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Amity Patterson
Amity Patterson
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Shakespeare Quarterly
A longer version of this essay was presented in February 1998 to a session of a year-long colloqui-
um entitled "Sexuality, Subjectivity, and Representation in Early Modern Literature," chaired by Susan
Zimmerman at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, DC. I am grateful to the colloquium
members, especially Susan Zimmerman, Jeff Masten, and Michael Neill. Gail Kern Paster and anony-
mous readers at Shakespeare Quarterly also offered valuable criticism and suggestions.
1 Quotations from The Merchant of Venice follow John Russell Brown's edition for the Arden
Shakespeare (London: Methuen, 1955).
2 Brown, ed., 4n.
3 See Alan Sinfield, "How to Read iThe Merchant of Venice Without Being Heterosexist" in Alternative
Shakespeares 2, Terence Hawkes, ed. (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), 122-39. Many essays
have dealt with Antonio's homosexuality. In the main, they tend to treat the possibility as secondary
to more pressing issues, as Catherine Belsey does when she writes, "We can, of course, reduce the
metaphysical burden of Antonio's apparently unmotivated melancholy to disappointed homoerotic
desire" ("Love in Venice," Shakespeare Szuvey 44 [1992]: 41-53, esp. 49). Others contend with the prob-
lem of a homosexual in a heterosexual society. W Thomas MacCary, for example, sees the "pathetic"
Antonio as "arrested" in "primary narcissism" and sadly "looking for that archaic image of himself"
(Frends and Lovers: The Phenonenology of Desire in Shakespearean Comedy [New York: Columbia UP, 1985],
168). See also Lawrence Danson, "'The Catastrophe Is a Nuptial': The Space of Masculine Desire in
Othello, Cymbeline, and The Winter's lale," SS 46 (1994): 69-79; Keith Geary, "The Nature of Portia's
Victory: Turning to Men in 'The Merchant of Venice'," SS 37 (1984): 55-68; Lawrence Normand,
"Reading the body in The Me-rchant of Venice," extual Practice 5:1 (1991): 55-73; Seymour Kleinberg, "The
Merchant of Venice: The Homosexual as Anti-Semite in Nascent Capitalism" in Literary Visions of
Homosexuality, Stuart Kellogg, ed. (New York: Haworth Press, 1983), 113-26; and Joseph Pequigney,
"The Two Antonios and Same-Sex Love in Twelfth lNight and The Merchant of Venice;, English Literaiy
Renaissance 22 (1992): 201-21.
relented into salt drops"; they risk their lives for one another, swoon when par
ed, publicly proclaim their love, and make hyperbolic vows of eternal devotion.
Although Gysippus is betrothed in order to "increase his lineage and progeny,"
Elyot emphasizes that he had "his heart already wedded to his friend" and that
the two men enjoyed a "fervent and entire love."4 The icon of embracing lovers
depicted such bonding as ethically sound (these model lovers were hardly shame
ful reprobates) and as a boon to the commonwealth.5 The depth of the lovers' pa
sions served the economic and social well-being of their kingdoms.
Amity acknowledged eroticism's power to ensure loyal service in men who
economic and social bonds would otherwise be open to question. In a Tudor court
where "new men" lacked the blood and property ties to one another characteris-
tic of feudalism, and in a social world where men were as available to same- as t
cross-sex attractions, a representation of male lovers compatible with heroic ma
culinity and good citizenship grasped the imagination with rhetorical force. Amit
did not avoid the implication that deep friendships might have an erotic compo
nent but constructed same-sex desire in ways that made it commensurate with
civic conduct and aristocratic ideals.6 Together, loving friends embodied a n
kind of man, as evident in the master trope "one soul in bodies twain." An
indeed, over the ensuing decades the credibility of such an ideal figure was take
up by a range of writers and playwrights interested in the ramifications of the th
ory and practices of devoted gentlemen lovers.7
4 Sir Thomas Elyot, "The wonderful history of Titus and Gisippus, whereby is fully declared t
figure of perfect amity" in Tfie Book nzamed 7i'e Governor, ed. S. E. Lehmberg, (London:J. M. Dent a
Sons; New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1962), 136-51, esp. 136, 145, 142, 139, 137, and 138. (M
own essay uses the more common spelling Gysippus.) One of the many changes Elyot makes in the tal
as he knew it from Boccaccio was to soften the female character, eliminating her protests against bei
"gifted" to Titus by her betrothed. Nor is she even aware of the plan, as she is in Boccaccio's versi
Elyot's decision to make Sophronia ignorant and docile fuels the fantasy that amity can accommod
marriage in a way that ensures social harmony. The men's close physical resemblance is also add
and emphasized, and the length of their friendship is extended in number of years. Elyot revises
tale to exalt "perfect amity," not conjugal or romantic love. See Clement Tyson Goode, "Sir Thom
Elyot's Titus and Gysijppus Modern Language Notes 37 (1922): 1-11.
5 Ethics is used here in a sense commensurate with Elyot's views on virtuous male conduct; that
educable behavior that promotes ideal civic and social relationships among men in traffic with o
another. Elyot was not, of course, envisioning, let alone advocating, homosexual sodomy. His eth
allowed that love between noble-minded men could be generative and conservative if properly act
out, and his concept of a heroic same-sex love set it apart from the degradations of sodomy.
6 This argument for the erotic intimacies of friendship is especially indebted to the work of Miche
Foucault and Alan Bray. Foucault speculates, for example, on friendship as "a social relation with
which people had ... a certain kind of choice (limited of course), as well as very intense emotion
relations.... You can find from the 16th Century on, texts that explicitly criticize friendship as some
thing dangerous" ("An Interview: Sex, Power, and the Politics of Identity," interview by Bob Gallaghe
and Alexander Wilson, The Advocate [7 August 1984]: 26-30 and 58, esp. 30). See also "Homosexuali
and the Signs of Male Friendship in Elizabethan England" in Queering the Renaissance, Jonath
Goldberg, ed. (Durham, NC, and London: Duke UP, 1994), 40-61, where Bray argues that th
sodomite as shadow figure to the masculine friend helps to explain the credibility of such criticism.
other works that take up the question of homoeroticism in male friendships, see Jeffrey Masten, Text
intercourse: Collaboration, authorship, and sexualities in Renaissance dratm (Cambridge and New York
Cambridge UP, 1997); Mario DiGangi, lThe homoer-otics of early modert dsrama (Cambridge and New Yo
Cambridge UP, 1997); and Bruce R. Smith, Homosexual Desire in S/zakespeae 's England: A Cultural Poeti
(Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1991).
7 The emphasis on a construct of masculinity that emphasized proximity and intimate touch-a
opposed to distance and the remote gaze-is part of a larger project that includes this essay. For a
cussion of the sense of touch as traditionally associated with ideological disruption and homosexuality
see Sander L. Gilman, Sexuality: An Illustrated History (New York: John Wiley
passim. The coupling of the transcendent and the physical was not unique to
cusses various efforts to reconcile the erotic and the spiritual; see iThe Natu
Romantic, 2d ed., 3 vols. (Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1984), 10-15
versive or "pornographic" tradition of highlighting the eroticism in Renaissan
transcendence, as well as efforts by writers such as Pietro Aretino to represen
window to the soul; see Lynn Hunt, ed., Thie Invention of Ponzog7-aphy: Obscenity an
1500-1800 (New York: Zone Books, 1993).
8 See Laurens J. Mills, One Soul in Bodies Twuain: Friendship in Tudor Lite
(Bloomington, IN: The Principia Press, 1937).
9 Coppelia Kahn asserts that "same sex friendships, in Shakespeare (as in th
chronologically and psychologically prior to marriage" ("The Cuckoo's N
Cuckoldry in The Merchant of Venice" in Shiakespeare "Rough Magic": Renaissanc
Barber, Peter Erickson and Coppelia Kahn, eds. [Newark: U of Delaware P,
In the same volume, see alsoJanet Adelman, "Male Bonding in Shakespeare'
10 John Lyly's Euphues: iThe Anatomy of Wit (1578) might be include
Philautus and Euphues, part with their friendship severed, and neither man
tale may be read as cautionary, warning against true friends falling prey
self-interest.
11 Adelman, 79.
Howard observes "the strain under which Shakespeare labored in trying to join
tale of heroic male friendship to a tale of romantic love between men an
women."12 Traditionally, of course, tales of amity were comedies; sudden, happ
denouements were prime characteristics of the genre. Elyot's Titus fears,
example, that his desire for Gysippus's betrothed will corrupt their friendship,
Gysippus tells him that amity incorporates the "power of Venus." Indeed, it is
Gysippus's kin, unforgiving patriarchs of contract marriage, who represent th
blocking agents to this loving friendship, though finally "the noise of rejoicin
hearts fill[s] all the court."13 Even the duped Sophronia, conveniently silent an
acquiescent, settles into marriage and produces children with Titus under
aegis of amity. In Two Gentlemen, however, the path to betrothal and marriage
entailed such base treatment of the female that comic closure seems compromise
The familiar bed-trick in Elyot's tale becomes rather more serious: an audie
must overlook Proteus's threat to rape Silvia. Tensions that Elyot downplayed o
elided begin to resonate in a way that makes the passionate conduct between tw
gentlemen seem, perhaps for the first time, costly.
These tensions do not represent the emergence of a natural incompatibili
between the two kinds of love. Rather, the play's problems of closure may ind
cate that amity as a utopian narrative can no longer contain its inherent contr
dictions. The theater, its market conditions financially and artistically depende
on women and other consumers varying in social status, could not bank on sell
ing stories that represented the uncontested interests of a select few. To make
Silvia quiet and compliant despite her poor treatment may be true to form, bu
her narrow escape from abuse also challenges amity's ameliorating powe
Howard concludes her analysis by speculating that the primacy of male friend-
ship with which the play closes has seemed strange since the eighteenth centur
mainly because heterosexual romance has since enjoyed an ascendancy over
other forms of bonding. But never before were early modern consumers of ami
tales asked to witness the female's cooperation as a condition of brute force or
muted protests.14 In short, the strains and pressures apparent in Two Gentlem
mark a faultline in the gentle practices of amity.
7he Merchant of Venice comes across as a comedy even more deeply skeptical th
Two Gentlemen of the promises and prices of amity. Marriage and amity are squa
ly at odds because the play questions the possibility of a homoerotic bonding t
produces exemplary conduct. As Coppelia Kahn observes, "Merchant... is p
haps the first play in which Shakespeare avoids [a] kind of magical solution" an
turns his "attention to the conflict between the two kinds of bonds"-amity an
marriage.15 It also tests the tenets of loving friendship between men of differe
12 In 7he Norton Shakespeare, ed. Stephen Greenblatt et al. (New York and London: W. W. Norton
Co., 1997), 77-83, esp. 83.
13 Elyot, 140 and 149.
14 Sylvia is spared the rape. Shakespeare compounds the troubling moment with an allusion to Ovi
tale of Philomela, whose rape transforms her into a doleful nightingale who can, at least, endles
broadcast her plight in song. AsJean Howard further observes, Sylvia is also denied this Ovidian com
plaint. Still, the oblique citation might prompt an audience to ask, at least momentarily, about the de
of complicity a tale of amity requires for its idealism to work. Even the context of the allusion-rais
as Valentine laments that he can "sit alone ... / And to the nightingale's complaining notes / Tune m
distresses and record my woes" (5.4.4-6)-embarrasses amity. The bird's song, traditionally decode
Philomela's lament, is summoned to serenade Valentine's own sadness (Greenblatt, ed., 82).
15 Kahn, 105.
16 Normand, 60.
17 Mills notes this emphasis on difference, but attributes it to "dramatic contrast" and argues further
that the two men are nonetheless equal in noble character (268). Brown, ed., discusses Bassanio and
Antonio as exemplars of amity and concludes that this alteration from the play's source, n Pecorone,
lends the men an air of nobility and virtue (xiv-xvi). He sees no tensions in the differences in status
of the two friends, nor does he consider an erotic component in amity. Frank Whigham analyzes the
play's "context of social mobility and class conflict," but he tends to see the Christians as singular in
their revisionist use of marital courtship as a vehicle for mystifying aristocratic solidarity and economic
privilege ("Ideology and Class Conduct in Thie Merclant of Venice," Renaissance Drama n.s. 10 [1979]:
93-115, esp. 93). This essay stresses amity's tradition of representing friends as gentlemen, the human-
ist rhetoric of an educable character notwithstanding. Men of lower status are often amazed, perhaps
even moved to emulate amity's code of conduct, but they are never depicted as ideal lovers, let alone
peers to the entitled heroes.
Stephano goes on to muse that "they have but one heart between them," thereb
invoking the familiar metaphor of a shared identity between lovers. Antonio an
18 Walter Cohen discusses the politics of early modern England's awkward shift from an opposition
to usurious practices to a capitalist-based economy. Equivocations are apparent in terms such as v
turing, advantage, interest, and iisk; see " The Merchant of Venice and the Possibilities of Historical Criticism
ELH49 (1982): 765-89. Henry Abelove argues that the ascendancy of marriage and reproductive h
erosexuality is homologous with changes in demographics and a rise in capitalist ethics; he conten
however, that the role of "same-sex sexual behaviors" in such developments warrant "separate tre
ment" ("Some Speculations on the History of 'Sexual Intercourse' During the 'Long Eighteen
Century' in England" in Nationalisms and Sexualities, Andrew Parker et al., eds. [London and New Yor
Routledge, 1992], 335-42, esp. 340).
19 Elyot, 136.
20 Richard Edwards, Damon and Pithias in The Dramatic Writings of Richard Edwards, Thomas Norton, and
Thomas Sackville, ed.John S. Farmer, Early English Dramatists (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1966),
1-84, esp. 14. Edwards's depiction of homoerotic friendship seems indebted to Elyot's idealism,
although its dramatic action seems to be a defense of amity as a viable solution to social problems. The
heroes must justify their friendship, which at first appears suspicious to the members of the court,
and distinguish themselves from the self-serving and crass forms of alliance that define male relations
in Dionysius's kingdom. The tropes of Elyot's homoerotic amity-that is, an emphasis on a tran-
scendent physical intimacy-are advanced, and, in the end, the sovereign becomes a third friend to
the gentleman heroes. The question of friendship's compatibility with marriage is not an issue in
Edwards's comedy.
21Elyot, 134.
22 Harry BergerJr., "Marriage and Mercifixion in The Merchant of Venice: Th
Shiakespeare Quarterly 32 (1981): 155-62, esp. 161.
23Robert Hapgood, "Portia and The Merchant of Venice: The Gentle Bond," Mo
28 (March 1967): 19-32, esp. 26.
24 Elyot, 139.
25 Sir Thomas Wilson, A Discouise vpon Vsuy (London, 1572), N7r.
that hath he iustly deserued by his kindnesse."26 If Antonio presumes that his
generosity will yoke his heart to Bassanio's, it is because humanist images o
amity have taught him to do so. This promise of an intimate equity, delivere
from the court and the pulpit, may account for the popularity of Elyot's tale of
Titus and Gysippus in particular as well as the preoccupation with friendship
themes in Renaissance prose and poetry; at any rate, it helps to make sense o
Antonio's deep yearning. As Mosse preaches, "hee that expecteth loue cannot
bee sayd to expect gaine from lending."27 And so Antonio, who seems to believe
his lending practices will generate love, professes to lend gratis even as he com-
plains about a bewildering sense of loss.
On the other hand, the leveling force of amity also accounts for the apparent
reluctance of the financially-strapped Bassanio to act in kind: friendship may
make both borrower and lender indistinguishable, but in the case of a gentleman
indebted to a merchant, it also risks betraying the men as mere partners in trade-
not fundamentally different from merchant usurers such as Tubal and Shylock in
being bound by the marketplace realities of what Wilson called "private benefit
and oppression:"28 To be sure, when Bassanio visits the marketplace to beg fo
Shylock's backing, he risks ignoble submission; rather comically, amity dimin-
ishes Bassanio's greatness.29 In 1.3, as he urgently bargains with the Jew,
Bassanio's manner of speaking is notably less ornate than the euphuistics he had
used in private dealings with Antonio (nor does it approach the self-aggrandizing
speeches he will deliver in his suit at Belmont). His awkward traffic with a usurer
is an unaccounted price of amity's laws, or, put differently, the gentleman find
himself compromised by the merchant's amiable command to "Go presently
inquire (and so will I) / Where money is" (1.1.183-84). In a bond that should give
rise to an "incomparable friendship" or, as Wilson puts it, would pronounce the
lovers "man and man," Bassanio's status seems tenuous, if not degraded. Once
in Belmont, Bassanio solves Portia's father's riddle by rejecting gold and silver, a
turn that might also describe his attitude toward the mercantile bonds tha
financed his venture:
In bargains with men below gentleman status, "perfect amity" produces a rather
disorderly love: the intimacies of friendship compromise and skew hierarchical
26 Miles Mosse, Thie Arraignment and Conviction of Vvrie (London, 1595), M[1]v.
27 Mosse, M[1]v.
28 Wilson, N7'.
29 The stage practice of playing Antonio as an older man in pursuit of a young, handsome aristocrat
may arise from the play's skeptical view of amity's promises of equity, not from any reference to the
men's ages. The elided tradition of an emphasis on twinship creates the sense of an imbalance between
the two men, as does Antonio's unrequited yearning. The modern stereotype of age enamored of inno-
cent youth obfuscates such inequities.
30 Whigham observes that this passage reminds an audience that Bassanio's fortune has been "bred
from Shylock's gold" (101).
(11. 170, 171, 176).34 From the spectacular reception Portia provides for her
"Hercules" (3.2.60) to Bassanio's Petrarchan complaints of the "happy torment
in romantic love (1. 37), the fiction that this bond is a marriage of true minds
becomes irresistible in the way amity's myth of twinship enjoys.35 It is not that
Antonio's conduct is melodramatic and wanton, while Bassanio's is sensible an
shrewd: these are identical investments, the same excess of risk and passion
Rather, it is the social and economic implications of each man's desires that deter
mine the credibility of his conduct.
Though Bassanio may seem sincere in playing the part of the virtuous suitor
to Portia, Merchant does not allow for a complete mystification of his turn to
romance. Bassanio is that enterprising gentleman whose courtesies and favor
bond him to others only insofar as they promise to secure his wealth and station
Even Bassanio's way of begging Antonio for another loan reveals his faith i
courtly artifice over amorous virtue, at least in terms of the dlan necessary to ply
a merchant for more money. Couching his new request in a simile extended to
credibility's breaking point, he likens Antonio's lending habits to the sport o
archery and then claims that his conceited request for Antonio's steady marks-
manship is made out of "pure innocence" (1.1.145). The needy gentleman is
pledged, or "gag'd" (1. 130), to the merchant because of prodigal spending habits,
and his references to a "swelling port" (1. 124) and a "noble rate" (1. 127) reveal
his concerns with maintaining a lavish lifestyle. Indeed, at the heart of his impas-
sioned plea that Antonio "shoot another arrow" is not love but Bassanio's blun
self-interest-"to get clear of all the debts I owe" (1. 134). In Elyot, Titus's desire
for Sophronia comes with passionate worry that because of his romantic love
"friendship is excluded," a desecration he cannot forebear; and it is only whe
Gysippus reassures Titus that there could be no motive of "lust or sudden
appetite" in matters of amity that Titus agrees to accept amity's gift of marriage.3
Notably, Shakespeare's gentleman suffers no such consideration for Antonio.
When Bassanio turns to romance in Belmont, his motivations are mercenar
enough to mitigate his protestations of transcendent love. Observing the reputa-
tion for "magnificent improvidence" that defamed Elizabethan aristocrats
Katharine E. Maus argues that Bassanio apparently "feels socially obliged to dis-
play himself properly.... [and so] spends huge sums of borrowed money equip
ping himself for his trip to Belmont."37 Similarly, Bassanio worries that his trav-
eling companion, Gratiano, may be unable to "allay with some cold drops of
modesty / [His] skipping spirit" (2.2.177-78), though his friend assures him that
when the time comes, he will "put on a sober habit, . . . / Like one well studied
in a sad ostent / To please his grandam" (11. 187-88). This facility with rhetorica
flourishes and with suiting behavior to the needs of the moment undermines an
audience's ability to completely invest in the romantic fantasy orchestrated
Belmont. And perhaps, too, such self-fashioning allows Portia to opine "There's
something tells me (but it is not love) / I would not lose you" (3.2.4-5).
34 Bassanio's description of Portia has been often observed as a crass devaluation; see, for exampl
Jonathan Bate, Sliakespea-e and Ovid (Oxford and New York: Oxford UP, 1993), 151-53; an
Whigham, 95-96.
35 Adelman observes that one source of male identity in early modern England came from the friend
ship trope of twinship or the mirror self (75-76), but the rhetoric of the companionate marriage was
appropriating that metaphor.
36 Elyot, 139 and 140.
37 Katharine Eisaman Maus in Greenblatt, ed., 1,081-88, esp. 1,084.
'friend."'42 And at least at first, such wrecked passion seems routine: in tales of
amity, friends are separated from one another so that the integrity of their love may
be tested. Lorenzo alludes to such a trial as he compares Portia's fortitude (and her
sexual sacrifice) when faced with her new husband's departure to "god-like amity,
which appears most strongly / In bearing thus the absence of your lord" (3.4.3-4).
Such fortitude cannot be measured by "customary bounty" (1. 9). Moreover, the
separation of lovers traditionally promises a consummation. In tales of amity,
friends inevitably reunite with embraces, kisses, and simultaneous protests of their
passion. Richard Brathwait's image of two men rushing into one another's arms,
univocally declaring their love, "Certus amor morum est" was his emblem for
"Acquaintance" in his 1633 conduct book The English Gentlman, and it is precisely
this familiar moment of ecstatic reunion which tales of amity celebrated.43 Antonio
seems to believe that there must be blocking agents to this love's consummation-
Bassanio's desire for a wife, for example, or, more seriously, a hostile usurer-and
that they must be confronted to test the ameliorating power of amity's love.
Friendships such as those between Titus and Gysippus or Damon and Pithias
allow the lovers to luxuriate in the ecstasy of painful separations and passionate
44 Normand argues that in the exalted tones of amity "the sexual is banished, leaving only the spir-
itual" (66), but amity, like romance, advanced the opposite logic: a sexual relationship expressed
through exalted language. It is not unlike the excited verse Romeo andJuliet use to express their pro-
found love and physical passion for one another. See also AllenJ. Frantzen, Before the closet: same-sex love
from Beowulf to Angels in America (Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1998), where Frantzen
argues for homoeroticism in Anglo-Saxon and medieval categories of male bonding.
45 Elyot, 134.
46 Edwards, 41.
47 Edwards, 18.
48 Linda Woodbridge explains that the hermaphrodite in Renaissance poetics represented "the essen-
tial oneness of the sexes," a reference to Plato's idea of the original unity of the self (Women and the
English Renaissance: Literature and the Nature of Womankind, 1540-1620 [Urbana and Chicago: U of Illinois
P, 1984], 140). Although Geary sees Portia's donning of men's clothes as a homoerotic allusion to
Ganymede (57), the invaginated figure might represent the heteroerotic ideal of "one sex," especially
once Portia reveals the wife's value as helpmate in reforming patriarchal law and economic order.
"I extend this friendship,-" Shylock challenges, "If [Antonio] will take it" (11. 164-65).
In turn, as if he has taken literally Elyot's emphasis on amity as a code of ethics
available for education and reform, Antonio marvels that the reprobate has
become a new man. When Shylock demands his pound of flesh after all, Antonio
speaks as if aJew's heart is beyond the scope of friendship: "You may as well do
any thing most hard / As seek to soften that-than which what's harder?- / His
Jewish heart!" (4.1.78-80). The anticipation of a confrontation with this enemy of
friendship allows Antonio to prepare for his love to take a turn-for him an essen-
tial, even natural turn-toward public recognition and union.
Thus, in his summons to his friend, Antonio implores, "Sweet Bassanio, . . . all
debts are cleared between you and I, ifI might but see you at my death: notwithstanding, use
your pleasure,-ifyour love do not persuade you to come, let not my letter" (3.2.314-20).49
What may seem desperate or effeminate devices to ensnare a man are heroic
actions in the friendship tradition. Antonio wants Bassanio to be present at his
trial as a sign of their love, perhaps in hopes of having his friendship, like the
amity between Elyot's twins, "throughout the city published, extolled, and
magnified."50 To believe that his own society, the mercantile world of Venice,
devalues the erotic possibilities of male friendship nearly to their vanishing point
would not only nullify Antonio's love but turn the merchant himself into a kind
of hapless, friendless "other"-possibly a sodomite but certainly a suspect char-
acter, since outside the bonds of amity and romance, his excessive behavior
would seem useless or reckless. Poised at amity's limits, he does not consider that
its claims on equality and reciprocity are only about nobility and love when they
are also about good manners. Perhaps Portia recognizes in Antonio's letter a call
for a scene of friendship since she not only urges Bassanio to go to his friend but
encourages him to repay the bond twenty times over. Her reference to "an egall
yoke of love" (3.4.13) may be a tribute to the "'greater love"' of biblical heroes,
as Lawrence W. Hyman observes,51 but as a description of amity, its contingen-
cies are apparent:
The limiting condition of amity's stress on loving bonds is its clause about the con-
gruence of well-bred bodies.
Perhaps Shylock also understands that amity excludes even as it invites, since
neither the alienJew nor the female possesses that combination of features, breed-
ing, and soul that would allow either to participate fully in amity's myth of twin-
ship. When bargaining with Bassanio in 1.3, Shylock limits the term good to mean
commercially sound, an equivocation that seems less a symptom of stereotypical
greed when read in the context of Elyot's advice "to remember that friendship may
49On the erotic possibilities in the tradition of letter-writing between friends, see Forrest Tyler
Stevens, "Erasmus's 'Tigress': The Language of Friendship" in Goldberg, ed., 124-40.
50 Elyot, 149.
51 Lawrence W. Hyman, "The Rival Lovers in ihe Merchant of Venice," SQ2 1 (1970): 109-16, esp. 112.
56 Geary, 67. See also Karen Newman, "Portia's Ring: Unruly Women and Structures of Exchange
in The Merchant of enice," SQ38 (1987): 19-33.
57 Elyot uses the bed-trick as well. To fulfill his friend's desire for Sophronia, Gysippus allows Titus
to replace him in the marriage bed, where the marriage ring is presented and the "girdle of virginity"
removed (141). Elyot's female accepts the switch without complaint. Thus amity displays not only it
charity but also its capacity to improve an outdated system of contract marriage which has failed t
of friendship: should amity work its magic after all, both the Jew and the Lad
would be muted, if not ostracized. Understandably, neither witness is impressed b
the performance of masculine love in action.
The supposedly contagious display of devotion between friends does not regis-
ter at all with the citizens of Venice, whose ethic of an eye-for-an-eye strains th
quality of amity's kindness. Here friendship on trial fails to elicit virtue from spe
tators; it seems, quite perversely, to have encouraged a cry for blood revenge, a
decidedly different effect than Elyot's magical scene of conversion. Quite regu-
larly Merchant makes it clear that few of the characters in Venice are genuinel
impressed by anything that does not produce wealth or allow for a profit margin
though their rhetoric speaks to higher interests. Shylock's real crime may not
his claim on a pound of flesh but his habit of turning the platitudes of Venice
against their selfish speakers. He accuses the Christians of taking interest while
calling it thrift, of keeping "many a purchas'd slave" (1. 90), and of professing
humility while practicing revenge. The two characters who believe deeply in va
ues outside the marketplace, Shylock and Antonio, for all their faults and trans
gressions, have no place in Venice and are neither of them understood by its ci
zens. Thus there is something sickening in Merchant's turn on the traditional sce
of conversion. If theJewish heart cannot be inspired by amity's practices, it can
least be subjected to force-ironically by the very merchant who believes in the
power of friendship to improve by example. Even though Shylock's money mus
be willed to his Christian son-in-law and daughter, his penalty will be represen
as "a special deed of gift" (5.1.292). Forced to speak as a new man, the Christian
Jew exits broken and ailing: "I am not well" (4.1.392).
This enforced transformation casts a pall over Act 5 as the married coupl
struggle to collect on the promise of an ecstatic reunion in such a night that seem
to be "the daylight sick" (5.1.124).61 In a final twist of the conversion plot, tra
posing it from a staple of amity to an element of romance, Antonio himself is su
jected to reform. Perhaps awestruck by the mystifying display of the law's powe
the merchant is moved to alter the nature of his own love. The merchant
redefines the role of the friend from lover to grateful guest, an outsider invited
within the circle of marriage. When he vows to play his part in keeping safe the
ring, Antonio agrees to limit the range of its symbolic value to a sign of the amity
in marriage. Indeed, by the end of the play, there is an emphasis (the context of
bawdy jokes and frivolity notwithstanding) on the need for overseeing certain
social practices connected to friendship bonds. The early modern custom of
same-sex bed companions-and a literary sign, too, of male friendship-is alluded
to twice in the play's final moments (11. 284, 305), but its homoerotic valence is
drawn out as a luxury in need of surveillance.
AsJeffMasten has observed, male companions sharing a home, a bed, and even
the same clothes changed from being perceived as a convention in early modern
England to being an oddity, a "'strange Production'."62 In Merchant, the domestic
scene is represented as conjugal in a way that highlights the turn away from the cus-
61 The fifth act begins with Lorenzo andJessica trying to "out-night" one another il a scene that may
be played, certainly, as a light-hearted game between newlyweds (11. 1-23). ButJessica's way of empha-
sizing themes of infidelity in each of Lorenzo's citations can foreshadow the upcoming exposure of
unfaithful husbands and may also recall the betrayals in scenes past.
62 Masten in Goldberg, ed., 301-4. On men as bed companions, see also Bray in Goldberg, ed.,
42-43; and Bray, Homosexuality, 50-51.
63 Kahn, 111.
64 Elyot, 149.
65 See Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York:
Columbia UP, 1985), 1-5.
first three acts, and certainly none in the early tales of amity, that an expression
love between friends must yield before some heterosexual imperative. Only at t
end of Merchant do the men experience, much to their bewilderment, a pressure
confess their "true" feelings as a desire for, or an allegiance to, marital fidelity.
As for the trope of well-matched or twinned lovers, Antonio finally mirrors
Shylock, not Bassanio. This irony, a bonding of the merchant with the Jew, is
made apparent in the way friendship's twin motif, significantly absent between
Antonio and Bassanio, yokes the supposedly contrary figures of the usurer and
the friend.66 The play's title might refer to either of the two moneylenders, bot
of whom justify their lending practices by citing a common biblical ancestor, y
each a stranger in the marketplace. Shylock's relationship to money is, lik
Antonio's, not reducible to self-interest, as becomes evident when the Je
bemoans the loss of Leah's priceless ring or when he cries to his judges, "you ta
my life / When you do take the means whereby I live" (4.1.372-73). His "strange
outrageous" equations-" Justice, the law, my ducats, and my daughter!"' (2.8.13,
17)-mirror Antonio's commingled valuation of love, money, and flesh. If
Bassanio and Antonio have been remarkably different in respect to their manners
Antonio's melancholy and Shylock's discontent make the two merchants see
like kinsmen in humors. Neither seems quite able to participate in the festive ma
querades that dominate the Venetian streets. As if to foreground this similitud
there is a pointed instance of confusion when Portia as Balthazar sets eyes on th
two men for the first time: "Which is the merchant here? and which the Jew?
(4.1.170). A strange question, perhaps, but its rhetorical power is striking, parti
ularly as an ironic citation of amity's signature trope. In amity tales it was a mar
of distinction that no one could tell the friends apart.
Merchant repeatedly draws the antagonists as one. Each seems from his entranc
not only socially alienated but an obstacle to the progress of courtship an
romance, though it is not until the final scene that the effect of such a kinshi
between ostensible enemies becomes clear. As Portia warns in a truism that mig
describe the disposition of either moneylender,
The suspect nature of the alien Jew is ferreted out and disabled in the trial scene,
and Antonio's bids for amity seem at Act 5's close to have been strategies treaso-
nous to marital amity. In the end his spoils may be his status as bachelor. Having
neither wife nor loving friend, he is accepted on terms that seem conditional. The
rescripting of the friendship narrative in Venice threatens to make the presence of
66 See Kleinberg's argument that the homosexual Antonio pits himself against Shylock because, as
reviled outsiders, they are essentially the same (120). See also Thomas Moisan, "'Which is the mer-
chant here? and which the Jew?': subversion and recuperation in ihe Merchant of Venice" in Shakespeare
Reproduced: ilTe text in history and ideology,Jean E. Howard and Marion F. O'Connor, eds. (New York and
London: Methuen, 1987), 188-206.
67 Usury as an unnatural use of money was often coupled with sexual perversions. TheJewish body
has a history of being depicted as monstrously deformed, a grotesque amalgam of male and female,
and his lusts-a confusion of greed, sex, and profanity-as sodomitical. See Gilman, 86 and 258-59;
and Marc Shell, "The Wether and the Ewe: Verbal Usury in iThe Merchiant of Venice," Kenyon Review 1
(1979): 65-92.
68 See Simon Shepherd, "What's so fumny about ladies' tailors? A survey of some male (homo)sex-
ual types in the Renaissance," 7extual Practice 6:1 (1992): 17-30. See also Bray, Homosexuality, 67-70.
69 Such changes were by no means steady or consistent. There was, for example, the luxurious if
short-lived position of the late-seventeenth-century rake, who displayed his masculinity by flaunting
his interest in boys and women. For a study of shifts in the perception of same-sex relations, see
Randolph Trumbach, "The Birth of the Queen: Sodomy and the Emergence of Gender Equality in
Modern Culture, 1660-1750" in Hidden From History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past, Martin Baum
Duberman, Martha Vicinus, and George Chauncey Jr., eds. (New York: New American Library,
1989), 129-40.
70 For sodomy's role in defamatory politics, see Bray in Goldberg, ed.; and Goldberg, Sodoetries,
40-61.
ters with her waiting woman. Her power as a female figure stems from her refusa
to remain silent, whether that means she must give hints to obtain the man she
desires or disguise herself to speak freely in court. At the close of Act 5, part of
the pleasure of watching Portia comes from her play with language as she teases
and cajoles the men.
Yet Portia remains her husband's wife. Her superiority within marriage hinges
on her willingness to use tricks to prevent men from acting on desires that have
been suppressed, not erased; and it is her own weary body-offering and with
holding herself as bedmate-that insures fidelity. In the third act she elaborates on
the vows she must make to her future husband, and even if her professed desire
to be "trebled twenty times myself, /... to stand high in [Bassanio's] account" has
the ring of irony, she must nevertheless move from being "Queen o'er [her]self"
to accepting Bassanio as "her lord, her governor, her king" (3.2.153-54, 169, 165).
After her exhilarating performance as Balthazar at the trial, where the "device"
of burlesquing the "thousand raw tricks of these braggingJacks" (3.4.81, 77) has
been instead a virtuosa turn on patriarchal ethics and laws, she returns to Belmont
to perform a second time. Portia's spirited wit is expressed in the final moments
of the play through costume travesty and "raw tricks," and considering her per-
formance at the trial, such behavior (now more like the parodic device she con-
cocted with Nerissa in 3.4) seems anticlimactic. Portia has gained the pleasure
denied to Sophronia and Silvia, the pleasure of hyperbole typically enjoyed by
heroes of amity and romance; certainly she is having a good time making fun of
masculine vanity. But this luxury is not enjoyed "without a fee" (5.1.290): the con-
summate moment of the play has its costs. There is little sense that in its inver-
sion, or reversal, of the amity model the companionate marriage will necessarily
subvert its tactics and limitations.
Of course, if this play is mainly concerned with the effects of social changes on
friendship, it is noteworthy that Antonio stands among the couples. He is not dis-
missed from the final scene, and arguably, he is even invited in, not left alone as
so many modern productions insist.71 Yet it is telling that his penultimate words
announce his own entry into silence: "I am dumb!" he cries (1. 279). It is as if the
friend has traded places with the female character in Elyot's tale. Ostensibly,
Antonio's bond with his friend Bassanio will still run deep, but there is no pledge
of passionate devotion, only a vow to stand as "his surety" in the marriage bar-
gain (1. 254). The one image he uses that recalls the friendship valuation of
depth-the soul-is defined at the play's end merely as collateral, a wondrous but
no-longer-sensible piece of the merchant submitted to ensure that the husband
"will never more break faith" with his new-found friend, his wife. That the rela-
tionship will now be without physical intimacy becomes clear when Antonio
speaks shamefully of the risk he took for Bassanio: "I am th' unhappy subject of
these quarrels / . . . [who] once did lend my body for his wealth" (11. 238, 249).
Whether in or out of the circle, Antonio stands dumbfounded-awed by the
wife's magnanimity but perhaps also by the way he has been betrayed by his own
faith in amity, a system that has contained mechanisms to exclude him.
The play closes with a procession of married couples, as the munificence of
marital bonds overshadows amity's claims to generosity. By some "strange acci-
dent" (but it is not love) Antonio's ships have been brought safely to port; indeed,
71 In Damon and Pithias the corrupt and obdurate Aristippus and Carisophus are exposed for practic-
ing "no friendship, but a lewd liking" (68) and are, at the end, sent away.