REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE AS AN

EXPRESSION OF STATE IDENTITY:

EARLY STATE GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS IN THE HONOLULU
CIVIC CENTER

Anna Broverman

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Ch. 5: Development of the Civic Center: 46

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Ch. 6: The Civic Center Buildings: 62

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Chapter 7: The Honolulu Civic Center Plan and Buildings Compared to Interna-
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sion Frame House
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Image 6: Stores along Fort Street in downtown Honolulu between 1900 and 1915 disply architecture typical of mainland
America at the time. Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division.
18
Chapter 2: The Golden Age
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Image 7: A photo of Honolulu from Punchbowl Palace from the 1890s. Iolani Palace and Ali’iolani Hale can be seen in
the distance in the center of the photograph. Image courtesy of the Hawaii State Archives.
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Image 10: The Honolulu Academy of Art, designed by Ber- Image 11: The Banyan Court at the Honolulu Academy of
tram Goodhue, is characterized by its low scale, pitched Arts. Dacus, 2011. The double pitched roof sheltered win-
roof, and interior courtyards. Library of Congress, Prints & dows and inhabitants from tropical sun and downpours.
Photographs Division, HABS. Photo by Chris Dacus, 2011. Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division. Photo
by Chris Dacus, 2011.
Growth of new Hawaiian style
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Image 12: The Alexander & Baldwin Building designed by Hart Wood and C.W. Dickey on Bishop Street, downtown Honolulu.
Image courtesy of the Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division.
Images 13 & 14: The Alexander
& Baldwin Building designed
by Hart Wood and C.W. Dickey
on Bishop Street, downtown
Honolulu. Details of a decora-
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of Congress, Prints & Photo-
graphs Division.
IRXUWKÁRRUEDOFRQ\DQGGHFRUDWLYHGHWDLOLQJ,QHart Wood: Architectural Regionalism LQ+DZDLLWKH

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Image 15: An area view of Hono-

lulu Harbor in 1940. One can see
the future civic center, which
is situated between Punchbowl
Crater and Honolulu Harbor.
Courtesy of the Hawaii State
Archives.

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Image 16: Top left: Barracks and Recreation Field at Kaneohe Naval Air Station. Top right: A supply department ware-
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8QLWHG6WDWHVDQGVRRQDIWHUWKHZDUDSXVKIRUVWDWHKRRGZDVPDGH the  local  population  was  in  favor  2:1.51  However  it  would  still  be  another  thirteen  years  before  state-­

&KDSWHU3RSXODWLRQ*URZWKDQGWKH4XHVWIRU6WDWHKRRG5DPL¿FDWLRQVIRU%XLOGLQJV   hood  was  achieved.  In  1947  another  bill  for  statehood  failed  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  then  the  

World  War  II  had  drastically  transformed  Hawaii  from  a  frontier  to  an  integral  part  of  the  Unit-­ Korean  and  Cold  Wars  broke  out  in  the  early  1950s  preventing  any  further  attempts  at  statehood  as  it  

ed  States.  Americans  became  familiar  with  Hawaii  as  GI’s  traveled  through  and  sometimes  stayed  in   would  lessen  the  power  the  federal  government’s  and  military’s  power  in  the  islands.  

the  islands,  and  transportation  was  becoming  better  allowing  more  people  to  go  there.  In  this  sense   A  major  concern  Americans  had  with  Hawaii’s  statehood  was  the  territory’s  diverse  population  

Hawaii  was  Americanized  linking  it  to  the  mainland  economically,  culturally,  and  architecturally.  Ha-­ and  its  liberal  political  views.    Many  Americans  were  hesitant  to  accept  a  state  where  white  people  

waii  was  not  only  assimilating  itself  into  the  United  States,  but  also  .  The  islands  were  an  increasingly   were  a  minority,  and  consequently  many  believed  that  the  state  lacked  sophistication.  In  sum  Hawaii’s  

important  stopping  point  between  the  Americas  and  Asia  and  were  exposed  to  a  diverse  range  of   diverse  population  made  Americans  nervous.  Adding  to  uncertainty  was  Hawaii’s  situation  was  the  

cultures  and  art  that  contributed  to  its  developing  architectural  character.  Before  World  War  II,  Hawaii   growing  presence  unions.  Hawaii  had  a  reputation  of  having  many  communists,  and  the  1947  failure  

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but  was  hardly  more  than  a  curiosity.  The  war  changed  this  perception,  and  by  1945  the  islands  im-­ communists.  Despite  these  worries,  President  Truman  endorsed  the  statehood  of  Hawaii  and  Alaska,  

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Statehood   economy  and  population,  which  in  turn  affected  the  state’s  built  environment.52

  Hawaii’s  struggle  for  statehood  would  last  over  a  century,  and  began  with  a  proposal  from   (FRQRP\

Kamehameha  III  in  1854.  The  next  attempt  came  in  1893  after  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy.  The     Economically  the  state  was  changing  and  expanding.  The  brief  period  of  uncertainty  after  the  

new  Republic  of  Hawaii  had  petitioned  for  statehood,  but  was  denied  by  President  Cleveland  due  to   war  was  followed  by  prosperity  and  economic  growth.  Hawaii’s  longstanding  agricultural  industry  

questions  of  the  republic’s  legitimacy.50  Four  years  later  the  republic  attempted  statehood  again,  but   prospered  immediately  after  the  war,  with  sugar  and  pineapple  getting  unprecedented  returns.  How-­

was  annexed  instead  as  an  American  Territory.  Under  the  Organic  Act  of  1900,  a  territorial  govern-­ ever,  much  of  the  land  once  dedicated  to  farming  had  been  lost  to  other  purposes  during  the  war,  and  

ment  was  formed  that  incorporated  most  of  the  laws  created  under  the  Kingdom  of  Hawaii.  However,   starting  in  the  1950s  and  1960s  the  agricultural  industries  began  to  lessen  in  importance  as  the  man-­

several  government  entities  were  established,  including  a  bicameral  legislature,  a  supreme  court,  and   ufacturing,  construction  and  service  industries  grew.  

DQRQYRWLQJVHQDWHUHSUHVHQWDWLYH$7HUULWRULDO*RYHUQRU¶VRI¿FHZDVDOVRIRUPHGZLWKWKHJRYHUQRU Agriculture,  sugar  in  particular,  was  the  mainstay  of  the  Hawaiian  economy  since  the  middle  of  

appointed  by  the  United  States  president.  As  a  territory,  Hawaii  was  subject  to  federal  law  and  appoin-­ the  nineteenth  century.  However,  military  construction  during  the  war  severely  cut  the  amount  of  land  

tees  but  had  no  say  in  their  creation,  making  statehood  much  more  desirable. available  for  farming.  Additionally,  the  massive  population  growth  greatly  increased  land  values,  push-­

By  the  end  of  World  War  II,  Hawaii  had  attempted  statehood  fourteen  times  and  failed.  Start-­ ing  many  landowners  to  start  building  subdivisions.  After  the  war,  the  sugar  and  pineapple  businesses  

ing  in  1935,  congress  authorized  a  committee  to  go  to  Hawaii  and  hold  testimonies  for  its  statehood,   also  changed  as  mechanization,  cheap  foreign  competition,  and  an  increase  in  union  activity  dis-­

resulting  in  positive  recommendations  to  the  House  and  Senate.  Another  proposal  was  put  fourth  in   rupted  the  industry.  Strikes  organized  by  bigger  and  bigger  unions  were  successful  in  getting  higher  

1937,  and  three  years  later  two-­thirds  of  congress  voted  in  favor  of  Hawaii’s  statehood.  However,  the   ZDJHVIRUDJULFXOWXUDOPDQXIDFWXULQJDQGGRFNZRUNHUVKXUWLQJDJULFXOWXUDOSUR¿WV53  

onset  of  war  prevented  any  action  from  taking  place.  The  quest  was  continued  in  January  of  1946   The  combination  of  a  dwindling  agricultural  industry  with  the  rising  political  power  of  the  unions  

when  a  congressional  committee  visited  the  state  to  conduct  hearings  on  statehood  where  they  found  
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and  Democratic  Party  lead  to  the  decline  of  the  Big  Five  and  their  political  control  of  the  islands.  Their   to  that  number  the  thousands  of  tourists  arriving  in  Honolulu  on  a  weekly  basis,  and  the  grounds  for  a  
businesses  were  further  wounded  by  new  enterprises,  headed  by  locals  or  mainlanders,  which  moved   major  building  boom  were  set.  
into  the  islands  after  the  end  of  the  war.  Sugar  plantations  did  continue  to  run  throughout  the  1970s   Modernism  proved  to  be  an  important  visual  tool  for  symbolizing  Hawaii’s  transition  from  ter-­
and  1980s,  but  the  last  plant  eventually  closed  in  the  1990s.  Though  sugar  has  basically  disappeared,   ritory  to  state.  The  territorial  style  that  had  represented  the  Big  Five  and  their  aspirations  for  Hawaii  
agriculture  remained  important  to  the  islands,  with  the  pineapple  and  coffee  industries  still  going. fell  out  of  favor  along  with  them  after  the  war.  This  type  of  architecture  had  looked  to  Hawaiian  history  
As  agriculture  declined,  tourism  in  particular  took  off.  By  the  mid  1960s  the  number  of  tourists   for  inspiration,  incorporating  these  ideas  into  its  detailed  decoration.  Modernism  on  the  other  hand,  
that  visited  Hawaii  was  greater  than  the  number  of  permanent  residents.54  Postwar  prosperity  had   represented  a  clean  break  from  this  past.  As  Hawaii’s  new  sociopolitical  order  developed,  architects  

imbued  Americans  with  a  desire  to  travel,  while  improved  transportation  and  statehood  made  Hawaii   found  new  patrons  for  their  new  type  of  architecture.  Contrary  to  the  historical  territorial  architecture,  

more  accessible.  As  Gavan  Daws  says  in  his  book  The  Shoals  of  Time,  “Hawaii  was  not  too  far  away   the  modernist  architecture  of  Hawaii  aimed  to  help  establish  a  new  future  that  was  based  on  a  differ-­

to  be  inaccessible,  yet  far  enough  away  to  be  interesting.”55  People  could  now  visit  paradise  without   ent  vision  for  the  island.58  

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cheaper  and  faster  transportation,  which  by  the  1960s  included  daily  jet  service  from  the  west  coast.   of  the  1920s.  The  projects  were  small  and  followed  the  prevailing  aesthetic  forms  of  the  modernism,  

By  the  end  of  the  1960s,  more  tourists  were  coming  into  Hawaii  than  military  personnel,  both   with  projects  including  Vladimir  Ossipoff’s  Blue  Cross  Animal  Hospital  of  1938.59  The  war  helped  fa-­

of  which  now  outstripped  the  agricultural  industry.  Hotels  and  resorts  were  quickly  buying  land  from   miliarize  Hawaiians  with  the  international  style,  but  architects  understood  that  the  plain  designs  of  the  

plantations  owners,  so  as  tourism  grew,  the  sugar  and  pineapple  industries  shrank.  After  1959  de-­ style  would  need  to  be  adapted  to  the  Hawaiian  terrain  and  environment  if  they  were  to  gain  accep-­

fense  spending  increased,  but  soon  tourism  became  Hawaii’s  number  one  industry,  followed  by  the   tance.  Local  architects  took  on  the  challenge,  and  within  a  decade  the  modernist  style  had  become  

military,  sugar,  and  pineapple.56  The  huge  number  of  tourists  caused  a  building  and  real  estate  boom   popular  in  the  islands.  Dean  Sakamoto  explains  in  Hawaii  Modernism:

in  Hawaii,  with  acutely  large  impacts  in  Honolulu.  

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  The  Great  Depression  and  World  War  II  had  basically  stopped  the  burgeoning  local  architec-­

tural  movement  of  the  1920s.  In  the  late  1930s  some  of  Hawaii’s  architects  had  begun  to  play  with  

Modernism  but  the  movement  was  not  truly  adopted.  The  war  necessitated  quick  and  affordable  

construction,  resulting  in  mass-­produced  buildings  with  little  or  no  ornament  creating  an  appreciation  

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used  in  their  construction  and  the  Hawaiian  landscape  in  general.  Vast  amounts  of  previously  open  

land  were  converted  into  military  bases,  highways  were  built  and  widened,  and  the  sheer  number  of  

structures  had  increased  tremendously.  In  the  twenty  years  between  1940  and  1960,  Hawaii’s  popu-­
Image 17: The Blue Cross Animal Hospital, Honolulu. Image from google, 2011.
lation  increased  from  420,000  to  630,000  with  eighty  percent  of  the  population  living  on  Oahu.57  Add   “The  benign  climate  allowed  open  spatial  volumes  to  bond  with  nature,  while  the  regularity  of  
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structure  and  austerity  of  the  new  reinforced-­concrete  construction  of  which  Hawaii’s  archi-­
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tects,  engineers,  and  builders  were  among  the  most  advanced  practitioners-­  could  artistical-­
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 ly  contrast  with  the  islands’  eccentric  landforms  and  their  historically  derivative  architectural   building  was  Hawaii’s  tallest  building,  its  six  and  two  story  structure  was  sensitive  to  not  overwhelm  
style.”60
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As  modernism  became  the  preferred  architectural  idiom,  many  local  architects  felt  a  region-­
pedestrians  and  creating  a  bridge  between  the  street  and  the  taller  six  story  building.  The  lot’s  perim-­
al  approach  should  be  taken.  The  early  modern  construction  in  the  islands  basically  imitated  the  Art  
eter  was  also  well  landscaped  with  palms  and  shrubs.  Climatically  it  was  oriented  towards  the  north-­
Moderne  and  International  style  buildings  found  on  the  mainland  and  abroad.  A  1950  article  in  Archi-­
east  so  its  operable  windows  could  be  opened  to  take  advantage  of  trade  winds.  Additionally  it  utilized  
tectural  Record  stated  though  there  were  some  material  differences,  the  modern  buildings  of  Hawaii  
an  open  elevator  lobby  and  sunshades  to  take  advantage  of  Honolulu’s  balmy  weather.  Ossipoff  was  
were  the  same  in  plan  as  those  on  the  mainland.61  Architect  George  Ely  explained  in  1960  that,  “Ha-­
SDUWLFXODUO\FRQFHUQHGZLWKHQHUJ\XVHDQGYHUWLFDODOXPLQXPVXQ¿QVZHUHXVHGWRVKDGHWKHJODVV
waii  must  embrace  all  the  native  and  geographical  uniqueness.  Hawaii  must  be  kept  Hawaiian.”62  
block  and  clear  operable  windows  of  the  six-­story  structure.  This  allowed  him  to  create  an  interior  
After  the  war,  many  of  the  preeminent  architects  from  the  territorial  period  were  no  longer  prac-­
atmosphere  full  of  natural  light  yet  not  glaring.  Additionally  the  two-­story  section  of  the  building  had  
ticing.  C.  W.  Dickey,  who  basically  spearheaded  the  earlier  movement,  died  in  1942,  and  other  archi-­
jalousie  windows  64  
tects  either  left  architecture  or  the  islands  completely.  Only  Hart  Wood  and  Hego  Fuchino  remained  in  
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the  islands,  and  both  continued  to  create  important  buildings  like  the  Board  of  Water  Supply  Adminis-­
of  modern  architecture  and  adapt  them  to  better  suite  Hawaii’s  landscape  and  weather.  Some  of  the  
tration  Building  (1958).  However,  Hawaii’s  regional  architecture  movement  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the  
key  stylistic  elements  of  the  movement  included  highly  textured  surfaces,  the  use  of  local  materials,  
next  generation.  
and  culturally  appropriate  ornament.  Typologically,  buildings  incorporation  of  the  natural  environment  
In  response,  a  group  of  local  architects  lead  by  Vladimir  Ossipoff  aimed  to  create  a  new  type  of  
by  basing  plans  on  site  topography,  natural  ventilation,  attention  to  local  weather  conditions,  scale,  
Hawaiian  architecture.  Instead  of  basing  their  architecture  on  historical  precedents,  they  believed  that  
and  landscape.  It  was  important  for  architects  to  not  just  address  Hawaii’s  environment,  but  also  its  
they  should  look  toward  Hawaii’s  climate  for  inspiration.  The  land  and  sea  were  integral  to  Hawaiian  
people.  Architects  believed  that  ornamentation,  when  used  on  cultural  or  religious  buildings,  could  
life  and  culture,  as  well  as  the  islands’  balmy  weather,  tropical  downpours,  equatorial  sun,  and  trade  
help  bridge  style  and  culture.  Examples  can  be  seen  in  the  numerous  consulate  buildings,  Buddhist  
winds.  The  new  architecture  would  revolve  around  creating  buildings  that  allowed  their  inhabitants  to  
Temples,  and  community  center  around  Oahu.65  
live  and  work  in  a  way  only  possible  in  Hawaii.  As  part  of  their  efforts,  the  group  produced  booklets  
The  availability  of  materials  had  a  large  affect  on  the  Hawaii’s  modern  buildings  as  well.  Key  to  
and  exhibitions  on  island  architecture.  Much  of  their  written  work  had  to  do  with  domestic  architecture,  
Hawaii’s  modern  movement  was  the  use  of  concrete  and  the  engineering  expertise  professionals  had  
but  they  also  translated  their  ideas  into  ecclesiastical,  institutional  and  commercial  architecture.63
developed  during  World  War  II.  The  war  had  taught  Hawaii’s  builders  how  to  use  the  material,  and  in  
Another  early  example  is  Vladimir  Ossipoff’s  Hawaiian  Life  Building,  which  addressed  both  the  
the  postwar  environment  concrete  was  seen  as  the  best  building  option.  There  were  really  only  three  
changing  social  landscape  and  local  climate  conditions.  The  Hawaiian  Life  Building  (1951)  acknowl-­
options  for  building  materials  in  Hawaii,  which  included  concrete,  steel  and  wood.  In  a  1960  newspa-­
edged  suburbanization  in  Honolulu  with  its  location  on  an  irregular  corner  lot  outside  of  Honolulu’s  
per  article,  engineer  Alfred  Yee  promoted  the  use  of  concrete  in  the  islands  instead  of  steel.  He  said  
central  business  district  to  make  arrival  by  car  and  parking  easier.  The  L  shaped  building  was  orien-­
it  was  a  better  material  because  it  was  stronger,  more  economical,  had  lower  maintenance  costs,  and  
tated  for  easy  access  from  both  the  street  and  anterior  employee  parking  lots,  and  outdoor  stairs  con-­
longer  spans.66  Donald  T.  Lo,  another  Honolulu  engineer,  also  praised  concrete  because  of  its  eco-­
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nomical  pricing,  termite  resistance,  and  its  resistance  to  salty  air.67  By  1960  Hawaii  used  the  most  pre-­
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stressed  concrete  per  capita  in  the  United  States.68   but  the  vast  majority  of  buildings  did  not  speak  to  a  regional  design.  

  Cement  had  been  produced  in  Paia,  Maui  during  the  First  World  War  and  in  Waianae,  Oahu   &RQFOXVLRQ

during  World  War  II.69  Though  the  cement  produced  on  the  islands  was  of  a  very  high  quality,  it  was     Honolulu’s  architecture  after  World  War  II  encapsulated  the  postwar  changes  taking  place  in  

only  produced  during  wartime.  However,  after  the  war,  Hawaii’s  concrete  plants  closed  even  though   Hawaii.  The  changing  sociopolitical  landscape  combined  with  a  new  economy  and  population  laid  the  

more  and  more  concrete  was  needed  for  new  construction.  For  the  next  six  years  all  of  the  cement   groundwork  for  the  acceptance  of  a  new  type  of  architecture.  Hawaii’s  architects  again  tried  to  cap-­

used  in  Hawaii  was  imported  from  Permanente  Cement  plants  in  California,  and  then  combined  with   italize  on  the  opportunity  to  create  a  lasting  precedent  for  future  modern  construction.  However,  the  

local  rock  when  it  reached  the  islands.  The  Permanente  Silverbow  carried  58,000  barrels  once  a   sheer  amount  of  construction  that  was  taking  place  meant  that  not  all  construction  could  be  great,  and  

month  to  Honolulu  where  it  was  then  dispersed  throughout  the  islands.70  Hence  there  was  a  cement   by  the  end  of  the  1960s  architects  were  worried  about  Honolulu’s  built  environment.  

shortage  and  local  companies  decided  to  revive  Hawaii’s  cement  industry  starting  in  1951.  After  many     One  possible  source  of  architectural  inspiration  was  the  upcoming  chance  for  architects  to  

years  of  planning,  two  cement  plants  opened  in  1960,  which  used  all  local  materials  with  the  excep-­ work  on  Honolulu’s  new  capitol  center.  The  new  civic  center  was  a  major  project  that  would  expand  

tion  of  silica  imported  from  Vietnam  or  Australia.71  By  1965,  the  making  of  cement  and  concrete  prod-­ over  the  next  twenty  years  and  provide  numerous  building  opportunities  for  both  local  and  national  

ucts  was  the  state’s  largest  manufacturing  industry.   ¿UPV,QDQHZVSDSHUDUWLFOHDUFKLWHFW$OIUHG3ULHVH[SODLQHGWKDWWKHJRYHUQPHQWVKRXOGOHDG

The  availability  of  concrete  led  many  local  architects  to  adopt  the  Neo-­Formalist,  Expression-­ the  way  for  a  new  regional  form  of  architecture.72  The  Civic  Center  would  be  Hawaii’s  most  visible  

ist  and  Brutalist  styles.  Hawaii’s  State  Capitol  Building  is  Neo-­Formalist  and  draws  on  precedents   architectural  project,  seen  in  both  the  United  States  and  around  the  world.  The  decision  to  use  a  

including  Edward  Durrell  Stone’s  American  Embassy  in  New  Dehli.  Alfred  Pries’  Arizona  Memorial  is   modern  idiom  for  the  complex  would  validate  the  new  movement  while  expressing  Hawaii’s  changing  

an  example  of  expressionism  with  its  sloping  roof  and  sculptural  form,  and  the  Financial  Plaza  of  the   economic,  political  and  social  structure.

3DFL¿FFORVHO\UHVHPEOHVWKH%UXWDOLVWEXLOGLQJVRI/RQGRQ+RZHYHUPRVWRIWHQ+DZDLL¶VEXLOGLQJV

are  not  true  examples  of  these  styles,  but  instead  elementary  mixes  of  styles  that  incorporate  regional  

characteristics.  

  Architects  continued  to  develop  the  regional  tradition  throughout  the  1960s,  but  things  started  

to  change  in  the  1970s.  As  Honolulu’s  building  boom  went  vertical,  architects  lost  sight  of  the  region-­

alist  approach.  Despite  Hawaii’s  ideal  year  round  climate,  more  and  more  architects  used  air  condi-­

tioning  turning  many  buildings  into  sealed  boxes  disregarding  the  building’s  site  and  surrounding  ele-­

ments.    Numerous  newspaper  articles  throughout  the  1960s  addressed  the  phenomenon:  One  article  

in  particular  asked  preeminent  local  architects,  many  of  who  were  part  of  the  regionalist  movement,  

what  they  thought  about  Honolulu’s  architecture.  The  general  consensus  was  that  the  city’s  architec-­

ture  was  not  great,  but  could  be  worse.  They  acknowledged  that  there  were  great  works  in  the  city,  

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44 45
Chapter 5: The Development of the Civic Center
Pre-Statehood
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Image 18: A map of the existing conditions of the Honolulu Civic Center area in 1941. Image from a Image 19: The proposed Civic Center from the 1941 Territorial Planning Board Report. Image from a
Publication No. 10 January, 1941: Report on the Executive-Legislative Quarters City and County of Publication No. 10 January, 1941: Report on the Executive-Legislative Quarters City and County of
Honolulu, Hawaii. The original is located at the University of Hawaii Manoa. Honolulu, Hawaii. The original is located at the University of Hawaii Manoa.

48 49
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Image 20: Os-
sipoff’s 1956 de-
sign for the new
Hawaii Legisla-
tive Buildings.
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Image 21: Ossipoff’s
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56 57
 Image 22: 5 proposals from a 1964 report from the State Depart-
ment of Planning and Research. All of the proposals are located
in the area between Punchbowl Craterand Honolulu Harbor.
Honolulu Planning Department. Civic Center, Honolulu, Hawaii,
pt. 1-2. 1965. Original located at the University of Hawaii Manoa
Hamilton Library.

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Center Plan, which was created by John Carl Warnecke & Associates.
Honolulu Planning Department. Civic Center, Honolulu, Hawaii, pt.
1-2. 1965. Original located at the University of Hawaii Manoa Hamilton
Library.

58 59
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60 61
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Image 24: A view
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bor. Personal pho-
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January 2013.
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Images 25: Top left: A view of Kinau Hale from
Beretania Street, Honolulu. Personal photogra- VXQVKDGHVDUHXVHGWRVKLHOGUHFHVVHGZLQGRZVRQWKHVRXWKHDVWHUQIDoDGHIURPWKHVXQ$QH[WH-
phy by author. January, 2013.
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2013. FDOO\WKHEXLOGLQJXVHGQXPHURXVORFDOPDWHULDOVVXFKDVODYDURFNDQGNRDZRRGRQERWKWKHH[WHULRU

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Images 27: Left: The Images 30:Top:

Waikiki side of the Kam- The Transpor-
amalu Building. Personal tation Building,
photography by author. Honolulu. Person-
May, 2013. al photography by
author. May, 2013.
Image 28: Top Right: The
penthouse doors, which Image 31: The
open the whole room up ground plan of the
to the outside. Courtesy Transportation
of Mike Gushard. Febru- Building, Hono-
ary, 2013. lulu. Courtesy of
the Hawaii State
Image 29: A stairwell in Department of
the Kamamalu Building Accounting and
with mosaics. Courtesy General Services.
of Mike Gushard. Feb- Personal photog-
ruary, 2013. Image 29: A raphy by author.
stairwell in May, 2013.

68 69
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Conclusion

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Images 36: The Fasi
JRYHUQPHQWWRFUHDWHDSXEOLFLPDJHIRUWKHVWDWHYLDDUFKLWHFWXUH7KH\GLGWKLVE\XVLQJV\PEROLVP Building. Personal
photo by author. Sep-
HQYLURQPHQWDOO\DZDUHGHVLJQRSHQSODQVDQG+DZDLLDQKLVWRU\DQGFXOWXUH,WLVLPSRUWDQWWRUH- tember, 2012.

74 75
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Images 36: A Panorama of the Ho-
LQZRUOGPDUNHWVGXULQJPLGFHQWXU\ nolulu Civic Center from the top of
the Kamamalu Building. Courtesy of
Mike Gushard, February, 2013.

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Images 37:
An interior
view of the
Kealiko-
lani Hale Images 38: A
Building, look at the Fasi
Honolulu. Building from
Personal the passages
photo by of Kalanimoku.
author, Personal photo
September, by author, Sep-
2012. tember, 2012.

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