
How do you feel about your body?
Would you like to change anything about your body?
What are some of the factors that you think have influenced your attitude toward your
body?

Final Question
Are Irish men comfortable talking about their bodies?

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Appendix B
Factors Participants Perceived as Influential with Regards to
Men’s Body Image Investment

Factor Illustrative quotation

Sociocultural — Media “…magazines like Health and Fitness… there’s a magazine

specifically saying like ‘You have to be healthy and have the ideal
body and this is how you get the ideal body’ you know?” (Evan,
19 years, heterosexual, focus group 2)

Sociocultural — Sexual “… if you’re a big, sloppy kind of guy, chances are you’re not
partners going to pull like… yeah, so I’m certain fitness does certainly
come into the equation.” (Colm, 22 years, heterosexual, focus
group 3)

Sociocultural — Peers “… if people look at you… if they look at you and they think ‘well
you’ve no respect for your body’, well then I’d say they’re going
to have… prejudice towards ya [sic] like. They’re going to say
‘well, if he has no respect for his body why should I have respect
for him?’” (Gabriel, 18 years, heterosexual, interviewee)

Sociocultural — Family “I hadn’t played well obviously the same game like and… he [my
father] told me then like I looked [breaths in] unfit and slightly
overweight… that I just looked slow like and sluggish and I mean
that kind of thing would just make me want to, you know, like the
next game I obviously wanted to go out and, you know, prove that
I can play to a better standard… so I think that criticism like…
would influence me to kinda [sic] do something about it or… you
know, work on fitness and work hard to… you know, get back
to… your full ability.” (Bob, 19 years, heterosexual, interviewee)

Social comparison “I think what I’m most motivated by is somebody of a similar

body type… if I see somebody of, who… was like naturally thin…
and they’ve put on some muscle or they’ve kinda [sic] looked after
themselves, that’s motivating! …that’s a target. That’s what I want
to achieve.” (Maurice, 22 years, heterosexual, interviewee)

Enhanced athletic “I’m motivated by sporting success… I play with a team; I train
performance three times a week… I don’t like losing so obviously I have to be
in shape to do that and am… I could do with losing a little bit of
weight. [laughs] Just a tiny bit! A couple of pounds, you know? I’d
probably be able to move a bit quicker but… I mean if… let’s say
you’re playing sport and you lose… because of some personal
shortcoming, say you’re a stone overweight and that causes you to
lose. I’d… find that very hard to take personally… I mean in terms
of sporting performance, your own physique is… probably the one

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RYAN & MORRISON
Intrapersonal — Striving
for a healthy body
Intrapersonal — Striving
for psychological
improvement
Appearance is unimportant
(deterrent)
Time and effort (deterrent)
thing you have most control over… in terms of preparing to per-
form. What happens on the day then is… a different story.”
(Jimmy, 23 years, heterosexual, focus group 3)
“I want to lose weight because I want to be healthier. I want to
lose weight because, you know, it will improve my asthma. Um…
I want to lose weight because it can only help my fitness. It can
only help my general standard of health.” (Joe, 24 years, hetero-
sexual, interviewee)
“… if you’re someone who’s fat or skinny and they want to lose
weight, like going around after they lose it like… they feel as if it’s
a new lease of life. They feel… like they look like a new person.”
(Cian, 18 years, heterosexual, interviewee)
“There’s no point having big massive muscles like if there’s no
need for them… There’s fellas [sic] in town and… they’re big,
buff but like… like I’d say they do fuck all with it like, do ya [sic]
know? They only go to the gym… just to look good like. In fair-
ness like, I wouldn’t be into that like.” (Evan, 19 years, hetero-
sexual, focus group 2)
“I wouldn’t gain a lot of enjoyment out of spending 4 or 5 hours
a day in the gym or spending a lot of time you know… working
on my body in that sort of way so I’d prefer to concentrate on
things that I would enjoy more such as… I suppose being with
people.” (Ciarán, 22 years, heterosexual, interviewee)
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