Documents and Source Material: Arab Documents on Palestine February 16, 1972-May 15,

1972
Source: Journal of Palestine Studies , Summer, 1972, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Summer, 1972), pp.
165-190
Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine
Studies

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL

ARAB DOCUMENTS ON PALESTINE

FEBRUARY 16, 1972 - MAY 15, 1972

[This section is a selection of important documents on Palestine and the Arab-Israeli

conflict issued individually or bilaterally by Arab leaders, governments or political organi-
zations. The documents cover a period of three months.]

1. Speech by Jordanian King Hussein Concerning the Status of the West Bank in the Event
of a Peaceful Settlement, Made in Amman on March 15, 1972. [Excerpts]

2. Reply by the Spokesman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organ-
ization, Mr. Kamal Nasser, to King Hussein's Proposed Plan for the West Bank, Beirut,
March 16, 1972. [Excerpts]

3. Comments and Impressions by Mr. Mahmoud Riad, the Special Representative of

President Sadat on a Trip to China, at a Seminar Held by al-Ahram, n.d. [April 1972]
[Excerpts]

4. Replies by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat to Questions at a Secret Session of the Central
Committee of the Arab Socialist Union; n.d. [April 1972] [Excerpts]

5. Text of the Communique of the Palestinian Popular Congress, Issued in Cairo on April
10, 1972.

6. Interview with the leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Yasser Arafat,
Published in al-Muharrir (Beirut), April 27, 1972.

7. Memorandum Prepared by the Former Jordanian Mayor of Jerusalem, Ruhi al-Khatib,

Relating to the Eviction of Arab Families in Jerusalem between January 1, 1969 and
March 1, 1972. [Excerpts]

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166 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

1 the unique combination of its people: the

SPEECH BY JORDANIAN KING HUSSEIN CON-
CERNING THE STATUS OF THE WEST BANK
IN THE EVENT OF A PEACEFUL SETTLEMENT,
MADE IN AMMAN ON MARCH 15, 1972.
[EXCERPTS] 1
Muhajerin and the Ansars.2 This evil
subversion was shattered on the rock of
the firm national unity, which, born in 1950,
grew and flourished amidst the challenges
which it had to face during the past
twenty years.

In the midst of this sea of suffering cre-

ated by the June calamity, the aims of the
Jordan government in the period which
followed the war were summed up in
attaining two goals: a brave and steadfast
stand in the face of continuous and un-
ceasing aggression against the East Bank,
and a strong determination to liberate the
occupied land and free our kin and brethren
in the West Bank. All our efforts were di-
rected to achieve both these goals in an
atmosphere of confidence that the Arab
states would support Jordan in its predic-
ament, and with an unlimited trust that
the unity of Arab destiny had become a
deeply rooted reality in the conscience of
the whole Arab nation, a reality which
cannot be shaken by regional interests,
however great, and which cannot be
reached by vicious plans and evil inten-
tions, however underhanded.
Suddenly, Jordan found itself facing a
new catastrophe, which if allowed to
befall the country, would have resulted in
the loss of the East Bank, and would have
laid the stage for a final liquidation of the
Palestinian case forever. The forces plan-
ning for this calamity had mobilized many
an element to serve their purpose. Other
elements also fell into the nets of these
forces. Many of these elements claimed
the Palestinian identity of the sacred cause
and thus played their roles under its guise.
The contradictions and conflicting cur-
rents prevailing in the whole world found
their way into the ranks of these elements.
It was only natural that Jordan should
rise up to confront the impending tragedy.
The challenge was faced by the stand of
The Israeli occupation of the West Bank
and other Arab territories dear to us has
managed to continue due to the disin-
tegration of the Arab front, the lack of
co-ordination, the struggle to establish
opposite axes and camps, the abandonment
of the essence of the Palestine cause and
its needs, the concentration on talking in
the name of the Palestine cause rather
than exerting concerted action, in addition
to the attempts of certain groups to attain
power through internal strife. All this also
led to deepen the suffering of the Pales-
tinians and to push them into a state of
utter confusion and loss. The talk about
municipal elections in the West Bank is
merely an example of such a tragedy, which
certain quarters are trying to exploit to
their interests.
It was thus decided to move on with
the state into a new phase based in its
essence on liberation, its concept reflecting
the aspiration of our people and their
sense of belonging to it. In addition to all
that, it is based on our absolute determi-
nation to regain the legitimate rights of
the Palestinians, and it is directed to place
them in a position to enable them to re-
gain and safeguard those rights.
This was the pledge we made, to allow
our people the right of self-determination.
This is now our answer to all those who
chose to doubt that pledge and void it
from its essence. Today the pledge will
find its way to every citizen in this country,
to every individual in this nation and to

1 From Hussein Bin Talal, "The Historic Speech, March 15 1972," Ministry of Informa-
tion, Amman, Jordan.
2 The reference is to the early years of the Prophet's political career after the emigration
where the community of the "faithful" was composed of the emigrants (muhajerin) from Mecca, and the
helpers (ansar), natives of Medina.

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 167
the world. It is now expanding to exceed
the limits of words in order to face every
possibility of disunity and to embody all
national aims and goals.
We wish to declare that the planning
for the new phase has come as a result of
continuous meetings, discussions and con-
sultations which were held with the repre-
sentatives and leaders of both Banks. There
was unanimous consensus that the main
shape of the new phase should include the
best and most developed concept of a
modern democratic state. In addition to
that, it will help to create a new society,
built by a new man to forge a driving force
which will put us on the way to victory,
progress, unity, freedom and a better life.
We are pleased to announce that the
basic principles of the proposed new plan
are:
1. The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
shall become a United Arab Kingdom,
and shall be thus named.
2. The United Arab Kingdom shall
consist of two regions:
A. The Region of Palestine, and shall
consist of the West Bank and any further
Palestinian territories to be liberated and
whose inhabitants opt to join.
B. The Region of Jordan, and shall
consist of the East Bank.
3. Amman shall be the central capital
of the Kingdom and at the same time shall
be the capital of the Region of Jordan.
4. Jerusalem shall become the capital
of the Region of Palestine.
5. The King shall be the Head of the
State and shall assume the Central Exec-
utive Power, assisted by a Central Council
of Ministers. The Central Legislative Power
shall be vested in the King and in the
National Assembly whose members shall
be elected by direct and secret ballot,
having an equal number of members from
each of the two regions.
6. The Central Judicial Authority shall
be vested in a 'Supreme Central Court.'
7. The Kingdom shall have a single
'Armed Forces' and its 'Supreme Com-
mander' shall be the King.
8. The responsibilities of the Central
Executive power shall be confined to mat-
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ters relating to the Kingdom as a sovereign
international entity ensuring the safety of
the union, its stability and development.
9. The Executive Power in each Region
shall be vested in a Governor-General
from the Region, and in a Regional Council
of Ministers also formed from citizens of
the Region.
10. The Legislative Power in each Re-
gion shall be vested in a 'People's Council'
which shall be elected by direct secret
ballot. This Council shall elect the Gover-
nor General.
11. The Judicial Power in each Region
shall be vested in the courts of the Region
and nobody shall have any authority over
it.
12. The Executive Power in each Region
shall be responsible for all matters pertinent
to it with the exception of such matters as
the constitution defines to be the responsi-
bility of the Central Executive Power.
It is obvious that the implementation of
this proposed plan will require the neces-
sary constitutional steps and the Parliament
shall be asked to draw up the new consti-
tution of the country.
This new phase, which we look forward
to, will guarantee the rearrangement of the
'Jordan-Palestinian' home in a manner
that will ensure for it additional innate
strength and thus additional ability to
enable us to reach our hopes and aspirations.
This plan will strengthen the fabric and
sinews that tie both Banks and build up
their brotherhood and their unity as it
deepens the sense of responsibility in the
individual in both Regions of the Kingdom,
in order to best serve our cause without
prejudice to any of the acquired rights of
any citizen of Palestinian origin in the
Region of Jordan or any citizen of Jorda-
nian origin in the Region of Palestine. For
this proposed plan collects but does not
disperse; it strengthens but does not weak-
en, and it unifies but does not disintegrate.
It does not allow any changes to occur to
the gains that our citizens have acquired
as a result of twenty years of union. Any
attempt to cast doubt on all this will be tan-
tamount to treason against the unity of the
Kingdom and against the cause, the nation
and the homeland. The citizen in our
country has suffered such experiences as
168 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

to achieve a level of awareness and ability 2

which qualifies him to cope with the on-
coming responsibilities with greater confi- REPLY BY THE SPOKESMAN OF THE EXECU-

dence and determination. TIVE COMMITTEE OF THE PALESTINE LIBERA-

TION ORGANIZATION, MR. KAMAL NASSER,
If ability is a bliss which should grow
TO KING HUSSEIN'S PROPOSED PLAN FOR
to become man's responsibility towards
THE WEST BANK, BEIRUT, MARCH 16, 1972. 1
himself and towards others, if his awareness
is a weapon to be used for his own good [EXCERPTS]
and that of others, then the time has come
Mr. Kamal Nasser, the official spokes-
for our citizen to stand face to face with
man for the Palestine Liberation Organi-
his responsibilities, to discharge them with
zation, has issued a statement by the Exec-
honesty and practise them with courage
utive Committee on King Hussein's Pro-
and honour.
posal to establish the United Arab King-
Thus, the above formula becomes a dom, the text of which follows:
title for a new page, brilliant and confident,
in the history of this country. Every citizen
has his role and his duties in it. As to the The Committee's decision to reject and
armed forces, which have marched right condemn King Hussein's proposal was
from the start under the banner of the great based on the following basic facts:
Arab Revolt, that included and shall for-
1. That the people of Palestine alone can
ever include in its ranks the best elements
decide their own future and the future of
of our sons from both Banks, these armed
their cause in the atmosphere of freedom
forces shall always remain ready to receive
which is essential for such a decision, and
more of our sons from both Banks, selected
that, should such an atmosphere be absent,
on the basis of the highest level of efficiency,
should the atmosphere prevailing in both
ability and organization. They shall always
the East and West Banks be, on the con-
be open to welcome any one who wishes
trary, one of intimidation, oppression and
to serve our nation and our cause with
arbitrary tyranny, the only possible view
absolute loyalty to the eternal goals of
as regards deciding the future must be that
our nation.
of the resistance movement, by virtue of
its ability to freely express what is going
on in the minds of our people, undeterred
This Arab country is the country of all
by fear of bearing the responsibility for
Jordanians and Palestinians alike. When
freely stating the correct view.
we say Palestinians we mean every Pales-
2. Despite all that the Palestinian resis-
tinian be he in the East or West of this
tance movement said, from the day it fired
great world on condition that he should
its first shot up to Black September 1970,
be loyal to Palestine and should belong to
to the effect that it only came into existence
Palestine. Our call is for every citizen in
to liberate Palestine and the occupied
this country to rise and play his role and
territories, and despite the consistent atti-
shoulder his responsibilities in this new
tude it has always adopted and what it
phase; it is also addressed to every Pales-
has endured as a result of adopting this
tinian outside Jordan to answer the call
attitude - to the effect that the central
of duty, far from appearances and free
contradiction which it came into existence
from ailments and diversions, and to proceed
to combat is the Zionist presence and the
joining hands with kin and brothers to go
Israeli occupation - despite all this the
ahead on the single path, unity in one
Jordanian regime has insisted on offering
front, clear in aims, so that all should
itself as an accomplice for the Zionist
co-operate to reach the goals of liberation
enemy.
and to build up the structure to which we
all aspire. King Hussein's statement and proposal
should suffice to convince all who were not
"GOD WILL AID THOSE WHO AID HIS CAUSE." already convinced of this fact. He beat

1 Fateh, March 17, 1972.

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 169
about the bush with an issue which, since
the events in Jerash in 1971, has become
an important one, though it is still not a
central issue. King Hussein concentrated
in his proposal on the relations of the one
people in the Jordanian-Palestinian field
without making any serious reference to
the central problem, which is the problem
of liberation. But the real truth about the
struggle, both in theory and practice, lies
in the contradiction between the attitude
of King Hussein and his regime and that
of the Palestinian people and their leader-
ships to the question of liberation and the
recovery of Palestinian rights. This contra-
diction exists not only as regards strategic
goals; it also applies to the question of what
methods are to be used for the achievement
of these goals.
In this connection the Committee wishes
to reaffirm even more strongly what it has
already said on dozens of occasions - that
the contradiction is not between Jordanian
and Palestinian, but between a subservient
and collusive regime and a people who have
adopted armed struggle as the way to
achieve their wishes and to recover their
rights. The clearest proof of this is that
while King Hussein does find certain Pales-
tinians who are ready to follow in his train
and creep into his palace, in the ranks of
the resistance movement there are thou-
sands of genuine Jordanians bearing arms
side by side with their Palestinian brothers
in arms. Indeed, King Hussein knows as
well as anyone that he has in his palace
Palestinians who are conspiring against
their own cause - a number of tradition-
alist traitors who are only surpassed in
treachery by their brothers and relations
who are now co-operating directly with
the Israeli regime... and it may well be
that, in these two groups, there are many
who are linked by common ideas and a
common organization within the frame-
work of contacts aimed at co-ordination
between the agents of King Hussein and
the agents of Israel.
Thus our fundamental difference, our
historic contradiction with the regime,
centres on the question of liberation. There
is nothing wrong with the relations between
the two peoples; they are only threatened
by the Jordanian regime and by the King
himself, who has always played this sinister
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regionalist card, and is still doing so. But
those who have been brought together by
companionship in arms, imprisonment,
suffering and common aspirations cannot
be separated by the tunes ground out by
a suspect information service that is charged
with an odious spirit of tribalism.
3. For a long time King Hussein and
his regime accused the resistance movement
of striving to establish a feeble Palestinian
entity which it could control, and issued
statements and communiques in connection
with this false charge to justify their brutal
massacre of members of our people.
But now King Hussein is revealing him-
self and his collusion by announcing the
birth, in another form, of the 'feeble en-
tity,' Israel having made a bargain to
become a partner in the project, in return
for concessions on Jerusalem, the Triangle
and real sovereignty... and, of course, in
return for recognition of and peace with
Israel and for the creation of a bridge over
which it can cross into all parts of the Arab
homeland.
It is through its rejection of the govern-
ment establishment, its feudalist regime
and its subservience to Zionism and im-
perialism that the resistance understands
how the unity of the peoples of the two
Banks can be restored. And although in
the past the resistance's rejection of the
attitudes of the Jordanian regime has been
restricted to reading the history of the
Hashemite family and its perception of
what this regime was capable of doing,
today, in announcing its rejection of the
regime, the King and his proposal, the
resistance has at its disposal unimpeachable
and damning documentary evidence prov-
ing the extent to which the subservient
regime in Jordan is now merged with the
Zionist regime in Palestine.
4. By his proposed deal King Hussein
is not only challenging all the oficial and
popular institutions of the Arabs; he is not
only dissenting from unanimous Arab opin-
ion and from the decisions taken by the
Arab nation during the last fifty years.
Worse than this, he is playing, in the Arab
area, the role of intermediary in breaking
the isolation of the Israeli wild beast and
loosing it on the Arab nation and the rest
of the Arab countries through an 'Arab
170 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Kingdom,' a kingdom which would be 3

Arab only in name and in its physical com-
ponents, while its mind and will would be COMMENTS AND IMPRESSIONS BY MR. MAH-

Israeli. Thus, by this proposal of his, King
Hussein is challenging not only the people
of Palestine and the resistance movement,
but also the whole Arab nation and the
fate of the liberation movement that is in
progress on its soil. He is not only betraying
the history of our nation and its glorious
struggle, but also threatening its future and
condemning it to perpetual subservience.
In thus stating its historic attitude, the
resistance has not forgotten the miserable
MOUD RIAD, SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE OF
PRESIDENT SADAT ON A TRIP TO CHINA, AT
A SEMINAR HELD BY "AL-AHRAM." 1 n.d.
[APRIL, 1972] [EXCERPTS]
As far as we are concerned, China still
maintains, as a matter of principle, that
the establishment of Israel in '47 was a
mistake, and considers that the voting by
the member states on partition at that time

and desperate conditions in which the was not based on justice - that it was
Jordanian regime, in co-operation with unjust and robbed the Palestinian people
Zionism and world imperialism, has forced of their right and their land. This is the
us to live, especially in the West Bank and basis of its support for the Palestinian
the Gaza Strip. But, from its familiarity people; it not only condemns aggression,
with the process of history, the resistance it condemns Israel itself, saying: I have
realises that such conditions alone are refused to recognize Israel and I refuse to
capable of sparking off the Arab struggle recognize it. It says that the USSR played
against Zionism, treachery and colonialism a part in the 1947 resolution, and then
in the correct way. recognized Israel. It is on this basis that it
tries to make its comparison, showing you
The resistance, therefore, in all serious-
that they [the Chinese] have adhered to
ness and honesty, calls on the masses of
their principles and that their policy has
the Arab nation, their revolutionary van-
always been based on principles and still
guards and their democratic forces, both
is. From this it deduces that, in the Pales-
regional and national, to take immediate
tine problem, the people of Palestine must
action to frustrate the Hashemite plan for
be supported; from this it deduces that it
liquidation, and to redouble their struggle
is absolutely impossible to divide the prob-
to confront every responsible person, from
lem into a Palestinian problem and an
the Ocean to the Gulf, with his fateful re-
Egyptian one, for example, or a Syrian one,
sponsibility for ensuring that we continue
and that the struggle must be one and
to exist as a free nation rejecting defeat
undivided, as is happening today in Indo-
and surrender.
china, and that the most important thing
Future generations will pass judgement is self-reliance, and that outside aid must
on every member of this generation on the only be relied on as an additional factor.
basis of his attitude to the battle of the
Self-reliance demands readiness for sacri-
cross-roads which will decide whether we
fice, and the building of workshops and
are to remain free Arabs or to end up as
factories; economic growth depends on
miserable slaves...
self-reliance, and so on.
In parentheses, talking of self-reliance,
is it a fundamental Chinese theory? I say
right away, No, of course not. It was a step
they had to take, something they were
forced to do. It was not their line in 49
when they came to power - at that time
they depended on Russian aid. But when
there was a quarrel and Russia withdrew
its aid, they came out with the theory of

1 al-Ahram, April 24, 1972.

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 171
self-reliance. Now, of course, they are try-
ing to make it something to be proud of,
and they have tried to achieve progress
through it - that is a separate subject that
requires long discussion and examination -
what I mean is, it is hard to say that it
is a theory, but they say: You must rely
on yourself first and foremost, and there
can be no doubt that this is true. Which
means that when we - in fact any country
that wants to progress and advance must
try to rely on itself as much as possible.
But it cannot deprive itself of help from
others - if it does it will take 100 years,
not twenty years, to achieve progress; the
important thing is how you deal with the
conditions attached to such aid. As for the
Palestine problem - in principle it [China]
ought to support a resolution like resolution
No. 242 - but it says, "If I agreed to that
I should have to agree to many things."
It may be that people are saying: Right,
but it only abstained, it should have voted
against. But what I have to say is that when
you go to the United Nations, there is the
question of flexibility; everyone at the
United Nations has to show flexibility on
certain questions. It may be that [they did
it] out of regard for our attitude, or because
of my talks with them on the subject -
because when it comes to voting, if Israel
votes against,% and then China also votes
against, this is contrary to our wish that
the smallest possible number should stand
by Israel. But at the same time I say that,
when I find a friend taking a strong line
in my favour, I can't be expected to say
to him, Don't do so. In that case it is better
if he abstains, and that is what they did.
Of course, this is the basis of their rejec-
tion of Hussein's proposal, and their whole
conduct as regards the Palestine problem
derives fundamentally from their non-
recognition of Israel and their rejection of
the existence of Israel.
Samih Sadiq (from the Institute of Political
and Strategic Studies, Cairo):
The question is: Do we think that there
is a role for China to play in the Middle
East crisis other than that which it is play-
ing now? I mean, do we want it to change?
Your Excellency has mentioned the limits
of China's economic and geographical
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possibilities, and the fact that it is too far
away to influence the crisis. But even so,
do we regard the role China is playing
today as the ideal role, as far as we are
concerned, and if not, do we want it to
play a different role?
Mahmoud Riad
I don't at all want it to adopt the Rus-
sians' attitude on, for example, resolution
No. 242 - that would not be in my interest.
We have said that it is a friendly country
that wants to take a firm line. Resolution
No. 242 doesn't really make me happy,
though I accepted it after the defeat; if
there is a great power today on its way to
becoming more powerful, there is no reason
at all why I should go to someone who
wants to take a firm line (in my favour)
and to give his full support for my rights
and support the Palestinians, and tell him
what he ought to do.
China thinks that the fundamental prob-
lem is the Palestinians, on the basis that
if that problem was solved there would no
longer be a problem - if, that is, the Pales-
tinian people recovered their rights in full,
the Chinese theory of supporting the Pales-
tinians would make them not support reso-
lution No. 242. So it is not reasonable that
I should go to China today and say to it,
"You must support resolution No. 242,"
adding, of course, the second point, that
China should join the Four Power talks,
making them Five Power talks. I was the
first to say, "No, never." I said to China:
"There is no reason for you to join the
talks." The fact is that the talks have failed,
so why should I bring China into them?
Not only have they failed - at the talks
I paid a price for which I got nothing in
return, especially when they came to the
affair of the five points describing peace,
which were taken from American memo-
randa and Israeli memoranda, and which
came to the conclusion of non-interference
in the internal affairs of another country.
I even said to the Russians and the Ameri-
cans and the others at that time: Right,
explain to me what this means, no one has
been able to explain it to me. They said:
We don't understand either. I said: Right,
if there is an article or a broadcast contain-
ing comment attacking Israel, it will be
172 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
considered that I have interfered and com-
mitted a breach of the peace. That is why
I said: These things must be defined, they
are not just a game, because the strong
always exploit any opportunity offered by
a mistake. They say: You have made a
mistake, and then it is the story of the
wolf and the lamb. What happened at the
Four Power talks? What happened was
that it was established that the five points
had been submitted by the Russians in the
hope that the Americans would give their
opinion on withdrawal, but the Americans
didn't have a single word to say about
withdrawal. The result was that the talks
were frozen from that moment because the
Americans wanted to kill the Four Power
talks, and the talks stopped entirely. So
there is no reason why I, as an Egyptian,
or the Arab world, should bring China
into them. So all I can ask from China is
moral support, which does constitute a
sort of pressure, there can be no doubt
about it, we don't underrate it, it does
constitute a sort of moral pressure on the
Americans and on the Russians, and on
the international community as a whole.
This is how we thought the Chinese could
be of service to us, and in this case I say
to the Chinese - and they are a big coun-
try, they are well aware of what is going on,
they discuss things among themselves, they
know their business - in this field, through
co-operation and constant meetings they
are beginning to think how they can help
us. I can't tell them the way they should
go, not more than the broad lines which
we are talking about. After that they will
be able to take action; the many meetings
that are taking place make it possible to
think, and they are thinking of more than
one way of exerting the pressure we are
talking about...
4
REPLIES BY EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT ANWAR
SADAT TO QUESTIONS AT A SECRET SESSION
OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ARAB
SOCIALIST UNION. n.d. [ April 1972] [Ex-
CERPTS] 1
Q. What are the possibilities of buying
offensive weapons, and especially planes,
1 al-Akhbar, (Cairo) April 25, 1972.
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from other countries in the world than the
USSR ?
A. Planes, and arms of that kind, are
not commercial goods. It is a political oper-
ation. What I mean is, supposing I go
today and try to buy a fighter-bomber from
some country, the factory asks the permis-
sion of its Foreign Minister before it makes
an agreement with us. I have already told
you here that even if I had sufficient hard
currency in my pocket to buy what I want
from the West, the West would not sell
me a single rifle. Why? Because it has a
political attitude to me. Arms and that
sort of thing are not subject to buying and
selling like anything else. No, they are
subject to the policies of states.
Q. To what extent has the USSR under-
taken to provide Egypt with the necessary
suitable arms in reply to America's supply-
ing Israel with Phantoms and Skyhawks?
In this context, rumours are circulating
expressing doubts as to how successful was
the President's visit to Moscow, and sug-
gesting that the USSR has made certain
conditions, such as that it should be allowed
to establish a naval base, and that it has
not supplied Egypt with Mig 23's or other
planes of the same model... ?
A. To what extent has the USSR un-
dertaken to supply Egypt with the neces-
sary suitable arms? It is supplying us, as
I have told you just now, at the beginning
of the interview. What happens is that it
says to me I will give you this, then waits
a bit before giving something else. Then
a month later I ask again, saying I want
something else. This is how the dealing
goes. Nothing has happened between us and
the USSR. The USSR has asked for bases?
Certainly not. Certainly, doubts have been
expressed, as you said in your question...
rumours expressing doubts... not only about
my visit... No... doubts about everything.
The USSR has asked us for bases. This
operation has nothing to do with a tactical
operation! Certainly not. Here we come
back to the basic principles of the revolu-
tion of 23 July, we do not forget them. We
never give bases in our country to anyone.
But I did state that I had given the USSR
 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 173

facilities in the Mediterranean, I announced visit paid by Major Abd al-Salam Jalloud,
it to you and to the Popular Assembly and gave them to Egypt?
and to the whole world. And I said it to
A. I have one answer to this question.
Nixon in writing. I wrote to him, saying,
We decided, as I have told you, at the
Just as in the black days of 1967 it sent us
Presidential Council of the Federation, to
an air bridge of support and a sea bridge
manufacture everything in the Federated
of support so that we could stand on the
State, with the vast technical and human
first line of defence against the Jews after
resources that our three countries have at
we had lost 80 % of our arms... in the same
their disposal, with the immense economic
way I am giving it naval facilities. What
bases here in Egypt, and with financing
do facilities mean? That they should come
from Libya. And we are going on in this
to Alexandria for water, that they should
way. What has happened ?Agreements have
repair their ships in Alexandria, that they
been concluded between Libya and the
should rest a little in Alexandria...
USSR and agreements are now being con-
cluded between Libya and certain countries
in Western Europe. I shan't say more than
But as for going into details, are we ex- that. But our decision is that we must man-
pected to get up in the morning and say, ufacture, meaning that all we require we
We asked for such-and-such, we asked for shall obtain from inside the country here.
23's... ! No! We don't reply to nonsense of
this kind, absolutely not. Dealings between
us and the USSR are dealings between Q. Is not our reliance on the USSR
one friend and another. We do lack certain only a form of alignment, which means that
things that it has not given us, but that we have abandoned the policy of non-
does not mean that it has adopted a line alignment, of which we regard ourselves
or a policy, or made supplying us subject as the pioneers?
to specific conditions. If it did so it wouldn't
be behaving in a friendly manner. We
A. More doubts! What sort of alignment?
No one in the world but the USSR is wil-
should stand up to it and say: You are not
behaving in a friendly manner. There can
ling to stand by us politically, militarily
be no conditions, we work without terms
and economically. No one is ready to give
or conditions, as you very well know. The me anything but the USSR. Am I to say
to it, No, I won't take them, lest I should
USSR has absolutely never made any
condition, and it knows to what extent it be aligned? Am I to say to it, No, don't
send me arms, lest I should leave the circle
intends to supply us. This is why, as I tell
of the non-aligned countries? Alignment?
you, I cannot take the whip to it, because
it is purely a question of friendship between Non-alignment? People who talk like that
us. It says to me, I will give you this today.
are ignoring the interests of the country.
Are we to say "Non-alignment" and abolish
Right, thank you very much! Then a week
later I announce that I want something
our relationship with the USSR because
of non-alignment and let the Americans
else... And so on. But I am not prepared
to talk of any details of what is going on.
occupy the country, and let Dayan occupy
the country because of the slogan of non-
All I want to say to you is that there is
friendship between us and the USSR, and
alignment? Don't you understand? If
up to now this friendship has meant that
America offered us anything should we say
dealings between us have been dealings
No? If anyone offered us anything should
we say No? Right, what does all this mean?
between friends... There is absolutely no-
All this only started after October when I
thing more than that.
exposed America throughout the world,
So there is no call for doubts, nor for
when I took my final decision, and I said
overbidding, it is not a case of saying they
that they were liars and swindlers, and
haven't given us this or of their saying:
gave out what I said and what they said
Give me bases - all that is nonsense.
to me throughout eight months, I exposed
Q. Has the USSR refused to supply them at the highest levels and inside their
Egypt with aeroplane factories, and is it country; there was a British M.P. with me
true that Libya bought some, during the talking to me, telling me what had been

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174 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
published in Newsweek inside America -
he said the government is still upset today,
because I said everything frankly, and
showed how they were behaving - twisting
and lying and deceiving. I can assure you
- I see nothing against it - anyone who
wants to give me any kind of help - I will
accept it, whether it comes from the East
or the West. But when there is no one who
stands by us but the USSR, am I to say
No, I won't take anything from you? Am
I to shut the door?
Q. Will our turning towards China and
the strengthening of our relations with it
not have an effect on our relations with the
USSR? And does it mean that we are
looking for another friend because of the
fog that surrounds our relations with the
USSR?
And does the United States' rapproche-
ment with China and its attempt to streng-
then relations with it mean that China will
play a role in exerting pressure on the
United States to solve the Middle East
problem?
A. The questions are contradictory. It's
a strange thing... What I say is that we are
free to do as we like, we are in touch with
everyone, and we have no complex about
anyone. China has become a world power;
it has the power of veto at the Security
Council, and a very important voice in
world affairs. The power of veto - one of
the Five Great Powers in the world today.
How can I ignore it?
Some people say that this will have an
effect on our relations with the USSR!
What a strange question! If we establish
relations with everyone will this not affect
our relations with the USSR? But if we
don't, they accuse us of not doing so, they
say that we have lost our freedom of action,
that the USSR is preventing us from doing
what we like. This shows you how incon-
sistent they are, how they are trying to
arouse suspicions. We have a clear line,
we have relations with everyone. As a great
power China has influence today at inter-
national and world levels; it has got the
power of veto, so we have to get in touch
with it, we have to have relations with it,
whether certain people approve or not.
That doesn't concern us, what we are
talking about is our interests here and what
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we want. We have a clear line, we are
not being polite to anyone, and we are not
accepting the friendship of anyone at the
expense of someone else... What matters
to us is our interests and those who appre-
ciate our interests, and this applies espe-
cially to the attitude of China - you know
its absolutely frank and unambiguous atti-
tude to the Arab cause.
Q. What is China's attitude to our cause?
And what were the results of Mr. Mahmoud
Riad's visit, especially in view of the fact
that America is trying to make trouble
between China and the IJSSR?
A. It is a frank and unambiguous atti-
tude. They have refused to recognize Israel,
and condemn Israel. It is an unambiguous
attitude, one hundred per cent with us.
Mahmoud Riad's visit to them was excel-
lent, and had excellent results.
Q. People are asking if it is true that
France is supplying Israel with spare parts
for its military planes through Belgium.
A. More doubts - this time about
France's attitude. France is the only
country in Western Europe that has adop-
ted a clear, honourable and challenging
attitude of support for us. They want to
cast suspicion on France, so they say that
it is giving spare parts to Israel. Perhaps
it is happening without the French govern-
ment's knowledge, like the boats that were
stolen from there.Belgium is manufacturing,
it has a licence to manufacture Mirages
and other things. All right, I also get things
from France, from England, from the West,
from everywhere, although there is an
embargo on everything. What I mean is,
let's stop raising doubts, and only think of
the country's official attitude. The attitude
of Pompidou and his Foreign Minister
Schumann is quite clear. We hope that
Murad Ghalib is going to see the French
Foreign Minister, and Dr. Hatim met
Schumann recently and Schumann made
the strongest possible statement in our
favour. So why should we be suspicious
about France's attitude, when it was France
that changed the attitude of all countries
of Western Europe and made them vote
for us on the General Assembly resolution
adopted last December?
Q. People are asking why it is that
 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 175
members of the armed forces have been
kept in their positions on the battle front
for more than five years waiting for the
battle to start, and what effect this is having
on their morale - will it not have an ad-
verse effect when the battle does stait?
A. That's wrong, quite wrong... The
battle is our destiny. Right, then, as we are
destined to fight we are preparing, and
they are training, stationed on the front,
and the enemy is stationed in front of us
on the East Bank -is our morale going to be
weakened when we are stationed in front
of him? No! Anyone who wants to see this,
who has doubts about this - we'll take
him and show him the front, and let him
see the boys stationed on the front and what
their morale is like. It is just a question of
trying to cause doubt, nothing else. Our
boys stationed there are straining at the
leash to advance, straining at the leash in
their fury. That's a fact, and every day
that passes their fury increases, their mo-
rale for the battle is not weakening. Our
forces want to avenge themselves as well
as their country.
Q. There are rumours that the Egyptian
Arab Republic is going to take steps to-
wards a peaceful solution. How true are
they ?
A. A peaceful solution with whom? ...
That's all over, and I have announced it.
Let's forget the ferocious campaign of
psychological warfare that is being waged
against us today - if you will think back
with me - right, until October the Ameri-
cans were all honeyed words... since Oc-
tober when I announced that they were
liars and tricksters and told the world about
them in full detail, everything they had
said to me and everything I had said to
them... liars and tricksters... after October
they started weeping about Egypt's inde-
pendence. Egypt, they said, Egypt's inde-
pendence is gone! As a result of commu-
nism and the USSR. And they started
philosophizing, saying that the crooked
situation must be made straight, lest we
should lose our country through the USSR.
Q. What will be the position of the
Eastern Front should fighting start? Will
it be possible to do anything on the Eastern
Front, or to safeguard it?
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A. What is the Eastern Front? The
Eastern Front consists of Jordan, Iraq and
the Palestinian resistance. Syria is the
Northern Front; for a long time the
Eastern Front was Jordan, Iraq and the
Palestinian resistance. King Hussein, God
forgive him, has finished off the Palestinian
resistance. Iraq has withdrawn all its forces,
and King Hussein has withdrawn his forces
from the firing line to the previous frontier;
there are 500 kilometres of frontier between
Hussein and Israel. Israel has stationed
only two battalions of reserves there, and
is quite happy about it, because there is
nothing facing them. That's the situation
on the Eastern Front, and not only on the
Eastern Front. Hussein is now carrying out
an American scheme in the area - King
Hussein's plan to destroy the cause of
Palestine completely, so that they may come
and say, What are you quarrelling about?
The problem is between you and Israel on
the frontier! The whole world is saying
that it is a problem of frontiers between
Egypt and Israel... That can be solved in
ten years, in as long as they like - they'll
solve it and there will be an end... But the
basic problem of Palestine - those who
run the country have solved it by making
it a kingdom.
Q. His Excellency the President has said
that the home front must be immediately
raised to the level of complete confronta-
tion, but the general feeling among the
people is to the contrary. What measures
did the President have in mind for the
carrying out of this decision?
A. The government is working, and I
have sat with the cabinet and told them
that we must prepare ourselves fully like
other peoples and countries who have been
involved in fighting. The ministers have
received instructions that every one of
them is to put himself at the disposal of
the battle; I ask for a common line from
the cabinet... they are to tell me everything
that is done at this stage, what is wanted,
and what are the priorities. They are doing
all this. The Prime Minister comes to see
me every Saturday, or whenever necessary
if there is something urgent. There is abso-
lutely no reason why we should reply to
the smear campaigns. I mean the govern-
ment hasn't yet had time. As you saw, the
176 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
last stage was full of doubts and confusion.
Right, let's give people a chance to work
and come to the people and the Popular
Assembly, and say, I have given my work
and my eflorts, and don't let's pass judge-
ments on them till then. As for saying that
everything is in confusion, and you haven't
done anything for the country - let's have
no more of that. How many months has
the government been in existence? Talk
is easy, there's nothing easier in the world.
The government is not doing anything!
Nothing has been done... talk is the easiest
thing in the world. But they are getting on
with the job, the ministers are going down,
for the first time the ministers are going
down to the provinces and sitting down
and talking to the people and solving the
problems of the people directly.
Q. As regards domestic affairs, domestic
reform has become an urgent necessity,
especially since the disclosure of the em-
bezzlement of funds in the public sector,
the black market and bribery. All this is
having a psychological effect on public
opinion and requires that the rules and
regulations be revised so that the gaps in
them which are the direct cause of these
deviations may be closed. Is there any
intention of doing so?
A. This has been the government's policy
since the start, and it is continuing to en-
force it. And we started again today. You
must remember that part of the smear
campaigns is to blow up and exaggerate
the embezzlement and bribery in the public
sector, and to say that everything has gone
to wrack and ruin. But if we didn't have
the public sector we have today, how could
we have held out economically - and mili-
tarily - where should we have got the
money for our soldiers? Where should we
have got food and drink and arms for them?
How should we have done this if we hadn't
been able to hold out economically, if there
hadn't been an economic base? Today the
country has a strong economic base. Israel
announced last week that it had stopped
all kinds of development. But we are spend-
ing 300 million pounds on development
this year. We deducted 10 per cent in the
last stage for operations connected with
the battle, for the operations of putting
things in order and putting the economy
in order that are being carried out. Dr. Aziz
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kept back only 10 per cent - 30 million
pounds from the 300 million. But we shall
go on, the remainder of the 300 million we
shall spend on development. How could
we have resisted if we hadn't had the public
sector and this huge economic base? As
I have told you before, when the late Presi-
dent Gamal went to the USSR in 1970 on
his secret journey inJanuary and agreement
was reached on the SAM 3 rockets they told
him, We will only send you the rockets on
condition that you build bases for them.
When he came back from the USSR in
February, in forty days from February to
March 15 we spent 40 million pounds on
building the rocket bases. That means that
we were spending a million pounds every
day. The Minister of War went to the
National Assembly at that time and got a
credit of 100 million pounds. Where did
this 100 million pounds come from? Was
Russia going to send us a cheque, like
America sends cheques to Israel? Where
did the money come from? No, the money
had to come from here, from your economy,
from the country, from the public sector,
from the fellah who sows and produces his
crops. Thank God that, ever since the dis-
aster, He has blessed us with good crops
of all kinds... All this came from the coun-
try, from the sweat of our people's brows.
There is a smear campaign going on today,
things are being blown up. Oh, there have
been mistakes...
Q. We - There can be no doubt that
we are in a stage which requires that we
hold unified ideas derived from the instruc-
tions of the political leadership that sees
things with perfect clarity, and on the basis
of which the decision to enter the battle
was taken. But people are asking what are
the reasons for the obvious discrepancy
between the articles of Mr. Mohammed
Hassanein Heikal and the reasons for these
articles being used as material for weekly
broadcasts, without broadcasting other
articles which contain direct answers to
Mr. Heikal's articles.
A. That is one view. Is it only Heikal's
articles that are broadcast? No. The articles
of Ihsan Abd al-Qaddus are also broadcast,
and those of Musa Sabri and Abd al-Rah-
man al-Sharqawi. Everyone's articles are
broadcast. It isn't a case of one only. He
gives his view, and it is answered. Some
 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 177
people talk and support him. You can see
how things are as regards the press, how
things in general are in the country in the
stage we are living in. We are embarking
on a new operation, and people express
themselves, people talk, people must be-
come used to giving their views. But only
within the framework of the line of the
political leadership, as I said. A battle is a
battle. This question-it came from some-
one in Matruh-we have put to Heikal
as it stands, and told him to read it, so that
there may be no ambiguity in anything he
writes about the battle in the future.
5 The Palestinian Popular Congress wel-
TEXT OF THE COMMUNIQUE OF THE PALES-
TINIAN POPULAR CONGRESS, ISSUED IN
CAIRO, APRIL 10, 1972.
The Palestinian Popular Congress, held
in Cairo from April 6-10, 1972, which was
attended by 400 members representing the
various national classes and groups of the
Palestinian people and their popular organ-
izations and armed revolutionary forces,
is proud of the support for the rights of the
Palestinian people and the struggle for
the complete liberation of the soil of its
homeland that was expressed by national
liberation movements in all parts of the
world in the statements read to the Congress
by their representatives and in the messages
and cables sent it by their commands.
The Congress is also proud of the firm
solidarity displayed by the Arab nationalist
and progressive parties, organizations and
forces which participated in the activities
of the Congress and, in a joint communiqu6
they issued, unanimously declared their
full and unreserved support for the struggle
of the Palestinian people, through their
armed national revolution, for the complete
liberation of the soil of Palestine and the
recovery of their usurped national rights.
These groups also affirmed that the Pales-
tinian resistance is represented by the Pales-
tinian Liberation Organization which is the
sole legal representative of the Palestinian
people, and that no one can decide the
future of Palestine or the Palestinian people
without reference to it.
The Palestinian Popular Congress, in
turn, reaffirms its belief in, and adherence
IPS - 12
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to the Palestinian National Charter, and
affirms that the Palestine Liberation Organ-
ization is the sole legal representative of
the Palestinian people as regards expressing
their aspirations, defining their wishes and
leading their armed struggle in all fields.
The Congress affirms that any attempt
to decide the future of the homeland, the
people or the cause of Palestine, without
reference to the Palestine Liberation Organ-
ization, is an impudent violation of the
rights of the Palestinian people and that
any measure, step or agreement in this
connection that originates from any other
quarter is illegal.
comes the decision announced by the repre-
sentatives of the Arab nationalist and pro-
gressive parties, organizations and forces to
hold a conference to be attended by all
of them, with the object of unifying the
struggle against colonialism, Zionism and
reaction. It decided to approve and adopt
this call and to regard the Palestine Liber-
ation Organization as a principal party
to it.
The Congress also decided that a Pales-
tine Liberation Organization liaison com-
mittee should be formed to discuss with the
representatives of all these parties, organ-
izations and forces the implementation of
this call, on the basis of the formation of
a preparatory committee to prepare for the
convening of a congress to be the basis for
the building of the nationalist progressive
front at Arab level.
All this confirms two interconnected facts,
which are really two aspects of the same
fact. The first is that the Arab nationalist
progressive movement considers that the
Palestinian armed struggle is an indivisible
part of itself, that to protect it is to protect
itself, that to ensure its security is to ensure
its own security, and that its success is its
own success. The second is that Palestinian
armed struggle constitutes both a powerful
motive force and a meeting place for pro-
gressive and liberation movements in all
parts of the Arab homeland, bringing them
together on common ground that stresses the
unity of the struggle of all of them. Thus
the Palestinian Popular Congress has taken
a decisive step along the road to Palestinian
national unity.
 178 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
In view of the sincere and serious desire
to achieve this unity which the Congress
observed in all that took part in its activi-
ties, and of the firm assurances it received
from the representatives of the combatant
Palestinian organizations that all of them
undertook to take serious and immediate
steps along the road to national unity,
it was agreed to unify all the a-rmed forces
of all sections of the revolution into a single
military establishment, to completely unify
all collection of funds and all fields of
expenditure within the framework of the
Palestinian National Fund, to unify all
information organizations and media in a
single central information organization with
unified media, and to unify the external
relations machinery of the various organi-
zations, though the command bodies of the
Palestine Liberation Organization will
continue to be constituted on the basis of
a front. This decisive resolution was accom-
panied by the determination to implement
it in a specific time, and a short time - the tions in part of Palestine goes beyond the
principal stages of its programme are to
be completed within three months. It was
also accompanied by the formation of a
committee to supervise its implementation.
All this constitutes not only a response to
general demand by the Palestinian masses;
it is also the best guarantee for the streng-
thening of Palestinian ability to oppose all
projects for liquidation and to combat the
policies involving surrender to which the
Palestinian cause is being exposed at this
stage of its history, the latest of which was comprehensive operation to force the popu-
Hussein's proposal for the establishment
of what he calls the United Arab Kingdom.
The Palestinian people has unequivocally
rejected all these proposals involving liqui-
dation and surrender, and it now immedi-
ately, energetically and entirely rejects the
new Hashemite proposal also.
This proposal has also been condemned
by all Arab nationalist and progressive
parties, organizations and forces, and by
certain Arab governments, and some of
these governments have taken preliminary
steps to impose a blockade on the Hashem-
ite regime and to frustrate the conspiracy.
The Palestinian Popular Congress hopes
that the other Arab governments will lose
no time in condemning this project and
in taking similar steps, first severing all
relations with the Hashemite regime. After
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that, the Congress insists, duty requires
that all kinds of economic relations be
broken, that Arab air space, ports and
communications routes be closed to traffic
and freight to and from Jordan, that finan-
cial aid be withdrawn from the Hashemite
regime and diverted to the Palestine Libera-
tion Organization and thejordanian nation-
alist movement, that official representa-
tives of the Hashemite regime be deprived
of the right of movement and that their
letters of credence should not be accepted,
and that the Hashemite regime be expelled
from membership of the Arab League, the
Jordanian people continuing to enjoy con-
stituent membership, as represented by the
Jordanian nationalist movement, until such
time as the subservient, conspiratorial
regime collapses and is replaced by a demo-
cratic nationalist regime, when Jordan will
recover its normal status in the Arab League.
The close connection between Hussein's
projects and the holding of municipal elec-
matter of timing to reveal the organic link
between Hashemite and Zionist schemes
within the framework of colonialist strategy.
These elections, like all other measures
taken under the occupation, are absolutely
illegal. Under the shadow of occupation
the only thing that is legal is resistance.
Moreover, the fact that the occupation
authorities have been obliged to resort to
all kinds of pressure and intimidation in a
lation to take part in the elections deprives
them of all political value that the Zionist
enemy hoped to achieve by them.
The Palestinian Popular Congress ad-
dresses its greetings to the masses who,
aware of the truth about these elections,
opposed and demonstrated against them
and refrained from taking part in them.
It calls on the Palestinian masses to con-
tinue to oppose subsequent stages of the
elections, thereby frustrating the attempts
of the occupying enemy to give them poli-
tical significance.
The Palestinian Popular Congress affirms
that no member of the Palestinian people,
to whatever generation he belongs, and
however much circumstances have con-
spired against him, has the right to relin-
quish any of his established natural rights.

The unity of the destiny of the Palestinian
people, which is organically linked with
the unity of Arab destiny, requires closer
cohesion of the masses and stronger inter-
action in the confrontation of the colonial-
ist, Zionist and reactionary challenges that
face the advance of the Palestinian libera-
tion movemen - in particular and the Arab
liberation movement in general.
In the face of these challenges in this
present stage, it is essential that an organic with Palestine, to remove all obstacles and
relationship be established with the Jor-
danian nationalist movement, that the
nature of this relationship be defined, and
that every effort be made to establish it
on firm foundations and develop it, so that
it may be possible for the Jordanian people
and the Palestinian people to pursue their
struggle for the achievement of their nation- tion to its being part of the common duty
al aims.
Jordan is the principal theatre and main
starting point of the Palestinian revolution,
not only because of the length of the firing
line, but also because Jordan and Palestine
have the same history and the same people
and their fundamental mutual attachment,
whether this is the result of their common
homeland, economy, culture or civilization,
or arises from the nature of their common
struggle against the subservient regime as
being the front line for the defence of the
Zionist state, and because its organic links
with that state require the building of a
compact structure, consisting of the Jor-
danian nationalist movement and the
Palestine Liberation Organization, a struc-
ture in which the struggle of the Jordanian
people and that of the Palestinian people
will be fused together and which will define
the relationship between the two.
The present tasks of the Palestinian and
Jordanian masses in the two Banks must
be determined on the basis of the restoration
of the unity of the two Banks, which has
been shattered by the subservient regime,
and the renewal of that unity within the
framework of a nationalist democratic re-
gime which will ensure complete regional
equality of rights and duties within the
framework of a nationalist democratic gov-
ernment providing the revolution with a
secure main base, the right of the Pales-
tinian people to bear arms, mobilize and
rally round the revolution so that they may
carry on their struggle until the soil of their
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DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 179
homeland is completely liberated, the
attainment by the Palestinian and Jorda-
nian masses of their full democratic, social
and economic freedoms, and the right of
the Jordanian masses to join the armed
struggle of the Palestinian people for their
recovery of their usurped rights.
The Palestinian Popular Congress calls
on all the Arab countries, and in particular
the countries which have common frontiers
difficulties from the path of the Palestinian
revolution, and to regard their territory
as a base from which the revolution can
embark on operations into the heart of the
homeland, and a rear base for the armed
struggle, inasmuch as this is the legitimate
right of the Palestinian revolution, in addi-
to confront the single enemy.
The continuation and escalation of the
Palestinian revolution is not only the road
to the liberation of Palestine; it is also a
subsidiary factor in the protection of the
other Arab territories which are the target
of Israel's expansionist schemes.
Moreover, the continuation of the Pales-
tinian revolution and its close connection
with the Arab nationalist progressive move-
ment will strengthen Arab capacity to
stand up to that attack on the civilization,
economy and the social structure of the
Arab world that is involved in the Zionist
entity.
The Palestinian Popular Congress, real-
izing that the Palestinian national struggle
is part of the struggle of the people and
the revolutionary and nationalist forces
throughout the world against world impe-
rialism, and on the basis of its evaluation
of the attitudes of the world liberation
movements and the socialist and Arab
countries which support the struggle of our
people and their right to self-determination,
emphasizes the necessity to develop the rela-
tions of the Palestinian national liberation
movement with the world liberation move-
ment and with the forces of socialism and
progress, and calls on these to give the just
cause of our people greater backing and
support. It also calls on them to stand
resolutely by our people in their confron-
tation of colonialist, reactionary and Zionist
schemes aimed at thwarting our people's
180 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES
movement of struggle and at liquidating
their national cause.
Although the Zionist occupation au-
thorities and the Hashemite regime have
prevented the real representatives of the
people from attending this congress, it does
express the national aspirations of our
people wherever they may be.
In conclusion, the Congress salutes with
reverence the martyrs of the Palestinian
revolution, and with admiration the fight-
ers and strugglers who are holding out
in the prisons of the Zionist state and
the Hashemite regime. At the same time
it supports the struggle of national
liberation movements throughout the
world, and in particular the struggle of the
people of Vietnam who are teaching Ameri-
can imperialism such an unforgettable les-
son in Indo-China.
6 out. But our friends should make a point
INTERVIEW WITH THE LEADER OF THE
PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION,
YASSER ARAFAT, PUBLISHED IN "AL-MUH-
ARRIR" (BEIRUT), APRIL 27, 1972.
Q. Do you think that Nixon's meeting
with Brezhnev may impose a solution for
the Middle East crisis?
A. It is sometimes just as harmful and
misleading to simplify things as it is to com-
plicate them. In the first place it is not easy
to imagine a simple solution for the radical
contradictions between the attitude of the
USSR, its basic assumptions and its con-
cepts of the problems of the peoples of the
world, and the attitude and basic assump-
tions of the Americans. This, of course, is
a question of principles. As regards the
practical aspect, the protracted diplomatic
efforts made by certain Arab officials in an
attempt to find a political solution have
established that America is behind an Is-
raeli solution that bears its name, just like
the solution proposed by King Hussein in
his proposal, which has been unanimously
rejected by the Arabs, at both official and
popular levels. Then there is a third point.
The USSR, because of their Arab relations,
have never in the past imposed on the Arabs
anything they do not agree to. Finally, and
most important of all, have the Arabs lost
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their will to reject what they do not agree
to? Of course that is impossible. That is
why I have already said that one of our
most important tasks at present is to streng-
then the will to fight and to support any
trend which believes that armed struggle
is the only way in which we can liberate
Palestine and all the occupied Arab terri-
tories.
Q. It is being said that the resistance is
in a crisis, and that one of the reasons for
this crisis is the inability of the resistance
to tell others its plans piecemeal, stage by
stage, which is the only language that these
others can understand, even though they
agree to the strategic aims of the resistance
- the total liberation of Palestinian soil.
What is your comment on this?
A. When our enemies talk like this it is
in conformity with their aims, the first of
which is to make the crisis seem like a well
from which we shall never be able to get
of answering such questions, in order to
light the way for us. In any case, the Pales-
tinian people have been accustomed to
crises ever since they took up arms to defend
their freedom, and they have always had
a genius for getting themselves out of these
crises. That is both their fate and their
strength. After the 1948 defeat our people
fell into the most odious trap ever set for
a people. They left their homeland, they
were deprived of their sources of livelihood,
certain of the Arab host countries oppres-
sed and terrorized them, United Nations
agencies conspired against them by the
exploitation of ration cards, they were
politically fragmented and geographically
dispersed, and so on, to the last link of the
chain of steel that fettered both their hands
and their spirit. But for all this our people
have succeeded in breaking their fetters.
The proportion of them who are educated
has increased, they have pierced regional
barriers and they have spread awareness
and revolutionary culture in all the lands
they have gone to or emigrated to. And
at a time when all the Arabs were living
the darkest days of their lives following the
1967 defeat, it was the Palestinians who
had the distinction of holding out, refusing
defeat and, by redressing the balance, pre-
venting surrender. If we are in a crisis
today, and it may be that we are, and we
 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIL 181

may have to face others on our course, it
is not as acute as the one we were in after
the 1967 defeat.
As for telling our plans piecemeal, stage
by stage, that is ridiculous. For the enemy
still has the initiative as regards dictating
terms, some of which are known, and those
which are unknown are worse and more
humiliating to us and to our people. There-
fore holding fast to our historic national
rights, concentrating around them and
increasing the revolutionary force behind
them is the only way in which we can retort
to the schemes of the enemy, who is reveal-
ing himself more and more clearly to those
who do not know him. We, of course, have
known him for a long time - we know
how he thinks, what he wants and the ways
in which he achieves his aims.

MEMORANDUM PREPARED BY THE FORMER JORDANIAN MAYOR OF JERUSALEM, RUHI

AL-KHATIB, RELATING TO THE EVICTION OF ARAB FAMILIES INJERUSALEM 1 [EXCERPT LISTING
THE NAMES OF ARABS AFFECTED].

Schedule of the Names of the Arab Families Compelled by the Military Occupation Authorities to
Evacuate their Homes in the Arab Quarters Inside the Walls of Jerusalem Between January 1, 1969
and March 1, 1972.

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Nuh 'Isa Abu 'Asab 12 Al-Qutb Tabouneh Steps

Khalil Badawi Abu 'Asab 6
Idris Taufiq al-Shuwaiki 7
Myassar, Widow of 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Shuwaiki 6
Fayez Abu Hadwan 6
Badawiya, widow of Muhammad Abu Hadwan 2
Ibrahim Abu Hadwan 4
Isma il Khudair al-Qawasini 4
Ibrahim Khudair al-Qawasimi 3
Nu'man Muhammad Salem al-Rajabi 5 Al-'Asali
'Abd al-Razzaq Shihada al-Natsheh 7 Salah
Yusuf 'Id Qarqash 10 Al-Husaini
Rajab al-Sikafi 3 "
Muhammad Hashim al-Natsheh 9
Zakariya 'Arif Salhab 13
Harbi 'Abd al-Hamid Salhab 6
Sammur Hamid Salhab 3
Khalil Sammur Salhab 3 Salhab Al-Bashush
Muhammad Khalil al-Natsheh 6 " "
Rashid Muhammad Ibrahim al-Shuwaiki 8 " "
'Abd al-Kadir Hijazi al-Natsheh 2 " "
'Abd al-Rahim Abu Snaineh 10 Al-Dawudi "

1 Archives of The Institute for Palestine Studies. A simplified version of the standard trans-
literation system has been employed to list the Arabic names.

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182 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Talab Adham Juwaihan 9 Al Dawudi Al-Bashush

Dawud Muhammad Ramadan 6 " "
Subhi Farah Dawud 5
'Abd al-Qadir Muhammad al-Qirri 8 "
Anwar Tawfiq Zahida 2 Salhab
Ya'qub Muhammad al-Ja'bari 7 Al-Nammari
'Id Ibrahim al-Ja'bari 10 "
'Abd al-Shakur Ramadan Hariz 3 Al-Nashashibi
Walid 'Abd al-Ja'bari 2 Al-Nammari
'Abd al-Latif Najm al-Din al-'Alami 8 Al-'Alami
Amin Hamza al-'Ajluni 2 Ghaith
Nimr 'Id Qarqash 2 "
Muhammad Sa'id Abu Snaineh 4 Al-Dajani
'Abd Allah Rashid Bahtan 2 Abu Snaineh
Samuh 'Audeh Abu Snaineh 13 "
Muhammad 'Audeh al-Ja'bari 7
Ahmad Muhammad al-Ja'bari 2 "
Ibrahim 'Abd al-'Azim Abu Rmaileh 4 Abu Rmaileh
'Abd al-Rahim Ibrahim Abu Rmaileh 4
Muhammad Ibrahim Abu Rmaileh 3 "
'Abd al-'Azim Ibrahim Abu Rmaileh 5 "
'Uthman Nimr Hariz 3 Al-Nashashibi
Ibrahim Talab al-Sikafi 6 Al-Muwaqqit
Muhammad Khalil al-Daba'i 6 Al-Dawudi
Qasim Isma'il al-Hunaidi 1 "
Yasir Hassuna Ghaith 1 Ghaith
Ni'meh Salib al-Zir 2 Al-Dawudi
Muhammad Hasan Zallum 1
Muhammad Husain al-Qirri 4
Faiz Muhammad Husain al-Qirri 9
Ibrahim Muhammad Husain al-Qirri 5
'Abd Allah Hasan Dhiyab 8 Jews
Salim Muhammad al-Rajabi 8 Al-Nashashibi
Muhammad Yasin Abu Rajab 8
Raji Musa al-Rajabi 5
'Abd al-Qadir Ahmad 'Abd al-Karim 2
Fu'ad Khalwa Abu Snaineh 6
Muhammad 'Abd al-Hafiz Saleh 5
Ishaq Muhammad al-Razim 4 Al-Nammari
Rashid Hasan Barghuth 7
'Abd al-Fattah Qasim 'Akkub 7
Na'man Shafiq al-Salayima 7
'Abd al-Bari Jabr al-Razim 7

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 183

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Sa'diya, Widow of Rajab al-Razim 2 Al-Nammari Al-Bashush

Fayad Muhammad Shahin 9 " "
Hamed Muhammad al-Hajj 'Ali 4 Jews "
Tu'ma Muhammad Burqan 8 "
'Abd al-Jawad Jum'a Marar 9 "
'Izzat Ahmad Nassar 9 "
Yusuf 'Abd al-Rahim al-Qawasimi 9 Al-Nammari Near al-Bashush
'Isa Radwan al-Ju'ba 9 " "
Nur al-Din Muhammad al-Sa'd 9 "
Yusuf Khalil Isma'il 7
Hisham Yusuf al-Qawasimi 4
Khadija Husain al-Sa'd 1
Hafiz 'Abd Idris 4 Al-Muwaqqit
Muhammad 'Uthman Ghanim 11 "
Ghazi Hilal 8 Al-Nashashibi
Ghalib al-Safadi 8 Qmai'
Muhyi al-Dine 'Ali Qmai' 2
Hafiz Badawi 'Abu 'Asab 8
Latifa, Widow of Mahmud Abu 'Asab 1 Al-Hariri Jewish Quarter
Anwar Rashid Abu Sirriya 8 "
Kamil Murshid Salhab 8
YusufJamil al-Salihi 7
Shihda Sulaiman al-Bibi 4
Munira, Widow of Sulaiman al-Bibi 1
Rifqa, Widow of Da'san Abu Snaineh 2
Sulaiman Shihda al-Bibi 5
Ya'qub 'Abd al-Fattah al-Shuwaiki 9 Maghariba
Rashid Khamis al-Qawasimi 7 Al-Bashiti
Sa'di Rushdi a]-Khayyat 6
Rushdi Khalil al-Khayyat 3
Khairi Shakir Abu Rmaileh 1 Al-Budairi
Zahiya, Widow of Dawud Badr 1 Mas'udi
Naji 'Abd al-Fattah Abu Nijma 7
Shawkat 'Abd al-Rahman Huwais 1
'Abbuda Muhammad 'Atiyya al-Tartir 6 Al-Khatib
'Ata 'Abd al-Shakur al-Tawil 10
'Umair 'Ata 'Abd al-Rahman Da'na 6 Al-Shihabi
'Azmi Dib 'Awad Allah 1 Al-Khalidi
Amina 'Awad 'Abd al-Jawad 1
Muhsin Husain Hasan Busaileh 4
Khalid 'Izz Abu Ghaush 1
George Iliya Tiyudusu 4
Abd al-Razzaq Husni 'Awad 6 Qmai'

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184 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

'Abd al-Hamid 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Shuwaiki 8 Qrnai' Jewish Quarter

'Azmi 'Abd al-Hamid al-Shuwaiki 3 "
Shakir Shukri Khirwat 9
Farah Ibrahim al-Ja'bari 7
Samir Sabir al-Tama'i 3
Yunus 'Abd al-Shakur al-Z'aitir 7 Al-Dawudi "
Khadr Yunus al-Z'aitir 4
Badr Yunus al-Z'aitir 3
Jum'a 'Abd al-Mu'ti Mujahid 2
Musa 'Abd al-Hadi I1
Kamal 'Abd Abu Rmaileh 7
Zain 'Abd al-Zir 4
Ya'qub Muhammad 'Abd al-Rabman Sinnuqrut 1
Ahmad 'Abd al-Ghani Abu Halima 5
Zakariyya Mussa Abu Snaineh 9
Badr 'Abd al-'Aziz Abu Rmaileh 8
'Izzat Ahmad Nassar 7 Jews
Sidqi 'Izzat Nassar 4
Sadiq 'Izzat Nassar 2
'Abd al-Qadir Ibrahim al-Ja'bari 10 Al-Muwaqqit
Hammuda Ahmad al-Ja'bari 9
Rashad 'Azmi al-Din al-Ja'bari 9
'Abd al-Sami' 'Abd al-Ghani al-Ja'bari 6
Dawud Rushdi Bakbtan 5
Kazim Rushdi Bakhtan 7
Hajja Amina Yunus I
'Abd al-Khaliq Jum'a Abu Snaineh 8 Near Dar Nimr
Muhammad Sa'id 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Ghula 4 Al-Ja'uni "
Muhammad 'Abd Juwailis 2 " "
Kamal Ahmad Hijazi 7
Salih Mahmud Abu Kharrub 1 Al-Nashashibi "
Muhammad Hasan Husain al-'Atiq 5 "
Hajja Mus'ada Muhammad Zayid 1 " "
Farida, Widow of Muhammad Muswadda I Al-Dajani "
Ahmad Mahmoud al-Salibi 8 Al-Dawudi "
Filla, Widow of Adib Jabir 6 Al-Dajani "
Qasim Muhammad 'Ali al-Shuwaiki 4 "
Muhammad 'Arif al-Hammar 7 Al-Hammar
Riyad Yasin Qunaibi 6
Dhiyab Muhammad al-Hajj 'Ali 11
'Arafat Isma'il al-Qawasimi 7 Qmai'
Muhammad Musa Abu Rmaileh 2 "
'Abd al-Qadim Hasan 'Abdine 2 Al-Nashashibi

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 185

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Hajj Ahmad Mabmud Abu Snaineh 3 Al-Nashashibi Near Dar Nimr

Sa'id Mahmud al-Ja'bari 4
'Abd al-Sami' Mahmud Mujahid 6
Muhammad Sa'id al-Ja'bari 4
Subhi Mahmud Baidas 11
Bahiya al-Shibli 1
'Adil Jamal Qunaibi 5 Al-Dawudi
Jamal 'Abd al-Fattah Qunaibi 2 "
Fahd Badawi al-Rishiq 10 Abu Rmaileh
'Amir 'Abd Rabbuh Abu Snaineh 7
'Umran 'Abd Rabbuh Abu Snaineh 1"
Rabah Ahmad Abu Snaineh 5
'Ali 'Abd al-Latif Abu Rmaileh 6
Rajab 'Abd al-Latif Abu Rmaileh 3
Tayyim 'Abd al-Latif Abu Rmaileh 12
Ahmad Ibrahim Burhan 5
Jamal Muhammad Ramadan 3
Nasr Mansur Nassar 3
Mudahhiya, Widow of Mahmud 'Isa al-Saidawi 2 Al-Dawudi
'Isa Mahmud al-Saidawi 3
Khalid Muhammad al-Ghazzawi 5
'Abd Muhammad al-Ghazzawi 3
Muhammad Jamil Totah 9
Khamis Muhammad al-Ghazzawi 3
Muhammad Nimr Muhammad al-Jamzawi 13
Nazmiya, Widow of 'Id Srur 2 Ansari
'Abd al-Malik Ayyub al-Zaruw 3 Quttaina
Muhammad Nassar 'Abd al-Malik al-Zaruw 3
Muhammad Bashir al-Khudari 1 0
Zakariyya 'Atwan al-Salayima 7 Al-Nammari
Ghalib Nimr al-Salayima 10 " "
Ibrahim Yusuf Tantash Abu Ku' 6 Abu Ku' and
Quttaina
Dawud al-Natshah 3
Fawziya, Widow of 'Abd Allah Hazin 2
Hajj Yusuf Ahmad Tantash Abu Ku' 2
Halima Mansur 6
Yusuf 'Uthman al-Nammari 6 Al-Nammari Near the Walls
Taha 'Uthman al-Nammari 8
Fatima, Widow of 'Uthman al-Nammari 2
Muhammad Ahmad al-Shuwaiki 5
Farhan Khalwa Busaileh 8
'Abd al-Jawad Kamil al-Natsheh 9

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186 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Ahmad Yusuf al-Natsheh 7 Al-Nammari Near the Walls

Muhammad Rabi' al-Shuwaiki 6
Hasan 'Atiyya al-Shuwaiki 8
Raji Faris Barakat 8
'Abd al-Rahman Nu'man al-Dumiri 9 Al-Dawudi
Muhammad Shakir Abu Rmaileh 12
'Isa 'Asfur al-Tawil 10
Muhammad 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Karaki 5 Near Dar Nimr
'Asfur Muhammad Musa al-Tawil 2
Muhammad Mustafa al-Kurdi 4
Al-HaiJ Muhammad Husain al-Shuwaiki 2
Salah Isma'il al-Tawil 3
Ziyad Isma'il Mujahid 1
Isma'il 'Ayish al-Tawil 7
Nasri 'Ayish al-Tawil 3
Taha Shakir Abu Rmaileh 7 Wahba
Muhyi al-Din 'Atiya al-Ja'bari 2
Ahmad Muhammad al-Da'da'uf 3
'Abd al-Hamid Muhammad Hassun 10
Rushdi Tawfiq al-Salayima 8 Rasas
Tawfiq Rushdi al-Salayima 5
Ratib Muhammad al-Ju'ba 5
Mahmud Muhammad al-Shuwaiki 7 " Near the Walls
Kamil 'Abd al-Fattah al-Shuwaiki 11
Fattuh 'Abd al-Fattah al-Shuwaiki 8
'Abd al-Fattah al-Khalidi 6
'Abd al-Halim Khalwa 'Usaileh 7
Ghazi Fu'ad al-Rishiq 3
Ghazi Hamid Jabir 4
Shu'aib Ruwaish al-Bashiti 8
'Abd al-Ghafur 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Z'aitir 5
Mussa Badawi Ghaith 8
'Isa Badawi Ghaith 7
Khadir 'Abd al-Fattah 'Arab 2
Haniya Tawfiq Ghaith 7
Mustafa Husain al-Joulani 7
'Abd al-Jabbar Sammur Salbab 7
'Abd Isma'il al-Joulani 5
Fathi 'Abd al-Shakur al-Halawani tO Al-Nammari
Mahmud Muhammad al-Halawani 7
Rushdi Rashid Bakhtan 3
Khalil Humaidan Abu Rmaileh 12
Yusuf 'Awwad al-Jamal 12

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 187

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Ahmad 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Z'aitir 6 Al-Nammari Near the Walls

Fayiz Murtada Sinnuqrut 4
'Abd al-Hafiz Khamis al-Qawasmi 3
'Abd al-Salam Burhan al-Qaimari 4
Fu'ad 'Umar Idris 8 Al-'Asali Near Siknaj
Garden
Mahmud Muhammad Fatla al-Joulani 12 " "
Badawi Husain Ghaith 6
'Awad Husain Jaber 9
Mumtaz Musa al-Nammari 10 Al-Nammari
Ahmad Fattah Ghaith 10 "
Ahmad Husain Ahmad Yusuf 4 Al-Bashiti Main Street,
Jewish Quarter
Husain Ahmad Yusuf 6 Al-Bashiti Main Street,
Jewish Quarter
Ahmad Mahfuz Abu Snaineh 6 Jews
'Abdu Fayyad Abu Sirriyeh 5
Salim Mahmud al-Tawil 7
Sa'd al-Din Darwish al-Bashiti 8 AI-Bashiti
Muhammad Kamal Abu Snaineh 3
'Abd al-Muhsin Hasan Misk 3 Jews
Khalid Mustafa Karameh 6
As'ad Sulaiman al-Sikafi 7
'Abd al-Rahman Mansur Nassar 6
Ilyas Mahmud 'Uwaideh 2
'Awwad 'Audeh al-Shubaki 1
Tawfiq Amin al-Bazlamit 7
Naji Tawfiq al-Bazlamit 2
'Ali Hasan al-Tawashi 6
Muhammad Sa'd Muswada 7 Al-Nammari
Rafiq Tawfiq al-Bazlamit 3 Jews
Khadir Shukri al-Bakri 5 Al-Nammari
Husain Ibrahim al-Bakri 6 Jews
Himada Ibrahim al-Bakri 3
Ibrahim al-Bakri 2
Hashim Mansur Nassar 10 Al-Khalidi
Naji Juda Abu Snaineh 10
Dhib Nimr al-Natsheh 11
Muhammad Sa'id Hushaima 4 Al-Hawwash
Jum'a Sa'id Hushaima 4
'Arabiya 'Abd al-Rahman al-Qutb 3
Walid Muhammad al-Qawasimi 1 Jews
Sami Dib 'Awad Allah 6 Al-Hawwash

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188 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Tamim Sa'id al-Salayima 5 Al-Nashashibi Near the Ba-

shush Courtyard
'Azmi Jabri al-Z'aitir 2 Al-Hawwash
Sabri Ahmad al-Z'aitir 9
Musa 'Abd Allah Abu Srnaineh 6 Jews The Mat Market
Ribhi Ibrahim Quwaidir 7
Ibrahim Rashid Hijazi 9
'Ali Yasin Abu Sirriyeh 11
Salah 'Ali al-Hajawi 2
Asiya Ibrahim 'Azkul 10 Al-Ja'uni Mallak Road
'Abd al-Qadir 'Atiya Jad Allah 6
Salim Muhammad 'Arab 3
Ibrahim 'Abd Allah Ibrahim 5
Samir Hanna Bahnan 9
Subhiya, Widow of Sa'id Sailam 2
Ibrahim Ilyas Za'rur 1
Krikor Hunanes Ardakian 4
Artin Andreas Handoyan 9
'Abdu Ishaq Ishaq 1
Yusuf Hanna Khazmu 6
Insaf Mikha'il Shammasian 7
Muhammad al-Za'tari 8
Sara, Widow of Isma'il Shahin 7 Al-Nammari
Nihad Isma'il Shahin 3
Fu'ad Isma'il Shahin 3
'Abd Allah Abu 'Asab 7 Al-Bashiti The Mat Market
Muhammad Hasan Abu Hadwan 4
Subhi Mahmud Abu Snaineh 3
'Amran Abu Harb Shahin 5
Muhammad 'Ali 'Umaira 2 Jews
Hafiz 'Abd al-Muhsin Sultan 7
Mustafa 'Auda Abu Snaineh 9
Muhammad 'Abd al-Hamid Abu Kharshiq 7
'Arif 'Ashur al-Haddad 10 Samum
Sirhan 'Ata Abu Shamsiya 3
Ishaq Ramadan Jamjum 7
Musa Raghib Abu Ghaus 6 Tuffahat
al-Khalidi
Ibrahim Ahmad Salama 1
Ohannes Garabed Demirdjian 5 Al-Ja'uni
Iliyas Jabra Shams 5 Quttaina
Jean Boghos Sadisian 8
Muhammad 'Arafa Abu 'Asab 8

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 DOCUMENTS AND SOURCE MATERIAL 189

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Basil Malka Akhu 6 Quttaina The Mat Market

Simon Artin Chaklian 9
Badawi al-Lahham 1
Musa Hanna Banu 9 Al-Ja'uni Near the Syriac
Monastery
Hanna Yusuf Yasseh 3
Jawdat al-Natsheh 2
Muhammad Khalil al-Harbawi 7 Jews
Jawdat 'Id al-Ja'bari 4
'Abd al-Majid 'Ashur Sidr 10
Muhammad Sa'id Abu Laila 4
Yunus Muhammad Sa'id Abu Laila 2
'Abd al-Jawad Muhammad al-Halawani 12
Dawud Ahmad 'Alama 7
Falah Muhammad Sa'id Abu Laila 7
Sa'id 'Isa Mansur 9
Raji' Zaideh 6
Ramadan Muhammad al-Halawani 11
Zahra Ibrahim Salah 5 Islamic Waqf The Mat Market
Michel Salim Ma'luf 3 Jews
Sa'd al-Din 'Ali Rasas 7 Rasas Street of the
Armenians
Rasim Yusuf Rasas 4
Ibrahim Mahmud al-Khatib 3
Shawkat 'Abd aI-Fattah 3
Yasir Yusuf Rasas 1
'Ali Yusuf Rasas 4
Hagob Garabid Hakmian 5
'Aisha al-'Adadi 2
Farid Buyuk 2
Fatima, Widow of Musa Husain al-Tawil 4 Al-Khalidi
Mustafa Musa al-Tawil 2
Dawud 'Isa Ziyadeh 6
Najiya Abu Gharib, Widow of Husain Miswadeh 3
Tahir Totah 1
Khalil Ballut 8 Jews Main Street,
Jewish Quarter
Peter Ballut 4
Mahmud 'Ali Abu Zunaid 12
Abu Ghazi Salah 8
Nu'man Muhammad Salim al-Rajabi 5 Al-'Asali Near Tabouneh
Steps

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190 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

Name of Family Number of Owner of Location

Members Property

Walid Muhammad al-Qawasimi 1 Al-Hawwash Maifi Street,

Jewish Quarter
Isma'il Abu 'Arafa 1 " Main Street, Shop
Sabri al-Z'aitir 1 " " "
Muhammad al-Sus 1 Ansari " "

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