Oceania Publications, University of Sydney

Political Aspects of the Moka Ceremonial Exchange System among the Kyaka People of the
Western Highlands of New Guinea
Author(s): Ralph Bulmer
Source: Oceania, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Sep., 1960), pp. 1-13
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Oceania Publications, University of Sydney
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40329239 .
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OCEANIA
A JOURNAL
THE NATIVE
DEVOTED
PEOPLES
TO THE STUDY
OF AUSTRALIA,
OF
NEW
GUINEA, AND THE ISLANDS OF THE PACIFIC
VOLUME XXXI. No. i SEPTEMBER i960

POLITICAL ASPECTS OF THE MOKA CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE SYSTEM

AMONG THE KYAKA PEOPLE OF THE WESTERN HIGHLANDS OF
NEW GUINEA1

By Ralph Bulmer
the statelesssocietiesof Melanesia,systemsofceremonialexchangehave political
functionsanalogous to those performed by major religiouscults among peoples
at a similarlevel of organizationin, forexample,West Africa.2 Malinowski'sclassic
accountoftheKula systemofS.E. New Guinea3has beencriticized becauseinsufficient
attentionis paid in it to politicalaspects.4 The HirioftheMotupeopleofthePapuan
coast has also not been describedin these terms. With regardto the ceremonial
exchangesystemsoftheWesternHighlandsDistrict,however,twoauthors,Vicedom5
and Elkin,6have drawnattentionto the politicalimplications,thoughnot treating
them in detail. Since no concertedaccount has yet been given of the political
functions ofanyNew Guineaexchangesystem,I describethesein thisfirstpublication
on the Moka amongthe Kyaka ratherthaneconomicor moralaspectsofthisinstitu-
tion which could otherwiseequally well provide the startingpoint for extended
discussion.
I take politicsto includethe constitutory principlesand interrelationshipsof
the main formal groupings in a society (with which Radcliffe-Brown,Fortes and
Evans-Pritchard are largelyconcerned7) as wellas the competitionforpowerand the
of
process policy-making, to which some recentauthors have suggestedthatit should
be restricted.8
1The substanceof a paper deliveredto SectionJ of the New Zealand ScienceCongress,
Wellington,on 13th May, i960. I am indebtedto the AustralianNational University, the
Wenner-Gren Foundation,and the AmericanPhilosophicalSocietyforfinancing the fieldwork
on whichit is based.
2Cf. Fortes,1945.
3Malinowski,1922.
4Evans-Pritchard, 1951,p. 95. But see also Firth'srejoinderin Firth,1957,PP- 222-3.
5Vicedom,1943,Vol. II, pp. 458-60.
6Elkin, 1953,pp. 196, 199-200.
7Fortesand Evans-Pritchard, 1940.
8 Smith,1956; Barnes,1959.
A

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2 THE MOKA CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE SYSTEM
" Moka " is the
pidginEnglish and Englishtermforthe ceremonialexchange
festivalsof the Metlpa,Enga and Gawilpeoplesof New Guinea.9 This derivesfrom
the Metlpa usage " Moka " or " Moga " ; The CentralEnga call theirexchange
festivals" Te " and theEasternEnga (or Kyaka) call themboth" Te " and " Maku."
The Kyaka, who numberabout 10,000,live on the northslopes of the Mount
Hagen range,betweenthe Baiyer,the Lai and the Ku Rivers,in the 6,000-3,500feet
altitudinalbelt,wheresoil and climatecombineto createveryfavourableconditions
for horticulture.Sweet potato is the staple crop but a great varietyof other
vegetablesand fruitsis also grown,and Kyaka horticulturaltechniquesallowconsider-
able leisuretime forotheractivities. Their main formof livestockis the pig (in
the periodsI have spentamongthe Kyaka the pig populationhas probablyapproxi-
matelyequalled the humanpopulationor slightlyexceededit) but theyalso keep a
few cassowaries. Althoughmany Kyaka have access to rich forest,huntingand
forestcollectingare not importantsectorsof theireconomy. Overall population
densityis about 140 to the squaremileifforestareas whichhave notbeen cultivated
withinlivingmemoryare excludedin the estimateof space,but thereis considerable
local variation.
The Kyaka settlementpatternis one of dispersedhomesteadsand homestead
clusters. Territorialunits,withmoreorless clearlydefinedboundaries,are associated
withnameddescentgroupswhichare ideologicallypatrilineal; however,genealogical
probingrevealsthat manymembersare thereby virtueof one or morefemalelinks
althoughthesemakealmostno difference to theirstatusiftheyhave beenbroughtup
and have lived the greaterpart of theirlives withthe group. I call thesedescent
groups,whicharesegmentary but whichpossessonlyincompleteframes, sub-subclans,
sub-clans, clans and great-clans. The clan is characterizedby (i) holdinga single
continuousterritory withmost of its boundariesfairlyclearlydefined; (ii) having
rulesofexogamywhichapplynot onlyto natal membersin respectofeach otherbut
to natal membersin respectof the childrenof daughtersof natal membersand to
the childrenof daughtersof natal membersin respectof each other; (iii) having
been theindependent war-making unitin pre-contactdays,and a groupwithinwhich
lethal fightingwas most stronglydisapproved; (iv) being the unit co-ordinating
itsmembers'performances in theMokaexchanges; and (v) beingtheunitcollectively
or
performing potentiallyperforming certainothercult and ceremonialactivities.
In respectof clan territoriesmen normallyresidepatrilocallyand marriageis
alwaysfollowedby a periodofvirilocalresidencewhichis expectedto persistthrough
the life-timeof the partners,thoughin a small proportionof cases (about 10%)
extendedperiodsof uxorilocalresidencelater follow.
Clans includefromabout 20 to over 160 adult men. Many clans,includingall
large ones with over about 50 adult male members,are subdividedinternallyin
termsof descentinto namedgroupswhichwe may term" subclans." Wheremore
than two subclansare presentwithina clan thesemay be groupedaccordingto some
9 " Moka" is also used in pidginEnglishin some
Highlandareas to designateany major
public prestationexceptbridewealth, and especiallyforwirgildpayments.

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE SYSTEM 3
beliefin the closerkinshipof certainof theirfounderswith each otherthan with
others. Some large subclans are divided into named units whichmay be termed
" sub-subclans."10
Occasionallymembersof a singleminimalnamed descentgroup,
whethersubclan or sub-subclan,may all be fittedon to one genealogycomposited
frominformation fromits oldermembers, but generallysubclansare in turninternally
segmented intoa numberoflineagesofvaryingspan whosemembersdo notknowhow
theyare relatedto the otherlineagesofthesubclangenealogically nor,in mostcases,
how theyare descendedfromthe eponymoussubclanfoundingancestor.
Furtherexogamicrestrictions are sometimesphrasedin termsof thesesub-units
of the clan, in that informants say that a man cannotmarryinto the natal subclan
or sub-subclanof eitherof his grandmothers, but I am not sure how farin practice
theseapply to the named descentgroupsand not to lineageswithinthem.
In termsof local organization,clans segmentalong lines whichdo not often
coincideat all closelywiththeirdescentstructure. Anyclan withover30 or so adult
male membersis likelyto segmentintoa numberofsettlement groupseach withfrom
15 to 40 adultmaleswhosehomesteadsfallwithineasyrangeofa particularceremonial
groundor groundsand, generally,of a jointlyownedmen's house on one of these
grounds. Such groupsare readilyidentified or referred to by the name of theirbest
knownceremonialground.
These settlementgroups,consistingof a core of male clansmentogetherwith
occasionalco-resident affines and cognatesofindividualmembers,and wives,children
and otherdependents,approximateto local communities.Theyseldomhave clearly
definedterritorialboundariesexcept where these coincidewith the parent clan's
territoriallimits,thoughmostoftheland in theneighbourhood ofceremonialgrounds
and denser settlements will be associated unambiguously with one particularsettle-
its
mentgroupthrough usufructory ownershipby individuals and familieswho are
members of the group. However, some of the land in its locality likelyto be held
is
by men who are at present members of other settlement groups. Men can change
their settlement groupmembership within the clan, thougha man normallybelongs
to the same group as his father for as long the fatheris stillliving. Underlying
as
such movements is the fact that it is possibleto obtain rightsin gardenland from
clansmen other than one's close agnateson whomone has firstclaim. It is possible
for a man whose lands or houses lie intermediate betweentwo centres,or who has
different areas of land and different homesteads near two different centres,to
participateregularly in the activities of both groups.
In spiteof the imprecision of its territorial and social boundariesthe settlement
group represents a real nexus of heightened everyday social activity,especiallyfor
womenand children. People are as oftenidentified by theirsettlement groupplace
name as theyare by a descentgroupname. Each settlement grouphas its acknow-
" " " "
ledged leader or leaders,the Big Man or Big Men (numi).
10I am consciousthatthisterminology is inelegant, " it is not
though " withoutprecedent(Reay,
1959,p. 28). The problemis to finda termcomparableto lineage fora seriesofsegmentary
groupswhichlack the completegenealogicalstructure essentialto a lineagesystem.
AA

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4 THE MOKA CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE SYSTEM

Largerand moreresidentially dispersedsettlementgroupssegmentfurther into

localizedunitsof smallerscale but similargeneralnature,normallycentringon one
or moreadjacent ceremonialgrounds,with,possibly,a joint men's house; though
oftenthe personalhouse of a particularimportantman, sited on the ceremonial
ground,serves the purposesof the group.
Kyaka referto bothsettlement groupsand subclansor sub-subclansas akalianda
mendake(" Man-houseone "). They justifythis by sayingthat in the past each
settlement groupin factconsistedofone or twocloselyrelatednameddescentgroups,
but thatthingshave becomeconfusedby movements in recentgenerations.However,
it seemslikelyfromwhatwe knowoftheprogressive territorial
movementofmostof
the Kyaka clansin theremembered past thatthis is a and thatin the
rationalization,
recentpast at least the situationhas in principlebeen the same as it is at present.
The effectivesegmentsof the clan or subclan definedby descent,as distinct
fromlocality,can be conceivedas eitherexpandedfamiliesor lineages. These are
clustersof elementary, compoundor three-generation extendedfamilieswhosesenior
malemembers, normallysiblingsorunclesand nephews,arelinked(i) in theirsurviving
interestin exchangetransactionsarisingfromthe marriagesof seniorwomenof the
group; (ii) in reversionary interestsin each other'slargelydifferentiated garden
lands ; and (iii) mostimportantly, in theircollectivedutyto sacrificeto the ghosts
of the previousgenerationof close kin,and especiallyto the ghostof theirfatheror
fathers.
Withinthis expandedfamilyor lineage,the familyor extendedfamily,headed
by an establishedadultman whoseownfatheris dead,is an independent unitin land-
holdingand exchangetransactions,and withinthis unit, in turn,each individual
male acquires fromchildhoodon differentiated interestsin pigs, garden-plotsand
exchangetransactions.
Some Kyaka clans are linkedby traditionsof commonpatrilinealdescentinto
units,whichare generallynamed,like the clans and subclans,aftertheirputative
"
founding ancestor,and whichwe may call great-clans." A great-clanis exogamous
as regardsits natal members,but marriagebetweena natal memberof one clan
withinit and the child of a femalenatal memberof anotheris quite permissible.
In somecases theterritoriesofclanscomprising a great-clanare contiguous; in others
they are divided by areas possessedby patrilineallyunrelatedgroups. Withina
great-clancertaincomponentclansmayhave speciallycloselinksand mayevenenjoy
a measureofjoint interestin certainareas ofland,thoughtheywilleach have other
areas exclusiveto themselves. In theorymemberclans of a great-clanshould not
make war on each other,but in practicemanysuch warshave takenplace in recent
generations. Great-clansdo not normallycombineforceremonialor ritualpurposes,
thoughthereis one Kyaka great-clan(the Kondeyen,comprisingRamwi, Kimbun
and Kwunyenggaclans) whose membersperforma special cult at a joint fertility
shrinewhichis believedto have been establishedby theirfoundingancestor.
The Kyaka rules of marriage,that one must avoid marriagewithmembersof
certaingroupsincludingnotablyone's clan or great-clanor mother'sclan or grand-

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE SYSTEM 5
mothers'groups,may alternatively be stated as that any cognateor affineexcept
the widowof a kinsmanis barred. Thus in termsof the existingset of kinrelations
each marriagecreatesa newbond betweenpersonsand familiespreviouslyunrelated.
The weddingitselfinvolvesa complexsequenceof gifts,exchangesand feasts; and
in lateryearsfurther transactions of the same kindbetweenthe familiesofbrideand
groom,and betweentheirdescendants,followon the birthof children,on the deaths
of the spouses,and on the deathsof the childrenof the marriage,as well as on other
formaloccasions not related to life-crises.Thus cross-cutting the bonds of the
settlement groupsand clans is a meshof individualand familybonds of affinity and
cognativekinship.
"
Authoritynarrowlydefined,or ascribed leadership/'only existed in pre-
European Kyaka societywithinthe extendedfamily. However,individualmen
achievedand may still achievepositionsof veryconsiderableprestigeand influence
withintheirclans and even outsideclan confinesby theirskillin manipulatingpigs
and valuablesin loans and exchangetransactions, by theirprowessor former prowess
in war, and by theirforcefulness and shrewdnessin debate of public affairs. If he
has inherited or acquiredby conquestland ofany extentthisalso can be ofadvantage
to a forceful man who can place otherpeoplein obligationto himby permitting them
temporary use of plots or even by permanently allocating areas to them by giftor
sale. However,performance in the Moka is perhaps the most importantsingle
criterion and indexofinfluence and prestige. The Kyaka titleof numior " ranking
"
leader is explicitlystatedby informants to be achievedwhena man firstbecomes
a principalin the Moka,and to be held onlyas longas he maintainsthisrole.
The Enga Moka involvesnot onlythe Kayaka but the majorityof Enga groups
frombeyondWabag in the west to beyondKompiem(Sau Valley) in the north,to
the culturaland linguisticboundarieswiththe Waka and Gawilin the south,and in
fact includes the Gawil or Kaugel people who are non-Enga speakers.11These
peoples are all linkedin the same cycles of festivals,thoughthe characterof the
festivalschangesas they proceedthroughthe different regions,and changespre-
sumably consistentlywith certain other features of the social systems of the
participantgroups. We are onlyconcerned here with the Moka itself
as it manifests
among the Kyaka, but it is necessaryto note, as a preliminary, that the Kyaka
conceivethat the cycles which they commenceor terminateat the eastern end
culminateor commence,as the case maybe, in thewestwiththe Mae (CentralEnga),
if not with groupseven furtheraway. The sequence of festivalsmoves along the
rivervalleys and throughthe hillsidebelts of population,each clan organizingits
main prestation,whichmay take place on one or severaldays, so that it followson
that of the clan to the east and is succeededby the clan to the west (or vice versa),
accordingto the directionoftheparticularcycle. The MetlpaMoka festivalsdo not,
apparently,proceedin the same sort of cyclicalorderas the Enga ones do, each
Metlpa group organizinga festivalindependently at a time best suited to itself.12
11Bus, 1951,p. 817.
« Vicedom,1943, vol. 2, pp. 451-72.

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6 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM
However, manymembers ofMetlpaclansneartheMetlpa-Enga linguisticboundary
are theindividual exchangepartners of Kyaka menand are thusinvolvedin the
commencement or culmination oftheEnga cyclesas wellas in theMetlpafestivals.
Thereis also a present-day tendency, at botheasternandwestern endsofthecycle,
forclanswhichhavepreviously notcollectivelyparticipatedto be drawnin to each
succeeding cycle.13
Anyparticular cycleoftheEnga Mokahas threemainphasesofactivity.In
thefirstphasesolicitory gifts(kenju)oflegsofpork,livepigs,pearlshells,oraxesare
passedfrompartner to partner in thesamedirection as themainprestations were
madein theprevious cycle. Thesesolicitory giftsaregivenindividually, sometimes
publiclyandostentatiously andsometimes depending
privately, ontheirscaleandon
thesocialimportance ofthepartners.Someoftheobjectsconcerned maybe diverted
andusedbytherecipients forpurposes outsidetheMoka; othersmaybe passedon
and on through manyhands.
Thetransmission ofsolicitory giftsovertheentireareatakesa periodofat least
severalmonths, andnormally morethana year. Atthesametimeas thesearebeing
made,dancinggrounds arebeingprepared andspecialhousesbuiltto accommodate
themoka-makers and festival guestsand to displaypearlshells. Whenhousesand
dancinggrounds are ready,linesofpig-stakes are drivenin,wherethepigsat the
mainfestival areto be tethered.Thisworkprovides occasionsforfooddistributions
andforthepublictransfer ofthemoresubstantial solicitorygifts. Largegatherings
ofmenhavetheopportunity to harangue eachotheras to thescaleofthegiftswhich
theyhavegiveneachotherin thepast and whichtheyexpectto giveand receive
in the future.
The secondphase is that of the mainprestations, or " trueMoka" (Maku
" to the
pilyamin, Mokathey-make "), whichare givenin the oppositedirection
solicitory
gifts, eachgiverofa solicitory giftreceiving,in theory,a verymuchmore
substantial giftin returnon this occasion. Unit giftsbetweenimportant men
normally number is
eightortenpigsorvaluables. Each clan'sfestival preceded by
a fewdaysorweeksoffrantic effortson thepartofitsmembers to assemble plumes
andotherdancing regaliaonloanfrom kininothergroups whoarenotsimultaneously
dancing. Each clan'sactualfestival performance is dividedintotwosetsoftrans-
actions. In the firstsets,giftsare givenbetweenfellow-clansmen {yanggo pilyu).
In thecaseofa bigclanthesemaytakeplaceononeorseveralseparatedaysandon
severaldifferent dancinggrounds.Partners outsidetheclanare involvedin these
transactions inso faras pigsultimately destinedto themareformally shownto them
"
at thisstage,and theymay holdthetethering-rope " of the marked to them
pigs
as a publicrecognition ofthis. Then,whenthesetransactions complete, total
are the
wealthofpigsand shellsis mustered on one largedancingground, displayed,and
distributed to partners outsidetheclan. In this final distribution the
only ranking
men,thenumi,makethepresentations, whicharebothon theirownbehalfand on
behalfof theirfollowers.
13Concerningthe westernend of the chain, I use personal informationfromDr. M. J. Meggitt,
1956.

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM 7
The formalities ofgift-making are veryostentatious.The givers,heavilyand
speciallydecorated withplumesandpaint,individually danceup anddownthelines
oftethered beasts,striking theanimalsandshouting thenamesofrecipients.There
is extensive,excitableand aggressive speech-making by donors, recipients and other
important menonlyindirectly interested in theimmediate proceedings, and in the
background is a largecontingent ofclansmen andtheirwivesandchildren, dancing in
fullceremonial regalia. In theearlierpartofthedaybeastandshellsarelinedand
marked
relined, andremarked, andeachpersonpresent through whosehandstheyare
to passacknowledges themand manyin turnexplainwhomtheyaregoingto hand
themoverto. Whenthepigs,cassowaries, shellsandothervaluablesfinally change
hands,namesofrecipients arecalledoutandthesehaveto runforward oneat a time
to thedonors, jumpwithheelstogether and kneesbentbeforethem,shoutangke/,
a cryofrecognition orthanks, andthen,inthecaseofa giftoflivestock, runbackto
thesidelines dragging or pushingthegenerally reluctantcreature withthem. The
wholeoccasionof the mainfestivalis one of greatexcitement, generally good-
humoured, butalwayspotentially convertible to violenceifindividuals feeltheyare
notgetting theirdueandintheheatofthemoment tryto redress matters.Watching
such a scene,I was reminded of the mixtureof good-humoured excitement and
aggressionof football crowds. It must be emphasized here that members ofeach host
clan,ontheoccasionofitsfestival, givetopartners notinonesingleotherclan,butto
individualsin nearlyall clanswhichlie in thegeographically appositedirection.
The largegatherings at the festivals includenot onlydonorsand recipients,
and theirkin,butpartners ofpartners and othersevenmoredistantly linkedin the
mokachain,and also all thosewhohaveloanedplumesand otheritemsofpersonal
decoration to the dancersor theirrepresentatives.
The thirdphaseof the cyclefollowswhenthemaingift-giving festivals have
reachedthelastclansinthechain,toeastorwest. The pigs,or the of
majority them,
arethenkilledand cooked,and theporkis passedbackoncemorefrompartner to
partnerin theopposite direction (poropilyu). I believethere is not much formality
aboutthisphaseofthemoka,thoughI havenotobserved it. Alongthelinesome
porkis consumed and otherpigsarekilled,butmuchofthemeattravelsformany
daysandthrough manyhands,beingrecooked severaltimes,before it is finally eaten.
European medical personnel in the BaiyerValley tellme that a frequent sequelto
thisthirdphase is an of
epidemic gastriccomplaints which can be very serious.
Thenextcycleproceeds intheopposite direction.In thelastdecadetherehave
beenperiodsofthreeto fouryearsbetweencycles; it is likelythatintervals were
longerinpre-contact days. Threetofouryearsmaybe theminimum periodinwhich
thepigpopulation can be builtup to sufficient proportions to justify theexchanges.
We maynowexaminetherelationship oftheMokato thewidersocialsystem in
threeofitsaspects: theMokaas a corporate activityof theclan ; the Moka and the
internalstructure oftheclan; andtheMokaandinter-clan relations.
The firstof theseaspectsdoes not need extendeddiscussion, althoughit is
important.Clansmen takepridein theclan'scorporate performance in theMoka

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8 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM
andmeasure thisagainsttheperformance ofothergroups. Evensocially insignificant
menwithlittleorno directpartin theexchanges lendtheirefforts in preparing the
dancing-grounds, buildingthe housesand helpingthe leadersin the breeding and
assembly ofpigs. Theyattendthemeetings at whichthepreliminary arrangements
aremadeas wellas themainfestivals, andmanyofthemdanceat thefestival.The
performance oftheleadersoftheclanin theMokais alsoseenbyitsmembers as the
performance of the wholegroup. The Mokacan thenbe seenas elaborating the
functions oftheclan,a groupwhichis alreadyina number ofothercontexts ofmajor
politicalimportance.
I shouldadd herethattheonlyMokafestival I haveactuallywitnessed, latein
was
1959, apparently aberrant in the way the host-clan organized it. The cyclewas
thenjustcommencing withthemostsouth-easterly oftheKyakaclans,theRamwi,
and thisgroupin factperformed its mainceremonial givingof giftsto external
exchange partners in two divisions, and on two occasions somemonths apart. This
undoubtedly reflected a fissionary tendency in this largeclan, but the occasionfor
thedivisionwas provided by a concatenation of external circumstances whichit is
impossible to discuss in detailhere but which included Europeanpressure delaythe
to
Mokaand somespecialinterference by the Administration in theleadership ofthis
group. However, such a division of Moka-making by one clan seems to be unusual
andit wasnoticeable in thiscasethatthewholeclanin factcombined to danceand
generally participate as hosts on the occasion which I witnessed, thoughonlyhalfof
it was makingits giftsthen.
Turning to thebearing oftheMokaon theinternal structure oftheclanwemay
notethat,justas theclanas a wholeco-ordinates itsfestival performances, so do the
settlement-groups, or " men'shousegroups" withinit. In facttheMokaprovides
oneofthefewoccasionswhenthisunitformally takescollective action,thoughwe
haveseenthatin everyday affairsit is a veryimportant defactogroup. Oneindex
ofthisis thefactthattheoccasionforactuallyconstructing itsjointmen'shouseis a
forthcoming Moka. In betweenfestivalsthisgroup,althoughtermedin Kyaka
" one
man-house," mayhaveno suchactualbuilding.14
To understand further theimportance oftheMokato theinternal structure of
theclanwe mustexaminetheinterpersonal relationships within the clan which are
activatedby theMoka,sincethesolidarity oftheclanobviously dependsin parton
the veryclosemeshofinterpersonal tiesbindingits members.
Threeclassesof interpersonal Moka relationships withinthe clan may be
discerned : thosebetween closekinsmen whosedutyit is to assisteachotherin this
as in othermatters ; thosebetween leadersand followers or dependents otherthan
genealogically closerelatives ; and thosebetweendistantly relatedmen,mostoften
members ofdifferent settlement groupswithintheclan,whoare exchange partners
14It may be thatin pre-contactdays the settlementgroupmen'shousewas also associated
withcultpracticesnotcloselyrelatedto theMoka,but I lackinformation
on thispoint.Nowadays
eachsettlementgrouphas itsMissionhut,usedineveningprayermeetings onweek-days.Churches
used forSundayservicesare sharedby membersof a numberof contiguous clans.

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM 9
not distinguished terminologically fromexchangepartnersoutsidethe clan {pu
minyingk).
Closekinsmen withintheclan,whoare normally closeagnates,are dependent
oneachotherina wholerangeofactivities andinrespect ofproperty andofexchange
transactions otherthanin the Moka. A singleextendedfamily(father and adult
sons) is often spoken of as though it formed a single unit in and
marriage other
exchanges, in
though practice the individuals' shares are alwaysclearly differentiated.
It is thedutyofa youngman'sfather and elderbrothers, iftheyare Moka-makers
themselves, to makehimthe initialgiftswhichenablehimto launchout in the
Moka.
Members ofan expandedfamily, brothers or unclesand nephews whosefathers
aredead,mayalsoshare,through inheritance, certain Moka partners, thoughtheir
individual transactions with these are alwaysclearlydifferentiated, in general
and
the component families are quiteindependent Moka-making factions.Theyoften
makeeachotherMokagifts, justifying thisbyreference to theirkinties,buttheydo
not necessarily do so.
Apartfrom helpmutually givenbyclosekinsmen Kyakamenofanyimportance
also dependon the supportof moredistantrelativesand even of genealogically
unrelatable members of the same and nearbysettlement groups. Such support
mayrange from full participation in the leader's domestic group(itis veryconvenient
fora polygynist without adult sons to have a bachelor or widower livingin oneofhis
homesteads and assisting oneofhiswiveswithmaledomestic tasksin thegardens,
withthepigs,andwithfirewood) to minorandoccasional assistanceingardening and
othertasksat hand. Suchmenarelikelyto be granted garden-land, temporarily or
permanently, toshareparticular current gardens with the leader,either on hisground
ortheirs, and,often, to lookafterpigsforhimin theirhomesteads.Thishelpwith
pig-raising is ofconsiderable importance in theMoka. Thesesupporters ofa leader
arenormally ina stateofmutualobligation withhim,havingbeenhelpedbyhimwith
bridewealth payment and thelike,or expecting helpofthiskind. Suchassistance
obligates themto channel through himsuchpigsoftheirownas theyareputting into
theMoka. However, a manoflesserimportance maybe obligated to twoor more
leaders, so it is notpossibleto lookupongroupsofleadersandfollowers as mutually
exclusivesegmentary units within settlement group or clan.
within the clan are the " "
Thirdly, pu minyingk (" ropeholding ") friendships
" "
or partnershipsbetweenmenofroughly statuswhoare,mostoften,
equivalent
members ofdifferent settlement groupsandwhoaredistantly relatedifrelatedat all
in termsofknownagnaticgenealogy.Theserelationships are sometimes traceable
ultimately to a tie of cognatic kinship, often through two ancestresseswho were true
or classificatory " sisters." Such are not activated in the Moka.
friendships only
Pu minyingk assisteach otherwithotherexchangetransactions, are ofteninvited

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io THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM
to comeandeat porkwhenpigshavebeenkilled,wouldhelpeachotherwithhouse-
building andsimilar tasks,andmight, ifit wereconvenient, permit eachotheruseof
garden land and make gardenstogether.
It willbe seenthatall thesethreetypesofrelationship within theclanwhichare
activatedby the Moka,betweenclose agnates,leadersand dependents, and full
exchange partners, are also activated in other contexts. Obviously, thetiesbetween
closeagnateswouldbe extremely important even if the Moka did not exist. It
couldbe argued,however, thatin thecaseoftheothercategories ofrelationship the
Mokais thepredominant strand,or weighting factor,and thatthoughtheywould
possiblyexistevenwithoutthe Moka,it is underpresentcircumstances theMoka
whichlendsthemtheirprimary significance. It could be
possibly arguedfurther
thattheheavyweighting ofthesetwokindsoftiesdevaluesgenealogically calculated
agnatickinship outside the or
expandedfamily lineage.
Thebearing oftheMokaoninter-clan relationsmaybe considered interms
firstly
ofthewebofinterpersonal tieslinking members ofdifferentclans; secondly interms
oftheco-ordinated activities oftheclansas wholesinthefestival cycle; andthirdly
as relatingto the exerciseof powerand influence outsidethe clan by individual
leaders.
We haveseenthattherulesofexogamy ensurethateveryKyakahas closeties
withone clanotherthanhis own,thatofhis mother ifhe is patrilocallyresident,
orofhisfather ifheis matrilocally resident andprimarily identifiedwithhismaternal
kin and clan. Thisrelationship through the mother(or father)is a bondwitha
wholeclan to all of whosemembers he is a " sister'sson" or " cross-cousin"
(or
" son" and " brother
"), thoughhe is specially closelyrelatedto a particularfamily
or expandedfamilywithinit. Also,he recognizes kinshiplinkswiththe other
sister'ssonsofhismother's clan,whowillbe widelyscattered through theotherclans
inhissocialfield, andwithsomeofthesehemaymaintain closepersonalties. Further,
almosteverymanis linkedthrough wifeorwivesand sistersto certainmembers of
at leastoneotherclanandgenerally ofseveral,as an affine.
Mokapartnerships to a verylargeextentfollow theselinesofindividual affinity
and cognatickinship.The mostfrequent Moka partnership outsidethe clan is
betweenbrothers-in-law or father-in-law and son-in-law, thoughtheseare often
carried overintothesucceeding generation so thattheythenoccurbetween mother's
brother and sister'sson and betweencross-cousins. Maternalparallelcousinsare
alsofrequent partners.However, notonlyin termsoffrequency butofcontent the
partnerships between affines tendtobe themostsignificant. Also,onthebasisofthe
limited casematerial at mydisposal, itseemsthatifa manover-commits himself and
is forced to letdownsomeofhispartners in orderto satisfy others,he is mostlikely
to abandonhis cross-cousins and othercognatesbut honourhis obligations to his
brothers-in-law. Hereaffective sentiments betweenpartners apparently playlittle
part; thedecision is,onemaysuppose, takenbecauseofmaterial necessity,toensure
thestability ofhismarriage, and thelong-term benefitsofthetiesto hischildren.

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM n
The Mokathenaddsextraweightand content to thewebofaffinal andkinship
tiesbetweenmenofdifferent clans,butparticularly to theaffinal tie.15 In general
termsit doesnot affectthe categories of directpersonalrelationships outsidethe
clan,butmayaffect theirrelativeimportance as categories,and in individual cases
allowskinsmen to elaborateverygreatlytheobligations existing betweenthem.
However, another pointmustbe considered here. The factthattheMokais a
chainofexchangepartnerships meansthatinsteadofa manbeingconcerned only
withtheactionsofhispersonal affines
andcognates outsidehisclan,heis alsoaffected
andconcerned bythepartners ofhispartners, to whomhissolicitory giftsaretrans-
mittedandfromwhomthemaingiftsareto comein return.Menareawareofthe
onwardlinksin theMokachainforseveralstagesin eitherdirection, and are aware
oftheindirect obligationsentailed. If thereis a disputeovera Mokadebt,notonly
concerned " "
do thepartners immediately argueit out,butthe courts aregenerally
attended by severalothermembers ofthechainwhoseinterests areinvolved. It is
hardto document whatbearing thisrecognition ofindirect dependence mayhaveon
othersituationswheretheindirect partners may be in conflictorrequireeachother's
aid. I haveobserved onecasewhereoneGovernment Headman(TultulLengkeof
Roepo Wapisuk)helpedconciliatea maritaldisputein whichanotherheadman
(theYalimakaliLuluai),whowas an indirect partner ofhiswas involved, in sucha
way thatthe Moka partnershiphingeing on the marriage should not be prejudiced.
I thinkonemayassumethatin generaldisputesarelesslikelyto be prosecuted to
extremes whereevenindirect Mokainterests areat stakethantheyotherwise might
be. Andtherecognition oftheseindirect partnerships is specificallya function of
theMokaandnotofthekinship system as it would be if the Moka did not exist.
Similarlyin itscollectiveaspectsthenecessity forall Kyakaclansto participate
and co-ordinatetheiractivitiesimpliesrecognitiona measureofcollective
of interest
of
and a period peace while are
preparations being made. In pre-administration
(pre-ca.1947)days,warnotonlyprevented theactualfestivals fromoccurring but
alsoprevented theassembly ofpigsforexchanges.Warsdisrupted thepig-breeding
cycle,andthesettlement ofwarsandpayment ofwirgild demanded theexpenditure
ofpigswhichcouldtherefore not,in mostcases,be usedin theMoka. Also,Moka
and otherexchanges couldnottakeplacebetween members ofgroupswhohad not
madeat leastpreliminary settlement ofwirgild debtsoutstanding betweenthem.16
15It may be arguedthat in so faras it reinforces the importance of affinalagainstmatri-
lateralties,it is a furtherfactormilitating
againstelaboratedlineagestructure withinthe clan,
since it is a well-established
factthat matrilaterallinkswithina systemof patrilinealdescent
groupshave in mostcases an important rolein thegenealogicaldefinition ofsegments. Further,
thestresson theaffinal link,whichtheindividualor his familycan choose, theirchoice
exercising
to theirownadvantagein thecompetition forstatus,is also partofa socialpatternwhichfavours
achievedas againstascribedstatus.
16Elkin (1951,pp. 199-200)describeswirgildand ally-compensation paymentsbeingmade
at thesametimeas the Te amongtheCentralEnga. It appearsthattheCentralEnga call both
theExchangeFestivalsand theseotherpaymentsbythesameword,te,thoughtheydo distinguish
them. Kyaka in contrastreservethe wordsteand makuforthe ceremonial exchangesand call
wirgildpaymentswandepapu minyilyu(" wandepa-treerope I-hold").

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12 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM
Theapparent increasing frequency ofMokacyclesinthepost-contact periodprobably
reflects as muchthe cessationof war as the increasein wealthwhichcan be
incorporated in the exchanges.
At thepresent timeat least,theMokais seenby someKyakaas an institution
inwhichtheyas a peoplehavea collective interest.I hearda speakerin 1959,when
for
plans thei960 Moka were beingdiscussed, stressthattheWabag(Central Enga)
Mokawas on a tremendous scale,and thatit was up to thelocalkanyiwamb(" in-
between people/'i.e. peoplebetween theLanimandtheBaiyerRivers)to showthat
theywouldnot be outdoneand put on an evenbetterdisplay.
Lastly,thereis the questionof leadership or politicalinfluence outsidethe
confines oftheclanandbearing theMokahasonthis. Although Kyakaacknowledge
nopersonal authority beyondthatofthefather within thefamilyorextended family,
theranking Big Men (numi) can exert influenceover a much wider field,andthereis
or was,in pre-contact daysbefore theappointment ofGovernment Headmensome-
whatconfused thesituation, in mostsettlement groups and clansa clear orderingof
thethreeorfourmostimportant individuals.WarandtheMokawerethetwowidest
fieldsinwhichindividuals achieved theirposition.A man'sexchange partners outside
his clan and his net of supporters and partners insideit werenecessarily comple-
mentary.Reallyimportant operators in the Mokahave to be members of large
powerful clans. Menwhoare outstanding in theMokaare renowned overa wide
area, as were successful war-leaders in pre-contactdays, who alsohad to be members
ofpowerful clans. It is hardnowto reconstruct precisely how Moka leadershipand
warleadership wererelated, butit seemsthata man'smoststableandvaluedMoka-
partnerships werewithmembers of groupswhomhe couldhopeto mobilizewhen
necessary in the shifting inter-clan allianceswhichcharacterized Kyakawar-making.
Further, war-alliesoutside the clan weremobilized bothby stressing obligationsof
and
kinship affinity such, as and by promises of substantialmaterial reward for
assistance.A man whoseMokacreditwas good couldpresumably expectto get
alliesonthesecondscoremoreeasily,fortherewouldbe littlequestion aboutwhether
or not he wouldbe able to recompense them.

Summary
I havetriedto demonstrate threemainwaysin whichtheMokais ofpolitical
significance.Firstly,the exchangesactivateindividualrelationships of kinship
andaffinityalreadyexistinginthesocialstructure, butthrow extraweight oncertain
of theseand createnew extra-kin relationswithsignificant consequences to the
kinshipand descentsystemas a whole. Secondly,the Moka is a particularly
important fieldforindividualenterprise in gainingpowerand prestige in a social
systemwhereleadership and influence are almostentirely achievedratherthan
ascribed.Thirdly, at thegrouplevel,thefestival co-ordinates
cycleperiodically the
activityofthewholeofKyakasociety in a wayno otherindigenous institutiondoes;
and in this,in pre-contactdays,it limitedthephysically and sociallydestructive
expressionof inter-clanhostilityand competition in war.

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 THE MOKA CEREMONIALEXCHANGE SYSTEM 13
References
"
Barnes,T-A. (1959): " PoliticswithoutParties,"Man, Vol. 59,p. 4.
Bus,G. A. M. (1951): "The Te FestivalorGiftExchangeinEnga,"Anthropos, Vol.46,pp. 813-24.
Elkin, A. P. (1953): Delayed Exchangein Wabag Sub-district," Oceania,Vol. 23, No. 3,
pp. 161-201.
E. E. íiqsi) : Social Anthropology
Evans-Pritchard. . London.
Firth,Raymond(Ed.) (1957): (Man and Culture,London.
Fortes, Meyer (iq^s) : The Dynamics of Clanship among the Tallensi, London.
Fortes,Meyer,and Évans-Pritchard,E. E. (Ed.) (1940): AfricanPoliticalSystems,
London.
Malinowski,Bronislaw(1922): Argonauts oftheWestern Pacific,London.
Reay, Marie (1959): The
" Kuma, Melbourne.
Smith,M. G. (1956): On Segmentary LineageSystems,"JournaloftheRoyalAnthropological
Vol. 86, pp. 39-80.
Institute,
Vicedom,Georg,and HerbertTischner(1943): Die Mbowamb, Hamburg.

Appendix
I spentthirteen months amongtheKyakabetweenJanuary, 1955,and March,
1956, and four months between September, 1959, and January, i960. One main
cycleof festivalstook place,from east to west,in late 1954,another fromwestto
eastin 1957,whileonefromeastto westhad an interrupted startin October,1959,
and shouldbe proceeding nowin i960. ThustheonlyactualmainMokafestival I
havewitnessed wasat theinterrupted commencement ofthecycleamongtheRamwi
clanin 1959. In 1955-1956 I gatheredsomemiscellaneous butnotverysatisfactory
informationaboutMokaactivities andpartnerships, butthiswasa bad timeto study
in it wasthenminimal.In 1959,however,
thistopic,as interest verymanydaysof
thefourmonths I waspresent weredevotedbythelocalmento Mokapreparations -
the givingof solicitory gifts,buildingof specialhouses,drivingin of pig-stakes,
preliminary displayof pearlshells,and so on. I was therefore thenable to get a
considerableamountofinformation aboutthisaspectofthecycle. However, I have
nodirectobservations ofthethirdphaseofthecycle,whenthepigsarekilledandthe
porkchangeshands.
Ralph Bulmer.

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