A Perspective On The Maoist Movement in Nepal

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A perspective on the
Maoist Movement
in Nepal
Khimlal Devkota
A Perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal
Writer : Khimlal Devkota
Publisher : D.R. Khanal
Edition : First , November 2012
Cover Concept : Ajaya Khanal
Computer Layout : Laxman Shrestha
Copies : 2500
Price : NRs. 1000.00
1000.00
$ 100.00
Copy Right : © reserved by writer
Printed at : Apollo Offset Press Pvt. Ltd.
Chabahil, Kathmandu
977-1-4481386, 4471584
ISBN No. : 978-9937-2-5669-8

Maoist Headquarters
Acknowledgements
Revolutionary transformation of Nepalese society was the central
theme of the decade long Maoist Peoples’ War (PW) that spanned
in Nepal from 1996-2006. This People’s War ended and the
Maoists entered into the phase of the peace process after signing of
the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA). An election to the much
awaited Constituent Assembly was held and the first meeting of
the elected Assembly proclaimed Nepal as Republic, Secular and
Federal. Historical changes have been made in a short span of time.
For each of these changes, the Maoists’ Movement has been at the
centre. So I have tried my best to capture as an insider the whole
Maoist Movement of Nepal on war, peace and constitution writing
phase along with its development of tactic and strategy.
This book has been based on my presentation on the Maoist People’s

War in Oxford University, UK and Kyoto University, Japan. I
decided to revise my presentations into a book after the participants
in both these seminars pushed me to publish my experiences as a
book. A book on the Maoist People’s War is not new. Nevertheless,
this book speaks of the Maoists’ War not only based on observations
but also on direct experience that came from my involvement in the
political wing of the Maoists’ War. Hence, I feel that this book offers
readers with exceptional insights into the Maoist People’s War.
Finally, it is important to acknowledge people without whom

my effort would not have come to fruition. I would like to thank
my party leaders, chairman and former prime Minister comrade
Prachanda and vice-chairman and Rt. Hon’ble Prime Minister
Baburam Bhattarai for encouraging me to write this book and for
supporting me throughout. I want to again extend special thank to
Prime Minister Dr. Bhattarai for his valuable note on this book. I
would also like to thank Shrishti Rana for her inputs on shaping
this book. Similarly, I would like to thank Sandhya Poudyal for her
editing support, D.R. Khanal for taking, responsibility of publication,
Ajaya Khanal for printing and cover concept. More importantly, my
gratitude also goes to my family, my party members, and all my
friends whose continuous love and support provided and energy me
to write this book despite my enormously busy political career.
Khimlal Devkota
Contents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1
Part One 13
1 INTRODUCTION 13
1.1 General introduction
1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and
the Nepalese society 14
Part Two 17
2 THEORITICAL DEVELOPMENT 17
2.1 Historical facts about revolution: 17
2.2 Reassessment of Nepali history 18
2.3 Recognizing the ground realities 20
2.4 Conclusion drawn: 20
2.5 Specific objective 21
Part Three 23
3 IMPLEMENTATION 23
3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution 23
3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and tactics 24
3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection 25
3.4 Preliminary review of historical initiation of People’s war 27
3.5 Development of MLM: Nepal specific as Prachandapath 31
3.6 Development of democracy in 21st century 32
Part Four 37
4 PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
MLM IN NEPALI CONTEXT 37
4.1 Chunbang meeting: major event 37
4.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event 40
4.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Bhrikutipandap: 41
4.4 Bhrikutimandap 7th Expanded CC Meeting. 42
Part Five 45
5 TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND
STRATEGIC RIGIDITY 45
5.1 Tactics and strategies 45
5.2 Our responsibility of changing time 51
5.3 Imperialism of the 21st century 51
5.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century 52
Part Six 55
6 MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS 55
Part Seven 59
7 MAJOR EFFORTS FOR CONSENSUS 59
7.1 Some practical questions on Peace and constitution 60
7.2 Questions of Peace and constitution 61
7.3 Effort for consensus 64
7.4 Different Agreement 65
7.5 Last Day of CA and CA term expired 70
7.6 Question of Line struggle 73
Annex-1 75
Political Line of CPN[Unity Center] February,
Adopted by Unity congress in December 1991.
Annex-2 83
Theoretical Premises for the Historic Initiation of the Peoples
War-September 1995.
Annex-3 87
Appeal of the CPN[Maoist] February 13,1996.
Annex-4 91
The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History.
Annex-5 197
Present situation & Historical Task June,2003. Adopted by CC. [Including
Development of Democracy in the 21st Century.]
Annex-6 227
Present situation and our Historical Task October 2003 Adopted by politburo.
Annex-7 239
Present Situation and Historical Task of the Proletariat 2010.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Nepal is a land locked country. It is famous for its diversity, in terms

of geography, culture, economy, religion, ethnicity social structures,
economic class and others. These diversities have made the land
fertile for creating revolutionary movements. Though never directly
colonized, the country has faced many political movements. The
decade long people's war that ended a few years ago is the most
prominent among them.
The first part of this book covers basic information about Nepal.
The second part examines the socio-economic realities of Nepalese
society in addition to presenting prominent historical events that led
to the emergence of the Maoist movement. This chapter will mainly
analyse the characteristics of Nepalese society in detail and provide a
concrete analysis of how that supported envisioning of a pragmatic
Marxist path in Nepal. Similarly, the third part focuses on the
theoretical development of Marxism- Leninism- Maoism (MLM)
in the Nepalese context. In Nepal, we tried to develop Marxism
which is both compatible to the internal context of Nepal as well as
to the changing international context of the 21st century. This part
will also talk about the pragmatic approaches taken to implement
MLM in Nepal. Further, a class analysis of Nepalese society will be
also provided, along with problem analysis, and strategies and tactics
adopted by Russian and Chinese model of revolution. This part will
also explain the development of 'Prachanda path' and the model
of democracy in the 21st century. The fourth part of the book will
depict events that have shaped the Maoist movement in Nepal in a
chorological order. The fifth part of the book provides insight on
the experience of tactical flexibility and strategic rigidity adopted by
the party. This part also highlights the responsibility of the party in
1 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal
adaptation of Marxism, fighting against imperialism and addressing
the demand of rising middle class in the 21st century. Likewise, the
part six focuses on the achievement of the Maoist movement following
the peace accord, mainly the declaration of republic, and the election
to the constitute assembly. Part seven lays out the conclusion which
gives plausible explanations behind the achievements of the Maoist
movement in Nepal. This part emphasizes on pragmatic challenges
of the party in national and international milieu. In a nutshell, this
book will give an overview of the Unified Maoist Party of Nepal.
Specially form people’s war to peace process including Integration
and Rehabititation of PLA Negotiation for Constitation writing.
Most important political document of the party has been placed in
annex would be more helpful for readers.
PRELIMINARY INFORMATION
A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 2

NEPAL IN DEMOGRAPHY:
Population Structure
Data Size
Population 28,676,547 (2005)
Growth Rate 2.2%
Population below 14 Years old 39%
Population of age 15 to 64 57.3%
Population above 65 3.7%
The median age (Average) 20.07
The median age (Male) 19.91
The median age (Females) 20.24
Ratio (Male: Female) 1, 000:1,060
Life expectancy (Average) 59.8 Years
Life expectancy (Male) 60.9
Life expectancy (Female) 59.5
Literacy Rate (Average) 53.74%
Literacy Rate (Male) 68.51%
Literacy Rate (Female) 42.49%
Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal: Nepal became a federal

democratic republic after the abolition of monarchy by the first
meeting of an elected Constituent Assembly on 28 May 2008.
President: Ram Baran Yadav was elected as the first President of
Nepal in July 2008.
Prime Minister: Dr. Baburam Bhattarai 2011. Baburam Bhattarai
became the prime minister in August 2011.
Land area: 52,819 sq mi (136,801 sq km); total area: 54,363 sq mi
(140,800 sq km)
International disputes: joint border commission continues to work
on small disputed sections of boundary with India.
Capital and largest city (2003 est.):Kathmandu, 1,203,100 (metro.
area), 729,000 (city proper)
Monetary unit: Nepalese rupee
Current government officials
Languages: Nepali 48% (official), Maithali 12%, Bhojpuri 7%,
Tharu 6%, Tamang 5%, others. English spoken by many in
government and business (2001)
National Flag of Nepal
Population (2011 est.): 28,951,852 (growth rate: 1.4%); birth rate:

22.4/1000; infant mortality rate: 46.0/1000; life expectancy
Ethnicity/race: Brahman-Hill 12.5%, Chetri 15.5%, Magar 7%,
Tharu 6.6%, Tamang 5.5%, Newar 5.4%, Muslim 4.2%, Kami
3.9%, Yadav 3.9%, other 32.7%, unspecified 2.8% (2001)
Religions: state has declared secular though personal brief of the
people seems as Hindu 81%, Buddhist 11%, Islam 4%, Kirant 4%
(2001)
Literacy rate: 45% (2003 est.)
Economics in Summary: GDP/PPP (2009 est.): $33.25 billion; per
capita $1,200.
Real growth rate: 2.5%.Inflation: 13.2%. Unemployment: 46%
(2008 est.).
Arable land: 16%.Agriculture: rice, corn, wheat, sugarcane, root
crops; milk, water buffalo meat. Labor force: 11.11 million; note:
severe lack of skilled labor (2004 est.); agriculture 76%, industry
6%, services 18%.Industries: tourism, carpet, textile; small rice, jute,

sugar, and oilseed mills; cigarettes, cement and brick production.
Natural resources: quartz, water, timber, hydropower, scenic beauty,
small deposits of lignite, copper, cobalt, iron ore. Exports: $907
million (2008 est.), but does not include unrecorded border trade
with India: carpets, clothing, leather goods, jute goods, grain.
Imports: $3.626 billion (2009 est.): gold, machinery and equipment,
petroleum products, fertilizer. Major trading partners: India, U.S.,
Germany, China, Indonesia (2006).
Communications:
Telephones: main lines in use: 595,800 (2006); mobile cellular: 1.042
million (2006).Radio broadcast stations: AM 6, FM 5, shortwave 1
(Jan. 2000).Radios: 840,000 (1997). Television broadcast stations:
1 (plus 9 repeaters) (1998). Televisions: 130,000 (1997). Internet
Service Providers (ISPs): 18,733 (2007).Internet users: 249,400
(2006).
Transportation: Railways: total: 59 km (2006). Highways: total:
17,380 km; paved: 9,886 km; unpaved: 7,494 km (2004). Ports and
harbors: none. Airports: 47 (2007).
Geography
Nepal is a landlocked country, similar to the size of Arkansas, lying
between India and China. The highest mountain in the world,
Mount Everest (29,035 ft; 8,850 m) lies in Solukhumbu district of
Nepal. Along its southern border, Nepal has a strip of flat land that
is partly forested and partly cultivated. North of that is the slope
of the main section of the Himalayan range, including the Mount
Everest and many other peaks higher as tall as 8,848 m.

Government
The Interim Constitution was promulgated by the legislature-
parliament in January 2007; this Constitution is based on the
agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance.
The Interim Constitution stipulated that the first meeting of the
Constituent Assembly would vote to abolish the monarchy and
declare Nepal as a federal democratic republic. The transition to a
republic was completed in May 2008, when the first meeting of the
Constituent Assembly voted to abolish 240-year old institution of
monarchy.
History
The first civilization in Nepal, flourished around the 6th century B.C,
was confined to the fertile Kathmandu Valley. The present-day
capital of the same name is located. Besides, Nepal is the birth place
of Prince Siddhartha Gautama who was born in 563 B.C. Gautama
achieved enlightenment as Buddha and spawned Buddhism.
Nepali rulers' early patronage of Buddhism largely gave way to
Hinduism, reflecting the increased influence of India, around the
12th century. The successive dynasties of the Gopalas, the Kiratis,
and the Licchavis expanded their rule in the country until the reign of
the Malla kings from 1200–1769 (Nepal assumed the approximate
dimensions of the modern state).
Nepal was unified by King Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768. His
successors expanded Nepal's territory as far west as Kashmir and
as far east as Sikkim (now part of India). A commercial treaty was
signed with Britain in 1792 and again in 1816 after more than a year
of hostilities with the British East India Company.
Nepal has never been directly colonized. The independence of
Nepal was also recognized by Britain in 1923. From 1846-1951, the
country came under the rule of the Rana family which reduced the
role of the monarchy to ceremonial. After a revolution spearheaded
by pro-democratic forces, the Rana regime was overthrown and the
King was restored back to power. The 1951 interim Constitution
stipulated parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy.
Nevertheless, within a few years of this change, in 1960 King
Tribhuvan’s successor – King Mahendra usurped power from the
democratically elected prime minister and introduced a partyless
panchayat system. In effect, political parties were banned in Nepal.
In 1972, King Mahendra died of a heart-attack and his son Birendra
succeeded to the throne.
In 1990, a pro-democracy movement forced King Birendra to end
the panchayat system of governance and lift the ban on political
parties. The multi-party democratic system was restored.
In 1991, the parliamentary elections were held in which the Nepali
Congress got the majority of seats. The recently formed Unified
Marxist Leninist party also performed well. The third largest party
was the United Peoples Front Nepal (UPFN) led by Dr. Baburam
Bhattarai. In early 90s, the UPFN merged to form a Maoist party.
In 1996, the Maoist party initiated the People’s War seeking to
overthrow the constitutional monarchy. Five years from the start of
this democratic revolution, on June 1, 2001, King Birendra died in
a shoot-out in the royal palace popularty known as Royal Musacare
and was succeeded by his younger brother, King Gyanendra.
King Gyanendra Asserts Control over the Government
King Gyanendra dismissed the elected government in Oct 2002,
blaming it to be corrupt and ineffective. A state of emergency was
declared and brutal crackdown on the Maoists’ guerillas began. On
the other hand, the rebels also intensified their campaign, and the
government responded with equal intensity, leading to deaths of
hundreds of Maoists, the largest toll since the insurgency began in
1996. In Aug. 2003, the Maoist rebels withdrew from the ongoing
peace talks with the government and ended a cease-fire that had
been signed in Jan. 2003. They also blocked supply of food and fuel
to Kathmandu.
King Gyanendra dismissed the entire government in Feb. 2005
and assumed direct power. Many politicians were put under house
arrest, and severe restrictions on civil liberties were instituted. In
Sept. 2005, the Maoist rebels declared a unilateral cease-fire, which
ended in Jan. 2006. In April 2006, massive pro-democracy protests
organized by the seven major parliamentary parties and supported
by the Maoists took place. They rejected King Gyanendra's offer to
hand over executive power to the prime minister, saying he failed
to address their main demands: the restoration of Parliament and
a referendum to re-draft the constitution. Days later, as pressure
mounted and the protests intensified, King Gyanendra agreed to
reinstate Parliament. The new parliament quickly moved to curtail
king's powers and selected Girija Prasad Koirala as the new prime
minister. In May 2006, it voted unanimously to declare Nepal a
secular nation and stripped the king's supreme authority over the
Nepal Army.
Steps toward Peace and a New Constitution

The decade long armed conflict that saw deaths of over 17000
Nepalese ended in November 2006 with the signing of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government and
the Maoist rebels. In March 2007, the Maoists joined the interim
government. However, the Maoists quit the interim government
just a few months later, (Sept. 2007) due to delay caused by other
parties leading the government in the abolition of the monarchy

and forming of a republic. It was only after the parliament voted to
declare a republic which would be implemented by the first sitting
of the newly elected Constituent Assembly,the Maoists rejoined the
government. The constituent Assembly election (for 601seats) was
held in April 2008. The Maoist party won 120 out of 240 directly
elected first-past-the-post seats. In May 2008, the assembly voted to
dissolve the 239-year-old monarchy, thus completing the transition
to a republic. King Gyanendra vacated the Narayanhiti Palace in
June that year and began life as a common citizen.
Ram Baran Yadav, a candidate proposed by the Nepali Congress,
was elected as the country's first president. This move seemed
to jeopardize the peace process. Meanwhile, Maoist chairman
Prachanda was elected prime minister in August. The Constituent
Assembly voted 464 to 113 in favour of Maoist leader Pushpa
Kamal Dahal, known as Prachanda, against Sher Bahadur Deuba, a
member of the Nepali Congress Party who served as prime minister
three times. As a compromise, the constitution was amended and
a provision of the opposition in parliament was instituted. In May
of 2009, the fragile coalition government fell apart when Pushpa
Kamal Dahal, the prime minister, resigned and the Maoists quit
the government. Dahal's resignation came after Nepal's President,
Ram Baran Yadav, reinstated General Rookmangud Katawal who
was sacked by the cabinet. His reinstatement came as a result of the
pressure from India.
On May 23, 2009, Madhav Kumar Nepal succeeded Pushpa Kamal
Dahal and became the new prime minister, with the backing of
NC and others smalls parties. A year later, in June 2010, Prime
Minister Nepal reached an agreement with the Maoists. According
to this agreement, the Maoists would support the extension of both
Parliament and the deadline to complete a draft constitution (that

was nearing an end) and in turn Prime Minister Nepal agreed to
resign. The agreement averted a political crisis.
In February 2011, Parliament elected the prime minister after 17
rounds of elections. Unified Marxist-Leninist Chairman Jhalanath
Khanal secured 368 of 601 votes, against Ram Chandra Poudel and
Bijaya Gachhadar who secured 122 votes and 67 votes respectively.
Khanal was sworn in on February 6. The election of the new
prime minister ended the political deadlock that had paralyzed the
country for months as political parties competed for control of the
government. P.M. Khanal also failed to resolve peace, constitution
and compelled to resign. Again after 6 month Dr. Baburam Bhattari
elected new prime minisnister of Nepal on august 2011.
CA extension:
On May 29, 2011, a last-minute deal was reached among Nepal’s
political parties to extend the constitutional deadline to a new date.
This three month extension prevented a political crisis as speculated
by the analysts. For over a year the Constituent Assembly, tried
to agree on the constitution and finalize the peace agreement that
was expected to end the armed conflict. During the three month
extension, the rival parties within the Constituent Assembly agreed
to draft a new constitution and address the question about the
19,000 PLA fighters who were living in the camps throughout the
country.
No Agreement Reached on New Constitution

In May 2012, competing political parties could not agree on a
new constitution before the Constituent Assembly's term expired.
The main contentious issues were , identity based federalism and
federalism based constitution. But no agreement was reached,
the Constituent Assembly, also acting as Nepal's legislature, was
completed its tenure. Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai announced
that he would hold elections in November 2012 for a new constituent
assembly as instructed by the Supreme Court. In his announcement
Bhattarai said, "Political consensus is still needed to move ahead. Let
us learn from mistakes and move ahead." Due to non co-operation
of NC and UML election has not taken place.
Elected for a two-year term in 2008 according to the Interim
Constitution, the Constituent Assembly was given multiple
extensions after failing to agree on a new constitution. In 2012,
the Supreme Court ruled against any further extension. The Prime
minister tried to get one more extension for three months but the
Supreme Court issued a stay order against the PM and alleged the
contempt of court too. So any constitutional way of the extension
was ended by the Supreme Court and consensus among parties failed.
Hence, CA ended without promulgating the new Constitution.
Source:www.nepalhomepage.com/www.nepalgov.gov.np

Comprehensive Peace Accord signing ceremony at International
Convention Center.

PART ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 General Introduction:

Nepal is a landlocked country, surrounded from three sides by the
expansionist India and bordered by reformist China in the north.
It has diverse terrain resulting into diversity in culture, ethnicity,
language and climate. A large section of the Nepalese diaspora is
spread in the world for education and employment, including in the
Indian army in the neighbourhood.
In Nepal, a centralized reactionary state equipped with a modern,

powerful and laborious army and a bureaucracy with the centralized
governing system exists. The economic and resource distribution is
uneven. Nepal is predominantly rural. The exploited peasants, who
represent 75% of the total population, are spread in these villages.
For a long time, the Nepalese peasants have passed different forms
of struggle both locally and countrywide. There is widespread
attraction towards the Communists among these people. However,
the influence of reformism and right revisionism is also strong here.
The base of the Nepalese communist parties has been peasants so
they did not have any experience of an armed revolt. Yet atrocities
committed by feudal and semi-feudal class of Nepal created fertile
ground for the armed conflict.
Among numbers of extention of CA last one was may 27, 2012

according to supreme court verdict, competing political parties could
not agree on a new constitution. The main contentious issues were ,
Identity based federalism and federalism based constitution. But
no agreement was reached, the Constituent Assembly, also acting
as Nepal's Legislature-Parliament was ended itself. Prime Minister
Baburam Bhattarai announced that he would hold elections in
November 2012 for a new constituent assembly as instructed by
the Supreme Court. In his announcement Bhattarai said, "Political
consensus is still needed to move ahead. Let us learn from mistakes
and move ahead." Parties were not willing to face eleciton then fail
to conduct election of stipulated date.
Elected for a two-year term in 2008 according to the Interim

Constitution, the Constituent Assembly was given multiple
extensions after failing to agree on a new constitution. In 2012,
the Supreme Court ruled against any further extension. The Prime
minister tried to get one more extension for three months but the
Supreme Court issued a stay order against the PM and alleged the
contempt of court too. So any constitutional way of the extension
was ended by the Supreme Court and consensus among parties failed.
Hence, CA ended without promulgating the new Constitution.
1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and Nepalese

society
Nepalese society has been marked with centuries of poverty and

inequality, social and political exclusion, gender, caste, and ethnic
based discrimination, skewed distribution of the resource of
production, corruption and bad governance. These features were
more dominant in remote areas of Mid-Western and Far-Western
Development Regions and in other regions where deep-rooted
poverty was widespread. The unwillingness of the state to invest in
infrastructure, such as roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, drinking
water and irrigation exacerbated social exclusion and structurally
embedded poverty. Spatial disparities caused feelings of injustice.
The table below highlights the major characteristics and the socio-
political context of the then Nepalese society that the fuelled the
Maoist’s Movement.
Characteristics Observations
Rampant poverty and widespread unemployment
Injustice, inequalities and discrimination based on class, caste,

gender, ethnicity and geography
Structural A centralized, power-based and corrupt governing system

(social-
Denial of access to, and control over production of resources and
economic)
lack of basic services to poor and marginalized sections of society
Failure of the Constitution to address the problems of the people
Lack of conceptual clarity, ideological confusion and operational

Ideological
contradictions within parliament and political parties.
Geographical isolation
Ignorance and marginalization of remote and inaccessible areas

Geographical
Concentration of resources in city centres and accessible areas
Growing interests of powerful countries (political; economic, i.e.

in natural resources/water; historical legacies; religious; strategic
International and military), particularly the multiple interests of India and the
USA and consequent changes in the global security paradigm and
responses
Various interests of influential external actors (World Bank, Asian

Development bank, International Monetary Fund, others)
Changing international responses after the royal coup of 1
February 2005

Demographic stresses in environmental resources
Unsustainable exploitation of the natural resources
Denial of access of the poor and marginalized people
to the natural resources
Skewed distribution of the land resources
Inequity and exploitation of people whose livelihood
are based on the natural resources by the powerful
elites.
Politicization of the bureaucracy and security
Institutionalized culture of denial and inaction
Vested interests (both political and personal) of
Other powerful actors
causes Rampant corruption and moribund governance
Favouritism and nepotism
Strategy of palace and political parties to use
the armed insurgency as the means to gain and
consolidate power
Development mismatch and failure
Royal massacre of 1 June 2001
Failure of various political leadership
King's direct involvement in politics since 4 October
2002
Psychological factors- revenge and retaliation
Royal coup of February of 1 2005

PART TWO
THEORETICAL DEVELOPMENT
2.1 Historical facts about revolution:

History of the Nepalese communist party dates back to more than
half a century. During those years, several initiatives were taken
without any tangible achievements. In late 1940s, when the Nepali
Congress party resorted to the armed struggle to achieve democracy
by overthrowing the tyrannical Rana regime, the recently emerging
communist parties did not have capacity to launch any such struggle.
However, the Nepalese people were supportive of the communist
movement which have since then taken various forms and essence.
The fledging communist movements were mired by intra party
struggle, rifts and division and this has become the characteristic
of the communist parties. In a short duration of time, different
factions of the Communist party emerged. The Communist party
leaders led different political movements such as in 1950s, in 1971-
72 (Jhapa Revolt), in 1980s and also in 1990s but these movements
failed to achieve anything concrete because the communist factions
were divided among themselves. Communist parties were limited
to reading, writing, publishing statements, dividing and countering
each other. So, without a proper assessment of historical facts,
planning an armed revolt was unrealistic.

2.2 Reassessment of Nepali history
A. The analysis of the reactionaries that the monarchy is deep-rooted
in Nepalese society is not true. Before emergence of the centralized
feudal state, a tribal-type of democratic system prevailed this was
quite influential in Nepal. The tradition of electing, changing,
and sentencing the king to death, if required shows that 'king'
meant nothing at all other than a ‘tribal hero or leader’. Therefore,
the tradition of Nepalese society has not been monarchist but
democratic and autonomy-oriented. It was only after the emergence
of the centralized feudal state at a certain stage of development of
class division, attempts were made to unnaturally impose the king
and monarchism through the practices of the system of reward-and-
punishment and divine theory.
B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature of

the treaty signed indicate the contradiction and the alliance between
feudalism and imperialism. Though, Nepal became semi-colonial,
the war played an important role in exposing capitalist character of
feudal ruling classes and in developing patriotic and nationalistic
feeling amongst the people in a modern sense. The contradiction
in that time could be clearly read between the then Prime Minister
Bhimsen Thapa on one side and on the other were the king and Jang
Bahadur Rana. Thapa did not want to kneel down to the British,
whereas, the king and Jang Bahadur were favourably inclined towards
the British colonialists and acted as their stooges, this feature can
still be found among the Nepalese ruling class even today. At a time
when contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is
the principal one, it is of great importance that the proletarian class
correctly understands the historical contradictions and deals with
them to lead a democratic revolution.
C. The centralized feudal state has imposed the Hindu feudal

system and Brahmanism and ethnic chauvinism on lingual, ethnic,
religious, cultural and traditional rights of the people of various
communities, nationalities and religions in Nepal. It hindered
the natural development of genuine national unity and power.
Therefore, the revolution must lay the foundation of a consolidated
national unity on the basis of equality and freedom as well as on the
basis of safeguarding the self determination rights of nations.
D. The denial of minimum political rights to information and

activities by the Rana regime, delicate and fragile economic base
of other classes (except the feudal and bureaucratic and comprador
classes) the class-base and identity of political parties have not
been very strong and mature. This caused the formation of and
disappearance of many political parties from 1950 onwards. Political
difference between the Party of the proletariat and the elements that
represent the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic capitalist class
is evident. Political fluidity resulting from the fluidity of economic
class base does not only exist in the proletariat party but also poses
a great threat to it. Therefore, the Party should always be flexible
and struggle to understand the fluidity of other political groups and
should protect itself from the influence and dominance of others.
E. In spite of their dedication, devotion and sacrifices, the factors

behind the low political advancement of the communist parties
in Nepal is the lack of reformism and revisionism in the Nepalese
communist movement. The main characteristic of Nepalese
revisionism has been the deviation from the historical need of
leadership of the proletariat in the bourgeois democratic revolution. It
always harped on the policy of following various groups of reactionary
classes, instead of developing an independent revolutionary struggle
for the workers and peasants under the leadership of the proletariat
with the question of seizing state power in command. Eventually,
the reactionaries have always been successful to betray the people.
After launching of the People’s War led by the Communist Party of
Nepal- (Maoist), things have changed substantially.
2.3 Recognizing the ground realities
o Nepal is a semi-feudal & semi-colonial country reeling under
the exploitation & oppression both feudalism & imperialism,
o A large proportion of population (more than 75%) constitutes of

the pauperized, landless, poor and lower class peasants scattered
over the vast rural areas, The condition of organization, struggle
and mass consciousness is uneven owing to unevenness of
economic and political conditions and social development in
Nepal, The condition of development of industries in the cities
is very backward and hence the modern working class is weak
both in the qualitative and quantitative sense,
o The enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,
o According to the experiences of class struggle in the era of

imperialism, it is possible to develop a militant & revolutionary
Party, new culture & revolutionary people’s movement and to
bring about radical change in society only by accepting g the
path of the People’s War from the very beginning,
o Revolution is the main trend in the present world passing through

a process of barbaric imperialist wars and great upheavals and to
lead a revolution means essentially to lead the People’s War,
o The force of the enemy is more powerful as compared to that of

the revolutionaries,
2.4 Conclusions drawn:

It is essential to focus our attentions on the following historical
conclusions:
• Even general reforms taken as a by-product of violent and illegal

struggle

The reactionary propaganda that the Nepalese people are peace
loving and that they do not like violence does not hold water. It
is an irreversible fact that the Nepalese people have been waging
violent struggles for their rights since the historical times. All the
political reforms so far gained in Nepal have been backed by the
force of direct violence and ‘illegal struggle’.
• Nepalese people are the great warriors of the world.
The Nepalese people are conscious & sensitive about the question
of nationalism and they feel proud to lay down their lives while
fighting rather than submit to the domination of foreigners.
From 1951 onwards, many sections of the Nepalese people
mainly peasants have been involved in a countless number of
struggles against the reactionary state. Understandably, the anti-
establishment feelings among the Nepalese people have been
strong.
• The Nepalese people are known as the great warriors in the

world, recognised by their exceptional ability to bear severe
physical hardships during fighting. Fighting against imperialist
and feudal forces is the greatest responsibility.
The domestic & foreign reactionaries including the revisionist

elements have time & again conspired against the fighting
tendency of the Nepalese people. Today the greatest responsibility
has fallen upon the revolutionaries to initiate an armed struggle
consciously against feudalism & imperialism and to complete
the New Democratic revolution along ideological lines.
2.5 Specific objectives

To attain the goal of establishing a New Democratic republic the
following policies were formulated:

1. To oppose the monarchical parliamentary multi-party system
and to accelerate propagandist agitation in favour of the New
Democratic system.
2. To build a revolutionary, militant and new type of Communist
Party.
3. To build a revolutionary united Front as an instrument of
struggle and as an embryo of the new power.
4. To lay emphasis on preparations of the people’s war.
5. To develop a patriotic and democratic movement against
feudalism, imperialism and Indian expansionism.
6. To accelerate rural class struggle centring on the slogan of land
to the tiller and to concentrate main force on the same.
7. To develop class and mass organizations, to establish Party
leadership over them and to develop a people’s movement in
favour of addressing their problems.
8. To pay special attention to expand the Party to lower classes,
oppressed ethnic groups, tribes and oppressed castes and to the
rural and remote areas.
9. To accord priority to illegal work but also not to ignore legal
work; to accord priority to work in the rural areas but also not
to ignore work in the urban areas and to coordinate all work in
both the spheres
10. To support national liberation, New Democratic and socialist
movements all over the world, to emphasize on proletarian
internationalism and to develop relations and contacts with the
fraternal parties and organizations the world over.
11. To oppose & expose all forms of revisionism.
12. To propagate Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a systematic
manner.

PART THREEE
IMPLEMENTATION
3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution

A. The Proletariat: workers in modern industries & factories are
the most revolutionary class of the society. This class has the
historical responsibility of identifying and giving leadership to
other allied classes for the success of a Democratic revolution.
B. The Farm Workers: Bonded labourers, landless peasants,

porters, and poor peasants, and, in the case of Nepal, the cart
pullers, rickshaw pullers, auto rickshaw and tempo drivers, and
transport and hotel workers etc.
C. Middle Peasants: Those who face difficulty for livelihood even
after working hard on their land throughout the year and also
those who are granted some land on a contract or on a share-
cropping basis. In the hilly regions of Nepal these peasants
outnumber any other class. This class is an important motivating
force for the Democratic Revolution.
D. Rich Peasants: Those who have good livelihood through their
land; they are able to employ a few labourers in their farm land
despite their own participation and are able to accumulate part
of their income through exploitation. This class is a vacillating
ally for the New Democratic Revolution.
E. Petty Bourgeois Class: In this class are included the teachers of
schools & colleges, students, doctors, engineers, lawyers, junior
office workers, petty traders of towns, retail traders, craftsmen, etc.
F. National Bourgeoisie: In Nepal although the national bourgeoisie
doesn’t have an independent role but they are slowly being
formed. These capitalists are involved in small handicraft, trade
and modern industries. At one end, they desire of amassing
wealth by exploiting the workers, and at the other end they are
being run over by the monopolist comprador and bureaucratic
capitalists. Hence they naturally show contradictory character
towards the revolution. This class will remain an unreliable ally
of the revolution because they change their character according
to the situation.
3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and

tactics
In the present era of imperialism & proletarian revolution, the
reactionary class practices various forms of conspiratorial strategies
to stop revolution in countries like ours. Amongst them we must
focus our attention on the following, because we can’t plan a correct
strategy without understanding the strategy of the enemy.
1. Because of its monopolistic hold over the communication over
the whole world at this time, the enemy has been launching a
misleading information campaign with a deliberate propaganda
about ‘terrorism’, ‘fall of socialism’, the superiority and success of
capitalism and attempts to lower the morale of the people through
the strategy of psychological warfare.
2. The reactionaries have been unleashing vicious cultural war through
vulgar culture and literature in order to corrupt the minds & souls
of the people.
3. All the imperialist forces and the reactionary ruling classes of
each country campaign strategically by spreading their network
of well trained and technically equipped spies. They attempt to
infiltrate into the revolutionary Party to collect information, to

create illusions inside the party, to carry out destructive activities
and to arrest or kill the genuine revolutionary leaders or activists
of the Party.
4. They invent new forms of reforms & democracy to confuse the
people politically.
5. Under the strategy of preventing revolution in a country like
ours the networks of NGOs and INGOs have been spread in
order to engage some educated middle class people, to prevent
them from falling below the middle class and to entrap the
people in the petty reformist mirage.
6. They encourage unemployed youths to get scattered all over the
world such as to wander in India for the sake of employment.
The youths are being used as mercenary soldiers in foreign
armies.
7. The imperialists pollute the minds of the people through
propagation of religion and other means after entering into
rural areas with attractive slogans.
8. If the revolutionary movement still rise up despite several traps,
the enemy or reactionaries then start a campaign of heinous
genocide through their powerful standing army. In short, in the
present era, the strategy of the reactionary class is a total war.
3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection

The international proletariat have experienced two fundamentally
different forms of armed struggle, a protracted people’s war and an
urban insurrection. In semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries like
Nepal, the protracted people’s war has been proved successful.
(1) The strategy of a general insurrection of firstly capturing the city
and the central power in the capitalist & imperialist countries,
and

(2) The strategy of a protracted People’s War of firstly encircling
the city from the countryside in the oppressed semi-feudal,
semi-colonial countries.
In our situation, we have to decide upon a strategy which suits the
general economic, political and social conditions of our country and
then accordingly forward our organization, struggle and propaganda.
To remain noncommittal or silent on the question is to fall victim to
spontaneity & inaction and is merely to move towards the quagmire
of reformism. Viewing from this perspective, series of tactics are
envisioned. In our situation, the armed struggle can be initiated,
sustained and developed only through a skilful implementation of
policies as:
• Give priority to the rural work, but do not leave out the urban
work;
• Give priority to illegal struggle, but do not leave out the legal
struggle, too;
• Give priority to specific strategic areas, but do not leave out work
related to the mass movement, too;
• Give priority to class struggle in rural areas, but do not leave out
countrywide struggle, too;
• Give priority to guerrilla actions, but do not leave out political
exposure & propaganda, too;
• Give priority to propaganda work within the country but do not
leave out worldwide propaganda, too;
• Give priority to build army organization, but do not leave out to
build front organizations, too;
• Give priority to relying on one’s own organization and force, but
do not miss to forge unity- in- action, to take support & help
from international arena.
The People’s War should be initiated, preserved, and developed in

the present context neither by emphasising on one of the tactics nor
by giving equal emphasis to all. Depending on the situation, it has
to be decided which tactics to be emphasised. The success of the
People’s War in Nepal will be governed by decentralized actions
based on a central policy. It will apply large forces and launch
actions on different isolated spots against the small forces of enemy
to ensure a quick victory. It will adopt hit & run tactics with the
guerrilla actions in different parts of the country. Besides, special
attention to the specific strategic areas will be given as Mao said, "by
organizing and mobilizing as many people as possible and as fast as
possible and with as good a method as possible while placing the
question of capturing political power at the centre".
3.4 Preliminary review of historical initiation of

People's war
“From the particular characteristics of war there arise a particular set
of organizations, a particular series of methods and a particular kind
of process... Hence war experience is a particular kind of experience.
And who takes part in war must rid themselves of their customary
ways and accustom them to war before they can win victory.”- Mao
Testing, “On Protracted War”
The process representing the qualitative leap in development of

the class struggle in the Nepalese society and in the Party life has
been initiated during the people's war. This great initiation and
its impact and its success are indicators of victory and glory of the
almighty ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism of the world
proletariat in general and of the Nepalese proletariat and oppressed
masses in particular. During the initiation of the People’s War,
the revolutionary thought, policies and plans of the party were
translated into practice as a physical force. Additionally, on the
basis of live practical experience, the door for further development
and refinement of those thoughts, policies and plans has opened.
The history of the Nepalese communist movement beset with
metaphysics and idealism but this process must represent a correct
implementation of dialectical materialist theory of knowledge. It
must be a scientific and powerful blow to the revisionist proposition
of ‘from thought to thought’ and ‘from reform to reform’.
The People’s War with armed squads and guerrilla actions has
given practical expression to the 'theory of army' as the principal
form of organization and 'war' as the principal form of struggle.
The existing system was always the main target of the People’s War.
The crisis of the reactionary state, development of the class struggle
and the Party’s nature and number of armed actions, the success of
their propaganda and publicity achieved within a short span of one
month is a unique experience for a Maoist Party of any country in
the present day world.
One of the main goals specified by the Party for the people's war was
to put the politics of armed struggle in the forefront of the country.
This goal was achieved better than ordinarily expected. The politics
of the armed struggle in Nepal has now been established firmly
not only among the Nepalese people but to a certain extent at the
international level as well. Similarly, the goals of preparing ground
for developing certain strategic areas into guerrilla zones and of
transforming the forms of organization and struggle have also been
satisfactorily achieved.
However, the People’s War has created new problems, contradictions

and crises for all the political groups and sub-groups. It intensified
the crisis brewing within the entire reactionary state. The party
appeals to the people to analyse the grave situation of the existing
situation of the country. Even the arch reactionary elements could
not deny that it is a political issue because the quality, range of armed
actions, propaganda and of fear of their getting exposed before the
mass. This further intensified the contradictions among different
reactionary factions within themselves and within the government.
The revolutionary camp, led by the party, constitutes of political
parties, organizations, independent intellectuals who supported the
People’s War in various ways. The People’s War has made a direct
and massive impact in the politics of the country and has enhanced
the possibilities of utilizing the contradictions from new heights,
developing in new forms. The Party should be alert in practicing
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on this question.
Future Strategy
The initiation of the People’s War was historic; but now the grave
question is whether we are able to continue and defend and develop
it or not. The attention of the politically conscious mass, intellectual
community is centred on the next plan of the party and whether or
not we would be able to preserve and develop what has been newly
born. Only through a serious coordination of the universal principle
of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the experiences of the People’s
War, we can formulate a correct future plan of the Party. In this
context, first of all, we should pay serious attention to the following
points:
1. We should constantly keep in mind that despite all the

specificities, the character of the People’s War in Nepal is prolonged.
In the present condition of the balance of forces, the enemy wants
to drag the party into a decisive war, but on our part, we want to
avoid it and prolong the war. The enemy uses the strategy of offence
but we use the strategy of defence. The enemy wants to incite us
and draw us into confrontation according to their convenience, but
we want to harass the enemy, tire them out and attack at their weak
points at our convenience time and place and according to our own
plan.

2. The enemy wants to keep us apart from the struggle for the
people’s immediate problems and wants to cut off our relations with
the mass. We, however, do not want to be cut off from the live
contact with the mass at any cost. Our policies and programmes
should guarantee our constant interactions with the mass because
the Party has no separate interest other than the interests of the
mass, and otherwise there would be no rationale for the existence of
the Party.
3. We should have a clear understanding that the danger of
making wrong policies and programmes in the Party is inherent
in the vacillating character of the petty-bourgeois class in Nepal.
This class has the tendency of getting overexcited and jumping
into adventurism after a minor victory, and the tendency of getting
disheartened and moving towards capitalism after a minor defeat.
We must wage relentless ideological and political struggle against the
tendency of dragging the Party in the direction of either adventurism
or capitalism. In the present situation, when the enemy is in the
offensive, the capitalist tendency is more dangerous for the Party.
4. The historical initiation of the People’s War is a rebellion,
indeed, of far-reaching consequences, against the existing state and
exploitation and oppression prevailing since thousands of years. But
in the present stage of socio-economic formation and development
of class struggle in Nepal, this is not an armed insurrection to
capture the central state power immediately. The process of extended
people’s war is the process of construction of a revolutionary Party,
revolutionary struggle, revolutionary power and revolutionary
army, from simple to complex. In the context of the beginning of
such a new and qualitative process through the historic initiation
of the People’s War -- the widespread propagation of the politics
of an armed struggle, it is now necessary to concentrate on the

development of guerrilla war in a planned way and based on the
principle of protracted People’s War and on our own specificities.
(Based on document adopted by the meeting of the Political Bureau
of the Central Committee of the Party held in third week of March
1996.)
3.5 Development of MLM: Nepal's specific

"Prachandapath"
The fourth extended meeting of the central committee worked out
on the Fifth Plan for the people's war. It led a concrete ideological
and organizational ground for finding of new unity to conduct
“Rectification Campaign”. The Fifth Plan period succeeded in
pushing the People’s War to a new height of development. It
occupies an important place in the history of the party for the
following reasons-
1. In the very beginning of this plan implementation, alternative
Politburo Member Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu) was killed in Gorkha
district. His great martyrdom set up new and high records of
sacrifice in the People’s War and intensified the resentment of the
mass against the enemies all over the country. It further established
the revolutionary image of the Party among the people.
2. In the middle of the Fifth Plan period, the “Rectification
Campaign” was conducted by the Central Committee to strengthen
ideological and emotional unity within the Party. This campaign
was conducted from the lowest to the upper level of the Maoist
cadres to develop the ideologically substantial and efficient party to
fight against the opportunism.
3. During this plan period, qualitatively high-level military successes
were achieved all over the country particularly in the western region.
The successes achieved in the battle field and political interventions
at the central level on issues including negotiation opened the doors
of new possibilities for the People’s War.
4. At the final stage of this period, all mysteries and characteristics of
the Alok trend appearing as ‘left’ liquidations were exposed through
strenuous and incessant efforts of Com. Prachanda and others.
Indeed, the exposure and synthesis of the Alok trend is a great success
of “Rectification Campaign” which negatively educated, enlightened
and warned the whole Party and the masses. In essence, this is yet
another triumph of the proletarian line led by Com. Prachanda.
3.6 Development of democracy in the 21st century

“Marxism is not lifeless dogma, not a completed, readymade
immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” – Lenin
The main essence of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
is to advance continuous revolution by scientifically synthesizing
proletarian movement in the world. This has been enriched with
experiences of revolution and counter-revolution. The Maoist
party of Nepal has been emphasizing on a creative application and
development of MLM rather than just imitating it as a dogma.
In the process of applying MLM from a 'guide to action' on the
concrete condition of the Nepalese revolution, the party has been
waging a continuous struggle against rightist revisionists as well as
dogmata-revisionists.
The process of ideological struggle is invariably linked with the

necessity of class struggle brought by the People’s War. The party
has synthesized Prachanda path as a special chain of ideas in the
Nepalese revolution based on the development process of class
struggle and ideological struggle in Nepal. Prachanda Path is an
invention of the Nepalese Maoists to suit the Nepalese context. On
the basis of experience of history, analysis of current world scenarios
and the experiences of the People’s war, the second conference
has made many important political and military syntheses. The
qualitative result of the People’s War has proven its scientific basis
and has prepared a strong base for higher ideological, political and
military synthesis.
The Party
A revolutionary party for the 21stcentury needs to be developed

based on an organizational theory, methodology and system so that
they can stop counter-revolution and this is valid even today. This
is the problem of application and development of the theory of two-
line struggle within the Party and continuous revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
There should be a mechanism to guarantee overall people’s

participation in the two line struggle. One section comprising of
capable and established leaders and cadres should be constantly
involved in mass work and another section should be involved
in running the state machinery. Besides, after certain interval of
period there should be re-division of work thereby strengthening
the relationship between the whole Party and the general masses. It
should be stressed that the Party and the state under its leadership
should adopt the policy of keeping live relation with the general
public. One must work hard and live in privation and wholly
devoted to the cause of communism.
The Army
The experience of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century has clearly shown that if the proletarian class advances
with appropriate revolutionary ideology, policy and programmes, a
people's army can be developed from almost zero to the level of an
invincible army. However, if wrong ideologies prevail, the same army
can become a weapon of counter-revolution. If unable to guarantee
the development army structure under the proletarian ideology,
supervision, control and service of the people tendencies will go on
multiplying reach to a point when it automatically get transformed
into a weapon for serving counter-revolution. Thus, after the capture
of state power, it must be guaranteed that the people’s army is not
modernised or equipped with special arms and training or confined
to barracks. Instead they should be with the masses and in the
service of the general people. It is only by developing armed masses
from both ideological and physical views that one can resist foreign
intervention and counter-revolution. The main thrust for the 21st
Century people’s army is to complete the historical responsibility
of developing conscious armed masses which could be used for the
positive and productive cause to use their right to rebel.
The State
The capture of state power through the people’ war under the
leadership of a proletariat Party has been the central and difficult
question of revolution now and then. But the experience of the
20th century has clearly proved that the question of continuous
democratization of the state power, so that it starts withering away,
is more difficult and complex than capturing state power. This
statement is supported by the cases of successful revolutions in Russia,
China, and other countries within a century which shook the world.
However, these countries could not advance beyond bourgeois
democratic republic and thereby failed to embrace socialism.
A Party, which may be proletarian revolutionary, and a state, which

may be democratic or socialist, at a particular time, place and
condition, may turn counter-revolutionary at a different time, place
and condition. It is obvious that the synthesis of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, namely the masses and the revolutionaries
should rebel in such a situation, is fully correct. However, once a
New Democratic or Socialist state is established under the leadership
of the party, there is no opportunity for the masses to have a free
democratic or socialist competition. As a result, since the ruling
Party does not require a political competition with others amidst
the mass, it gradually turns into a mechanistic bureaucratic Party
with special privileges and the state under its leadership turns into
mechanistic and bureaucratic machinery. Similarly, the mass become
a victim of formal democracy and their limitless energy of creativity
and dynamism get sapped. This danger has been clearly observed in
history. To overcome such challenges, the control, supervision and
intervention process of the mass over the state should be stressed and
organized according to the principle of continuous revolution. Once
again the question here is to dialectically organize scientific reality
that the efficacy of dictatorship against the enemy or reactionaries is
dependent upon how democracy is exercised among the people.
In the context of democratic revolution in Nepal, we have been

talking about liberation of the masses from class, national, regional,
and gender oppression. We have pledged national and regional
autonomy along with the rights to self-determination for the
continuous democratization of the state. Similarly, we are demanding
Party freedom for anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces. Thus, only
through the appropriate development of the Party, the Army and
the State, a democracy in the twenty-first century would enhance
the process of continuous revolution and counter-revolution.

“Maoist movement of Nepal Development of tactic and strategy
feelings and experiences”
Paper presentation at Oxford University , UK 2011

PART FOUR
PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MLM IN

NEPALI CONTEXT
4.1 Chunbang meeting: major event

• Questions of Leadership:
Chunbang meeting is popularly known for discussions on
rectification of leadership and organizational set up. In the history
of communist movement neither Lenin nor Mao were successful
in developing their successors or the next generation leadership.
Lifelong leadership is in practice in most of the communist parties
which is danger of conspiracy groupism and factionalism. The
Maoist party itself has suffered from several splits. Leadership is a
huge question in the party. The Chunbang meeting developed a
retirement system of leadership. It has taken a new development
in Marxism since it was neither conceptualised by Lenin and
Mao nor mentioned in any other literature.
• Correct handling of the contradiction and inners struggle:
Lenin and Mao became successful by correct handling of the

contradiction to forward revolution and well manage inner
struggle to keep unity and strength of the party intact. In Nepal,
correct handling of the contradiction was adopted along with an
emphasis on creating contradiction which is a new innovation.
Nepal tried to develop some new feature on handling of the
contradiction and also develop a systemic management of inner
struggle. It is an important part of the revolution in contrast
to the splits and unity in the communist movement. Struggle,
transformation and strong unity are needed at present. There
were several inner struggles during the time of the people's
war and before chunbang meeting which were hard to resolve.
However, finally they have adhered to transformation and unity
with better understanding.
• Tactical shift to focus from village to urban:
A principle of the protracted people's war entails encircling the

urban area from the rural area; this principle was followed by the
party during the people's war. Nonetheless, chunbang meeting
started tactical shift to focus on urban area. It is a fundamental
change in terms of principles. The party leaders decided that the
focus on rural areas alone is not sufficient and emphasised on the
need to focus on urban areas. The idea of joining hands with the
parliamentary forces for overthrowing also developed and this
was implemented due to charismatic leadership.
Alliance with parliamentary political parties against the autocratic

Monarchy:
• The Major debate within the party
Maoist party was in debate about whether situation was triangular

fight between the parliamentary forces, monarchy and the Maoist.
It was hard to make a wise decision in favour revolution. The
main debate was whether to join hands with the monarchy in
the name of nationalism or to join hands with the parliamentary
forces in the name of democracy. Finally, the meeting decided
join hands with the parliamentary forces against the monarchy.
Nationalism harped on by the monarchy is not real; it is just a
tool to advance their powers and interests. Besides, in terms of
principles as well, it is better to join hands with the parliamentary
forces - the capitalist force than to join hands with the monarchy
- the feudal force. Democratic republic-
The mission of the people's war was to establish a people's

republic. The Maoist party, without any hesitation, accepted a
democratic republic as it is far better than the monarchy and this
would help subsequently on achieving the People’s Republic. It
is clear that other political forces wanted to replace the monarchy
with a democratic republic and meanwhile, the Maoist party
wanted to achieve the People’s Republic.
• Proper balance on Nationality and Democracy:
Nepal’s politics always revolved around the questions of

nationalism and democracy. The centre of nationalism was
considered as the monarchy which ruled Nepal for 239 years.
Similarly, the centre of democracy was in India. Hence, the
palace in the name of nationalism and external countries in the
name of democracy remained dominant in Nepalese politics. The
People’s War attempted to correct this and advanced that both
nationalism and democracy should be cantered on the people
not on the royal palace or on external force.
The Maoist party in the Chunbang meeting took initiatives

to develop a people centric formula for balancing between
nationality and democracy.
• Rectification self criticism new type of party building:
Tools of rectification - criticism and self-criticism are

characteristics of the communist party throughout the world. It
is quite mechanical. These tools have been often adopted inside
the party out of mainly compulsion. However, this has been
misused against each other.
But the Chunbang meeting developed and adopted critics and

self criticism for rectification and new type of party building
in practice. Wide way-out has been developed for proper
implementation of the formula.
4.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event

• Ceasefire agreement:
Peace process is started from 12 point agreement through

movement against Monarchy. After the completion of the
April movement formal peace process was started. Kamidanda
meeting was the first meeting conducted after the start of the
peace process. The Maoist party had already decided to engage
in the peace process. Similarly government of Nepal was also
eagrly waiting for peace deal.
The peace process needed a cease fire agreement to advance the

formal process of peace deal. Cease fire is not only a document
to put the gun down but it was also the foundation of the
whole peace process. After the 12 point understanding, the
cease fire document is the most important and first document
signed by the government and the Maoist party. The 12 point
understanding was a document related to the movement but the
cease fire agreement is a document related to peace management.
The Kamidanda meeting has accepted the cease fire document as
a foundation of peace management.
• CPA, AMAA, Interim Constitution :
The Peace process entered into the phase of peace management after
the cease fire agreement. It incited discussions and negotiations
for the comprehensive peace accord, Agreement on management
of Arms and Armies and the interim constitution. The kamidanda
meeting formed a committee for interim constitution drafting,
comprehensive peace accord and Agreement on Arms and Army

Management (AAMA). The Party decided on the content and
selected representative to carry out the task.
• Tactics series: people’s war, people’s movement; negotiation

and diplomatic initiation.
The People's war developed several tactics and strategies.

Likewise, the initial period of peace process used the tactics of
negotiation and diplomatic initiation. This was the phase for a
diplomatic battle so it automatically demanded some diplomatic
negotiation and the people's movement tactics without forgetting
the foundation of the people's war.
• Joining into the Interim Government:
Power sharing was the major demand after the peace process and
peace management. The party decided to join the government
to share the power and participate in the election of constituent
assembly to express its strength and public support.
After the elections to a Constituent Assembly (CA) were declared,

an agreement was signed for the formation of interim government
including the Maoist party. After a decade long people’s war,
the Maoist representatives became a part of government. The
Government had fixed their common minimum agendas which
mainly focused on socio-economic transformation, constitution
writing, integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants or
the PLA, and democratization of the Nepal Army.
4.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Bhrikutimandap

plenum
All the extended meetings of Balaju were before the CA election. The
first meeting was held after the cease fire agreement. The division
inside the party was to go for the CA election or for a different type
of revolution backtracking from the peace process. The Chit wan
meeting was held after promulgation of the interim constitution
and all the parliament members from the Maoist party participated
in this meeting in their ‘new parliament coats’. Then the division
inside the party became between the members with their ‘coats’ and
without ‘coats’
The Kharipati meeting was held when the party itself was leading the
government comprising of major portfolios. Some faction claimed
that Peace and constitution is a reformist line so the party needs to
come back from the government and prepare for a revolt. But the
plan of the revolt was not fixed and finalized.
The Palungtar meeting had three lines of debate. However, it is

discussed on peace and constitution and the people’s revolt. Finally,
it became an undecided extended meeting of more than 6 thousand
leaders and cadres. In the meeting, initially the line of the people’s
revolt without any preparation was attempted to be passed, but later
it was realised that peace and constitution is more appropriate line
at the present.
4.4 Bhrikutimandap 7th Expanded CC Meeting:

The Constituent Assembly expired without promulgating a new
constitution and the faction led by Mohan Vaidya split from the
party. Leaders and cadres were frustrated. The Committee system
of the party was almost ended. The 7th expanded meeting was held
on such a crucial condition. Groupism within the party existed even
after Mohan Vaidya faction split from the party. Challenges were
mounting for the party. In a nutshell, the party organization was
almost in the condition of liquidation. In this historical juncture,
the party decided to dissolve its central committee, polite bureau
and standing committee including office bearers of the party.
Except, the party chairman and general membership all other
layers of organizational structure has been dissolved. Likewise, all

state committees and district committees also have been dissolved
and converted to a national convention organizing committee.
Person's in-charge and secretaries of all state committees are also
going to be transferred. All these measures have been taken for party
rectification.
Understanding of the tactical line of the party has been always in

debate. People's revolution vs. peace and constitution was at the
heart of that party debate. Throughout the four years of peace
process, the party cadres and leaders were divided vertically from
top to bottom. The party as a whole never concentrated on peace
and constitution. Most of the time the party focused on being in the
government rather than on peace and constitution. Mostly, the party
engaged in revolution rather than in peace and constitution. When
the Maoists came to the peace process there was a doubt if other
parties will actually accept the constituent assembly. Hence, parties’
tactic was to advocate for the constituent assembly elections but also
prepare for a revolt, in case other parties backtracked from their
commitment to the elections. This was it was possible to do better
in both elections and revolt. But the other faction led by Mohan
Baidya emphasized that the parties should talk about revolt not
elections. This way, neither revolt would be successful not the party
can do better in the elections. The Kharipati meeting focused on the
people's constitution entirely against imperialist and feudalist forces
which was almost unrealistic to achieve. The Palungtar meeting was
a complete rollout from the line of peace and constitution. Those
who favoured peace and constitution were accused as a puppet of
the Indian rightist and revisionist and no one was willing to be a
reformist. Without any sense the Maoist were tagged as rightist
and reformist. The line of peace and constitution almost became
marginalized. Finally, the 7th plenum’s succeeded to pass the line of
peace and constitution unanimously.

The 7th plenum not only finalized the line of peace and constitution
but also tried to develop some tactics and strategies of revolution
especially in the 21st century which were compatible with the
Nepali context. The plenum agreed on changing characteristics of
imperialism. Imperialism of the 21st century is completely different
than those of in 18th 19th and 20th century. The plenum accepted
that the there has been fundamental changes in the characteristics of
imperialism and thus, there must be change in strategies and tactics
of the revolution against it. The 7th plenum chuck out the principal
contradiction. All the documents of the communist history of 60
years focused on how to change the structure of the Nepali society
but never focused on changes in the base. However, for the first
time, economic revolution was made the base in the party. The
economic revolution planned to strengthen the national capital
against comprador and bureaucratic capital. The programme hinted
by the political proposal could create struggle in capital for changing
of economic relations. The 7th plenum has confirmed that, what
we did in the past and what we achieved are achievements of the
revolution. Republican system, federalism, inclusion and secularism
are the major achievements of the revolution. These are the important
elements of the new democratic revolution. Almost half of the tasks
of revolution have been complete and the remaining tasks also need
to be complete by practicing right tactics and strategies. Before the
plenum, there was confusion whether achievements of the revolution
were in confusion whether these are minor reforms in the feudal
society or revolutionary changes. The Plenum clears the confusion
and paves the way of revolution in future.

PART FIVE
TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND

STRATEGIC RIGIDITY
When the Maoists movement was just spawning in Nepal, people

thought the Maoists were wooden-headed. At the end of the 20th
century, communist regimes all over the world were dismantled.
In Nepal, multiparty democracy with constitutional monarchy
had just replaced the three decades of authoritarian panchayat
regime. Advocate of an armed movement by the Maoists instead
of institutionalizing the achievements made so far displeased some
sections of people. Despite unfavourable situations inside and outside
the country, the Maoists’ party was successful in becoming the
largest party in the country within less than a decade. The demand
of the Constituent Assembly dating back 60 years was fulfilled and
the two and half century's old monarchical system came to an end.
A republican State was established for pioneering restructuring of
the state. The commitment was made in the Constitution to replace
the unitary system of governance with a federal one. Revolution
established these agendas and now it is time to work on them as their
usefulness are being tested. At the end, the crux of achievements
shows: the party should adopt flexibility in tactics and rigidity in
strategy.
5.1 Tactics and strategies

1. Protracted people's war or urban insurrection: The major debate
during the declaration of the people's war was adopting the
people's war or the urban insurrection in the Nepalese context.
The party analysed that the Nepalese revolution would succeed
neither in the Chinese way nor in the Russian way, but it will
succeed in its own unique way. The formation of human
rights organization, making a mechanism for the civil society,
journalists and advocates may be seen as rightists but these were
adopted as part of tactical flexibilities. Superficially, on one hand
the party raised arms but on the other hand formed a network
of human rights organizations. It created a dilemma and doubt
about whether revolution would take place or not, but the result
supported the war. A document of the meeting following a
month after the initiation of the war speaks that in the current
socio-economic structure and the development of class struggle,
only armed struggle is not the appropriate means of capturing
the central state power.
2. Questions of Leadership: We resolve the question of leadership

through struggle. We came to the conclusion that most of
the Marxist leaders failed to create their successor. The whole
movement was adversely affected after the end or death of the
main leader. Therefore, the Maoist party of Nepal opted for
collective leadership. The centralised expression of the collective
leadership is the correct line. There is no necessity that the leader
who comes from the revolution should be the leader forever.
3. Dichotomizing the Society: The 1990s political change provided

space to reflect on the social problems existing in the society.
This condition greatly helped the Maoist party to mobilize the
people behind their cause. There were deep (and newly created)
political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. There was a
great achievement of polarizing people into, for and against by
dichotomizing identities such as 'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-
ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless', and 'patriot-non patriot'.
The dichotomies were fuelled with the prevailing feelings of

injustice and frustration. This garnered public support from the
majority of the citizens.
4. Military Operations: The people's war proceeded with

continuous military attacks. At times, though the Party used to
change its tactics by engaging in discussions, continuous military
attacks could be seen vividly. The party was compelled to change
its tactics because the enemy changed its tactics. They became
defensive and did not come to fight. Even after a preparation
of 14 months, it was difficult to capture an army camp. The
Maoists PLA started decreasing. The enemy’s tactic was to make
the war prolonged so as to tire out the PLA. Hence, we changed
our tactic and decided to come to the peace process.
5. Declaration of Base Area: It was not possible to declare a base

area as Mao did in China because it could be fatal and even
suicidal because the enemy could focus on a specific area and
annihilate them. The party developed base areas not in isolation
but based on core and periphery. The area was categorized as
the main area, secondary area and enemy area for propaganda.
6. Simultaneously War and Peace: It is possible to launch war and

peace at the same time. In the battle field, military actions can be
ongoing whereas the senior leaders could be negotiating at the
political level. This was not a matter of conducting revolutions,
raising arms and flowing blood but was a matter of tuning the
melody of peace. However, this became a weapon to intensify
the people's war. The formula became the bases for future
plans. The plan that seems rightist in the form could bring
revolutionary result on one hand and also protect the party from
fierce repression of the reactionary forces on the other.
7. Strategic balance of power: Another specific character of the war

is to maintain proper balance with national and international

forces and target the principal enemy while joining hands with
the secondary enemies. National forces were divided in two parts
─ for and against and so were the international forces. The Maoist
party was declared as a terrorist on one hand and on the other
hand it was a party raising the issues of social justices, basic needs
of the mass and addressing the issues of the mass. Paradoxically,
the Maoist party which was deemed as a terrorist was asking the
government to go for the people’s mandate or elections whereas
other parliamentary parties which were considered as democratic,
were hesitant about going to the people.
8. Parallel state power: During the period of armed conflict

various state structures such as court system, revenue collection
mechanisms, own military and administrative structures were
established; and the party requested international community
including the UN for the recognition of those state structures.
9. Tactical shift: The tactics adopted during the people's war were
as per the principle of rigidity in strategy and flexibility in tactics.
So, considering the strategy, there was a shift in tactics as per
the need of the movement and the proletariat class. Hindering
the recruitment process of the Nepal Army by threatening the
aspiring candidates, calling the army out of the barracks and
attacking, making false attacks to divert attention of the army
from the main attacking points, ambushing the armed force
heading to back the ones in the ongoing attack, supply side
intervention for various basic needs, etc. were the examples of
tactical shifts.
10. Rural to Urban Strategy: The formation of human rights

organizations, making a mechanism of the civil society, journalists
and advocates tight and fix may seem as rightist but they were
adopted for tactical flexibilities Superficially, , on one hand the
party raised arms but on the other hand formed a network of
human rights organizations. It created a dilemma and doubt
about whether revolution would take place or not, but the result
supported the war.
11. Agenda for negotiation: An election to the Constituent Assembly,

abolition of Monarchy, federalism, Inclusion and proportional
representation with special rights for dalit and women, shift
from feudalism to capitalism, continuation of revolution and
completion of the rest of the task of the revolution. The tactics
adopted during the mid-period of the people's war were the
round table conference, interim government and the election
to the constituent assembly. When the Maoists took up arms,
they took an oath of either liberating people or accepting death.
There was no scope of negotiation or compromise. But when it
was felt that the negotiation or compromise could be better for
the revolution or for the liberation of the people, then the Maoist
party decided to come to the negotiation and peace process.
However, the people inside the party with mechanical mind-set
saw this as reformist and claimed that tactics of compromise and
negotiation did not suit a revolutionary party.
12. The slogan "let's institutionalize republic", after the royal

massacre; where there was no smell of the People's Republic;
seeming like extreme reformist, prepared a base for the party to
achieve the republic.
13. Constituent assembly, democratic republic, and interim

constitution, election of the constituent assembly: the party
that had conducted the people's war with the slogan "let's leap
forward in the path of the people's war in order to establish
people's state power" headed forward calling for election of the
constituent assembly and democratic republic.
14. Leadership of the government after the election: the party did not

achieve absolute majority in the Constituent Assembly elections
but was given the responsibility of leading the government as the
largest party.
15. Resignation, illegitimate step of the president: While discussing

about accomplishment of the Nepalese revolution, all of sudden
the chapter about chief of the army came into play and the
Maoist chairman resigned from the government. From street
protests to candidacy of the prime minister, all events verify
tactical flexibility. The above outlined events are the examples
of the tactical flexibility adopted by a revolutionary communist
party. The more we become flexible in tactics, the more it helps
us to become rigid in strategies. If we become rigid in tactics,
then we have to be flexible in strategies, and when the flexibility
for strategies is adopted, the question of ideas, policies, and
principles arise.
Acknowledging the positive outcomes of tactical flexibility, a week

after the people’s war started, a document claimed that the party is
ready for talks. A leftist revolutionary party that had initiated war after
long preparations, showing willingness for talks in its first and even
promulgated operation, could be seen as cowardice. It is said in "the
jail line" formulated during the preparation of the people's war that
if arrested, all the politburo and central committee members except
for the General Secretary were to hide their status and supposed
to introduce themselves as simply members, and those working
in sister organizations and legitimate organizations were supposed
to introduce as supporters. The party empathised that during the
revolution, many cadres may die or be severely injured but cadres
should not panic and should advance the revolution forward.
It's because of tactical flexibility, Chunwang meeting directed to

the path to achieve democratic republic, constituent assembly
and federal and inclusive Nepal as well as the problems of class,
ethnicity, region, sex and language. The best option sought was
'peace, constitution and republic'. To protect these achievements is
the major responsibility of this time and we can move forward only
by stepping on those achievements. There is no use of talking about
elaborated achievements undermining these achievements. Rigid
strategy and tactical flexibility is the fundamental principles of the
Maoists party and they should be seen together in a perspective.
At times, when adopting tactical flexibilities, the party has been
criticised for being reformist by people from both inside and outside
the party.
5.2 Our responsibility of changing time

Our chief responsibility in revolution of the 21st century is to develop
forthcoming tactics to address the characteristics of globalized
imperialism, characteristics of the classes and the success and failure
of revolutionary movements. We accepted multiparty competition
as a downfall of communist regimes in the 20th century. Also we have
to review the fundamental changes in the nature of revolutionary
movements, imperialistic character and reactionary class in the first
decade of the 21st century based on the deployment of communist
regimes of the 20th century. Any discussion of ideas without this
type of review will turn fruitless.
5.3 Imperialism of the 21st century

Imperialism itself is in the changed state. It is in a continuous motion
and in changed circumstances it is trying its best to modify itself for
sustaining itself. As the power in chief contradiction (i.e. Imperialism)
against oppressed nations is on timely change, the oppressed nations
and classes should endorse tactics accordingly. If the oppressed nations
failed on changing their tactics there is no other alternative than defeat.
It is important to discuss about today's imperialism and develop today's
Marxism which would not be defeated.

Today's imperialism is not in the state of turning mutual
contradictions into a third world war. Imperialism is rather dividing
mutual differences according to their interest. Today, imperialists
are not in the state of maintaining a colony by dividing traditional
geography, they are heading forward for establishing multinational
companies and organizations and retaining the world management
through mutual coordination. The imperialistic now do not capture
a fixed geography but expand their market to capture the world
through economics and trade.
Imperialism has now changed from industrial capital to financial

capital. Industrial capital is at least extended to investors, workers,
manager and production and market. The Imperialist supremacy
and capital prevails vice-versa. When the war reached at a certain
stage, imperialist tried to collaborate with parliamentary parties and
condemn the Maoist party internationally. That’s why the Maoist
party decided to collaborate with the parliamentary parties which
was opposed by Baidya’s faction. The absolute imperialist power
uses absolute capital to states for mobilising capital. Moreover,
imperialism uses agents to accomplish its work. The Marxist methods
and norms of the 20th century are insufficient to counter these
tactics of neo-imperialism and thus, their development is essential.
If we define imperialism in obsolete ways and develop future tactics
ignoring the evolved character of the imperialism we will have no
alternative to defeat.
5.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century

The size of classes and their character have changed. There is a rapid
rise of the middle class in the first decade of the 21st century. The
proletariat class and the reactionary class are in the declining trend
and the middle class is capturing the maximum space. During the
middle of the 20th century, the middle class was minimal and any
class could ensure victory without its support. However, now the
middle class stay in the middle and those who can influence the
middle class can achieve victory. In the 20th century, the middle
class was unsteady and used to hover sometimes here and there but
now it has become a permanent force. Notably, the middle class has
become a determining class because of its size and number.
Coming back to politics of Nepal, the 1990 political change provided

the space to reflect on these problems. People were given rights to
freedom of expression and organization which supported them to
pursue radical agendas which were not previously tolerated by the
state. Democracy created opportunities for marginalized people to
organize themselves to address their rising expectations. Politicians
in the early 1990's fuelled these expectations to win the popular
vote, but, once in power; they failed to address people's concerns.
This greatly helped the CPN (M) to mobilize the people behind
their cause. The CPN (M) was also very successful at polarizing
people into for, and against by dichotomizing identities such as
'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless',
and 'patriot-non patriot'. In this way, there were deep (and newly
created) political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. These
dichotomies fuelled the already developed feelings of injustice and
frustration in the Nepalese people.

ITP International Symposium “New Horizon of the
Interdisciplinary Approaches to Asian and African Area Studies”.

PART SIX
MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS
Marx propounded a theory; Lenin implemented an insurrection

in Russia; Mao conducted a protracted people’s war in China. In
Nepal Maoist party decided to develop Marxism Leninism Maoism,
a fusion of both. The tangible achievements of the People's war can
be presented in a nutshell as:
• Interim Constitution;
In the past sixty years, Nepal has got six constitutions, nearly one
constitution for each decade. But all constitutions were drafted by
the commission appointed by the rulers. Questions of legitimacy
and people’s ownership were raised from the very beginning.
The election to the constituent assembly and the constitution
from that assembly of the peoples’ elected representatives was
always a major demand in the political upheavals (during 1950s,
1990s). However, the demand of the election to the constituent
assembly was not fulfilled initially. The people's war was only
successful to make that demand stronger and thus establish the
CA as the main agenda. During peace talks, the Constituent
assembly became a key issue for the negotiation as the election
to constituent assembly was not possible within the 1990s’
constitution. There was a need for the new constitution to
address the mandates of the people’s war. Interim constitution
came as a proper document, as a by product of the people’s war
and outcome of the peace negotiation. It replaced the existing

1990s’ constitution, replaced the reinstated parliament with new
Legislature-Parliament, joined by the Seven Party Alliance and
the Maoists.
• Establishment of Republic:
Shah dynasty ruled Nepal for 239 years based on the principle of
primogeniture. It was a strong institution, powerful state army
'Royal Nepal Army' backed monarchy without any reservation.
Since the mid nineteenth century, the King had only the pseudo
power; the real power was exercised by the Rana families. The
armed insurrection in 1950s overthrew the Rana regime and
established a multi-party democratic system with constitutional
monarchy.
After a decade, the then king Mahendra claimed that democracy

had failed and usurped power from the elected prime minister.
He restricted activities of all the political parties and introduced
party less panchayat system that continued for almost 30 years.
However, a people's movement in 1990s forced the absolute
monarch to replace the panchayat system with multi-party
democracy and constitutional monarchy. Continuation of the
monarchy was a big challenge to the political parties because
some of the parties wanted to continue the monarchy but there
was no ground for it. The people's war was launched during
this decade which gradually weakened the monarchy. After the
royal massacre, monarchy became so controversial again that it
created favourable condition for the transformation to republic.
The interim constitution and the first meeting of the constituent
assembly voted for a republican formally abolishing the monarchy
and declared Nepal as a republic.

• Election of Constituent Assembly:
A Constitution from the constituent assembly was a mission

of the Maoist party. It was not only for the sake of getting the
constitution but it would be a proof of the full sovereignty of the
people. The constitution of kingdom of Nepal, 1990 has just
mentioned that the sovereignty vested in Nepalese people but it
was not written by the people but was handed down by the king.
The Constitution written by the constituent assembly would be
a proof of practicing of the sovereignty of the people. Therefore,
it was one of the major agendas of the Maoist party during peace
negotiations. An elected constituent assembly was not only a
slogan extracted from the people’s movement but it had been a
demand and dream of the Nepalese people going through over
of 60 years of political struggle.
• Inclusiveness in every sector of society:
Exclusion was a chronic disease of Nepalese society. Being a

country of diversity, many people who were excluded never
felt their ownership in the country and its administration. The
People's war and the people's movement both were committed
for inclusion of previously excluded groups. People actively
participated in the political movement because of the agenda
of inclusion could be addressed through election of constituent
assembly and republic. So inclusiveness in every sectors of the
society is not only a slogan of the political parties but it is a part
of the people's movement. After the success of the movement it
became a primary agenda of the country which is very important
for transformation of the society.
• Proportional Representation:

Inclusion was an agenda for the people's movement but at the
time of drafting constitution the agenda for proportionately
representation was on high demand. Proportional representation
in each and every sector of the society including state institutions
and structures became prime agenda for the constitution. After a
long debate on the electorate system, we adopted almost 40% first
past the post and 60% proportional representation. This has been
incorporated in the legislation. So proportional representation is
highly valuable after the people’s war and people’s movement.
A federal state structure:
Nepal was a unitary system of government functioning since a

long period of time. The unitary system centralized all the power
in the centre and only certain class, caste and community had
the major powers. A large section of the society is undermined.
Government and people’s representatives are very far from the
people and are concentrated on the centre within very limited
area. This is the main defect of the system and is responsible
for underdevelopment and marginalized of the sectors and
communities giving rise to conflict. It is an urgent need to
address the problems for restructuring of the society. ‘Dismantle
the unitary state and create a federal structure’ became a slogan
of the political movement. Now, Nepal is declared as a federal
democratic republican country. So, the federal structure is the
core issue of the revolution in order to ensure forward-looking
change in the society.

PART SEVEN
MAJOR EFFORTS FOR CONSENSUS
The Maoist party has taken historical initiation for liberation of

the people. For this purpose the party has developed its own clear
style, methods and objectives. The path taken by the Maoist party
in Nepal is new and specific to its context. This path does not
directly match with any practice of Marxism as this is a redefined
mode. Therefore, orthodox types of communist parties regard this
part taken by the Maoist as a reformist. Let future judge whether the
movement is reformist or revolutionary.
It is a redefined mode so orthodox types of communist parties
regard it as a reformist. But, it has been highly appreciated by the
other communist parties. It will be future which will judge whether
the movement is reformist or revolutionary.
The plausible explanations behind the achievements of the People's
war in a nutshell:
• Strong leadership capability
• State authorities initially ignoring real grievances of the
people and considering the Maoists demands as unrealistically
ambitious,
• Modality of the Movement adopted by the Maoist party which
suited the local context of Nepal
• Success in capturing the sentiment of the oppressed and
marginalized groups
• Dichotomizing the society as ‘for’ and ‘against’ the movement
with specific polarization

• Adopting the strategic rigidity and tactical flexibility as per the
contemporary national and international scenario
Therefore, a pragmatic approach with the up to date analysis of the
national and international milieu is the first and foremost factor for
the uprising of any political movement and for the socio-economic
transformation.
7.1 Some practical questions on peace and

constitution
The People’s war has moved to the track of Peace and Constitution.
The matter of fact is that the continuous war and attack against the
Royal Nepal Army was exhausting. Initially, the Maoist party used
the notion of the protracted war people’s war but this tactic was also
used by the enemy. They never came out regularly but they made
their fortification very strong. They let the Maoists retain control
over the liberated areas but the district headquarters and strategic
areas for the war were controlled by the enemy.
The areas known as ‘liberated,’ controlled by the Maoists were

affected by poverty, unemployment, illiteracy. If people’s demands
were not fulfilled then they would revolt against the Maoists
themselves not the government. Anti-protracted people’s war
started by the regime was very difficult to challenges. The war
was so complicated that a yearlong preparation was not sufficient
to win over single company barracks. The Maoist party was faced
with serious challenges regarding either to continue the war likely
fate as in Peru or topak amaroo or to take a tactical shift and save
and consolidate the political achievements and take the revolution
forward based on these achievements. The party chose the second
option under the slogan of peace and constitution.
Meanwhile, the so called constitutional monarchy took over

the power and started ruling directly. The political parties in
the parliament were thrown out of power and were charged for
corruption. Similarly, the Maoist party was tagged as a terrorist. At
this juncture, the Maoists had two alternatives, either to join hands
with the monarchy and sack the parliamentary political parties or to
join hands with the parliamentary political parties and go against the
monarchy. After a long internal debate, the party decided to adopt
the second option and was successful in removing the monarchy.
7.2 Question of peace and Constitution

Lenin completed the Russian revolution under the slogan of peace,
bread and land. It was a soft slogan and could be interpreted as a
reformist slogan as there is no sign of revolt and bloodshed. Like
Lenin, the Maoist party also forged the line of peace and constitution
as desired by the Nepalese people. The journey of peace started from
the historical 12 points understanding signed between the Maoists
and the seven party’s alliance. Based on the 12 points understanding,
the People’s Movement in April took place which finally led to the
signing of the comprehensive peace accord (CPA), formally ending
the People’s War.
The core elements of the CPA were peace, constitution and

socio-economic transformation of the Nepalese society. CPA also
committed to address the deep-rooted problems of unequal class
and gender in the society, in addition to addressing the issues of
nationality and territory. Accepting that the main cause of armed
conflict is poverty, illiteracy unemployment and exploitation,
CPA also shows commitment to overcome these problems and
challenges. Similarly, through CPA the inclusion and integration of
PLA into the national army was accepted. However, the integration
of PLA was hugely debated in terms of number, modality and rank
harmonization. Finally after 4 years of bickering, political parties
came to a conclusion on all the contentious issues. Initially 32
thousands and plus PLA were put into the cantonments. Later,
UNMIN verified 19 thousand and plus based on the seven point
agreement. The members of the former PLA were offered the choices
of regrouping in integration, voluntary retirement or reintegration
packages. Some PLA members are waiting for the bridging course
whereas others are retired as arms handover to the government has
already been complete.
Under the peace component, "Truth and reconciliations and

disappearances bill" needs to be passed. A commission has to be set
up. Truth needs to be established after a proper investigation. Facts
need to be studied and the condition of reconciliations with adequate
reparation needs to be created. But due to different understanding
of transitional justice, bills regarding these have still not been
approved as Acts. As the legislative parliament was dissolved, all
the bills related with the transitional justice have been dismissed. At
least, the core issue of peace related with PLA integration is in an
irreversible position.
WHY was it not possible to finalise the Constitution?? There are a

number of questions and basis which are mentioned as follows:
The result of the CA elections was complicated. Out of 25 political

parties, the Maoist party got almost 40% seats in constituent assembly.
The parties who led the previous parliament, Nepali congress and
UML were confined to 18 % and 17 % of representation respectively.
Since a two-third seat was captured by communist parties out of
25 political parties, non communist parties were suspicious in the
constitution-writing process and blamed the process to be communist
dominated. Despite being the largest party, the Maoists could not
access power to the government for almost six months after the
election. Besides, conspiracies against the Maoist party in the name
of Army Chief Rukman Katwal forcing Prachanda to resign from
Prime Minister Ship, affected the constitution making process

1. Before the power handover to the Maoists, major parties
decided to amend the Constitution; the provision of removing
the government by a two-third majority was changed into a
simple majority. This sought to replace consensus politics that
had been dominant during the peace process and created many
complications for the peace process and the new constitution.
After the constitutional amendment, constitution writing was
sidelined and the parties took more interests in formation of
the government. More than 80 % of time of the Constituent
assembly was engaged in the election of next Prime Minister.
The voting for the new prime minister was held for 17 times in 7
months. Meanwhile the constitution writing process was totally
ignored.
2. The more complex issue in the Constituent Assembly was that

of federalism. Identity based federalism and constitution with
federalism was the demand of the Maoists, Madhesis, Janajatis,
women, dalits and all the excluded groups. But this was not
accepted by NC and UML which made the constitution writing
process impossible.
3. Out of the four years tenure of the CA, UML led the government
for more than 30 month but during the time, almost nothing
progressed on peace and constitution fronts. However, in
18 month government led by Maoist, more than 95% of the
constitution writing was job done. This shows a fundamental
difference between two governments.
4. Initially, NC and the UML forwarded the condition that

without completion of the peace process; constitution writing
cannot move forward. To open the door for constitution writing,
the Maoist completed the historical task despite facing many
challenges within the party.

5. Federalism, right to self determination, special rights and prime
rights were the core demands of the people's war. As the Maoists
carried these issues, others parties wanted to undermine them
and produce a constitution similar to that of previous one with
only some reforms.
6. The Maoist and its partner parties wanted to write the people's
constitution but other parties didn’t agree on such proposition.
One of the factions of the Maoist party wanted to dissolve the
CA and initiate another revolt for the cause of the people's
constitution. While, the non-Maoist parties doubted that the
Maoists are drafting their own constitution through CA so better
to dissolve CA then addressing or recognizing all Maoist agendas
in the new constitution. As a result, CA failed to promulgate
constitution.
7. Constitution by consensus or by voting process also became a very

tricky game. When the Maoist party decided to go for consensus,
other parties would emphasize on voting and when the Maoist
agreed for voting, other parties would call for consensus creating
a really confusing and complicated situation. Finally neither
consensus nor voting process was successful which naturally
cased the death of the CA.
7.3 Effort for consensus:

The 12-point understanding, comprehensive peace accord and
interim constitution are the foundation of the constitution building
process. The Maoist and seven parties agreed on the election to
a constituent assembly as prescribed by interim constitution.
The Constituent assembly formed 11 thematic committees for
constitution making process. Committees drafted preliminary drafts
and concept notes based on the discussions inside the CA and got
them approved. Most of the contentious issues were 300 questions
which were mostly settle except for the issue of a federal structure.
The high-level political mechanism, dispute harmonization
committee, dispute resolution committee were formed for trying to
forge consensus. Finally, issues that remained to be settled were,
forms of governance, electoral system, judiciary, federal structure,
and citizenship issues. The composition of CA was very interesting.
Out of 25 political parties, the single largest party was the Maoist
party which got 40%of seats in CA and second and third largest
parties got only 18 % and 17% seats respectively. No party got
even a simple majority so getting 2/3rd votes on any issue was not
possible. Because of this composition of CA, forging consensus
almost became a compulsion. Parties reached consensus on the
forms of government as a mixed model with direct elected president
and prime minister elected by parliament with sharing of executive
power. Agreement on judiciary also reached with the constitutional
court as a midway. Similarly, others issues were also gradually
resolved through compromise. The trickiest question was on the
federal structure; mainly whether to adopt a true identity based
federal structure or a federation without emphasis on identity. The
conflicting ideas on the nature of federation became one of the most
significant causes for the failure of the Constituent Assembly.
7.4 Different Agreements

7.4.1 Agreement on thematic committee:
According to CA rules of procedures, there were ten thematic

committees and one constitutional committee known as drafting
committee. All the members of the committees actively worked
according to their capacity. They expected some inputs and
instructions from the party and high ranking leaders. But all the
parties and mostly the leaders of four major parties were rather
engaged in forming the government rather than in the constitution-
writing exercise. However, the thematic committees settled the
conflicting ideas by themselves and came up with commonly
agreed solutions except the committee responsible for the forms of
governance.
7.4.2 Agreement in Report study committee
The constitutional drafting committee was responsible for

harmonizing the issues from different thematic committees. In
adition to constitutional committee the rules of procedures has
managed a provision of report study committee. The committee
has framed about 300 contentious issues. It was also responsible for
bringing an agreement on contentious issues but the committee just
framed the questions on related issues and committee report. The
committee framed almost 300 questions to be resolved by either
voting or by consensus.
7.4.3 Agreement in 27 parties' mechanism:
The 27-party mechanism was formed with a propose of garnering

consensus on the issues of the Constitution. All the political parties
represented in the constituent assembly sent their representatives for
the agreement on constitutional issues. It is a political committee.
Most of the members represented from the political parties were
non-CA Members but deputed for CA work. Most of the leaders
involved in the committee were less attended personalities in CA
regular meetings. All the top leaders were there who attended in the
CA less than 10% although; the committee resolved some of the
issues. Out of 300 questions, the committee resolved less than 200
issues. Serious criticism came from the chair of the constitutional
committee when other committees were dissolved.

7.4.4 Agreement in dispute resolution sub-committee:
The Constitutional committee formed one separate committee for

dispute resolution under the chairmanship of Maoist chairman
'Prachanda'. The committee comprised of top leaders from the major
four parties as well as Madhesis, women and small parties. The
committee did its job very seriously. The committee formed one
taskforce for resolution of all the issues except the federal structure.
The task force immediately presented its reports through consensus
in almost all the issues. Out of 117 contentious issues, federalism
was an exception. A directly elected president and the Prime
minister elected by the parliament with clear division of executive
power in the constitution were recommended as the suitable form
of government. In, judiciary, the taskforce recommended a separate
constitutional court to deal with all the issues meant to be given to
the parliamentary committee (this was as suggested by the thematic
committee). A mixed model of election was agreed on for the
formation of parliament with bicameral legislation. The taskforce
also resolved the issues concerning citizenship. Some of the issues
were left for further discussions in the top level and rest of the issues
were settled down.
7.4.5 Popularly known Hattiban negotiation:
As soon as Dr. Baburam Bhattrai was elected as Prime Minister,

he forwarded the peace process by handing over the key of the
container and cantonment. Regrouping of PLA in the cantonments
was done. The issues of numbers, norms, rank, and modalities of the
PLA integration into the Nepalese army were also resolved by the
seven point agreement with four major parties. The constitution
writing was also expedited. The PM office organized discussion on
the issues of federalism, forms of governance judiciary legislature
and citizenship. The taskforce report was almost accepted by all
the parties and the issue of federalism was also discussed seriously.
However, Nepali congress was not well prepared for an agreement.
The major achievement of the Hattiban negotiation was that the
meeting clarified on identity on which the federal system would be
based on. The parties almost reached near the agreement. Finally, NC
and UML were not prepared to reach an agreement so negotiation
failed to give a complete result.
7.4.6 Agreement in the office of the Army integration:
Even though, all the issues except federalism were settled and
drafted, NC and UML came with changes in the proposals. Their
proposals at such a critical time were unusual and unnatural too.
Prime Minister Dr Bhattarai and Chairman Prachanda declared to
form a national consensus government and resolve the issues relating
to the constitution. It was agreed that the PM would resign as soon
as the constitution was promulgated. The written agreement was
to be signed the following day at 1.00 pm. But NC, UML and
Baidya’s faction of the Maoist party were instead discussing about no
confidence motion against the government to disturb the agreement.
Finally, in the midnight, three weeks of before the deadline for the
promulgation of the constitution promulgation, the agreement was
signed. The agreement stipulated a national consensus government
within 2 days and finalisation of the Constitution within 3 days.
The agreement also talked about resignation of the PM. But UML

set their meeting after 3 days and there was no consensus on both
government and the constitution.
7.4.7 Lazimpat agreement:
Lazimpat, residence of com.Prachanda, where most of the meetings

and agreement have been taken place. There was no alternative
to consensus on federalism as it was a sensitive issue. After
serious consultations and efforts, ten provinces with one central
administrative zone with identity was proposed by Maoist chairman
Prachanda. It was first agreed by NC and UML leaders during the
negotiation but they failed to convince to their own party members.
They launched various uprisings in the far-western part of Nepal for
a month and made the earlier agreement futile.

7.4.8 Baluwatar agreement:
NC, UML and Madhesi parties were in a mood to extend the CA

again and prolonge the agreement. Com.Prachanda consulted with
the chair of the constituent assembly and came to the conclusion
that there is no alternative to promulgate the constitution except an
extension. Agreement was done verbally with all the major parties. 11
provinces on federalism, constitutional court with limited jurisdiction
on judiciary, bicameral legislature with 390 members and the mixed
electoral system was agreed. Even though the parties agreed verbally,
nobody signed the document but they were already incorporated
in the draft of the new Constitution prepared by the Constituent
Assembly. The federal commission was given a responsibility to
identify the basis and foundation of the 11 provinces. Meanwhile,
NC publicized their own map with their own interpretation which
provoked janajati and madhesi population. Again NC and UML
conspired against the agreement and constitution promulgation.
7.5 Last day of the CA and term expired:
PM met with president and informed him that the constitution

and his resignation would be simultaneously handed to him in the
evening of May 28, 2012.
The technical team worked on the constitution whereas, top leaders
were in negotiation. The negotiation was concentrated on federalism
with identity and constitution with federalism. UML and NC were
against them so the negotiation failed. Even in the last day of the
deadline to promulgate the Constitution, NC, UML and Baidya
faction of the Maoist party were in preparation of no confidence
motion against the existing government and the draft constitution.
PM asked all the conflicting parties to come with solutions on
the ways of save CA. The choice was either to extend CA or issue
state of emergency but both was rejected. PM was compelled to
accept one of the options laid by the Supreme Court on the next
CA election according to article 63 of the interim constitution.
Knowingly or unknowingly Supreme Court came to be involved
in the constitutional process. Interestingly, in all the cases filed in
the Supreme Court, writ petitions were by the same person and
decision was also given by same judges almost all the time. The
Supreme Finally the CA expired without promulgating the new
constitution. People's demand and dream for the constitution made
by their elected representatives remained unfulfilled again. The
Prime minister and chairman of the Maoist party tried enormously
to promulgate the constitution with maximum flexibilities but their
efforts failed because of the Supreme Court’s decision and status

quo mindset of the parliamentary political parties. The issue is still
exists, PM has announced another election of constituent assembly
peoples agenda could be address properly time is waiting.
The CA was elected for 2 years. Within the stipulated deadline,
CA was able to finish its concept note, preliminary draft of the
Constitution, but failed to promulgate the Constitution. CA’s
term was first extended for one year. Again, no constitution
was promulgated as most of the time was spent on forming the
government. For example, it took around seven months to elect a
new prime minister, voting took place in 17 rounds. Extension of
its tenure by constitutional amendment for the third time became
an issue and as was in the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court
gave three different verdicts. In the first amendment court gave
two different verdicts; one bench said that unnatural that the CA is
dissolved without giving the constitution whereas the other bench
said that it is natural.
Article 64 is mandatory and only the doctrine of necessity can save it.
The Second and third verdict accepted amendment but final decision
of the court said article 64 is non-amendable article and CA is not
a competent authority to amendment of the constitution. So the
Court gave the final chance for the promulgation of the constitution.
According to the verdict of the Court, if the Constitution was not
promulgated within six months then there would be three options:
either referendum according to article 157 or another CA election
according to article 63 or some other constitutional way-out. CA
failed to promulgate the constitution and even meetings inside the
CA were cancelled by notice. The CA chair did same thing even in
the last day. Ultimately, CA failed to promulgate the constitution
and its tenure expired. According to the Supreme Court verdict,
nobody dissolved the CA but it was dead. The government had
only one option for election as directed by the court. This is the way
CA failed to perform its job and all the major parties including the
Supreme Court is responsible for the death of CA.
7.6 Questions of Line struggle CA in Priority
So-called line struggle came up within the Maoist party from upper
to lower level. Initially, it was a sign of dissatisfaction on the line of
peace and constitution. They wanted to continue the war and make
history like Peru and going back to desolation of revolution instead
of following the line of peace process. This view was in minority
but gradually dissatisfied people increased. Leaders and cadres,
especially those who failed to get lucrative ministerial posts also
joined with them in the name of line struggle. First, they were very
excited for ministerial posts rather than in the constitution making
process. When their unethical expectations were not addressed,
that section became completely frustrated. They did not care about
the constitution writing. They claimed that CA had failed to write
the Constitution according to the spirit of the People’s War and
downtrodden people. So they claimed that the existing CA needed
to be dissolved and a new people’s revolt to be instituted.
Later on, people’s revolt failed in its rehearsal phase then the group
again became frustrated and then started to talk to retreat back to
jungle for another people’s war. For this purpose they started to
raise almost impossible issues then try to create ground for revolt.
Simultaneously, they tried not only to make the CA failure but

also the government which was headed by their own party. Almost
irresponsible steps were taken; trying to get into the government
and at the same time talking about revolt was confusing. The Maoist
party became of a strategic size so it created challenges for the party
and opportunity for the reactionaries. Reactionaries did their level
best to split the party. It is in design made by the reactionaries but
in the name of line struggle so-called revolutionary line indulged in
conspiracy.
The CA election was held with much excitement as the only solution
for transformation in the country. CA was considered as a solution
for everything. The results were interesting for the political parties.
Nepali Congress who had ruled the government for much of the
time in last decades of parliamentary practice became the second
largest party. However, the NC chairperson late GP Koirala was
not ready accepting that fact and was unwilling to step down and
handover the power to the largest party , the Maoist party. The
Maoist party became the largest party but they also did not have plans
to move according to the election result. UML always considered
as fluctuating also did not have any idea. Theoretical clarity was
missing among the political parties about the CA. During the tenure
of the CA, most of the political parties engaged on their own business
rather than on the CA and constitution making process. Political
parties were not prepared on each and every issue. The CA process
has demanded some clarity on the issues but parties fail to do so.
Most of the political parties didn’t have any have ideological clarity
and were only guided by the vested interest of individual leaders in
the party.

ANNEX -1
Political Line of CPN[UnityCenter], Adopted by Unity
congress in December1991.
On the Party
On the Revolutionary United Front
The Form of Armed Struggle and the Task of Preparing its
Ground Significance of the Three Instruments of Revolution
Our political strategy is to establish a New Democratic republic

of Nepal with a people’s democratic dictatorship against
feudalism and imperialism and on the basis of an alliance of
peasants & workers under the leadership of the proletariat.
To attain this strategic goal we have to work out the tactics
accordingly and orient the organizational works on the same line.
It is clear that the Nepalese New Democratic revolution will be
accomplished in a great, difficult, complex and zigzag fashion and
in different sub-stages, as it has to face the internal and external
enemies and hence would be of a protracted nature. This revolution
is basically a peasant revolution. Hence it is absolutely necessary
for the success of the revolution to concentrate force in rural areas
inhabited by 91% of the peasantry to develop class-consciousness
among the peasants and to train them in the field of class struggle
against feudal land ownership and comprador & bureaucratic
capitalism. Priority should be accorded to the works amongst
the landless and poor peasants even within the peasantry of rural
areas. Because peasants of the lower classes are the main force of
the revolution, gravity of works should concentrate on the workers
and the lower classes of people in the cities too. Also, adequate
attention should be paid to the mobilization of the auxiliary forces
of revolution namely the students, teachers, professors, doctors,
lawyers, civil servants, intellectuals and small traders unto the
national bourgeoisie. The strategy of establishing New Democratic
power at the central level after smashing the state machinery of the
feudal, comprador and bureaucratic bourgeoisie can be fulfilled
only by moving forward by capturing power at the local level and
by establishing base areas. To develop this task as our central task
we should concentrate and consolidate our activities on the same.
For this, it is a must to adopt the line of protracted people’s war
with a strategy of encirclement of the city from the countryside.
In the Nepalese communist movement a rightist thinking has been
dominant that accepts New Democracy as a strategy but follows
reformism and parliamentary as the tactics, that sacrifices the totality
of strategy for the practical tactical gain and that regards strategy and
tactics as mutually exclusive. Against such thinking we should pay
special attention to understand the relations between strategy and
tactics in a dialectical manner and to adopt such tactics as to help
the strategy. To attain the goal of establishing a New Democratic
republic we should carry forward policies:
1. To oppose the monarchical parliamentary multi-party system
and to accelerate propagandist agitation in favour of the New
Democratic system.
2. To build a revolutionary, militant and new type of Communist
Party.
3. To build a revolutionary united Front as an instrument of
struggle and an embryo of the new power.
4. To lay emphasis on the preparations of people’s war.
5. To develop a patriotic and democratic movement against
feudalism, imperialism and Indian expansionism.
6. To accelerate rural class struggle cantering on the slogan of land

to the tiller and to concentrate main force on the same.
7. To develop class and mass organizations, to establish Party
leadership over them and to develop people’s movement in
favour of their problems.
8. To pay special attention to expand the Party to lower classes,
oppressed ethnic groups, tribes and depressed castes and to the
rural and remote areas.
9. To accord priority to the illegal works and works in the rural
areas, to develop as secondary activities the legal and urban
works and coordinate the two spheres of activities.
10. To support national liberation, New Democratic and socialist
movements all over the world, to emphasize on proletarian
internationalism and to develop relations and contacts with the
fraternal parties and organizations the world over.
11. To oppose & expose all forms of revisionism.
12. To propagate Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a systematic
manner.
For the success of the New Democratic revolution, it is a must,
as taught by Com. Mao, to develop the three instruments of
“revolutionary Communist Party, revolutionary United Front and
People’s Army”. It is evident that in such a revolution the role of
the Communist Party and the people’s war would be primary and
that of the mass & class organizations and the people’s movement
be secondary. It is of primary importance to move ahead with a
concrete program for the development of these instruments.

I. On the Party
The three instruments of New Democratic revolution can be

developed correctly, only in close relations with each other. In the
absence of one the other two instruments cannot develop properly.
However, among these the Party is primary, which builds &
operates the other two instruments. With the unification of the
Party we have been definitely strengthened numerically, but if we
fail to charter a correct ideological and political line such numerical
increase will in the real sense not strengthen but weaken the Party.
In this context it is necessary to remember what great Lenin has said:
“… In the organization the question of membership figures is not
that important, as is the objective importance of its policy.” Today,
our Party has not really been able to rise above the level of peaceful
movement and an instrument of electoral platform. The ideological
level, consciousness and culture of the (Party) leaders & cadres are
much below the desirable.
Objectively we are in need of a Communist Party of a new type. All

from Marx to Mao has mentioned the concept of the Party of a new
type. In our context, by Party of a new type we should understand
a Party which would be capable of leading People’s War in the era
of imperialist war & proletarian revolution and in the context of a
communist movement plagued by Right revisionism. Because, in the
present barbaric imperialist era, to lead a revolution unequivocally
means to lead People’s war. We should place at number one of our
agenda the task of building a militant & revolutionary Communist
Party of a new type.
A militant Communist Party of a new type cannot be built by

some sweet idealism or through mental exercise alone. For this we
need, firstly, revolutionary ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism;
secondly, revolutionary political line; thirdly, conduction of inner-
Party struggle and two line struggle in a clear & correct manner; and
fourthly, development of class struggle in a revolutionary manner.

It is not possible to build a militant Party of a new type without
resolutely struggling against all forms of reformist and revisionist
trends that refuse to understand the importance of ideology or which
undermine it, that do not accord priority to the task of initiating
struggles by breaking reactionary laws and systems, that refuse to
undertake the task of preparation & initiation of People’s War in a
systematic manner, that hesitate to go to rural areas and lower classes
and raise class struggle, that tend to make compromises and keep
peace between antagonistic trends within the Party and that weaken
disciple.
II. On the Revolutionary United Front
In the Nepalese communist movement there is no dearth of reformist

trends that focus on the legal movement and put emphasis only
on forging unity-in-action with the various reactionary & Right
revisionist political groups and of sectarian & mechanistic trends
that only create noises by mechanistically forging “united front” of
their Party cadres alone. But the task of developing it (i.e. United
Front) under the leadership of the Party and as the instrument of
struggle and the seed of new power has been grossly neglected.
For this the Party has to pay immediate attention to the task of
forging a United Front of anti-feudal and anti-imperialist patriotic,
democratic and leftist forces as an instrument of developing class
struggles primarily in the rural areas and as the seed of (new)
power. Special attention should be paid to the task of organizing
struggle by creating such a revolutionary United Front in the urban
areas, too. The movement cannot be freed of reformism as long
as the task of giving a practical shape to such a United Front is
delayed. Also, the (United) Fronts created just for their sake

without linking them with the concrete plans & programmes of
class struggle would be mechanistic and sectarian and hence useless.
The principle function of such a Front should be to develop struggles
on the basis of people’s problems that would gradually break the
(limits of) law and the system. At the initial stages, the effective
form of such a Front would be confined to rural areas and at the
local level.
III. The Form of Armed Struggle and the Task of preparing its
Ground
Without armed struggle it is impossible to achieve success in the

New Democratic revolution. Even while accepting it in principle,
because of negligence and lack of clarity shown on the question of
its form, organization, preparation and development, the Nepalese
communist movement has not been able to free itself from the merry-
go-round of spontaneity and reformism. Our Party, too, will not be
able to rise above reformism if even today we do not accord primary
importance to the task of clarifying the form and general line of
armed struggle and going into practice with a concrete programme.
Hence we have to think over this subject with due seriousness.
Till now the international proletariat has experienced two

fundamentally different forms of armed struggle in two fundamentally
different conditions as successful & scientifically proved. They are:
(1) the strategy of general insurrection of capturing first the city
and the central power in the capitalist & imperialist countries, and
(2) the strategy of protracted People’s War of encircling the city
from the countryside in the oppressed semi-feudal, semi-colonial
countries. In the current world situation we have to decide upon
a strategy as suited to the general economic, political and social
conditions of our country and carry forward organization, struggle
and propaganda works accordingly. To remain noncommittal or
silent on the question is to fall a victim to spontaneity & inaction
and is merely to move towards the quagmire of reformism. Viewing
from this perspective,
as Nepal is a semi-feudal & semi-colonial country reeling under the

double exploitation & oppression of feudalism & imperialism,
o as a large proportion of population (more than 91%) constitutes

of the pauperized, landless, poor and lower class peasants
scattered over the vast rural areas,
o as the condition of organization, struggle and mass consciousness
is uneven due to the unevenness of Nepal’s condition of
economic, political and social development,
o as the condition of development of industries in the cities is
very backward and hence the modern working class is very
weak both in the qualitative and quantitative sense,
o as the enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,
o as, according to the experiences of class struggle in the era of
imperialism, it is possible to develop a militant & revolutionary
Party, new culture & revolutionary people’s movement and to
bring about radical change in society only by moving ahead
along the path of People’s War from the very beginning,
o as revolution is the main trend in the present world passing
through a process of barbaric imperialist war and great
upheavals and to lead a revolution means essentially to lead
People’s War,
o as the enemy force is much more powerful as compared to that
of the revolutionaries,
Our Party follows the path of protracted people’s war with the

strategy of encircling the city from the countryside, basing on the
principle of people’s war as developed by Com. Mao (which is the
pinnacle of military science attained by the world proletariat to fight
against imperialism). This strategy of armed struggle is the strategy
of defeating a powerful enemy by developing from small to big,
from simple to complex and from a few too many in the course of
revolutionary struggle, particularly rural class struggle or revolutionary
peasant struggle. It develops in the first stage with strategic defence
and tactical offence, when necessarily guerrilla warfare has a strategic
role, and at this stage open or secret base areas do develop. With a
second stage of strategic stalemate and the third stage of strategic
offence & tactical defence, it culminates into victory. This is the
general line of people’s war during the period of New Democratic
revolution. Here we should beware of the tendency of mechanical
& blind copying, too. In the specificities of our country and the
current world situation the significance of urban mass movements
has definitely increased. However, there has been no change in the
strategy of protracted People’s War and the question of according
priority to the works in rural areas. We should also be clear that only
by moving ahead along this general political line we shall be able to
find out and probe into the specific laws of the Nepalese revolution.
Because, the laws of revolutionary warfare can be found out only by
participating in the revolutionary warfare.

ANNEX- 2
Theoretical Premises for the Historic Initiation of the People’s
War Sep.1995
[adopted by the Central Committee of the Party in September
1995.)
This plan of ours would be based on the lessons of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism regarding revolutionary violence. On the occasion
of formulation of the plan for initiation of the process that will
unfold as protracted People’s War based on the strategy of encircling
the city from the countryside according to the specificities of our
country, the Party once again reiterates its eternal commitment to
the theory of People’s War developed by Mao as the universal and
invincible Marxist theory of war.
A. This plan of initiation of the people’s war would be based on
the principle that everything is an illusion except state power.
While remaining firm on the principal aim of the armed
struggle as to capture political power for the people, the Party
expresses its firm commitment to wage relentless struggle
against all forms of deviationist thoughts and trends including
economist, reformism and anarchism.
B. This plan would be based on the aim of completing the new
democratic revolution after the destruction of feudalism and
imperialism, then immediately moving towards socialism, and,
by way of cultural revolutions based on the theory of continuous
revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, marching
to communism - the golden future of the whole humanity. We
are firm that it is a crime against the proletariat and the general
masses of the people to start an armed struggle without the firm
conviction of carrying it out to the end. We shall never allow

this struggle to become a mere instrument for introducing
partial reforms in the condition of the people, or terminating
in a simple compromise by exerting pressure on the reactionary
classes. Thus, our armed struggle will be totally free of all sorts
of petty bourgeois, narrow nationalist, religion-communal and
casteist illusions.
C. This plan of ours would be based on the great spirit of proletarian
internationalism. The Nepalese revolution is an integral part
of the world proletarian revolution and this will serve the
world revolution. In this context our Party takes it as a serious
responsibility to contribute towards the further development of
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) (of which our
Party is a participating member), which is marching forward
to advance world revolution under the guidance of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism and to create a New International.
D. This plan would be based on the theoretical premises of
building a revolutionary united front and a revolutionary
army under the leadership of the Party of the proletariat in
the phase of the new democratic revolution. The Party is
firmly committed to establish the leadership of the Party in
every sphere by maintaining its vitality by way of conducting
inner - party struggle in a dialectical manner according to the
principle of universality of contradictions, to serve the people
wholeheartedly, to maintain close relations with the people and
to adhere to the principle of mass line.
E. This plan would be formulated basing on the principle of the
right of self-determination of the Party of the proletariat. Armed
struggle will be carried out by uniting all strata and categories of
anti-feudal and anti- imperialist masses of the people under the
leadership of the Party. Our armed struggle will be conducted
by taking agrarian revolution as the axis and by relying on
the labouring masses, particularly the poor peasants, and the
Party will never and under no circumstances succumb to the
pressures, threats and enticements of the internal and external
reactionary forces.
F. The war will develop according to its own laws, not in a straight
line but in a complex zigzag path. It is necessary to acknowledge
the importance of Lenin’s saying that the revolution always
creates in its course of development an unusual and complex
situation. The People’s War will triumph after going through
cycles of victory and defeat and gain and loss. We shall be able
to lead the People’s War only by correctly grasping the law of
contradiction of transformation of wrong into right.

Proposed Federal Structure

ANNEX-3
Appeal of the C.P.N. (Maoist) to the People
[on February 13, 1996.)
March Along the Path of People’s War to Smash the Reactionary

State and Establish a New Democratic State!
Dear masses of the people,
Today the Nepalese society is in a state of grave crisis, whether
economically, politically, culturally or otherwise. Where has
the present state that has been harping about development and
construction for the last fifty years landed Nepal economically?
It has landed Nepal to the position of second poorest country in
the world after Ethiopia. This state that does not manufacture
even a needle in the name of self-reliant and national economy,
has handed over the whole economy of the country to a dozen
families of the foreign compradors and bureaucratic capitalists.
Whereas these handfuls of plunderers have become billionaires,
the real masters of this country and the national property, the
toiling masses of Nepal, are forced to eke out a meager existence
of deprivation and poverty. The sons and daughters of Nepalese
peasants and workers reeling under unemployment and poverty are
compelled to lead a miserable life of dishonor and neglect in India
and different parts of the world to earn their daily bread. After piling
a massive foreign debt burden even on the future generations of
the Nepalese people, the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic
capitalist rulers are making merry on it. In the name of privatization
and liberalization under the guidance and for the benefit of the
foreign capitalists, the process of mortgaging the whole country
to the comprador and bureaucratic capitalists is in full swing now.
The burden of this economic degradation has been basically
borne by the peasantry, which constitutes 90% of the
population. That every new government formed under this
state structure pushes and will push the country economically
into a further state of bankruptcy has been verified historically.
To maintain the hegemony of one religion (i.e. Hinduism), one
language (i.e. Nepali), and one nationality (i.e. Khas), this state has
for centuries exercised discrimination, exploitation and oppression
against other religions, languages and nationalities and has conspired
to fragment the forces of national unity that is vital for proper
development and security of the country. On the contrary, it has
been prostrating before the foreign imperialists and expansionists
and repeatedly mortgaging Nepal’s national honor and sovereignty to
them. The present state has been shamelessly permitting the foreign
plunderers to grab the natural water resources of Nepal and to trample
upon our motherland. If this process is allowed to continue for some
more time to come, it is no doubt to the patriotic, conscious and self-
esteemed Nepalese that the very existence of Nepal will be in jeopardy.
The present state has declared war against the development of the
national culture of the Nepalese people by flooding (the country)
with the corrupt, licentious and distorted imperialist culture. The
feudal and imperialist forces are doing their utmost to replace the
democratic cultural values and ideals with Freudian, nihilist and
anarchic values. This is a sequel to the conspiracy of the reactionary
classes to corrupt the people culturally and preserve their own heaven
of plunder. These corrupt cultural values are no less responsible
for the burgeoning of drug trafficking, smuggling, thievery, black
marketeering, looting, murder and rape in the society today.
Within this moribund state structure, a coalition government of

Panchas (i.e. royalists) and Nepali Congress, defamed in the Nepalese
history for their anti-national and genocidal deeds, has been ruling
right now. This (government) has forced not only the peasants and
workers of Nepal but also the people of different strata and professions
to live in a state of scarcity, injustice and terror. Whereas this state
has been treating women as second-class citizens for long, now it
has intensified rape, trafficking and the process of commoditization
through advertisements, against them. The whole educational system
is tuned to produce slaves for this state and there is rampant anarchy
in it. Thus, be they workers, or peasants, or women, or teachers, or
students, or small traders, or lower ranking civil servants, or doctors,
or professors, or people of different classes including the national
bourgeoisie, all are victims of this state of feudal and comprador
and bureaucratic capitalists. Except for radical change in all
spheres, any possibility of reform has now become a mere chimera.
Reactionary ruling classes, ever swearing by democracy, have been
repeatedly using their guns against the political activists or the
ordinary masses that hold political beliefs counter to the interests
of the rulers. This state which regards itself as the custodian of
‘democracy’ has been surviving on the blood of innumerable sons
and daughters of mother Nepal ranging from the infant to the aged,
when the people have professed and spoken in favor of nationalism,
democracy and livelihood. Hundreds of thousands of Nepalese people
fighting for justice have been subjected to inhuman physical torture,
confinement in jails and mental torture. Not only during the party
less panchayat (i.e. absolute monarchy) period but also even in the
present monarchical parliamentary period, the fascist genocidal and
repressive acts have been on the increase rather than decrease. This
is a bitter truth experienced by the Nepalese people in their real life.
This process has now developed into an armed repression campaign
against the innocent people favoring truth and justice. The recent
armed operation and state terror let loose in Western Nepal and in

different parts of the country has testified beyond doubt that the
ruling classes have openly embarked upon an unjust war against the
people. The heinous game of the reactionary state of enrolling the
sons and daughters of the poor peasants and workers in the police
and the army as mercenaries and forcing them to use arms against
their own wretched parents, brothers and sisters, is now crystal clear.
With the passage of time those in the police and the army will also
come to know the realities. There is no alternative for the people
other than to raise the banner of just war against this unjust war.
How did we reach this stage of critical condition of nationalism,
democracy and livelihood and a situation of open warfare of the
state against the people? What is clear on the basis of historical and
scientific materialism is that the seeds of this state of affairs were
sown in the Nepalese history long time back. With the advent of the
era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, as in almost all the
oppressed nations.

ANNEX-4
The Great Leap Forward: An Inevitable Need of History
“Correctness or otherwise of the ideological and political line decides

everything. If it is correct, everything is gained, but if it wrong,
everything is lost.” -Mao Tse-tung
International Communist Movement and its Historical Lessons

Some Fundamental Characteristics of the International Situation
On the Situation in South Asia
On National Situation
On the Synthesis of the Nepalese Communist Movement
Additional Points on the Party History and the Process of
Ideological Synthesis
On Three Instruments of Revolution
A Great Achievement
Great Leap Forward and Sketch of Future Plan
With its originality and grandeur, the People’s War has completed
its five memorable years and is entering the sixth. Through its rapid
development process, it is entering an entirely new and higher stage
of achievements and challenges during this period. The ideological
synthesis of the experiences of those five years on the basis of
universal principles of invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has
been necessary for the continuation and further development of
the Nepalese revolution and to serve the world revolution as well.
Needless to say, this synthesis shall be based on lofty objectives of
furthering the world revolution in the 21st century, learning lessons
from both world communist movement and Nepalese communist
movement. Moreover, it shall be the synthesis of achievements gained
through initiatives and active participation of millions of Masses in
the historical and great process of People’s War. Lastly, it shall be
the rehearsal of the great leap forward. This National Conference
held amidst the People’s War shall, in keeping with the gravity and
broadness of the question, draw correct conclusions through broad
and serious discussion in a fully democratic environment, and,
ultimately, be indisputably successful. Hearty Homage to the Great
and Immortal Martyr .
The toiling masses have been forging ahead the struggles for
thousands of years in various forms and levels against all kinds of
discrimination, exploitation, oppression and atrocities by men on
men. The human society has reached the capitalist era from slave and
feudal era in course of incessant process of class struggle, struggle for
production and scientific experiment. As an inevitable consequence,
modem proletarian class emerged together with the capitalist era. The
emergence of this last and revolutionary class of history produced
Marxism, which is, in fact, the supreme synthesis of the knowledge
and experiences of the human beings and ideology of the proletariat.
For the first time in history, Marxism consciously established the
right of the proletariat and toiling masses to rebel against the right
of exploiting classes to exploit, which they had been enjoying for
thousands of years. Besides, it drew a scientific conclusion that the
ultimate result of this rebellion shall be the founding of communism
in the world.
Together with Marxism as an historical invention of the proletariat,

the class struggle began shaking the whole earth. In the process
of the class struggle, the proletariat developed its ideology from
Marxism to the level of Marxism- Leninism-Maoism. During
the turbulent years of class struggle, the proletariat and working
people have set unparalleled records of dedication and sacrifice
for the achievement of lofty goals of communist ideals. And
they are still on their voyage to reach their ultimate destination,
synthesizing the triumphs and defeats of the class struggles.
As an inseparable part of world proletarian revolution, the People’s
War led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), a vanguard of the
Nepalese proletarian class, has been going on in Nepal for the last
5 years. Hundreds of Nepalese heroes and heroines have shed their
blood in order to bring the great process of achieving the great ideals
of communism to this height. In particular, more than 1,500 people
including the Alternate Politburo Member of Central Committee
of our Party, Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu), first child martyr Dil
Bahadur Ramtel, Tirtha Gautam, Bijaya Ghale, Lali Roka, Kamla
Bhatta etc. have sacrificed their invaluable lives in this context. This
Second National Conference pays hearty homage to all the martyrs
of the People’s War and resolutely expresses its commitments to
fight till the end against the enemies in order to materialize their
dreams. Moreover, the Conference pays tributes to Chiniya Kaji,
Bhim Datta Pant, Kami Budha, the martyrs of Harre-Barre, Jugedi
and Jutpani, and Rishi Devkota “Ajad”, Rambrikshya Yadav, the
martyrs of Jhapa revolt, and all known and unknown martyrs of
historical mass movements of 1980 and 1990 who sacrificed their
lives in the fight against feudalism and imperialism before the
People’s War was initiated in Nepal.
With full commitment to and solidarity with proletarian

internationalism, the Second National Conference of the Party pays
tributes to all the martyrs of Peru, India, the Philippines, Turkey,
Iran, Columbia, Bangladesh and others who gave their lives in order
to advance the world revolution.
International Communist Movement and its Historical Lessons

Born together with capitalism, the proletariat is the last, revolutionary
and international class of history. In Europe, its emergence and
struggle against capitalism paved the way for founding of Marxism.
Of extraordinary talent, Karl Marx along with his very intimate friend,
Frederick Engels, discovered the world outlook of the proletariat -
the dialectical and historical materialism. Known as Marxism, this
scientific discovery was nothing but in essence a supreme synthesis
of the experience and knowledge the mankind achieved in thousands
of years. This science synthesized with a revolutionary objective of
transforming the world, and not merely explaining it, brought an
unprecedented revolution in the thinking of mankind, and provided
a scientific device to understand and transform the world, and to
fight against all kinds of dogmas, superstitions & evils of the society.
Marxism proved irrefutably how a particular production relation
is established among the people with the development of
productive forces in the process of production and reproduction
for fulfillment of material needs, and how total development
of history after the stage of primitive communism is the history
of class struggle as determined by definite scientific laws. This
is the allegation of historical materialism against total history.
Exposing the real cause of capitalist exploitation and accumulation
of capital in the hands of a handful of capitalists in society, Marx
put forward the great theory of surplus value. Also, Marxism made
it clear how capitalism has created a vicious circle of exploitation by
turning the human labor into a non-living thing in order to make
more profits, and, at the same time, how it is developing huge army
of modern proletarian class and is ultimately digging its own grave.
Considering the unprecedented development of productive forces
and the contradiction between socialization of production process
and private appropriation of production, Marxism explained the
coming into existence of the responsibility for social revolution on
the shoulder of the proletariat and put forward a scientific ideal of
golden communist society by demolishing the classes and states and
ending all kinds of exploitation of men by men. Marx and Engels
laid foundation of basic principles relating to the strategy of the
proletariat to be pursued for the achievement of great ideals of
communist society. In sum, fundamental views on the dictatorship
of proletariat and socialist state as an inevitable need for the
transitional period from capitalism to communism, need of violent
revolution, need of the destruction of the old capitalist state, concept
of development of armed masses, were presented. In his whole life,
Engels fought vigorously against the bourgeois trends appearing in
the worker’s movement to establish this scientific view.
Against the concept of bourgeois nationalism developed for security

and need of the market, Marxism upheld the banner of proletarian
internationalism. Chanting the slogan “Workers of all countries,
unite!” loudly, the first Communist International was founded with
initiative of and under the leadership of Marx and Engels. It spread
the scientific ideas of’ “Communist Manifesto” among the workers
and, simultaneously, fought vigorously against various opportunist
trends appearing in the International Communist Movement. It is
in this context that in Paris (France), the proletariat, for the first
time in history, seized the state through armed revolt. Renowned as
“Paris Commune” all over the world, this historical revolt not only
justified the basic principles of Marxism but also helped Marx and
Engels to refine it with the synthesis of the experiences. Though
lasting for a short period of only 72 days due to its inherent mistakes,
Marx and Engels declared that its experiences would live forever.
It is particularity remarkable that the views of Marx and Engels on

the Paris Commune have been working as a historical inspiration
even today to identify and fight against revisionism and opportunism
in the communist movement. Due to the defeat of Paris Commune
and conspiracy of opportunists within, the First Communist
International was dissolved. However, after the death of Marx and
as per need of new situation, the Second Communist International
was formed again under the leadership of Engels in 1889, which
played a significant role in disseminating Marxism in the primary
stage. But after Engel’s death, the leaders of the Second International,
mainly Karl Kautsky, knelt before the bourgeois parliamentarism
and betrayed revolutionary principles of Marxism. In course of the
hard struggle against reformism and parliamentarism a Bolshevik
Party and revolutionary struggle of a new type developed under the
leadership of Lenin and socialist revolution was completed in Russia
in 1917. During the life and death struggle against revisionism for
the defense of its scientific and revolutionary teachings, Marxism
developed into Marxism-Leninism. Lenin highly stressed that there
can be no struggle against reaction unless it is linked with that against
opportunism. He elevated the philosophy of dialectical materialism
to a new height. The fact that the principle of unity and struggle of
opposites is the only fundamental principle of dialectics was further
explained. By analyzing and researching on the characteristics of
imperialism, Lenin contributed qualitatively in the field of political
economy and defined the new era as the “era of imperialism and
proletarian revolution” which made a great contribution in devising
the strategy and tactics of revolution. His analyses, which were well
justified by later events, are equally correct even today. Lenin not only
enriched Marxism on total aspects of scientific socialism including
the concept of a new party, strategy of socialist revolution, struggle
against revisionism, uniting peasants for revolution in the backward
countries and significance of full democratic revolution, proletarian
view on right of nations to self- determination, proletarian revolution
to lead the national liberation movement in the eastern countries,
development and struggle of the workers and masses in capitalist
countries developed into the imperialist stage, but also elevated it to
a new height of development.
The success of Great October Socialist Revolution created

unprecedented waves in the world. The masses oppressed for
centuries felt that they had found out a new way to real liberation.
Fiercely resisting the outlook of the imperialists and reactionaries,
the Third International was formed with the initiative and under
the leadership of Lenin in 1919 in order to forge ahead the world
revolution in an organized way. Taking Soviet socialist state founded
in a very large part of the earth as a base area, he gave emphasis
on advancing the world revolution. The revolution of Germany
among the developed countries and the issue of the same in the
countries like India, China among the undeveloped countries was
seriously thought over. Declaring that the proletarian revolution in
backward countries with a majority of peasants is “very hard and
great,” he emphasized on applying general principles of communism
in accordance with concrete situation of the country concerned.
Eventually, a concept of “National Democratic Revolution” was
put forward as it required to fight against colonial and semi-colonial
exploitation, too, in such countries. However, Lenin emphasized
that communist revolutionaries of the countries concerned must
work out and develop the strategy of revolution themselves. At this
juncture, particular attention must be paid to the stress given by
Comintern led by Lenin on the significance of creative application
of general principles of proletarian internationalism and Marxism in
accordance with the national characteristics of such countries.
At a time, when the struggles are still needed in the international

communist movement against the trend which, even today,
represents, on the one hand, sectarian nationalism on the
pretext of national characteristics, and, on the other, the
Trotskyist trend which undermines national characteristics
on the pretext of internationalism, its significance is evident.
After the death of Lenin, Stalin led the international communist
movement. He served proletarian movement by undertaking
historical tasks such as defeating the right liquidationism which
emerged in the form of so-called permanent revolution of
Zenoviev, Kamenov and, mainly, Trotsky; establishing Leninism;
strengthening Soviet Union by collective farming and planned
economic development; knocking the Hitlerian fascism to the
ground in the Second World War; synthesizing the experiences
of Soviet economic development, and leading the whole
international communist movement for about three decades.
Nevertheless, the fact that many serious weaknesses prevailed
in Stalin and eventually, they caused some serious problems
should not go unheeded. While doing so, our starting point
should be, of course Stalin’s evaluation made by Mao, in which
he has divided his thoughts and works into two aspects and
declared 70 percent of them correct and 30 percent wrong.
Advancing on the basis of general guideline about revolution in the
colonial and semi-colonial countries of pre-capitalist stage as put
forward by Lenin during the initial period of Third International
and greatly influencing the international power balance, the New
Democratic revolution was completed successfully in China. The
successful revolution in a huge area with the largest population in
the world through struggles of decades, presented a new model for
revolution in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries of pre-
capitalist stage. As Lenin had called for, Communist Party of China
led by Mao undertook the “great and difficult” task of revolution
in an eastern country by creatively applying the universal principles
of Marxism-Leninism in their own specificities. In this context,
Communist Party of China led by Mao enriched and developed
the Marxist science. The theory and knowledge of contradiction in
philosophy, analysis of bureaucratic capitalism in political economy,
development of strategy for New Democratic revolution and
universal principle of People’s War, concrete concept of Party, army
and united front, clearly show the enrichment of Marxism-Leninism.
During the process of revolution, Mao had to fight hard against
right and ‘left’ opportunism of various kinds and the elements who
wanted to mechanically copy the foreign experiences, such as Li Li
San, Wang Ming, Chang Kuo -Tao etc. When pondered deeply ,
Mao’s struggle against Li Li San, Wang Ming etc., seems, in essence,
to be related to the struggle against many mechanical materialist
thinking and working styles of Stalin and Comintern, though he
never disclosed it. Mao had called upon the people to be alert against
the threat of mechanical materialist and metaphysical thinking
that existed in the Communist Party of China and international
communist movement not only through his policy of unity and
struggle worked out in the case of united front but also through his
great works like “ On Contradictions”, “On Practice”, “Reform Your
Studies”, “Rectify Working Style”, “On New Democracy” etc.
In the international communist movement, Mao defined the Party

as a unity of opposites, and not as a monolithic and homogenous
unity, and clarified that two-line struggle inside the Party is, in deed,
always the motivating force for the Party life. In addition, clarifying
the inter-relation between class struggle in society and two-line
struggle in the Party, he presented scientific explanation about the
fact that as long as classes are there, the Party exists and as long as the
Party exists, ideological struggle prevails. He declared the concept of
monolithic unity as anti-dialectical and flatly rejected it. His view
on Party added a new dimension to the Leninist view of militant
Party of a new type. According to Mao, a struggle between the right

and wrong ideas always runs inside the Party and at a certain stage,
wrong ideas appear as revisionism and take in turn into a hostile
struggle with the revolutionaries. If non-proletarian ideas prevail
in the Party, the whole Party changes its colour. Therefore, the
revolutionaries should continuously revolutionize the Party through
two-line struggles.
Thus, the Chinese revolution based on Marxist-Leninist thoughts

goaded millions of workers and peasants to be the masters of their
own destiny. Communist Party of China led by Mao put forward
a programme for socialist revolution right after the success of New
Democratic Revolution under the leadership of the proletariat. In this
historical process of socialist revolution, the contradictions between
the revolutionaries and the people who had been influenced by the
bourgeois character of New Democratic Revolution and joined the
revolution, intensified. Right at that period, Stalin died in Soviet
Union. The Khruschovite revisionism seized the leadership in the
20th Congress in a counter-revolutionary coup in the Soviet Union,
and capitalism was restored. The Khruschov clique was successful to
overturn socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat in the pretext
of struggle against personality cult of Stalin. This event shocked the
revolutionaries all over the world. Terrorizing with nuclear arms
the clique rejected the decisive role of the people in the making
of history. The renegade Khruschovite clique advocated class
conciliation instead of class struggle in the name of “three peacefuls”.
He cloaked his blatant advocacy of bourgeois parliamentarism
with the possibility arisen from the changed world situation.
Encouraged by the restoration of capitalism in Russia, the Chinese
rightists intensified their attack on the proletarian revolutionaries
in the Party. The Peng Teh-hui event is a concrete example of this.
In the face of the complex situation, Mao seriously thought over

the class struggle in socialism and upheld the banner of struggle
against modem revisionism of Khrushchov outside the country and
right opportunism inside the Party. During the fierce struggle, Mao
put forward, with a scientific analysis of class struggle in socialism,
a concept of continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the
proletariat as the principle to prevent restoration of capitalism and
led the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution, which is considered as
an unprecedented mass-revolution in the whole history of mankind.
With this earth-shaking revolution, Mao armed the proletarian
class with a new weapon to prevent the restoration of capitalism
in the socialist society. This great contribution established Mao
as the propounder of a new, third and higher stage of Marxism,
i.e. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This great revolution prevented
restoration of capitalism in China for 10 years. Notwithstanding
the success of capitalist- roaders to restore capitalism in China
through counter-revolutionary plots due to various national and
international reasons after Mao’s death, the significance of the
principle he developed has not declined at all, but, instead, it has
grown as a beacon for future revolutions.
What is notable here is that Mao, after the Khruschov clique

succeeded in restoring capitalism in the Soviet Union without
any serious resistance, fought, on the one hand, to safeguard the
achievements of the first socialist state of the world, and on the
other, persevered seriously in studying the weaknesses which caused
such an irreparable loss, It is in this context that we must understand
his defense of Stalin against the attack of Khrushchov clique, and
explanation of various mistakes and weaknesses of him. Mao’s
evaluation of Stalin stands apart against both rightist revisionism
that negates him completely, and sectarian dogmatist revisionism
that accepts even his mistakes and weaknesses. In the international

communist movement, the former trend is led by Trotsky, Tito,
Khruschev etc., while, the latter trend is led by Enver Hoxa, etc.
Another important point to note is that the Euro-Communism, on
the pretext of opposing Stalin’s concept of monolithic unity and
bureaucracy, began opposing unified dialectical materialist science
of Marxism itself from bourgeois anarchist pluralist angle.
When the debate was going on in the international communist

movement and Khruschov, the ring-leader of modern revisionism,
along with imperialism was simultaneously defaming Stalin from
counter-revolutionary angle, it was but necessary to defend Stalin
emphasizing his essentially correct and positive aspects. Doing so
did not mean defending him alone but also the whole communist
movement, socialism, and in all, Marxism-Leninism itself. But today
things have changed greatly; the Khruschov revisionism, later turning
into social imperialism, has fallen completely with the dissolving
of the Soviet Union. In China, the Chinese Khruschovites have
usurped power through a counter-revolutionary coup and restored
capitalism after Com. Mao’s death. Today there isn’t even a single
socialist state in the world.
At this moment, the revolutionaries all over the world are free,
without any political pressure, to draw the essence of the experiences
of history, and a great responsibility bas been laid on their shoulder,
to fulfill which they must work hard, no doubt. In this context,
we must go into the depth of what has been mentioned in the very
beginning of the letter entitled “ The Question of Stalin” during the
Great Debate launched by the Communist Party of China led by
Mao against the Khruschov revisionism. It states, “The question of
Stalin is one of world-wide importance which has had repercussions
among all classes in every country and which is still a subject of much
discussion today, with different classes and their political parties and
groups taking different views. It is likely that no final verdict can
be reached on this question in the present century”. The century
as stated by the Communist Party of China led by Mao has ended
and twenty-first century has already started. We must focus our
attention on defending Stalin’s 70 percent positive contributions
and drawing lessons from his 30 percent errors. As elsewhere stated
in the same article, “It would be beneficial if the errors of Stalin,
which were only secondary, are taken as historical lessons so that...
the Communists might take warning and avoid repeating those
errors or commit fewer errors”. Another important point is that his
errors contain two aspects - the errors committed inevitably due
to lack of experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the
errors caused by ideological mistakes. It was not possible to prevent
the former errors but the latter ones could be.
Listing the errors of Stalin, it is stated in the same article of Great

Debate, “In his way of thinking, Stalin departed from dialectical
materialism and fell into metaphysics and subjectivism on certain
questions and consequently he was sometimes divorced from reality
and from the masses. In struggles inside as well as outside the Party,
on certain occasions and on certain questions he confused two
types of contradictions, which are different in nature, contraction
between the enemy and us and contractions among the people, and
also confused the different methods needed in handling them. In
the work led by Stalin of suppressing the counter-revolution, many
counter- revolutionaries deserving punishment were duly punished,
but at the same time there were innocent people who were wrongly
convicted; and in 1937 and 1938 there occurred the error of
enlarging the scope of the suppression of counter- revolutionaries.
In the matter of Party and government organization, he did not fully
apply proletarian democratic centralism and, to some extent, violated

it. In handing relations with fraternal Parties and countries he made
some mistakes. He also gave some bad counsel in the international
communist movement. These mistakes caused some losses to the
Soviet Union and the international communist movement”.
In the background of experiences of the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution, Maoism and contemporary international communist
movement, what is evident today is the fact that although he was a
great Marxist-Leninist, Stalin’s ideological mistakes have substantially
influenced the world communist movement subjectively.
Categorically speaking, he had some weaknesses in his thinking of
understanding and dealing with fundamental principles of dialectics,
the unity and struggle of opposite. Taking the Communist Party as
a monolithic unity, instead of unity of opposites, led him to errors
in identifying the nature, relations and ways of dealing of two-line
struggle inside the Party. As a result, it was declared, on the ground
of rapid economic growth through elimination of private ownership,
collective farming and industrialization, that there was no hostile
class- contradiction in the Soviet society, which violated basic
principles of Marxism- Leninism. Such analysis made Stalin think
one-sidedly that threat to the Soviet society may occur from external
intervention and conspiracy only. The emphasis on possibility of
counter-revolution from external intervention and conspiracy,
instead of paying adequate attention on how new capitalism is
produced within the Communist Party itself in the Soviet society
and how to control them, violated at times Lenin’s basic postulates
on the relation between building of socialism in one country and the
development of world revolution, developed at the initial period of
the Comintern. Though there was no ill intention at all, the emphasis
on safeguarding the Soviet society from external threat virtually
undermined internationalism and exaggerated Russian nationalism,

which created a lot of confusions about understanding and advancing
the world revolution and functioning of the Comintern. It is to be
remembered that Lenin, while forming the Comintern, had stressed
the concept of world revolution and world Communist Party and
everything would be subsumed under it, but under the leadership
of Stalin, the world revolution was considered as a part of Soviet
society, instead of vice versa. This is what Mao has pointed out as
wrong advice of Stalin on the international communist movement.
Stalin took collective farming, industrialization and rapid

development of production and productive forces due to centralized
planning in the economic field as enough grounds for the guarantee
of the success of socialism and kept on stressing on it one-sidedly.
It undermined the importance of resolving differences prevailing
in the society and revolutionizing the production relations. This
helped in developing a new bourgeois class, which was represented
later by counter-revolutionary Khrushchovite clique from inside the
Party and thus established the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie by
overturning that of the proletariat.
Drawing lessons from the errors of Stalin due to historical limitations

and ideological weaknesses, Mao studied seriously the economic
policy and pointed out its positive and negative aspects to elevate
the Marxist-Leninist principles regarding the class-struggle in a
socialist society to a new height in order to prevent restoration of
capitalism and presented a new model of socialist economy that
required one to be red and expert and to walk with two legs, etc.
Collective ownership of production alone does not guarantee the
success of socialism because many kinds of differences such as
mental and physical labour, city & village, capitalist stage of the
production of commodities, etc., still exist in the society which
continue to provide material ground for growth of new capitalist
class. Therefore, Mao made it clear that characteristics of both
communism and capitalism exist in socialism and there remains
the danger of capitalist restoration. He aptly presented the scientific
truth that march towards communism is possible by regulating
capitalism through the process of continuous revolution after the
proletariat sizes the political state power.
On the basis of this principle he led the people to exercise the right
to rebel against the capitalist- roaders of the Party who advocated
the Khrushovite line, which claimed that it was good to be rich. He
drew a clear demarcation line between the Marxist revolutionaries
and revisionists with the principle of 3 Dos and Don’ts: ‘Practice
Marxism, not revisionism; Unite, do not split; Be open and above
board, do not conspire and intrigue’. With the slogan, “Bombard
the bourgeois headquarter,” he called upon the people to invade
the fort of the revisionists. During the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution, through the struggle against the renegades Liu Shao-chi,
Lin Piao, and Teng Hsiao-ping, he further developed the dialectical
method of achieving new unity on a new basis in the Party through
a process of unity-struggle-transformation and emphasized the need
to form Party committees according to the principle of 3 in 1 with
olds, adults and youths in order to transfuse new blood in the Party.
However, it was not possible to sweep away all the rightists who
had reached higher echelons in the Party and government, because
of several negative impacts of international communist movement,
historical limitation of class struggle and since it had been virtually
late in exposing them. But it has enhanced the importance of the
principle developed. Some people do not realize the complexity of
the Cultural Revolution period and blame Mao for a number of
compromises in the later period, which is completely wrong. He
had been promoting the rise of revolutionaries including Chiang

Ching, Chiang Chun- chiao as a revolutionary core in the Party.
He was in fact, leading the so-called Gang of Four and was the most
farsighted.
In this regard, an important question may be raised: why didn’t

he take any initiative for building a new Communist International,
though he had experience of waging historical struggle against
Khrushchovite revisionism and conducting the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution? In reply, several negative experiences of the
Comintern in the latest period might be put forward but that
simply can’t be the major factor. As a matter of fact, Mao had
been ideologically leading the international communist movement
by waging struggle against Khrushchovite revisionism and leading
the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and by supporting,
co-operating with and disseminating the national liberation, New
Democratic and socialist revolutions all over the world. But objectively
there were some serious practical difficulties in giving them an
organized form. Among the visible ones were dogmatist revisionist,
centrist and chauvinist Communist Parties of Albania, Vietnam and
North Korea etc. who would reject the universal contributions of
Mao. And it was not possible to form the Communist International
by ignoring all of them at that time. But today the situation has
changed greatly. There is not even a single socialist state in the
world. Genuine revolutionaries have upheld Maoism as higher
stage of Marxism-Leninism. New wave of revolution appears in the
horizon. Now, Marxism- Leninism-Maoism is there as an ideological
foundation for the creation of a new Communist International. All
the communist revolutionaries need to march forward seriously to
give it an organized form through class and ideological struggle.
Today RIM has already emerged as an embryo of. Everybody has
to attempt to refine and develop it. Special attention must be paid

to conduct discussions and interactions with revolutionaries outside
the RIM and uniting them in the movement.
While doing so, the communist revolutionaries should seriously look

into the experiences of the Comintern and try to resolve the issues
of evaluation of 7th Congress of Comintern, Second World War
and dissolving of Comintern, suggestions given to the Communist
Parties of several countries to form government with anti-fascist
bourgeoisie and Lenin’s criticism of Millerandism, the position of
Communist Parties of Greece, Italy, France, Spain, India, China etc.
and Stalin’s role, etc. These questions lie in front of the international
communist movement as challenges. Maoism has already provided
the scientific basis for the answers to these questions. Therefore,
the communist revolutionaries of the world need to accelerate the
initiative to learn from the positive and negative experiences of the
past by applying Maoism.
Some Fundamental Characteristics of the International Situation

The analysis of basic characteristics of imperialism made by Lenin
just before the great Russian October Revolution is still correct.
Accordingly, the world is in the era of imperialism and proletarian
revolution even today. In today’s world, there are four kinds of basic
contradictions: the contradiction between bourgeois and proletariat,
the inter-imperialist contradiction for profit and plunder, the
contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries and
people, and the contradiction between the capitalist system and
socialist system. Among them, the fourth is not in the surface now
but as per the past experience and for future guarantee, we must
take it into account continuously The socialist revolution comes
out of the first contradiction and that is its solution. The second
contradiction leads to world war for re-division of the world but is
not permanently resolved. As Mao has said, the proletariat should
attempt to prevent the world war as far as possible, but if unsuccessful,
they should work out the policy to turn the world war into world
revolution. The third contradiction leads to the national liberation
movements and the contradiction ends with its success.
Among them, the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed

countries and people is the principal world contradiction today
The Party should be clear about some important ideological and
political questions as regards to deciding about the principal world
contradiction, because a wrong trend to undermine and neglect the
historical significance of national liberation movement and label it
as a sectarian nationalism has been prevailing in the international
communist movement. Moreover, the Trotskyist and, chiefly,
Khruschovite revisionism has influenced it to a great extent. The first
thing to note here is that, in the course of development of the era of
imperialism and proletarian revolution while founding of Russian
socialism and forming the Comintern in order to advance the
world revolution and formulation of its strategies, Lenin had stated
that the proletarian revolution and national liberation movement
should fuse into each other and the fusion would be a historically
important task. Imperialism has been blocking socialist revolution
by creating an aristocratic class even within the working class with
a portion of their unaccountable profits extracted through merciless
exploitation and plunder of the masses of colonial and semi-colonial
countries of the world. Therefore, Lenin, paying due attention to the
importance of incorporating national liberation movement within
the proletarian movement, forwarded the slogan, “Workers and
oppressed people of the world, unite!” He concentrated maximum
attention on the national liberation movements of the oppressed
countries including India, China. On the basis of this analysis of
Lenin, Mao developed in the world proletarian movement a total

concept of the significance and the question of leadership of the
national liberation movement.
Imperialism has been maximizing the exploitation, oppression and

political suppression of the people of oppressed countries by using
their reactionary ruling classes. It has been reducing the people poorer
and poorer by making use of the economy of the oppressed countries
as its own integral part and drawing excessive profits through cheap
labour and raw materials. That is exactly what has made the situation
mature for New Democratic revolution in Asia, Africa and Latin
America. This is why Mao declared these regions as storm centres
of world revolution and asserted revolution as being the basic trend
of the world. He proclaimed the contradiction between imperialism
and oppressed nations as the principal contradiction of the world.
Grasping the historical truth that national liberation movement
had become the integral part of world proletarian movement, Mao
developed the strategic method of establishing proletarian leadership
over it. In spite of important changes in the form, Mao’s analysis
stands correct in essence even today. During the cold war, the
Russian social imperialism and U.S. imperialism spent huge amount
of money in arms for the expansion of their influence and eventually
turned into superpowers. They imposed various kinds of regional
wars on the oppressed countries and another world war appeared
very close. But the Russian social imperialism could not maintain its
old form due to the imperialist crisis and collapsed politically and
economically. Ironically, the western imperialism propagated this
collapse as the collapse of communism and celebrated joyously its
unipolar hegemony.
This event definitely enabled the US imperialism more opportunity

for direct plunder, exploitation and intervention in the “third world”
and the entire world. This accelerated the unhindered mobilization
of finance capital in the worldwide scale. This is what has been
hailed by imperialism as ‘globalization’. Through this ‘globalization’
imperialism has entrapped the whole economy of the oppressed
countries and has been dictating and pressurizing the reactionary
ruling classes of those countries to pursue the policy of liberalization
in order to speed up the flow of capital. Through the economic
giants like World Bank, IMF etc., imperialism has created the
environment to play the role of director and controller of economic
affairs of the oppressed countries. Mainly the U.S. imperialism grew
more and more encouraged to amass unlimited profits by combining
the unprecedented progress in science and technology, including
electronics, with the cheap labour of the third world.
After all, what has been the ultimate objective result of the imperialist
campaign of ‘unipolar world’, ‘globalization’ and ‘liberalization’ ?
The experience of the last ten years has already shown the truth.
This is intensifying the contradictions between different classes
and between rich and poor countries. Even according to the data
prepared by the imperialists (which is best manipulated to suit the
interests of the authority concerned) the rich countries with only
25 percent population of the world own 80 percent of the world’s
wealth, meanwhile 85 percent have only 15 percent of wealth in
their hands. Today 2.5 billion people are extremely poor, 1 billion
people are living their extremely miserable life below the absolute
poverty line. 80 million people of the third world are forced to leave
their country for their livelihood every year. More than 20 million
children are forced to labour. Class contradiction is intensifying
even in the imperialist countries. Even in the USA, the number one
bully of the world, more than 20 million people are suffering from
absolute poverty. Racial discrimination, inequality, unemployment,
homelessness, social insecurity, women’s oppression etc. are growing

day-by-day. They bring out the resentment of the people from time
to time, to suppress which the ruling classes are compelled to use
special military force and devise new strategy. In Western Europe,
unemployment has been institutionalized and people resort to street
struggles because of shortage and inflation. Suppression, terror and
religious and communal riots against people’s resentment, national
liberation movement and socialist movement developing everywhere
in the third world countries, have been the daily routine of the
imperialists and reactionaries.
The fact that their political cover bearing the signboard of

parliamentary democracy has been torn to pieces has been splendidly
brought about by the world events and the recently conducted
drama of U.S. presidential elections. If a country advocates even
a little of economic and political freedom, the imperialists take no
time in imposing economic sanction against them, resorting to
political pressure, and military intervention and genocide. Their
intervention in Iraq, Yugoslavia, Palestine, Mexico along with other
Asian, African and Latin American countries, verify this.
Imperialism has built a gigantic mechanism of military force and

strategy in order to maintain the new ‘ world order’. The U.S.
imperialism has developed military strategy ‘to keep up’ its global
economic plunder and hegemony. According to the data of their
defense budget, the U.S imperialism has allocated $262 billions in
the defense alone that is almost half of that of the world. When
the defense budgets of its alliance partners like NATO countries,
Japan, Israel, South Korea, also are included, it exceeds 80 percent
of the world. Today the USA has become the main center for arms
smuggling. The US imperialism, through its military - industrial
complex, has been successfully looting the world and fooling their
people by parting with a small portion of its loots. It has put on
alert a huge military force in the Gulf and Korean Peninsula to
fight against Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria, North Korea and Cuba whose
total defense budget amounts to $15 billion only. As Lenin has
stated about imperialism, the USA has been giving priority to its
military force to continue its political and military hegemony over
its alliances, and is intensifying the activities with its global military
hegemony in the countries like India, China in order to capture
the huge reserve of cheap labour and raw materials. On top of this
its strategic alliance with the Indian expansionism has been rapidly
growing and dark clouds of massive plunder and genocide in South
Asia are looming larger. The opening of a FBI branch in Delhi is
its evidence. These facts show the importance of Mao’s concept of
three worlds in the immediate tactical sense.
However, the facts have also indicated that objectively the

imperialists, mainly the Yankee imperialism, have been getting fully
entangled in the contradictions with the oppressed countries and
people. Though there is no contention between the super-powers
at present, following the end of cold war, the so-called unipolar
dream is what can never come true as shown by open and disguised
clashes and conflicts of economic and political interests between the
USA, European community, Japan and Russia. With this crisis the
possibility of revolt by millions of masses has seen intensified day-
by-day.
We must pay our serious attention to the following specific situation,

though created by imperialism with an evil intention of grabbing the
profits in the present world. Firstly, it has guaranteed the acceleration
of People’s consciousness to move from the realm of necessity to
that of freedom by linking high technology with cheap labour of
the huge population of the masses. Secondly, with the process of
globalization to grab profits, the unprecedented development in the
field of information technology, mainly electronics, has narrowed
down the world just to a small rural unit. Therefore, it is very likely
that an event of any place will have a great positive or negative impact
on the whole world and vice versa. Thirdly, the worldwide system
of imperialism of producing and distributing the arms has been
indirectly playing the role for technical preparation for the People’s
War in a worldwide scale. Fourthly, the unlimited production and
globalization of the social production process has unwittingly built a
material ground in a rapid way for the communist principle of work
according to the capacity and distribution according to the need.
Fifthly, and mainly, imperialism has been preparing a revolutionary
objective situation for 80 percent people of the world by intensifying
the class struggle, principally the contradiction between imperialism
and oppressed countries and people to the maximum.
The objective situation of the internal contradictions of the

imperialists and unequal development and distribution as per the
inherent character of capitalism, will lead to the revolution in any
country in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and its international
importance is just evident. It magnificently justifies Mao’s analysis
that Asia, Africa and Latin America shall be the storm centres of
revolution. These characteristics clearly indicate that 21st century
shall be the century of People’s Wars, and the triumph of the world
socialist system. Apart from this, it also shows that there has been a
significant change in the prevailing concept of model of revolution
after the 1980s. Today a new fusion of the strategies of armed
insurrection into the protracted People’s War and that of protracted
People’s War into the armed insurrection has been imperative.
Without such a fusion, a genuine revolution is impossible in any
country of the world today.

The historical need of today is to advance the world revolution
through the means of People’s War in accordance with particular
characteristics of each country by developing genuine Communist
Parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to lead the
masses in different countries. This historical responsibility can’t be
borne until the universality of Mao’s contributions for the world
revolution is upheld and Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is established
as its ideological commander
The new situation has been preparing ideological and material

ground for the formation of a new Communist International to
advance the world revolution by learning lessons from the past
experiences. RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement),
constituted on the principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to
co-ordinate revolutionary movements of various countries and to
advance the world revolution, is a significant step in this direction.
It has been developing through experiences of revolutionary
movements and ideological struggles of various countries. Serious
challenges are posed before the RIM for the development of a
new International, like developing an integrated understanding
through scientific synthesis of the world communist movement,
mainly, Comintern, second world war and Stalin’s role; struggling
against ultra- internationalist Trotskyist deviation that minimizes
the national liberation movement, on the one hand, and ultra-
nationalist deviation that undermines proletarian internationalism,
on the other; co-operating to develop the genuine Maoist Parties
in various countries; and uniting with all existing revolutionary
Parties through struggles, etc. Facing these challenges successfully,
all genuinely proletarian revolutionaries need to accelerate their
initiatives for the development of a new International. What is most
important is to correctly grasp the nature of contradiction between

imperialism and oppressed countries and people, and establishing
proletarian internationalism as the leader of national liberation
movements. A world revolution isolated from the struggle to
establish the worldwide significance of revolution developed in
any backward country of Asia, Africa and Latin America is just
impossible.
Finally, it is crystal clear from the analysis of the world situation

that the world order of the imperialists is the rotten, barbarian and
terrorizing system, which is but a curse for the whole mankind.
Material condition for the establishment of the great ideals of
communism with complete elimination of exploitation and
oppression of man by man has been growing more and more
mature and the political parties of the proletariat need to take
initiatives from new heights in order to courageously advance
the world revolution. Twenty-first century shall be the century
of world revolution. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism shall be its
ideological leader.
On the Situation in South Asia
South Asia, with 20 percent of the world’s population, has suffered

greatly from poverty, scarcity, illiteracy and unemployment due to
feudal and imperialist suppression. The people of this region have
been making for years a series of dedication and sacrifices in the
national liberation and democratic movements for their progress
and liberation. It should be comprehended that both the feudal and
imperialist suppression and the just straggle of the people against it
are reaching to a climax and are heading toward the decisive collision.
The more the revolutionary struggle of the people intensifies, the
more the reactionary ruling classes of Nepal, India, Sri Lanka,
Pakistan, Bangladesh kneel down before imperialism, increase the

exploitation and suppression of the people and heighten the state
terror. Ruling classes of each country of this region are facing severe
contradictions with the needs and aspirations of the masses. Armed
national liberation movements, democratic movements and People’s
War are shaking the whole region. Another positive aspect of this
region is the advancing Maoist revolutionary movement by posing
grave challenges to the reactionary classes and presenting a concrete
alternative for the masses.
The Indian monopoly capitalist ruling class, the true successor of

British imperialism, has been pursuing the expansionist policy of
pressure, intervention and sabotage against the national aspirations
of the people and neighboring countries. It has been endeavoring
to quell with guns and state terror the aspirations of the people of
Kashmir and North -Eastern states and New Democratic movements
in Andhra, Bihar, and intensifying pressure, sabotage and provocative
activities under the strategy of making Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh,
Sri Lanka as new a Sikkim. With an intention to isolate Pakistan after
the end of the Cold War and fulfill its desire for regional hegemony,
the Indian ruling classes have knelt down before US imperialism
and have opened the door for them for merciless exploitation of
the people of this region in the pretext of liberalization. The Indian
ruling class has been abetting the imperialist master plan to encircle
China and make it capitulate completely by taking India in its grip.
It has been making blatant interventions in the internal affairs of
neighboring countries in order to enthrone its agents and advance
the process of ‘Sikkimization’. It has been harboring plots to link the
People’s War in Nepal going on for five years with Pakistan, China
and smugglers and thereby misleading the Indian people.
It has been the characteristic of the Indian ruling class to conspire

to use the common aspirations of national democratic revolution
against the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition, distinct
nature of geo-political position and economic, political, religious
and cultural relations established among the people since history,
to fulfill its regional hegemonistic aspirations. The Indian ruling
class and its aspirations have been working behind the similar policy
and nature of suppression and terrorist intrigues practiced by ruling
classes of all the countries of this region. This distinct condition
provides a unique nature to the need, possibility and importance
of unity in the just struggle of the people of all countries of this
region. Theoretically, the possibility of direct fusion of national
liberation movement and proletarian movement, as stated by Lenin,
can also be witnessed here. Due to the particularities of economic,
political, cultural and geographical condition and the unchallenged
hold of Indian monopoly capitalism, it will be very difficult for
any single country of this region to successfully complete the new
national democratic revolution and even if it succeeds following the
distinct contradictions, it will be almost impossible for it to survive.
The revolutionaries need to seriously concentrate on the fact that
a particular country or a particular territory of a country shall be
liberated through the force of common and joint struggle of the
people of this region following the unequal stage of development,
and that can play only a particular role of base-area for the revolution
in the whole region.
Right here, all the revolutionaries of the region should pay their
attention to Lenin’s effort to generalize the great Russian October
Revolution of 1917, founding of Soviet Union and their experiences.
It is clear that real liberation is impossible unless it becomes a
part of or serves the world revolution on the basis of proletarian
internationalism. This is the peculiarity of the era of imperialism and
proletarian revolution. The workers have no country and the slogan “

Workers of the world, unite” has been always making the proletarian
revolutionaries cautious about their international responsibility. The
challenge of applying the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism in the particularity of the national liberation and democratic
movements of this region under the guidance of the great idea and
aspiration of proletarian internationalism, remains formidable. The
unification of the struggles for right of nations to self-determination
and the proletarian movement alone can meet this challenge. To
grasp this properly, we should seriously ponder over the concept of
national democratic revolution put forward by Lenin after founding
the Soviet Union and in the initial period of Comintern, and the
concept of New Democratic revolution put forward by Mao.
When we think over this, because of the distinct condition of this

region it becomes clear that it is inevitable for the communist
revolutionaries to devise an integrated strategy against the Indian
ruling classes of monopoly bourgeoisie and their agents in various
countries. This inevitability has knocked the door of the necessity
of turning the region into a new Soviet federation of twenty- first
century. Therefore, the Maoist revolutionaries of various countries
of this region are required to debate from this height and to work
out a unified understanding, integrated strategy, organizational
structure of a distinct kind, and long-term and short-term plans of
struggle.
Apart from the economic, political, cultural and geographical

peculiarities, from the perspective of the growth of communist
movement the region-wide influence of Naxalbari movement led
by Charu Majumdar against modem revisionism, fraternal relations
and exchange of ideas and technical co-operation growing among
the Maoist revolutionaries, and common programmes at the people’s
level, etc., have been preparing concrete basis for the fulfillment
of this historical need. It is clear that the more the revolutionary
struggle develops, the more intensifies the counter-revolutionary
conspiracy, and therefore, there is need to develop integrated efforts
among the revolutionaries .
The process of applying the universal principles of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism in the regional peculiarity will play an effective
role in waging struggle against the conspiracy of U.S. imperialism
in this region, mainly in India. Thus, the unified initiative of this
region as an integral part of world revolution will make important
contribution to the world revolution. Hence, the co-operation of
mainly the RIM and other revolutionary internationalist forces is
essential in order to advance this process in a natural and scientific
way. However, the important thing is the responsible initiative of
the revolutionaries of the region themselves. The road is difficult
and challenging, but the future is bright; the victory of proletarian
internationalism and that of the masses of the people is guaranteed.
On National Situation
General Review of History
Though formally considered sovereign, Nepal is, indeed undergoing

in a state of semi-colonialism for about 200 years. This state of
Nepal caused by the notorious Sugauli Treaty with the British
blocked the natural development from feudalism to capitalism.
The self-reliant economy with agriculture, trade, exchange etc.
began collapsing from the time when the foreign capital made its
intrusion into the Nepalese society. When some small industries
were established to meet the interest of foreign capital, Nepal
gradually transformed into a semi-feudal stage from feudal stage.
Thus, Nepal is still in semi-feudal and semi -colonial state.
It is necessary to understand this situation of present Nepal from
the historical background. Before the growth of centralized state,
Nepal was divided into many small kingdoms, principalities and
tribal republican states. At that time, the form of monarchy and
state was not as it is today. The fact that Manjushree and Ne-muni,
representing attempts from the north and south respectively to lay
the foundation for patriarchal society from matriarchal one, had
pursued the process of unanimous selection of the king prove that
by ‘king’ it was meant nothing other than a “tribal leader.” The
Nepalese society has undergone a long historical process of changing
the king according to the need, looking for, selecting, and punishing
and sentencing the king to death in case he committed crimes. This
helps to understand the very psychology of the Nepalese society.
Moreover, the fact that the process of inner-struggle, interaction

and fusion with the people coming from north and, mainly, from
south with high skill and technology of production system and war
skill have greatly influenced the progress and psychological set-up of
the Nepalese society, should be taken into account. The process has
contributed to struggles and compromises between several feudal
kings and tribal republics just before the emergence of the centralized
feudal state. With the growth of class-division in the society, some
relatively powerful feudal kings began identifying themselves as
incarnation of god. The king who was not more than a tribal hero
chosen by the people gradually established himself as the incarnation
of god. With the development of divine theory about king and state,
the theory of full right of king over land is found to be established.
In course of time, the previous status of the tribal hero has been
changed into feudal, then to ‘Great Feudal’ from ‘Feudal, to ‘King’
from ‘Great Feudal, to ‘Great King’ from ‘King’, to ‘Emperor’ from
‘Great King’, and to ‘Human God’ from ‘Emperor’. (Pushpa Lal
Shrestha, “The Origin of Monarchy in Nepal”)

The need of new production system as required by the general progress
of productive forces made tiny kingdoms, principalities and tribal
republics unnecessary .The objective necessity gave rise to a single
strongly centralized feudal state in course of time. The success of
feudal state-expansion of Prithivi Narayan Shah of Gorkha, though
a new and weak state at that time, is nothing but the consequence
of this objective need, and to undermine this fact would not be
historical materialism. It is notable here that the Nepalese process
of development of feudal autocratic monarchy tallies with Engel’s
research and analysis as described in his book “Origin of Family,
Private Property and State”.
Thus the monarchy bore a fully autocratic character with the

development of a centralized feudal state in Nepal. Economic,
political, administrative and all powers were centralized in the
palace. With this centralization a series of clashes, violence and
counter-violence started to occur among various feudal warlords
inside the palace for power and property. It developed big feudal
landlords families, on the one hand, and violent clashes for power
inside the palace, on the other. For example, the families like Pandey,
Thapa, Kunwar, etc. and their conflicts and clashes. Along with this,
lingual, religious, cultural, economic, political and all other rights
of the peoples were gradually snatched away. The state established
Hindu feudal ‘high’-caste chauvinism through the policy of reward
and punishment.
Another important point to note is that when the centralized feudal

state-expansion was going on in Nepal, expansion campaign of the
British bourgeois class was also going on to its climax in India. They
had been succeeding in founding their colonial empire by splitting
hundreds of feudal kingdoms and invading them. As such, it was
but natural that they would inevitably clash with each other at
last. The Nepalese campaign, which had been marching forward
by expanding itself to Tista River in the east, Kangra in the west,
and Lucknow and Gorakhpur in the south, had been posing a great
threat to British India. In such a situation, the British rulers declared
war against Nepal with their superiority in capital, technology and
military force. Fierce war broke out between the two sides. In several
fronts Nepal defeated the modem army of the British. In the wars,
the elders, women, and youths set historic records of dedication,
sacrifice and bravery for the country but ultimately, Nepal was
defeated and it signed a shameful Treaty.
One thing to be synthesized here is that supremacy of capital,

technology and military force alone was not what defeated Nepal.
The real and principal factor was the violation of people’s rights and
endless series of violent clashes among the feudal royal courtiers for
the power and luxury developed in the palace with the growth of
centralized feudal state. If, at least, Prthivi Narayan Shah’s tactics
of surprise, way of mobilizing the people and strategy of protracted
people’s war had been pursued, Nepal would not have to be
shamefully defeated. On the contrary, as per the king’s whim and
palatial conspiracy they attacked all the patriots including Bhimsen
Thapa who was relatively more patriot and envisaged a united front at
the Asian level against the British. At last, the Jang Bahadur Kunwar
dynasty, the puppet of British India, was victorious in the palace and
their autocratic rule lasted for 104 years in Nepal. This whole period
was the blackest one from the point of view of democratic rights.
Nevertheless, while discussing the history of Nepal, what should
not be forgotten is a strong sense of patriotism and resistance that
existed amongst the people and even in a section of the ruling class,
along with the war against British India and the shameful defeat.
Even today the strong feeling of national self-esteem against the

external intervention, mainly expansionist intervention of Indian
monopoly bourgeoisie, is linked with that sequence of history. This
patriotic current amongst the people should be specially taken into
consideration in connection with strategy and tactics of national
democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism. In fact,
this historical inheritance has played an important role in the soft
attitude of several persons of the reactionary classes towards people’s
revolution against Indian expansionism and its agents.
The force of national integration had been weakened in the initial

stage by curbing economic and political rights and destroying the
language, religion, culture of people of various caste and community,
internally, and later by capitulating to the British India, externally.
When we talk about genuine national integration today, it directly
means in the present context, internally, nothing but restoration
of the rights usurped yesterday and externally, opposition to the
national capitulationism.
During the later period of Rana regime the world had entered the era
of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Mankind had witnessed
the grave consequences of First and Second world wars and powerful
undercurrents of national liberation movements and socialist
movement. In India, anti-British movement was marching toward the
climax. In this historical context, political activities grew up against
the Rana regime in Nepal, too. The bureaucratic and comprador
bourgeois class growing within the feudal state, while working
simultaneously as agents for the British imperialism, also began
demanding its ‘proper’ share m the state. Together with the historical
wave of national freedom and revolution, the Communist Party,
which truly represented the people, was also formed during this period.
One should understand the political struggle of 1950 in this context.
Actually in 1950, the desires of the king-compelled by the Ranas to
act as their puppet for 104 years-to be the real ruler, of the Indian
monopoly bourgeois class-which was an heir to the British-to have
for their own agents an ‘appropriate’ position in the state power
of Nepal for the hegemony of the comprador class, and of the
Nepalese people for the liberation from feudalism and imperialism,
had been expressed simultaneously against the Rana regime. When
the people’s struggle was likely to develop directly against feudal,
bureaucratic and comrprador bourgeois classes, the notorious Delhi
Compromise was signed as a conspiracy against the necessity of
history and sentiment of the people. In fact, the Delhi Compromise,
which was signed by the King, the Ranas and the (Nepali) Congress
under the direction of India, was in essence, a compromise between
feudal, and bureaucratic and comprador bourgeois classes for share
in the state-power in the interest of monopoly capitalism. That was
a serious deception and betrayal to genuine need and aspirations of
the people.
In order to understand the reason behind this compromise we must

theoretically go to the characteristics of the era of imperialism and
proletarian revolution. With the development of this era, the capitalist
class lost its progressive role whatever was left and turned totally
reactionary. Politically, its regression was expressed in compromising
even with medieval feudalism against the aspirations of the people
for bourgeois democratic revolution. Basically, there is no difference
in the nature of treaties signed by British India with the Rana regime
and new Indian rulers with the King, the Ranas and the Congress.
Today what the modem revisionism has been trying to confuse the
masses about is inherent in the dissemination of bourgeois form of
parliamentary ‘democracy’, separating the imperialist reactionary
essence from it. Today parliamentarism has been like a torn piece of
rags of the reactionary imperialists, and it has been the daily routine

of the revisionists to serve the feudal, bureaucratic and comprador
bourgeois class for the fascist oppression on the people, covering this
blatant historical truth with empty rhetoric.
The Party must be clear about the fact that feudal, and bureaucratic
and comprador bourgeois classes are not the same. Feudal and
landlord classes are very conservative and they advocate medieval
feudalism and the comprador bourgeoisie serves the interests
of imperialism. The bureaucratic capitalist class acts as a bridge
to combine these contrasting trends into a single thread. That is
why bureaucratic capitalism which emerged together with the
development of the era of proletarian revolution, is called the ‘hybrid’
produced by the unholy alliance of feudalism and imperialism. In
fact, the analysis of bureaucratic capitalism is the great contribution
of Maoism in the context of revolution in third world countries.
It should not be forgotten that today a feudal is a ‘landlord’, an
‘industrialist’, and can be even a high level bureaucrat of the state
at the same time. Similarly, a comprador or a bureaucratic capitalist
also may be all the three at the same time. But the partial difference
between the interests of a landlord and a comprador can’t be
eliminated completely. Therefore, the ‘struggle’ goes on between the
representatives of the same class for particular share in the state and
various imperialist and expansionist groups keep on intensifying it
for their own interests.
In Nepal, whatever changes have occurred in the system of

management of reactionary state-power from 1950 till now, they
are, in essence, only the changes in the shares of partnership of the
state-power between the feudal, bureaucratic and comprador classes.
Feudalism uses the label of ‘nationalism’ and imperialism that of
‘democracy’ in order to deceive the masses. The characteristics of the
era of imperialism and proletarian revolution and the experience of
Nepal have made it clear that imperialism and feudalism do not go
against each other. In this situation, it is important to understand
that the genuine communist policy is that which, strategically,
develops independent revolutionary struggle by freeing the masses
of the illusion of ‘nationalism’ spread by feudalism and that of
‘democracy’ spread by imperialism, and, tactically, concentrates
the struggle against the one which has seized the state-power and
has been directly exploiting and suppressing the people, whether
in the pretext of nationalism or democracy. In Nepal, this is what
has caused serious deviations in the communist movement. The
biggest plague of the Nepalese communist movement of talking
about utilizing the contradictions of enemies without strategically
developing independent revolutionary struggle or of declaring the
slogans of nationalism or democracy of enemies relatively progressive
and advocating it, has been creating grave problems for the success
of the revolution even today.
There is no difference between the revisionism of today which

endeavors to protect the country-selling fascism and corruption of
the Nepali Congress government against the country and people
in the pretext of the danger of revivalism, and the revisionism of
yesterday which would attempt to safeguard the corruption and
state-terror of the autocratic Panchayat regime on the pretext of
threat of Indian expansionism. The Party should understand the
importance of enlightening the people about it.
Only on the basis of this can it be scientifically understood the political

development of 1950 onwards. Incessant struggle for nationalism,
democracy and people’s livelihood has been the characteristic of
the people who have set lofty examples of dedication, devotion and
sacrifice in the peaceful and violent struggles for their progress and
liberation. But due to lack of correct political leadership (which could
lead this stream of the masses to the struggle to achieving class state
power), the feudalism and imperialism, mainly Indian expansionism
in our particular context, have been always successfully using or
rather misusing them for the benefit of feudal and comprador and
bureaucratic capitalist classes. The Nepalese people were exploited
from 1950 to 1960 in the name of ‘democracy’, though the masses
had been vigorously resisting against Delhi Agreement to the Gandak
Agreement, and against feudal land relations to corrupt bureaucrats.
Its height can be witnessed in the martyrdom of Chiniya Kaji to
Bhim Datta Pant, who led the armed struggle in western Nepal,
and peasants’ struggle in the Terai region to countrywide resistance
against the Gandak Agreement.
On the pretext of nationalism, a notorious coup was staged in 1960

by the feudals in order to utilize the great process of people’s resistance
for consolidating their own hold over the state power. The feudal
elements succeeded in imposing autocratic monarchical Panchayat
dictatorship on people in the cover of ‘nationalism’. Shortly the
cover was unmasked and people’s resistance advanced in various
ways and reached the movement of 1990, setting several records of
dedication, devotion and sacrifice. Feudalism and imperialism were
once again successful to betray the aspirations of the people and need
for total change, as they ended up with a compromise for sharing the
state-power between various groups of reactionary classes. The fact
that the 1990 compromise concluded in the palace was, in essence,
nothing but a repetition of the notorious 1950 Delhi Compromise
has been verified by the later events. Reactionaries have turned back
the clock of history and taken it to between 1950 and l960.
However, the people may be fooled for once, twice or thrice but
not for ever. Reactionaries attempt to resolve the problem by
pushing back the clock of history, but nobody has been able to do
so, nor will ever be. The reactionary elements may turn back for
their own interest for power, but can never turn the people back
from their experience and consciousness they have gained during
the struggle. Historical experience clearly shows that the people do
not trust anything other than the new revolutionary options. The
Nepalese people have gathered long experience of waging struggle
against the trend of imposing fascist rule by chanting hollow slogans
of ‘democracy’ and ‘nationalism’. The thunderous launching of
protracted People’s War under the leadership of Communist Party
of Nepal (Maoist) on 13 February 1996 against feudalism and
imperialism for founding a New Democratic system in Nepal was
virtually the centralized and synthesized manifestation of this new
awaking. The height it has gained during these 5 years stands on the
base of the experiences of long struggles of the masses. It is essential
to focus our attentions on the following historical conclusions:
A. The analysis of the reactionaries that the king and monarchy

are deep-rooted in the Nepalese society is not true. It has
been already mentioned elsewhere that before the emergence
of centralized feudal state, democratic system of tribal type
prevailed and had a great influence in Nepal, and the tradition of
electing, changing and sentencing the king to death, if required,
shows that by king it was meant nothing at all other than a
‘tribal hero or leader’ at that time. Therefore, the tradition of
the Nepalese society has not been monarchist but democratic
and autonomy-oriented. It was only after the emergence of
the centralized feudal state in a certain stage of development
of class division that attempts had been made to unnaturally
impose the king and monarchism through the practices of the
system of reward-and-punishment and divine theory.
B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature

of the treaty signed indicate the contradiction and alliance
of feudalism and imperialism. Though Nepal became semi-
colonial, the war played an important role in exposing the
national capitulationist character of feudal ruling classes and
developing patriotic and national feeling of modern sense
amongst the people. The contradiction of that time between the
Bhimsen Thapa trend that did not want to kneel down to the
British, and the king and Jang Bahadur trend that acted as their
stooges, can still be found among the Nepalese ruling classes
today. At a time when contradiction between imperialism and
oppressed countries is the principle one, it is of great importance
that the proletarian class correctly understands the historical
contradictions and deals with them for the cause of democratic
revolution.
C. The centralized feudal state has imposed Hindu feudal and

Brahmanist ethnic chauvinism on lingual, ethnic, religious,
cultural and traditional rights of people of various communities,
nationalities and religions of Nepal and thereby hindered the
natural development of genuine national unity and power.
Therefore, the New Democratic revolution needs to lay the
foundation of a consolidated national unity on the basis of
equality and freedom in accordance with the right of nations to
self-determination.
D. Following the denial of minimum political rights to information

and activities by the Rana regime for a long time, and very
delicate and fragile economic base of other classes, except the
feudal and bureaucratic and comprador classes, the class-base
and identity of political parties have not been very strong
and mature. This is what has caused the formation of and
disappearance of many political parties from 1950 onwards and
trend of making drastic changes even in the basic policies now
and then. Political difference between the Party of the proletariat
and the elements that represent the feudal and comprador
and bureaucratic capitalist classes is evident. Political fluidity
resulting from the fluidity of economic class base does not only
exist in a Party of the proletariat but also poses a great threat to
it. Therefore, the Party should always make efforts and struggle
to be flexible with due consideration to the fluidity of other
political groups and to protect itself from its influence.
E. The major subjective factor behind the failure in making due

political advancement even after the continuous struggle of
the Nepalese people since around 1950 and their dedication,
devotion and sacrifices displayed in them, is nothing but
the reformism and revisionism dominant in the Nepalese
communist movement. The main characteristic of the Nepalese
revisionism has been the deviation from the historical need
of leadership of the proletariat in the bourgeois democratic
revolution. It always harped on the policy of following various
groups of reactionary classes, instead of developing independent
revolutionary struggle for the workers and peasants under the
leadership of the proletariat with the question of seizing state
power in command. Eventually, the reactionaries have always
been successful to betray the people. After the launching of
People’s War led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist),
things have changed qualitatively.
On the Synthesis of the Nepalese Communist Movement

We have been incessantly discussing and making evaluations of the
development process of the Nepalese communist movement. Our
sole objective in doing so is to overcome revisionism by scientifically
synthesizing the history with Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the
new consciousness of class struggle and to guarantee the victory of
revolution by accelerating the process of revolutionary polarization.
For this we have been stressing on making ideological and political
line the basis for the evaluation, because we consider our starting
point the scientific conclusion that ideological and political line
determines everything. Because of new consciousness that goes
on synthesizing together with the growth of the revolutionary
movement and the need of acceleration of the movement, we need
to make such observations repeatedly.
We have regarded the founding of Communist Party of Nepal,

which was inspired by international and national contemporary
revolutionary movements, as an historical event of far-reaching
significance. Also, we consider the preliminary declaration, policy
and programme of the Party on democratic revolution against
feudalism and imperialism basically correct. But later, the Party
leadership deviated from its basic principles of its declaration,
policy and programmes. The main factor for this has been the
nonproletarian petty-bourgeois thinking of the leadership, as
stated by the Party. Emerging in the First Congress of the Party
in 1953 and getting well-organized and come into open in
1955, this petty-bourgeois reformism remained dominant in the
Nepalese communist movement for decades as tailism. Giving up
the necessity of developing independent revolutionary struggle
on the basis of the leadership of the proletariat and unity of the
workers and peasants in the bourgeois democratic revolution,
has been the main characteristic of the Nepalese revisionism. It
violated fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on
proletarian leadership in the bourgeois democratic revolution and the
characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution.
As a consequence, the Party changed into a device to make reforms

and fulfill the strategic objectives of various reactionary groups.
The impact of international communist movement, mainly that of
India, may be taken as another reason for this. It is notable that
Communist Party of India had decided, on the advice of Stalin,
to withdraw the historic Telangana armed struggle. A revisionist
thinking of regarding protracted People’s War as an ‘ultra-leftism’ had
developed among the leaders of the Party. Communist movement is
an international movement. So it is but natural that ups and downs in
the international movement influence the Communist Party of every
country. On top of it we should not forget the influence to be generated
by continuous relations between the communists of India and Nepal.
Thus, when the Party leadership was entrapped in tailism abandoning
the necessity of proletarian leadership in the democratic movement,
the Khruschovian revisionism emerged in Russia as modem
revisionism with parliamentary theory of peaceful transition in the
international communist movement. As expected, it had a serious
impact on the Communist Parties all over the world. This dreadful
international revisionism helped the revisionism developing in the
Party leadership in Nepal to grow more blatantly and rapidly. It is
then that the Rayamajhi trend emerged as naked capitulationism.
When the Communist Party of China led by Mao upheld the
banner of struggle against Khruschovian revisionism, debate on
ideological and political line began in Nepal, too. The international
communist movement was clearly seen divided into two camps:
the Khruschovian revisionist trend and Maoist revolutionary trend.
In the beginning, Com. Pushpa Lal Shrestha played an important
role for an organized and systematic dissemination of the Maoist
revolutionary political trend. (Please note that he had been opposing
the revisionism developed within Rayamajhi, Manmohan, etc.
right from the First Congress but he lacked strategic and tactical
clarity required to break off decisively with revisionism and
lead the revolutionary movement). Shortly thereafter, the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution against the bourgeois revisionists
was launched in China under the leadership of Mao shaking
the whole world. Naturally, the great revolution had its direct
influence in Nepal, too. It played an important role in generating
waves of zeal among the youths, students and revolutionaries.
Actually, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and Mao’s
struggles against Khruschovian revisionism had provided a solid
ground for reorganizing the Party in Nepal on the basis of a
revolutionary line. Right then, attempts for the same were made
from various angles. Among them, the attempts made by Pushpa
Lal through Gorakhpur Conference, by the Central Nucleus in
1970 and by young revolutionaries through Jhapa revolt, are the
most important ones. All these three attempts carried similar
basic principles in them, like accepting Marxism-Leninism and
Mao Thought as guiding principles, supporting Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution and opposing Khrushchovian revisionism,
completing New Democratic revolution under the leadership of
the proletariat against feudalism and imperialism, necessity of
armed struggle to make the revolution a success, and, therefore,
that period of history particularly draws the attention of all
revolutionary communists today. The principal question we should
specially pay our attention to is: in spite of the great international
environment of Mao and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
in China, and ideological similarities in all the three attempts
mentioned above, why could not there be a single united Party?
On the basis of our present experience and thinking, we firmly opine
that a single united Party could be formed at that time and should
have been. If it had been so, the condition of the Nepalese communist
movement and people’s revolution would certainly have been in a
higher stage. Hence, it becomes the duty of sincere communists
of the country to endeavor to seriously think over and study that
period of history, and link the disconnected chains. We, as a Party
that has been leading the great People’s War, are committed to make
the most responsible initiatives to discharge our duty. At the same
time, we appeal to all sincere and genuine communists scattered in
various groups to deeply ponder over the issue and create new waves
of polarization.
As far as the question relating to the main hurdle in the Party unity
at that time is concerned, we should look for it in the ideological and
political line and working style of the then leadership concerned.
Thus, despite lacking in experience and containing some element
of mechanicalism in thinking, the Co-ordination Centre emerged
together with the Jhapa revolt was much more correct and superior
to others in the ideological and political line, mainly in revolutionary
spirit. It had upheld the banner of revolt, in accordance with the spirit
of GPCR, against revisionism that was dominant in the Party since
1953. It had been striking at veiled revisionism, that is, revolutionary
in words but revisionist in practice. Therefore, the Jhapa revolt has
occupied a historical place of pride in the Nepalese communist
movement. The Jhapa revolt had, in essence, played the same role in
the Nepalese communist movement as what the Naxalite revolt had
done to expose revisionism in the Indian communist movement and
establish the universal contributions of Mao. Therefore, the Jhapa
revolt can’t be accused of splittism. In fact, it had provided a ground
for unity of the revolutionaries.
From the perspective of ideology, political line and commitment

to the goal, the efforts of Puspa Lal in reorganizing the Party also
had been positive. Indeed, the ideas and political line of Pushpa Lal
have helped, in totality, the revolutionaries, and not the revisionists.
Pulling him to the revisionist camp by the revisionists is nothing
but sheer dishonor to him. His works and contributions such as
the dissemination of Marxism, historical leading role in founding
the Communist Party, view on the proletarian leadership in the
bourgeois democratic revolution, devising preliminary manifesto,
policy and programme, emphasis on revolutionary peasants struggle,
continuous stand for republican system, view on protracted People’s
War, opposition to modem revisionism and support to universal
contributions of Mao, dedication for revolution throughout his life,
genuine effort to materialistically explain the history of Nepal, etc.
prove the fact that Pushpa Lal Shrestha was a sincere communist
leader of the Nepalese communist movement. Since the communist
revolutionaries have degraded him as a rightist, the revisionists could
dare to distort his contributions and thereby use them for their own
vested interests. Definitely, he suffered from some ideological and
some circumstantial weaknesses. Of them, a liberalist weakness in
practical implementation of political line, mechanical materialist
weakness in the analysis of class character of Nepali Congress, lack
of seriousness about total planning for the development of armed
struggle and people’s army are the major ones. But these mistakes
alone do not suffice to label him as a rightist in the relative context
of that time. In comparison to his total contributions, his errors
stand far below and, in all, in spite of some weaknesses, he was a
sincere communist leader. Therefore, the communist revolutionaries
of today should firmly struggle against the revisionism of various
forms, but with the same essence, which either uses his personality
for lowly parliamentary interests, or defaces him by declaring him as
an agent, renegade and rightist, and, must honor Com. Pushpa Lal
without any hesitation.
At that time, the Central Nucleus was ideologically in the most

ambiguous and disputable state. Firstly and most importantly, the

Nucleus was completely unclear about the Russian model of general
armed insurrection and the Chinese model of protracted People’s
War in regard to the New Democratic Revolution and armed
struggle and this represented eclecticism. Secondly, it declared the
New Democratic Revolution as the maximum programme and
presented the Government of Patriotic and Democratic Forces
as the minimum programme as regards to the principal political
line and, thereby, displayed a kind of neo-revisionism. Thirdly, at
that time, it assailed, theoretically, Pushpa Lal and Jhapa rebels,
and practically, Nepali Congress and thereby, helped autocratic
monarchy and the then Panchayat dictatorship. Fourthly, as regards
to the principal contradiction, it declared equal contradiction
of the Nepalese people with both domestic reaction and Indian
expansionism, and, thereby, indirectly, blunted the struggle against
the Panchayat autocracy. In totality, the thinking of Manmohan
and Mohan Bikram at that time would ideologically represent
eclecticism, neo-revisionism and pro-king line in the Nucleus. It
is to be remembered that Manmohan played main role in turning
the Party towards the revisionist and pro-king direction right from
the First Congress. Besides, Mohan Bikram also would advocate in
favour of the king. If they talked about Mao and armed struggle,
it was merely a cover to conceal their revisionism. But later,
Manmohan disliked even that cover, exhibited naked revisionism
and pro-king thinking and turned completely passive. But, Mohan
Bikram actively embellished this eclectic neo-revisionism with
revolutionary phrases and institutionalized it through the Fourth
Congress. It created an enormous ideological confusion in the
Nepalese communist movement for over a decade. The only positive
aspect of the Fourth Congress was the correct analysis of the class
character of Nepali Congress. But it should not be forgotten that in
doing so, the then leadership of the Fourth Congress was motivated
by the objective of opposing the revolutionaries and not by any
revolutionary objective. It is evident in Mohan Bikram’s policy and
conduct towards parliamentarism and Congress fascism today1.
The above mentioned state of ideological and political line and
working style make it clear that what struck at the possibility of
formation of a unified Party on the basis of revolutionary political
line developed by the influence of the GPCR in China was none
but the eclectic neo-revisionist line institutionalized by Manmohan,
Mohan Bikram and, principally, the Fourth Congress led by Mohan
Bikram. This is the most splittist line of the Nepalese communist
movement. The books such as “The Renegade Pushpa Lal” and
“Refutation of the Ultra-leftist Thoughts” written by Mohan
Bikram from the neo-revisionist angle were mere devices to hit at
the possibility of Party unity.
It is true that in the beginning, a large section of the sincere

revolutionaries ignorant of political line had been united under the
banner of Fourth Congress due to the so-called personality of Mohan
Bikram, revolutionary phrases and eclectic politics with double
meanings. Revolutionaries including immortal martyr Com. Azad
had made efforts to explain and apply it in their areas as per their
revolutionary objectives. But, without overcoming the eclectic neo-
revisionism existing in the basic ideological and political line, the
revolutionary spirit, intention and attempt to partially correct it alone
could not resolve the problems and they were not. As was inevitable,
the Mohan Bikram trend unleashed a series of splits inside the
Fourth Congress. Wherever this trend prevails, it is bound to recur.
When the internal struggle was intensified in Nepal after the end
of possibility of formation of a unified Communist Party on the
basis of correct line at a very crucial bend of history, Mao died
in China. Within one month thereafter, bourgeois revisionists

conspiratorially seized the state power in China . Naturally, it had
extremely negative impact all over the world and in the Nepalese
communist movement as well. It consequently led the leadership
of the then Marxist-Leninist group , which had been vacillating
after the severe setback of Indian Naxalite movement following
the death of Charu Majumder, to revisionism. But the Fourth
Congress opposed the counterrevolution in China and led the
Nepalese revolutionaries to rebel against revisionism. With this
historical event, on the one hand, the M-L group which emerged
from the Jhapa revolt and led the revolutionary trend in the
Nepalese communist movement for about one decade degenerated
into revisionism and gathering all new and old revisionists has now
turned into the gendarme of the state and system of the feudal
and comprador and bureaucratic capitalists, and, on the other, the
sincere and genuine revolutionaries of the Fourth Congress fighting
against and rebelling from old and new revisionism, devising correct
ideological and political line, and uniting all the revolutionaries,
have been leading the great People’s War in Nepal today. Moreover,
they are resolutely marching forward to rejoin the disconnected
chains of history with initiative for revolutionary polarization
and to make the New Democratic Revolution in Nepal a success.
At last, while synthesizing the Nepalese communist movement, it
can be said that it is marching forward by forging new unity on a new
basis in accordance with the dialectical principle of unity-struggle-
transformation, or thesis-antithesis-synthesis. The founding of the
Party, its preliminary manifesto, policy and programme was unity
or thesis. In the process of development, various trends, internal
conflicts, ups and downs, splits and factions was struggle or anti-
thesis in the Nepalese communist movement. The great People’s
War led by CPN (Maoist) going on for 5 years is a manifestation
of the transformation and synthesis or a new unity on a new basis.
The whole process of the Nepalese communist movement can also
be seen as a negation of negation. The initial correct policy of the
Party was negated by the revisionism and later the revisionism by
the correct revolutionary policy, and, eventually, the great process
of People’s War emerged. But it would be against the dialectical
principle of development to understand or take it as perfect and
final. The process of unity-struggle-transformation will continue.
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism has provided us with a key to handle
this dialectical process of development in favour of the proletariat
and lead mankind to the apex of communism.
Additional Points on the Party History and the Process of eological

Synthesis Today we are synthesizing our ideas in the background
of the experiences of 5 stormy years of the great People’s War.
After the death of Mao and counter-revolution in China thereafter,
the international communist movement had to face an extremely
strenuous and challenging situation. Consequently, revisionism
turned dominant all over the world.
Imperialism and revisionism intensified their assault on the universal

contributions of Mao in the science of proletarian revolution and
achievements of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. This
situation was like a situation of life and death struggle for the genuine
revolutionaries of the world. In this hard and complex situation, the
proletarian revolutionaries of the world including Nepal had been
upholding the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and GPCR,
and conducting ideological struggle against world revisionism
including the Chinese one. This struggle led to the formation of
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). This inspired
the People’s War in Peru and armed struggles of people accelerated
under the leadership of communist revolutionaries in various
countries of the world. In this context, RIM Committee kept on
playing important role in synthesizing experiences of the world and
disseminating experiences of the parties through great ideological
struggles against centrist revisionism and rightist liquidationism of
various types in the international communist movement. Among
all of them, those of People’s War in Peru initiated by Communist
Party of Peru led by Com. Gonzalo had been the highest and most
important. Also, the document and articles written and prepared
by Revolutionary Communist Party, USA and its Chairman Bob
Avakian played an important role in lifting the debate to a new
height. At the same time, positive and negative experiences of
armed struggles in various countries including Turkey, India, the
Philippines, Bangladesh, Iran had been the agenda for direct debates
and interactions.
In spite of serious setbacks and losses in the developing international

communist movement by the capture of the leaders including
Com. Gonzalo in Peru by the enemies, and capitulationist rightist
opportunism emerged simultaneously with the conspiracy of the
enemies, the struggles waged by Communist Party of Peru, RIM
and revolutionaries of other countries of the world raised the
understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to another new
height in the later period.
The international reality that the later two decades of our Party
history have been closely linked with the international communist
movement, which had played a significant role in the preparation
of the great People’s War, its launching and development, shows
the importance of our ideological synthesis. This makes it clear that
we are not only synthesizing application of Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism in the particular context of Nepal but also the international
communist movement to some extent. This process of synthesis
grows much more serious and responsible particularly when the
international importance of the People’s War initiated after drawing
lessons, mainly from Peru after the great setback to the People’s War
there, is naturally evident.
A. Struggle Against Neo-Revisionism of the Fourth and Fifth

Congress and Party Unity
It has been already mentioned above about the first three decades
of the Party in reference to the Nepalese communist movement.
We, therefore, concentrate on the struggle against eclectic neo-
revisionism of the Fourth Congress and growth of ideological and
political line. Please remember that at the end of the analysis of the
line of Fourth Congress, it is stated, “It is true that in the beginning,
a large section of the sincere revolutionaries ignorant of political
line had been united under the banner of Fourth Congress due to
so-called personality of Mohan Bikram, revolutionary phrases and
eclectic politics with double meanings”.
Revolutionaries including immortal martyr Com. Azad had made

efforts to explain, and apply it in their areas as per their revolutionary
objectives. But without overcoming the eclectic neo-revisionism
existing in basic ideological and political line, the revolutionary
spirit, intention and attempt to partially correct it alone could not
resolve the problems and they were not resolved. Another aspect to
pay attention to is that the rightist reformists had also been united, as
is natural, inside the Party as a result of the eclectic neo-revisionism
of the Fourth Congress. When the revolutionaries started explaining
the line in a revolutionary manner, the rightists, as an inevitable
reaction to it, put forward reformist explanation of it as suited
to their interests. Mohan Bikram Singh, the chieftain of Fourth
Congress line, came forward to stand against the reformist line
sincerely led by Nirmal Lama and co. by displaying some mysterious

revolutionary hypocrisy like the ‘Tiger cave’ (i.e. a guerrilla training
camp-tr.) and intensifying his eclectic neo-revisionism with a design
to salvage his sagging ‘image’. It seemed there existed three trends,
though there were only two in essence. It was not possible for the
sincere revolutionaries to fight firmly on the basis of ideological and
political line against Mohan Bikram’s neo-revisionism. As a result
there was no solid ground for unity of the revolutionaries. In this
situation, the Fifth Congress was convened.
During the Fifth Congress, several sincere and genuine revolutionaries

were also illusioned and divided, though they were in the majority,
in the Central Committee and in the house. Because the discussions
were focused only on issues like ‘hiding the mistakes’, and ‘sexual
scandal’, instead of ideological and political line, and Mohan
Bikram presented himself as the principal planner and author
of the documents that disguised neo-revisionism as theoretical
struggle against centrism. The expulsion of Mohan Bikram from
the Congress hall on the charge of indiscipline in sexual conduct,
for which any action against him could have been taken whenever
required, before or after the Congress, undermined the ideological
and political status of the Congress, on the one hand, and, on
the other, helped him to draw attention and sympathy of several
sincere revolutionaries. Since there was no struggle on ideological
and political basis, clear and firm view could not be formed even
inside the Party. Eventually, the leadership of the majority was
constituted as proposed by the minority. Because of serious
weakness of the majority group and the Congress, Mohan Birkram
was successful in confusing several sincere revolutionaries, and
preparing a separate group, and to split the Party within one year.
It is to be noted that in the Congress, present General Secretary of the
Party, Com. Prachanda, had, on behalf of the majority side, vigorously

assailed Mohan Bikram declaring, for the first time, that the question
of his sexual conduct is minor but major question is serious deviation
in his outlook and political line. Com. Prachanda had prepared
a document enlisting Mohan Bikram’s ideological and political
deviations, which of course, was not likely to be adopted officially.
But that note was handed over to the then elected General Secretary
Com. Kiran. Afterwards, young revolutionary comrades including
Com. Badal had made attempts to advance the discussions based
on ideology. The fierce attack on Mohan Bikram’s ideological and
political line, however, could not unite all sincere revolutionaries
because it was not well-organized and developed to the level
of a correct line, but the discussions created a new wave and
indicated future possibility of formation of revolutionary
thought against eclectic neo-revisionism of Mohan Bikram.
Though ideological and political line was the same, the Party
split after one year as stated above. As a matter of fact, the split
played an important role negatively in the ideological development.
A period of four years thereafter, in which Com. Prachanda had
discussions, interactions, joint works, studies and organizational
activities with other young revolutionary comrades including Com.
Kiran and Com. Badal, was extremely fruitful for the ideological
development of Com. Prachanda. He played an active and
leading role in laying the foundation for ideological and political
development of far-reaching importance by grasping and expressing
the guiding principles as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, changing the
reformist view on political power, determining the basic nature of
protracted People’s War and organization and struggle, linking the
reactionary election with the need of the People’s War, emphasizing
all activities of organization and struggle with the preparation of
People’s War in command, changing the eclectic view on principal

contradiction, defining rural class-struggle and four preparations
and engaging in the preparation of armed guerrilla warfare, stressing
on the Party unity and new polarization declaring that the splits
in the past were not on the ground of ideology and politics, etc.
It is to be noted here that the progress in the ideological and political
line expresses its complete splitting away from the original line of the
Fifth Congress and both Mashals formed after the split. This new
line, in fact, expresses the synthesis of the experiences basically of
the whole Nepalese communist movement, not only of a particular
group, and to some extent, of the international communist
movement. Indeed, Com. Prachanda was selected for the post
of General Secretary of Mashal for his active and leading role in
developing a new line2. In the context of evolution of this line, there
was a long and fierce struggle against rightist opportunism in the
Mashal. As the ideological and political line determines everything,
the new line led the leadership to the realization that it was essential
to unite all communist revolutionaries on a new basis, to further
improve it and establish it among the people. This consciousness
inspired one to realize the fact that the People’s War in Nepal could
not advance under the leadership of a particular group alone split
on non-political basis in the past. Consequently, in a propitious
environment created after the historic people’s movement in 1990,
a concrete and conscious initiative for Party unity was advanced
under the leadership of Com. Prachanda. Ultimately, Party unity
took place with its own originality, particularity and complexity3. In
the Unity Congress, the line led by Com. Prachanda was extensively
refined and established by conscious efforts of all unified communist
revolutionaries. It boldly overcame the liquidationism that had
entered into the unity process with a rightist reformist objective.
After the split, as stated above, the Mashal led by Mohan Bikram did

not attempt to transform and develop the ideological and political
line, it rather took a more rightist form. Measures like conspiracy,
suppression, disciplinary actions etc. began to be used against the
sincere revolutionaries who emphasized on advancing the Party
towards the revolutionary direction. Nevertheless, revolutionary
struggle against rightist neo-revisionism of the leadership continued
further. But, as was natural, it was impossible to defeat the revisionism
of the Nepalese communist movement, which had seized the main
leadership from inside, and to lead the whole group towards the
revolutionary direction, and it didn’t happen either. Eventually, as
expected, the process of revolt by the revolutionaries against rightist
neo-revisionism of Mohan Bikram followed after some time. In this
regard, the very first revolt was by Dynamic Youth League under the
leadership of Com. Anukul and others. This faction joined itself in
the process of refining the line developing within the Mashal.
The second great revolt took place under the leadership of Com.
Sheetal Kumar and Com. Jeetbir etc. and a new Communist
Party of Nepal (Mashal) was formed. After the historic
people’s movement in 1990, it joined the unity process and
participated in refining and establishing the line led by Com.
Prachanda, and in defeating the rightist liquidationism. We
will discuss later about another significant revolt in the group
led by Mohan Bikram, and Party unity with the rebel Mashal.
The fact that the former Fourth Congress and Proletarian Workers’
Organization had also joined the historical unity process is well
known. In this context, what is important is that the revolutionaries
associated with former Proletarian Workers Organization rebelled
again from the Unity Centre formed by the rightist liquidationist
after their expulsion from the Party, and they joined the Party unity
again and are actively working for the cause of great People’s War.
B. Struggle Against Rightist Liquidationism and Evolution of
Strategy and Tactics of the Nepalese People’s War.
After the adoption of revolutionary political line by the Unity Congress

following the collective efforts of all communist revolutionaries, the
reformist and liquidationist group led by Nirmal Lama, Rup Lal etc.
began laying hurdles on the way when the line was to be applied into
practice. It was crystal clear that the line could not be implemented
unless a decisive struggle was launched against the reformist and
liquidationist trend that wanted to turn the limited use of the
first parliamentary election held in a particular situation, after the
historical people’s movement in 1990, into parliamentarism. This
liquidationist clique was maintaining unholy alliance with some evil
elements outside the Party and making the application of Party line
impossible by its immoral activities such as exposing all secrets of the
Party, indulging in open groupism and conspiracy. After strenuous
struggle for three years after the Congress, the Party succeeded in
expelling the liquidationists and reformists from the Party under the
leadership of Com. Prachanda. Behind this success, the important
role of resistant rural class struggle developing in the Western region,
mainly in Rolpa, Rukum, should not be forgotten. The new triumph
in the parliamentary and non-parliamentary political struggle,
externally, and hard and challenging two-line struggle, internally,
remarkably developed the ideological and political maturity of the
whole party and Com. Prachanda. Thus the expulsion of rightist
liquidationists through the First National Conference opened the
practical door for the implementation of Party line. The National
Conference of the Party qualitatively increased the zeal of whole
Party and determination to implement the revolutionary Party line.
The Conference directed the Party to prepare for People’s War and
focus on its initiation. All these express the historical significance of

the First National Conference.
Shortly afterwards, an Extended Meeting of the Central Committee

was held which took an important decision to boycott the
parliamentary election and conduct primary resistance struggle.
The significance of this Extended Meeting lies in the fact that it
practically took out the Party mechanism from the parliamentary
swamp, which had been heavily polluted by parliamentarism for
four years. It is to be noted that Com. Prachanda had to work very
hard to take the Party to this stage. The role RIM committee played
in this regard is also very important. Ultimately, as per the decision,
the boycott movement turned successful with completely new
experiences of new types of resistance struggle. The success built a
concrete ground for preparation and initiation of the People’s War.
Because of its securing the highest number of seats in the so-called

parliamentary election, the extremely revisionist UML clique was
enthroned as the gatekeeper of the reactionary state. It had been
intensifying the steps of leading the whole Nepalese communist
movement to a reactionary path. This would also express, on the
one hand, the attraction of the Nepalese people to the communist
movement and, on the other, the danger of liquidation of the same.
At this very crucial juncture of the movement, the Third Extended
Meeting of the Central Committee was held, which turned out
historical and far-reaching.
The Extended Meeting and its decisions was a milestone of

historical importance, as Politburo Member Com. Jeetbir has put it
while summing it up, in the whole Nepalese communist movement
in general and in our Party history in particular. The meeting
presented a Maoist synthesis of the experiences of Nepalese history,
communist movement and armed struggle for the first time. The

historic meeting enlisted the class-analysis of Nepalese society and
its characteristics, and then on their basis devised plan for final
preparation and scientific outline of strategy, tactics, stages and sub-
stages of the Nepalese People’s War. Today the synthesis and outline
has been proved correct even by the five years of experiences of the
great People’s War and in fact represents the higher understanding
of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism developed in the whole Party and
mainly Com. Prachanda.
The meeting dropped the term ‘Unity Centre’ from the name of
the Party as it smacked of compromise and groupism and named
the Party, “Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)” in its place.
The change in the name was not a simple technical change but it
expresses, in essence, the revolutionary idea, ideological uniformity
built on the basis of development of Prachanda’s leadership and the
end of factionalism. The change manifests the historical declaration
of the Party to make GPCR against revisionism and universal
contributions of Mao the starting point of its task. It objectively and
finally expresses the new unity on new basis established in the Party.
The importance of comprehending it correctly is equally valid today
as before for the revolutionary polarisation.
After the great and historic Third Extended Meeting of the Central
Committee, the whole Party and all organizations under it involved
with full zeal and confidence for the last preparation. Inside the
Party, several training camps for the cadres were held under all
bureaus with the direct participation of the General Secretary. It
played an important role in comprehending uniformly the essence
of decisions taken by the Third Extended Meeting and in making
a firm resolution to score victory over death for the great People’s
War. The then United People’s Front led by Politburo Member
Com. Jeetbir played a historic role in spreading the essence of the
decisions of the Party and message of the final preparations to the
general masses outside the Party. Through the mass-meetings held
countrywide, appeal was made to hundreds of thousands of masses
to rise in rebellion. Moreover, Com. Prachanda, in his capacity
of in-charge of the Central Military Commission, directly led in
various technical and military trainings of primary level and the
arrangement of minimum war logistics.
After the internal and external preparations were completed, in the

last meeting of the Party Central Committee before the initiation
of the People’s War, Com. Prachanda presented a historic plan
for the initiation and the commitment of the Party. After serious
discussions, the Central Committee adopted the plan. However, it
should be noted that the Central Committee could not fully succeed
to reach the height of centralization acknowledging the role and
importance of leadership as required by the initiation of People’s
War. Instead, the discussions on it led to some doubts and coldness
among responsible comrades at the Centre. But as the leadership
was fully conscious about preventing any mistake or weakness to
occur in the commitment to the plan for initiation, it could not
create any problem.
Lastly, all the leaders and cadres of the Party left for their working
field with resolute determination to shed their blood and fight until
the victory of the people is achieved and great beacon of communism
is reached. At last, the historical day of February 13, 1996 arrived
when the revolt was thunderously launched in a cautious and
planned manner as directed by the revolutionary principles of
invincible Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the leadership of the
political vanguard of the proletariat in accordance with the distinct
condition of the country. The sentiments of the people suppressed
for thousands of years were superbly manifested through the revolt
that represented a new war in the history of New Democratic
revolution against feudalism and imperialism.
C. Struggle of the Party after the Initiation of People’s War
After having entered into the armed struggle from the peaceful one,
with a great leap, old contradictions ended and new ones emerged
which is but a dialectical principle. The initiation of great People’s
War struck the old state of the reactionaries and ‘heaven’ of their
benefactors with a powerful earthquake and posed a grave threat
to them. It rang a danger bell to the parliamentarian dream of old
and new revisionists. It created new waves of new curiosity and
attraction among the masses. But the enemies tried to nip in the
bud the great initiative of the masses and turned extremely fascist
by unleashing a reign of terror, massive arrests, suppression, raping,
torture, and genocide. The revolutionary fighters and masses set
new records of dedication, devotion, bravery and sacrifices in their
resistance. Unmasking the reactionary and revisionist hypocrisies,
the Party focused its attention on synthesizing the new situation and
devising new plans.
Even before the completion of one month, political and military goals
as specified by the First Plan were achieved. Then-after Politburo of
the Party adopted the Second Plan for People’s War presented by
General Secretary Com. Prachanda with serious evaluation of the
situation. The full meeting of the Central Committee extensively
explained the plan with some serious ideological synthesis as
complementary plan to it. With its ingenuity and grandeur, the
People’s War entered the Second year.
At the very beginning of the Second year, some highly responsible

comrades of the centre suffered from serious anarchist deviations.
The anarchism, which appeared in a very sensitive period, shocked
the whole Party. The deviation of the responsible comrades, who had
been very intimate and co-operative for the Party and movement for
two decades and played a significant role in the ideology-building
after the Party unity, damaged the natural growth of psychology of •
General Secretary himself. This unexpected central accident caused
on several occasions doubts more than necessary. In this context,
broad interactions of General Secretary with Com. Jeetbir helped in
resolving the problem. But as the whole Party was united under the
leadership of General Secretary Com. Prachanda, and the deviated
comrades had expressed their commitments to stay disciplined after
serious repentance and self-criticism, the problems were resolved in
a relatively easy way. No doubt, this event incurred a great loss to
the Party but though negatively, played an important role in the
growth of dialectical method of comprehending the inner-struggle
of the Party and dealing with it.
It helped in the development of revolutionary alertness, carefulness,

and sharpness in the whole Party. The fact that the comrades
concerned have been holding central responsibilities and working
sincerely with full zeal and self-confidence and playing significant
role in the development of the revolution displays the spirit of the
comrades concerned on the one hand and Maoist view of the whole
party and leadership on the other.
In the middle of the second year of People’s War a meeting of Party

Central Committee was held which reviewed the Second Plan and
worked out the Third. In one year of implementation of Third
Plan, political and military efficiency of the People’s War grew up
and expanded. This growth and expansion indicated a need of a
qualitative leap in the plans. At the end of this plan, the government
launched an extremely fascist and genocidal ‘Kilo-Sera-2 operation’.
Series of killings all over the country followed. Thus, the Party was
compelled to think qualitatively for both positive and negative
needs. Taking into account the seriousness of the situation, Fourth
Extended Meeting of the Party was organized on the other.
The cent percent presence of the comrade’s concerned crossing over

the fascist campaign of the enemy called ‘Kilo Sera-2’ proved the
efficiency to break the circle of the enemy. The historic nature of the
Fourth Extended Meeting lies, mainly, in developing concepts and
conditions of the growth of base area in Nepal, making Party alert
about probable reformism in the army, creating qualitativeness in the
concept of formation of people’s army, theorizing the distinct needs
of political and military intervention on local and central level in
the particularity of Nepal, and laying emphasis on the centralization
and establishment of leadership as required by the development of
People’s War etc. Also, the process of resisting against the enemy
with countrywide shock program was initiated since the Fourth
Extended Meeting.
The resolution of the Fourth Extended Meeting synthesized in the

slogan “March Forward to the Direction of Building Base area”
provided far-reaching directives for progress of total People’s war.
The decision on the centralization of the leadership is, in essence,
indivisibly associated with the great objectives of building base
area. Those decisions of Fourth Extended Meeting, which have
been proved essentially correct, indicate Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
ideology being synthesized in the Party. However, one major thing
to note here is though the Fourth Extended Meeting unanimously
adopted the resolution on centralization and establishment of the
leadership, there was no uniformity in its comprehension. Trends
to take it as a victory or defeat appeared in the Party. Some public
expressions of some responsible Comrades made the situation more
serious. Distrust and doubts started growing in the very sensitive
level of leadership in the Party. As is natural, the reactionaries
and revisionists outside the Party intensified their conspiracy and
propaganda to worsen the situation. Opportunist trends of various
kinds started activating within the Party.
Former group mentality raised its head slowly. In order to overcome

such a negative situation that lasted for about one year, and resolve
the problem through open and clear discussions, a meeting of the
Central Committee was held. Extremely serious, high and open
discussions turned the negative situation into positive one and
touching another height of dialectics it not only drew general
solution to the problem but also founded new unity on a new basis
through the process of unity-struggle-transformation. It was really
a hard blow at the face of the opportunist trend inside the Party
that did not want unity and reactionary and revisionist elements
who were dreaming of our split. The new unity founded on a new
ground through open discussions generated the self-confidence of
the leadership on the efficiency of using dialectics in the Central
Committee and the whole Party. In fact, the solution to such serious
problem reflects the height of the ideology developed in the Party.
The founding of new unity on a new basis laid a concrete ideological

and organizational ground for conducting “Rectification Campaign”
as directed by the Fourth Extended Meeting of the Central
Committee. The same meeting worked out the Fifth Plan for the
PW. The Fifth Plan period which had succeeded in lifting the whole
People’s War to a new height of development occupies an important
place in our Party history for the following reasons-
1. In the very beginning of this plan implementation, alternative

Politburo Member Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu) was martyred in
Gorkha. His great martyrdom set up new and high records of

sacrifice in the People’s War and intensified the resentment of
the masses against the enemies all over the country. It further
established the revolutionary image of the Party among the
people.
2. In the middle of the Fifth Plan “Rectification Campaign” was

conducted by the Central Committee, which strengthened
ideological and emotional unity of the Party. The campaign,
which was conducted to the lowest level, developed substantially
the ideological level and efficiency of the Party to fight against
the opportunism.
3. During this plan period, qualitatively high-level military

successes were achieved in all regions in general and the Western
region in particular. The successes achieved in the military field
and political interventions at the central level on issues including
negotiation opened the doors of new possibilities for the People’s
War.
4. At the final stage of this period, all mysteries and characteristics

of the Alok trend appearing as ‘left’ liquidationism were exposed
through strenuous and incessant efforts of Com. Prachanda and
others. Indeed, the exposure and synthesis of the Alok trend is
a great success of “Rectification Campaign” which negatively
educated, enlightened and warned the whole Party and masses.
In essence, this is yet another triumph of the proletarian line led
by Com. Prachanda.
A need of ideological synthesis of the experiences of class-struggle

and two-line struggle, together with the basic successes obtained
during the period of Fifth Plan arose. In order to meet this need, the
Central Committee decided to conduct discussion on ideological
synthesis in the Party, international communist movement and, to
a certain extent, in the masses also. A transitional plan was adopted
for a period of discussions conducted with a view to taking final
decision in the National Conference. During the implementation
of Sixth Transitional Plan, the overall situation of the country was
reviewed and a decision was taken to attack a district headquarter
in the meeting of Western Regional Bureau under the direction of
Com. Prachanda. Besides, concrete programmes for military actions
and mass-mobilization were formulated as the extension of the Sixth
Plan.
In this regard, the successful military raid on Dunai, headquarter of

Dolpa district, raised new questions in the total political scenario
of the country. This military action represents high-level military
action of universal significance among the successes gained under
the leadership of the Maoist revolutionaries after the restoration of
capitalism in China. Together with the success, the mass attraction
to the Party increased qualitatively. Contradictions and crises in
the camps of the enemies accelerated. Right then the new policy
on negotiation and united front put forward by the Party Centre
played an important role in dividing the enemies politically. The
so-called consensus of the enemies against the People’s War was
shattered by the military and political success mentioned above and,
as a matter of fact, the consensus turned (in the immediate sense)
against the fascist Girija government. The reactionary government
was ultimately compelled to stage a drama of negotiation.
The situation developed as expected by the Party centre. The

possibility of holding national programmes of the Party, army and
front in a grand manner in the political environment of negotiation
drew closer. But capitulationist cowardice of Com. Dinesh Sharma,
who was over-highlighted by the Party, had an extremely negative
impact on the total situation, which was developing in a conscious
and planned way. The Dinesh episode unmasked the governmental
conspiracy and his capitulationist thinking. Therefore, the Party
decided to expose the governmental conspiracy and expel Dinesh
Sharma from the Party. The decision indeed ended the confusion,
doubt and frustration emerged in the Party, revolutionary fighters
and masses, and generated new self-confidence. The decision to
expel Dinesh from the Party and publicly expose his capitulationist
cowardice is the manifestation of yet another success of the proletarian
line led by Com. Prachanda.
Though the Dinesh case disrupted the possibility of holding

certain programmes in a certain way by creating a certain political
environment, the party decisions taken in this regard and
countrywide military actions continued. In this context, the historic
success of nationwide general strike called by students’ fronts, and
countrywide mass meetings in third week of December last are of
great importance. Thus by the end of implementation of the
Sixth Transitional Plan, ideological development and maturity of
the Party have been further elevated, the synthesis of which should
be done from the same height.
D. Party Unity Between Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

and Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) and its Significance
On December 26, 2000 or l0th anniversary of Mao Tse-tung, the

profounder of Maoism, Party unity was held between Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist) and Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) led
by Com. Dinanath Sharma on the ground of similar ideological and
political lines. The example of revolutionary political polarization
set by Communist Party of Nepal (Mashal) forwarded under the
leadership of Com. Dinanath Sharma, a veteran, experienced and
renowned personality in the Nepalese communist movement, after

having rebelled against Mohan Bikram group’s revisionism, has,
no doubts far-reaching significance. The courage as displayed by
CPN (Mashal) with full sense of responsibility of the historical
need for revolutionary political polarization standing loyal to the
revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, at a time
when all the reactionary and new and old revisionist elements
have been intensifying their attacks on the People’s War from all
corners, shall remain unforgettable in the history of the Nepalese
revolution.
There can be no doubt that the Party unity held during the fierce
fighting of great People’s War will play a leading role in the process
of new revolutionary polarization in the Nepalese communist
movement. This unity had been entirely different from the ones
in the past in which group-oriented unity and bargaining would
be dominant. It has been a real unity of the revolutionaries from
all perspectives such as ideology, political line, and spirit. The
unity guided by high, scientific understanding that great People’s
War and the ideology upheld by its leadership are the assets of not
only a single particular group but are collective assets of the whole
international proletariat, all true and genuine revolutionaries and the
masses, expresses the first and important success gained in meeting
the objectives of ideological synthesis to link the disconnected series
of the history.
In essence, the unity has been a hard blow against reaction and
revisionism and has generated additional self-confidence and zeal
for the revolutionaries. Upholding the ideas and sentiments as
expressed in the unity process, we have to accelerate our efforts and
initiatives in order to unify the revolutionaries still caught in the
illusions of various revisionist leadership and, thereby, create new
waves of polarization, and link all disconnected chains of the history.
Without a collective effort of the revolutionaries and revolutionary
masses, no great revolution of history has been successful, nor shall
be. Great need of the revolution demands from the true and genuine
revolutionaries to be free of personal and factional conceit, and to
unite all revolutionaries and masses with a broad mind.
Present unity should be taken as a continuity of the historical Party

unity held in 1990 on the basis of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist line
developed under the leadership of Com. Prachanda in the history
of the Nepalese communist movement. The ideological synthesis
being completed in the Party will lead to a serious and responsible
initiative for another advancement in the process. We need to
seriously grasp the scientific truth that ideological and political line
determines everything. If it is correct, everything is gained but if
wrong, everything gained is lost. We can see the live picture of the
scientific truth right in front of us as produced by the fact of how the
revisionist line of Fourth Congress led to factions, conspiracies and
series of splits but, on the contrary, how the line of Unity Congress
led to unity, People’s War and series of revolution. But we should
not be conceited, or be content. Serious problems and challenges
still lie ahead of the revolution. Lack of proletarian consciousness,
tradition and working style required for the success of revolution
still exist in us. Struggle against them should be advanced. We
can serve well the world proletarian revolution by developing the
struggle, linking all disconnected chains of the Nepalese communist
movement and uniting them and making revolution successful. For
that, we must be very serious.
Present Party unity has indicated positively towards the direction

of fulfilling that historical responsibility. Now the whole Party
standing on this point of unity should unite to accomplish another
new unity on another new basis. We need to strongly grasp the ideas
and sentiments expressed in the context of unity in order to uproot
the heritage of sectarianism, conspiracy and split.
It is quite essential to particularly focus the attention of the whole

Party on the following conclusions of the total analysis made on the
international and Nepalese communist movement and Party history.
The unity in comprehending these conclusions shall determine the
level of unity of today.
1. Regarding the evaluation of Com. Stalin’s role in the international

communist movement, there are 3 different views- revisionist,
dogmatist and Maoist. Modem revisionism rejects Com. Stalin
totally, and dogmatism upholds him totally. But Maoism
evaluates him as 70 percent correct and 30 percent wrong. In
the Nepalese communist movement, however, there prevails a
unique cocktail revisionism made up of Khrushchovian modem
revisionism and Hoxaite dogmato-revisionism. Nepalese
revisionism that has been expressed as tailism abandoning the
leadership of the proletariat in bourgeois democratic revolution
holds a Hoxaist view on the question of Party. Stalin viewed and
managed the Party not as a unity of opposites but as a monolithic
and homogenous mechanism and, thereby, committed
metaphysical errors. Mao not only rejected the metaphysical
errors but also developed qualitatively Marxist-Leninist theory
of the relations of class struggle and two-line struggle and the
methodology to deal with them. But the Nepalese communist
movement neglected great contributions of Mao for a long time.
In practice, the Hoxaist trend of imitating Com. Stalin’s errors
on the question of Party remained dominant in Nepal.
Consequently, metaphysical concept of monolithic and

homogenous unity gave rise to a series of factionalist sectarianism,

splittism and conspiracy. In the Party, practice of proletarian
democracy and dialectical method of building up centralization
on its basis were encroached upon. In Nepal, the Mohan Bikram
trend has been the most glaring representative of the Hoxaite
revisionism that refuses to learn from Stalin’s mistakes.
As a result of decisive struggle against and breaking away

from such cocktail revisionism the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
conception on the question of the Party has been developed
under the leadership of Com. Prachanda. The more strongly
the Party grasps Com. Mao’s appeal to learn from Com.
Stalin’s mistake, the greater would be its capacity to lead the
revolution.
2. In the background of Great Debate with Khrushchovian

revisionism in the international communist movement and the
GPCR in China, enormous ideological basis and possibility
for building a unified Party consisting of the Pushpa Lal
group, revolutionary current of the Jhapa revolt and sincere
revolutionaries of the Fourth Congress prevailed in the Nepalese
communist movement. But the possibility was shattered and for
this, the neo-revisionist pro-King and pro-Panchayat thinking
and activities of Manmohan and Mohan Bikram were wholly and
solely responsible. This evaluation of the Nepalese communist
movement is expected to inspire all the sincere revolutionaries of
the countries, who were equally active yesterday for the cause of
revolution in different groups, to re-think .It should be clear that
this ideology-based scientific evaluation of history also expects
to unite all the disjointed chains of history for the success of
New Democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism.
Moreover, this evaluation hopes that our Party itself, which has
been leading the great People’s War, would elevate the struggle
to a new height against all kinds of factionalist sectarianism,
conceit, and splittist trends and would take serious initiatives to
unite the whole Nepalese communist movement.
3. The lesson of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and experiences of

the Party history teach us that the Party unity led by Com.
Parchanda one decade ago was a great leap in the direction of
revolution and entirely a new beginning, and not any plus-
minus change or transformation of any of the former groups
of the Nepalese communist movement. The ideological and
political line adopted by Unity Congress under the leadership
of Com. Parchanda was not a natural result of the development
of Fourth or Fifth Congress or any group under them, but
virtually it was the outcome of long struggle waged by the
revolutionaries against eclectic veiled revisionism that existed in
them and breaking away from it. The ideological and political-
line, in its essence, and in the relativity of that time, reflects
the synthesis of the experiences of the Nepalese communist
movement and, to some extent, contemporary international
communist movement. Objectively, this unity with its originality
and specificity represents, as stated above, the far-reaching,
historical and important process of linking the disjointed chains
of history. It is not a mixture of insoluble elements but a process
of chemical reactions, which produces a qualitatively different
matter. If this scientific truth is not grasped correctly, it will
be impossible to drive the chariot of revolution up to the last
destination. Distrust, doubt and petty-bourgeois sectarianism
will weaken the Party from within.
4. We learn from the experiences of the Party history that Third

Extended Meeting of the Central Committee holds historical
importance from the perspective of the developments of
indigenous ideas, strategy and tactics of the Nepalese revolution.
Evolution of the Party in the form of Communist Party of
Nepal (Maoist) and its synthesis provided the real and genuine
key to turn the strength of the Party unity into physical strength
against enemies and apply the universal principles of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism in the particularity of Nepal. The internal
and external preparation for People’s War made on this basis
laid the foundation for the historic initiation of the People’s
War. Just before the initiation, the Central Committee enlisted
commitments of the Party in accordance with the idea and
spirit of the decisions of the Third Extended Meeting. These
commitments issued fundamental directives for the distant
future of the People’s War, which has not only national but also
international significance.
5. We clearly see that all Plans, from the first one prepared for the
historic initiation of People’s War to the Sixth one, have been
proved basically correct and were implemented successfully. By
the end of the implementation of the Fifth and Sixth plans,
Dolpa military raid and its political implications, base areas
developing in the Western region and the state of the local
people’s government, countrywide military actions and mass-
mobilization, and the impact of the Party’s political intervention
at the central level, point out the fact that total People’s War has
reached a qualitative stage of development. Right here, what
should not be forgotten is the fact that behind these successes,
there have been indescribable dedication and devotion of the
leaders, cadres and revolutionary fighters of the Party and masses,
and sacrifices of lives of the thousands in the face of fascist
terror and atrocities of the reactionary state and innumerable
conspiracies of various revisionist elements. Also, it should not

be forgotten that behind the development, implementation and
success of the plans, there has been tremendous struggle against
various kinds of capitulationism and adventurism, bureaucratic
and anarchist deviations, splittist and factionalist sectarianism,
blind servility and skepticism, rightist, ‘Leftist’ and centrist
tendencies, parochialism and war-lordism, ‘left’ liquidationism,
and meanest Alok trend etc. within the Party.
The experiences and successes achieved in the internal and

external struggles have prepared the preconditions for ideological
synthesis of the Nepalese revolution. Through negative and
positive experiences of every struggle, the whole Party and its
supreme leadership have matured ideologically and politically
and definite ideas about the Nepalese revolution have developed.
We should be clear that the concretization of the ideological
synthesis has been quite essential because the Party has been
achieving successes in all the important struggles from the Party
unity till today under the leadership of Com. Prachanda.
6. The above analysis makes it clear that it is highly necessary to

learn lessons from, generally, the whole international communist
movement, and particularly, the Comintern, and positive
and negative experiences of Stalin’s role in order to advance
the revolution in any country of the world today. The Party
has attempted to evaluate the history basically relying on and
moving further ahead from Maoism and the GPCR. Hence, it
should be perfected amidst struggles with a view to advancing
the world revolution in the 21st century.

On Three Intruments of Revolution
1. On Party Building
We have been continuously struggling hard to enable the Party to

lead up to communism through democratic, socialist and cultural
revolutions in accordance with the revolutionary principles of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In this regard, the long ideological
struggle against tailist revisionism that abandons the proletarian
leadership in the bourgeois democratic revolution but was dominant
in the Nepalese communist movement, has been the most important
one. This ideological struggle is linked with the struggle against
metaphysical thinking that practices factionalism on the pretext of
monolithic unity instead of dialectical method of developing the
Party through unity of opposites and two-line struggle. Indeed, the
historic Party unity and its line led by Com. Prachanda upholding
the views of Mao on party and two-line struggle developed while
leading the GPCR divorced decisively from the tradition that
regarded faction as Party but was still dominant in the Nepalese
communist movement, and laid strong foundation for a real Marxist-
Leninist Party.
The Unity Congress set up a scientific method to conduct two-line

struggle on actual and genuine ideological and political basis instead
of hypocritical tradition of addressing the individual and factional
dispute with ideological struggle within the same revisionist line.
Accordingly, the very first struggle was with rightist revisionism that
wanted to turn the Party into a legal parliamentarian mechanism
with freedom of factionalism, and not as a unified leader of the
revolution based on a certain ideology. The strenuous ideological
struggle, which lasted for three years, and victory gained in it further
refined the concept of a militant communist Party of new type.

The entire decisions of the Third historic Extended Meeting of
Central Committee transformed the Party into a Maoist one that
was able to lead the People’s War. The Meeting strongly raised
the fact that the policy, plan and program should not be based on
gradual evolutionist concept but that of the revolutionary concept
of leap, shock, discontinuity, break up from the old etc. From the
perspective of the party building, the development of this concept
decisively hit hard at the reformist tradition and set up scientific
and revolutionary concept of unity-struggle-transformation.
The Party had been laying great emphasis on the significance of
linking the revolutionary thought, policy and program of the Party
with the general masses since the unity process. Extensive exercise
of legal and illegal, open and underground, country-wide urban
mass-struggle and rural class-struggle exemplify the specificity of
our view on Party building. In fact, this view manifests the scientific
application of the Maoist view of mass line on the Party building.
The commitments of the Party as adopted by the Central Committee

Meeting held just before the initiation of the People’s War armed the
Party ideologically against any reformist deviation likely to emerge
in the future. They have, indeed, projected the general line of the
Party up to communism. Every Party member should continuously
study and ponder over those commitments so as to draw inspirations
to lead the Party and revolution up to the ultimate destination, the
importance of which is universal.
The storms of both internal and external struggle before and

after the People’s War qualitatively changed the old structure and
working style of the Party. New and young Party members from
poor peasants, women, depressed communities, oppressed nations
and nationalities, and backward regions rapidly came out of the
crucible of the People’s War in an unimaginable number. Today
in almost all the districts of the country there are a majority of the
Party members developed in the process of the People’s War. As
Lenin had said, the process of revolution has made several old party
members to waver and even degenerate but electrified thousands of
others. Even today, the old factionalist remnants can be witnessed
in the thinking, conduct, behavior and working style of several old
Party members, but there is not even a semblance of old biases and
prejudices in the new ones. The Party honors the healthy blood
transfusions of the new members.
In the meanwhile, the historic Fourth Extended Meeting of the

Central Committee was held which took three important decisions
on Party building. They are: to conduct rectification campaign,
to centralize and establish the leadership at various levels, and
nomination of youths to the Central Committee. All these three
decisions manifest the development of Party’s Maoist view on the
leadership building. What is noteworthy here is that through these
decisions attempts have been made to implement the concepts of
Revolutionary Committees developed during the GPCR on Party
building. The Party emphasizes to institutionalize it as a scientific
method to keep the Party committees lively and healthy through
new blood transfusion by maintaining appropriate balance of
the old, adult and young revolutionaries. Firmly grasping the
principle of continuous revolution under the leadership of the
proletariat, the Party has, through the decisions, endeavored
to develop the revolutionary successors. Against bureaucratic
centralism and bourgeois anarchism, the three decisions express
high understanding of proletarian democratic centralism.
With the solution to the problem emerged in the Party centre after
Fourth Extended Meeting through open discussion, central initiative
undertaken for rectification campaign, exposure of the Alok trend,

and, lastly, expulsion of Com. Dinesh Sharma from the Party on
account of his self-protectionist cowardice and the new Party unity,
a qualitative maturity developed in understanding dialectical method
to build the Party through class-struggle and two line struggle. Due
to all these struggles and victories gained, a strong headquarter led
by Com. Prachanda developed as a core of the Party unity. On the
basis of struggle against and victory over right, ‘left’ and centrist
trends, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology was synthesized in the
HQ. To defend this HQ from the attacks of all kinds of enemies
and opportunists has been the duty of all Party members.
Nevertheless, it would be wrong to think that the progress of Party

building has been completed. According to the principle of class-
struggle and two-line struggle, new needs, problems and challenges
appear and facing them requires continuous revolutionization of the
Party. For the development and success, the Party should concentrate
on the followings:-
A. The Rectification Campaign has not been complete even

relatively. The Party must stress to give relative perfection
to it. We are afraid the campaign will be merely a formal
process of ideological interaction, and criticism and self-
criticism. The problem exists more in the upper committees
than in the lower ones, which must be ended. In fact, the
quintessence of rectification should be reflected in physical and
organizational proletarization. For this, the Party centre should
forward the process of organizational rectification and physical
proletarization with concrete plan and policy.
B. On the basis of the current new synthesis of the Nepalese and

international communist movement, the Party should accelerate
its efforts for a new revolutionary political polarization. The

Party should not underestimate that a large section of the
revolutionaries are still kept in illusion by various reactionary and
revisionist leaderships. A true revolution cannot be successful
until they are united. Without any conceit and bias, we should
continuously make serious and responsible initiatives in order
to link the disconnected chains and develop a unified Party.
C. In the Party, there has been substantial inadequacy in the

studies of history of international communist movement. As
synthesized above, it is particularly necessary to evaluate both
positive and negative experiences of international communist
movement to draw correct lessons from them for the success
of revolution in any country of the world. Hence, the Party
should increase its study and research in a planned way.
D. It is necessary to take seriously the suggestions, complaints and

criticisms of various quarters that the dealing and relation of
the Party with people has been like that of a master, instead of
servant, on several occasions and places. As per Mao’s teaching,
we should accept correct things told by even the enemies
and the Party must emphasize on standing resolutely on the
principal duty of serving the people in any difficult situation
and not imposing pressure, interference and or load of any
kind, anywhere.
E. It is essential to develop the proletarian style of simple living

and hard working. Ample economic and physical resources
centralized in the Party with the emergence and development
of the People’s War and new state power is likely to slacken
the proletarian life and working style of the cadres. Moreover,
it provides a picture of the danger of emergence of new
bureaucratic capitalist class within the Party. Hence it is

imperative that the Party should more deeply acknowledge the
experiences of Russia, China, and, mainly, GPCR and advance
the struggle against those trends.
F. Taking into account the future development of the war, more

emphasis should be given to the security of the leadership of
various levels, chiefly, the central level, and underground
structure of the Party should be made more organized and up-
to-date. Admitting the fact that our security system is not that
much scientific and strong, all Party committees should make
planned efforts to take concrete initiatives in this direction.
2. On the Formation of Army and Military Line
Synthesizing the scientific teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

on the universal character of revolutionary violence, armed struggle,
protracted people’s war and the formation of army in a class-divided
society, the debates on them in the Nepalese communist movement
and the practical experiences, the Party has been developing the
formation of People’s Army and Nepalese military line. Making
serious observation of the semi-feudal and semi-colonial situation
of Nepal, and the need of the new democratic revolution, the Unity
Congress of the Party, under the leadership Com. Prachanda,
adopted the military line of protracted People’s War, with strategic
role of base areas and guerrilla warfare based on the strategy of
encircling the city from the countryside.
After having defeated and expelled from the Party the rightist
liquidationists who slandered the military line of People’s War as
‘extremist’ and ‘militarist’, doors were opened for the development of
the strategy and tactics of People’s War. From the perspective of the
formation of army and development of military line, the decisions
synthesized by General Secretary Com. Prachanda in the Third
Extended Meeting of Central Committee hold the most significant
position. With a general review of the Nepalese history it proved the
fact that Nepalese people are used to violent struggles since long,
and there has been major role of dedication, sacrifice and violent
struggle of the people behind whatever reforms and freedom they
have been enjoying today. The Meeting presented an orientation
of future military line with an objective evaluation of the positive
and negative experience of the Nepalese communist movement
and armed struggle. Also, the Meeting drew a concrete outline of
building the army and strategy and general line of the People’s War
on the basis of evaluation and definition of class conditions and
fundamental characteristics of the Nepalese society and international
situation. Accordingly, it defined four sub-stages under the stage of
strategic defensive in the Nepalese particularity.
Opining that today the People’s War can be advanced only as a total
war and it is essential to do so, the Meeting formulated the necessary
tactical steps as follows:
“Stress on rural works, but do not leave the urban ones, too; stress
on the illegal works but don’t give up legal possibilities, too; stress on
certain strategic areas, but don’t leave other areas, too; stress on the
works of war, but don’t leave the mass-movements, too; stress on the
underground works, but don’t leave the over ground ones, too; stress
on the rural class-struggle, but don’t leave the countrywide struggles,
too; stress on the guerrilla warfare, but don’t leave the political
propaganda and exposure, too; stress on the dissemination inside
the country, but don’t leave the worldwide publicity, too; stress on
the works of the formation of army, but don’t leave the works of the
formation of fronts and other organizations, too; stress on relying on
one’s own organizations and forces, but don’t give up tactical unity
and taking support and cooperation from international community,
too”. This tactical principle was sure to provide a specific character
to the process of development of the Nepalese People’s War and the
experiences have proved its objectivity today
In accordance with the spirit of the decision of the Third Extended

Meeting, the Central Committee meeting held before the People’s
War took the hilly regions from east to west as the backbone of
People’s War and according to the economic cultural, historical
and geographical characteristics and North-South flow, Regional
Commands were specified. With a view to turning the People’s
War as a storm of the armed masses, a concrete policy of developing
the military organization in the form of Fighting Group, Defense
Group and Volunteer Group was devised at that time. As expected,
they have been developing now as people’s Main (military) Force,
Secondary Force and People’s Militia. Also, the meeting fixed quota
for military actions of various levels throughout the country. At last,
disseminating throughout the country the principal slogans like “It
is right of the people to rebel”, “ March on the path of People’s War
to establish a New Democratic state against the reactionary state”,
etc. the People’s War was initiated as a rebellion on February 13,
1996.
The balance maintained between centralized plan and decentralized

execution, countrywide actions along with focus on certain strategic
areas, political intervention at the Central level and military actions,
military activities and mass-mobilization and mass-struggles, displays
the specificity of the Party’s military strategy and tactics. After the
implementation of three plans under this process, the acceleration of
the People’s War demanded new and qualitative plans. Accordingly,
Fourth Extended Meeting of Central Committee put forward a plan
for building base areas. The Fourth Extended Meeting not only
specified conditions for building base areas, the strategic backbone
of the protracted People’s War, but also provided theoretical
explanation of guerrilla zone and base area and cautioned the
Party about possible reformism in the military field. The Meeting,
stressing most on the issue of the formation of army, developed the
concept of Main Military Force, Secondary Force, and People’s
Militia. It formulated a unified military policy of combining all
three military forces in centralized and decentralized actions as per
the need. Taking decision of far-reaching significance in military
line, the Fourth Extended Meeting divided the whole country into
proposed base areas, guerrilla zones around them, and the areas of
general actions around them, and the cities including the capital as
propaganda zones.
Strategically the decisions of the Fourth Extended Meeting have

been mainly directing all the activities up to the end of Sixth Plan.
In the background of the development of military force all over
the country, including Dolpa military raid, their influence on the
national politics and the need of facing the main military force of
the enemy, a challenge of developing a qualitative plan, in the special
context of army formation, has occurred in the Party. On the basis
of correct synthesis of the experiences of the past, the Party needs to
devise plans for future.
While synthesizing the characteristics of international and national

situation and the great People’s War today, the Party needs to
further develop its views on serious theoretical questions regarding
the military line. The question is principally centralized on the
strategies of protracted People’s War of encircling the city from the
countryside, and that of the general insurrection. It is quite clear
these two military strategies, generally known as Russian and Chinese
model of revolution, are two different strategies of two countries
with two different stages of development. But today there has been
an important, if not fundamental, change in nature of differences of
these two military strategies. Without grasping this change properly,
apt development of the formation of army and military line will be
almost impossible in any country of the world.
As a result of the end of the cold war, condition of the so-called unipolar
imperialist world, domination of imperialist capital in the oppressed
third world countries in the pretext of globalization, direct control
over the economy of every country of the third world in the pretext
of liberalization and privatization through financial institutions
such as World Bank, IMF, world military strategy prepared by the
imperialist on the basis of progress in the information technology
and science including electronics etc., it has become necessary for
the proletariat to synthesize more seriously about military strategy of
the People’s War in the 21st century. Objectively the new situation
clearly indicates the change in the nature of strategic difference that
occurred between armed insurrection and protracted people’s war
generally by the Eighties of 20th century.
There should be no confusion at all that basically the developed

imperialist countries must pursue the path of armed insurrection and
the oppressed countries of the third world that of protracted People’s
War even today. But the change occurred in the world situation as
mentioned above has created a situation that necessarily links the
characteristics of armed insurrection and protracted People’s War
with one another, and, moreover, there is a need to do so. Because
of this situation of the development, it has been almost impossible
to successfully advance the strategy of protracted PW of encircling
the city from the countryside and building base areas in any third
world country, without pursuing several characteristics of armed
insurrection from the beginning.

The military line of general armed insurrection contains some
fundamental characteristics such as continuous intervention by the
political party of the proletariat at the centre of reactionary state on
the basis of political propaganda right from the beginning, training
the masses including the workers with continuous strikes and street
struggles on the basis of revolutionary demands, developing works
in the military force and bureaucracy of the enemy in a planned way,
waging intensive political struggle against various revisionist and
reformist groups from the central level, and, lastly, seizing the central
state power through armed insurrection in appropriate international
and national situation, etc. It is evident that the proletariat of
a third world country should incorporate the above-mentioned
characteristics of general insurrection from the beginning.
What we can witness from this situation is, generally, as a result

of distinct impact on the development process of strategic stages of
the protracted People’s War and when there is no external military
intervention, the base areas should be developed and preparation
for the final insurrection should be advanced even under the stage
of strategic defense, and the stages of equilibrium and offensive are
relatively very fast, short and insurrectionist. The seriousness of this
subject can be understood in the background of the latest setback to
the Peruvian People’s War. In case of external military intervention,
it will turn into a national war and even then its development process
will basically follow the same direction.
When we view the experiences of the Nepalese People’s War, a

distinct manifestation of this process can be seen. Continuous
political intervention in the central reactionary state, incessant strikes
and street struggles, and other mass-movements by various classes
of the people, political propaganda against various revisionist and
opportunist elements, rebellion-like initiation of the People’s War,
countrywide shock-program, general strikes, and, simultaneously,
military actions, army formation, and development of base areas
and military line etc. make clear the distinct relation between the
two strategies. Therefore, what can be pronounced clearly is that
protracted People’s War can be advanced and army formation and
base areas may be developed qualitatively, only by raising the strategies
of preparation for the insurrection to a new height. It is guided not
only by the particularities of the national situation of Nepal but
also by that of the international situation. Hence, the importance
of the synthesis will be not only national but also international.
The international situation and development of South Asian and
world revolution, which we have discussed above, point towards the
same conclusions. In fact, it is impossible to move forward without
developing highly centralized and offensive political and military
plans against the enemy under every Plan. From this perspective, the
Party needs to develop qualitative military plan against the enemy
by integrating the preparation for the insurrection.
For this, central military HQ and general staff should be developed

in order to mobilize the people’s army of the country under an
integrated and centralized command and a provision for handling all
activities of defense and offense should be ensured. The Party Central
Committee shall pursue a distinct mechanism to institutionalize
the process with a central nomenclature, which will elevate the
development of army formation and military line to a new height.
3. On the New Democratic State and Development of the

United Front
It is the characteristics of the Nepalese revisionism to speak

of united front without making the development of independent
revolutionary struggle led by the proletariat a starting point. In the

course of struggle, the revolutionary concept of the Party concerning
the united front has been developing against such revisionism. The
question of political power is the central question of the revolution. If
struggle is not waged for the sake of state power, the development of
genuine revolutionary united front becomes impossible. In the New
Democratic Revolution proletarian leadership and joint democratic
dictatorship of the people on the basis of worker-peasants alliance
is the only class ideological basis for state and united front. The
doors of its development opened only after the party led by Com.
Prachanda grasped firmly the above-mentioned fundamental Maoist
concept. This concept has established the scientific proposition that
prior to the initiation of war the aims of all sorts of organizations and
struggle should be to assist for its preparation and after the initiation
of war for the purpose of serving it.
For the first time after the historic initiation of People’s War in
Nepal, the question of state power and united front required a creative
development as per its particularity. Along with the study of total
nature of its impact in less than one year of People’s War, the Party
proceeded by adopting the resolution presented by Com. Prachanda
that the New Democratic state in Nepal shall take the form of a
class, national and regional United Front under the leadership of
the proletariat. The theoretical essence of this concept is inherent in
the necessity of integrating the national liberation movement in the
proletarian movement as stated by Com. Lenin and Com. Mao. In
fact this concept expresses the creative development of the principle
regarding revolutionary united front in the particular social structure
of Nepal and India where Hindu feudal high-caste chauvinism is
dominant.
With the beginning of the Second year, the People’s War created a
situation of power vacuum, mainly in Western Nepal and in various
rural areas. In this situation, through its Third Plan the Party took
some concrete decisions to exercise local people’s power in the form
of United People’s Committees. United Front in Nepal obtained
practical shape in the form of concrete expression of the state power
from below through the development of local United People’s
Committee and the process of formation of various national and
regional fronts on the basis of the recognition of the right of oppressed
nations to self-determination and program of national autonomy.
Central political intervention, countrywide mass-mobilization and
development process of people’s struggle in various forms are other
specificities that should not be lost sight of.
In the Fourth Extended Meeting of Central Committee, the Party,

synthesizing the above-mentioned total situation, as proposed by
Com. Prachanda, propounded concrete policies for the defense,
consolidation and extension of local New Democratic power
founded in the Nepalese particularity. The dialectical relationship
between central United Front for the central political intervention
and local United Front in the process of exercising state power was
defined accordingly. According to this definition it was clarified
that it was essential to develop a United Front that emphasizes on
developing a structure of local democratic state power from village
through ilaka (area) up to the base area level, and at the central level,
too, one that plays the role of an embryonic state for the defense,
development and co-ordination of the local people’s power.
According to the ideas developed by the Fourth Extended Meeting,

today, in Western zones, open state power at various district levels
and undeclared one in base area level is being exercised. A situation
of preliminary exercise of people’s power at various levels under all
of the regional commands has been developed. Development of
various nationalities fronts is taking place gradually. At the same
time, the Party’s political intervention against the old state from
the central level is rising constantly up to the level of ‘dialogue’,
‘constitution’ and ‘United Revolutionary Government’.
It is now imperative to think qualitatively about the above-

mentioned experiences as developed by the People’s War and the
current national and international situation as synthesized above.
The experience has made it explicit that both the strategic process
of people’s power and United Front and the tactical steps as it’s
complementary needs to be elevated to a new height.
Strategically, the development of revolutionary United Front as an

Organizing Committee of New Democratic Government for the
co-ordination of entire local people’s power and base areas and an
organized political offensive against the enemy is quintessential.
Defending the achievements of the PW, this sort of Government will
follow the process of preparing the masses for general insurrection
taking into consideration the characteristics of current international
and national situation. The Organizing Committee of the New
Democratic Government led by the proletariat and founded on
local people’s state power and base areas shall take the form of a
class, national and regional United Front against feudalism and
imperialism. According to the New Democratic program it would
be primary agenda of the new government to formulate concrete
policy, rules and laws about all aspects of nationality, democracy
and livelihood and implement them in base areas and local state
power, and to take a firm initiative to develop struggle in other areas
on their basis. The new Government Organizing Committee will
develop various central departments and ministries as per need in
order to meet the purpose. As a legal representative of the Nepalese
people this Organizing Committee will emphasize on developing
national and international relations and publicity. While making

such a strategic front, special importance should be given to the
patriotic trend in accordance with the historical characteristics of
Nepal. Party Central Committee will issue concrete policy and
directives in order to undertake the tasks mentioned above.
Apart from the development of the above-mentioned strategic

process of the state and UF, the Party under the leadership of Com.
Prachanda has been developing tactical theory on the questions
of utilizing the contradictions among the enemies, developing
the tactical united front to centralize attacks on the main enemy,
building people’s broad national unity against the so-called national
consensus of the enemy, etc. Unless the importance of the tactical
theory is grasped properly and a proper attention is paid to its
total development, the achievement of the strategic goal becomes
impossible. The development process of tactical theory expresses, in
essence, the capacity of the Party under the leadership of Comrade
Prachanda to apply the dialectical and historical materialism in
the Nepalese context. The importance of this tactical theory has
increased greatly in the current imperialist world situation and the
condition of universal defeat faced by the proletariat in the struggle
for state power today.
The development of Party’s tactical theory is being expressed in the

series of tactical United Fronts from top to bottom in order to attract
broad masses in the revolution, handling process of the weapon
of negotiation, debate on making a new people’s constitution,
slogan of United Revolutionary Government, discussions with
various political parties, social organizations, institutions and
national personalities, coordination of central and local struggles
of different mass organizations, method of study and utilization of
contradictions within the enemy and opportunist groups for the
benefit of the movement, etc. Its use according to new necessity
would be discussed in future plans.
4. On Party Mass-line
Acknowledging the well-known Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principle,

“The People are the creators of history”, the Party has been
developing total mass line in accordance with the particularity of
Nepal. Synthesizing the historical process of general mass rebellion,
the Party has laid great emphasis on organizing the aspirations for
rebellion of the masses. It is revisionism to speak of mass mobilization
and mass line without a political goal to seize state power by means
of PW. Virtually, revolutionary mass line of our Party is inseparably
linked with the tough ideological struggle against revisionism deeply
rooted in the Nepalese Communist movement that talks of the so-
called mass struggle on the basis of reformist demand revolving
around the old reactionary state . The revolutionary mass line started
to speed up only after the revolutionary line led by Com. Prachanda
was modified, adopted and established by the Unity Congress.
Development of this line gave a forceful blow to the decades-old

reformism that had been deceiving the masses by misusing mass
rebellion and their aspirations for total change, for ordinary reform
or minor cosmetic change within the reactionary old state. This
signified that the mass line before the initiation of PW meant
preparing for the PW and afterwards rendering service to the PW.
In the context of developing Party mass line the struggle against
sectarian dogmatism, that undermines the scientific truth, ‘trust
the masses and be in the midst of the masses in the harsh hours’,
cannot be forgotten either. Because of the attempts to grasp deeply
the Maoist idea of mass line, the Party did not have to face isolation
from people in the harsh moments. Hence the Party has been ever
laying emphasis upon the conception that correct line always exists
for the supreme cause of the people and the line cannot be correct
unless it merges with the supreme cause of the people.
The mass line of Party has been based on the dialectical inter-
relation between preparing ground for initiation of PW through mass
struggle and mass mobilization of various forms before the initiation
and greater mass mobilization through it after the initiation and it
has been elevated to newer heights through constant development.
To seize the state power by revolutionary violence has become the
main objective of mass work set by the Party today. In accordance
with this, military organization of various levels has been the main
form of organization and military actions at various levels the main
form of struggle. Development process of armed masses as the main,
secondary and basic forces and the diversity of guerrilla actions
elucidate it.
The Party has been laying emphasis constantly on the task of the
development of people’s struggle and various people’s organization
on the basis of various demands along with the development of this
main form of organisation and struggle, as an important part of
mass-line. The basic policy of the Party is to accelerate this process
with an objective of organizing general masses. In this regard, in
base areas proposed today mainly in Western region, the task of
organizing general masses in any of the organizations is being done
as per need. For us, it is essential to urge constantly to put into
practice the scientific exhortation that ‘organized mass is the iron
fort in the struggle against enemy’.
Taking into consideration the class specificity of the definition

of the people according to the nature of revolution, our another
characteristic is to develop mass line on the basis of class outlook.
Accordingly, to grasp the reality that the people of other classes or
strata except feudal, bureaucratic and comprador capitalist classes,
are the masses in the present phase of NDR, and to make mass

mobilization and build organization, has become the basic task of
the Party today. In this connection, organizing and revolutionizing
the general peasants, mainly, poor peasants should be accepted
as activity of primary importance. The fact that after the historic
initiation and development of the PW the process of organizing
the general peasants including the poor ones has taken a qualitative
speed can be easily noticed. The role of peasants in NDR gets clear
from the fact that peasants are the source of main, secondary and
basic military force developed under the leadership of the Party
and are the base for their defense and development. The utmost
important objective of the Party’s mass line is to effectively organize
and revolutionize the peasants by firmly grasping the historical fact
that ‘no power in the world can stand the united peasants’ uproar’,
and accept the directives of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism regarding
the invincibility of the organization of the poor.
After the historic initiation of People’s War in Nepal, the glorious

achievement advancing forward with surprising rapidity is the
development of revolutionary women’s movement. The old state
and its managers have been entrapped in the whirlpool of surprise
and terror by the impact left by People’s War on the other half of
the population which is grinded doubly under class and gender
exploitation and atrocities. The rapidity in the extension of rural
peasant women’s organizations, increasing series of higher records of
devotion, dedication, bravery and sacrifice revealed against enemies
countrywide and mainly in the areas of struggle have guaranteed
the victory of total People’s War and revolution. In comparison to
men the higher resistance capacity of women against repression and
atrocities of the enemy including sufferings, brutal tortures and rapes
has explicitly displayed the miraculous power inherent in women to
rebel.
Upholding more firmly the Marxist science that women’s
participation is the measuring rod for the success of any great
revolution in the history, it is another significant aspect of the
Party’s mass line to assist in elevating the process of this revolt to
the consciousness of the proletariat. The basic policy in this regard
of the Party would be to march forward by grasping the historical
reality that the new democratic and socialist norms and values may
be established only when patriarchal, feudal values, conceptions
and norms, including bourgeoisie values on family, sex, marriage,
personal property, are completely uprooted with participation of
women in the revolution.
Serious studies of the development of the historical peculiarities of

Nepalese society and formulation of national and regional policies
on the basis of the scientific theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
and their implementation is another important part of the Party
mass line. The guarantee of progress and emancipation of a great
majority of total population victimized by exploitation, suppression,
and discrimination of Hindu feudal ‘high’ caste chauvinism
of century-old reactionary state and deprived of economic,
political, religious and cultural rights, is the objective of national
and regional policy of the Party. The honour and recognition of
the right of oppressed nationalities to self-determination and the
program of the establishment of national autonomy clarifies the
proletarian policy of the Party on the question. It has already
been stated that this policy expresses the characteristics of the
era of imperialism and proletarian revolution about the fusion
of proletarian revolutionary movement and national liberation
movement into each other in the peculiarity of Nepalese society.
The policy which aims at developing fronts and organizations of
the oppressed nationalities and regions, and guaranteeing their

participation in the local and central New Democratic states has
been playing a role of historic importance and will do so in making
the huge part of the Nepalese society jump into the political process.
This policy represents the only scientific method to make
oppressed nationalities including Magar, Gurung, Tamang, Rai,
Limbu, Tharu, Newar,etc. and millions of people of Karnali
Pradesh (region) participate in the great journey of revolution.
Acknowledging the economic and political importance of the Terai,
the Party is laying emphasis on the program of regional autonomy
for the Madheshee community as against the discrimination and
oppression of the old state. The Party gives high priority to involving
Madheshee community in revolution. Its historic importance lies
in the development of Nepalese national unity against Indian
monopoly capitalism.
The Party is stressing on the policy to organize and revolutionize

the Dalits, i.e. depressed community, who are the masters of basic
labour and number more than 20% of total population, but are
most suppressed by the inhuman atrocities of old state, for a battle
of equality and freedom. The particularity of our Party policy related
to the Dalits is to ensure their liberation and participation in the
state with special rights. After the initiation of People’s War, this
part of the masses has also been rapidly advancing in the process of
revolt. The Party wants to lay further emphasis on the necessity to
put into practice more effectively the correct policies on the mass
line, which it has developed in the Nepalese particularity.
Policies of the Party on students, workers, intelligentsia, teachers

etc. elucidate another significant expression of revolutionary mass
line. The Party has been continuously urging to develop students’
movement as the bearer of radical change synthesizing the experiences
of struggling traditions of young students in the revolutionary
movements of all countries in general and in Nepalese history in
particular. There has been the unforgettable role of the students’
front in the past both in preparing the nationwide ground for the
initiation of People’s War and later on rendering service to it. It has
been the essence of the Party policy to advance in a planned and
conscious way in the revolution the physical and mental capacity of
the young students, who assimilate the new consciousness, necessity
of change and the very essence of revolt in a most natural way. A
week long successful general strike recently called by the students’
front, proving the whole educational machinery of the old state to
be a paper tiger, reveals its strength. Even now the Party feels the
necessity to add more emphasis on advancing the work of students’
front by linking the preparation of future general insurrection and
its role as a reserve force in constant development of People’s War.
The specific indivisible relation between students and peasants
throughout Nepal indicates the historical role students can play in
the preparation of insurrection.
The Party has been developing the line of revolutionary workers

movement during ideological struggle against trade unionist
parliamentarianism and economist reformism in the workers
movement. The worker’s front has been, along with its revolutionary
transformation, providing direct help in the process of People’s
War right from the beginning. Because of the strong trade unionist
influence of reformism and dual relation of an overwhelming
majority of workers in Nepal with rural agricultural system and
modem (industrial) productive system, it has not yet attained
qualitative rapidity. The Party will put its special efforts in advancing
the worker’s front, like that of the students, by linking it with the
preparation of future general insurrection.
The Party has been urging continuously for revolutionary

transformation of the intellectual’s and teacher’s fronts according
to the political line and revolutionary idea. The essence of the
Party’s policy is to acknowledge the significant role of intellectuals
in revolution and struggle continuously against vacillating and
anarchic, individualistic character persistent in the intellectuals
trained by the old state. Prior to the historic People’s War, and even
afterwards, intellectual’s and teacher’s fronts have been certainly
playing important role. But in comparison to the needs, that is
lacking immensely. The problem of proletarian revolutionary
transformation is the main problem of development of this sort
of front. The Party will lay emphasis on advancing these fronts
effectively with such transformation.
From the very beginning the Party is stressing on advancing the

cultural front as its another important organ of mass line. The Party
attaches high importance to the publications and mainly the historic
role played by the cultural front through cultural groups and teams
scattered throughout the country for the initiation of the People’s
War. Such cultural activities have directly contributed in involving
millions of masses in the great process of revolution, ideologically and
emotionally. After the historic initiation of People’s War virtually a
huge cultural army has been developing today by means of continuous
production of articles, composition and publication of poets and
actors at the central level and through waves of development of
cultural teams and programs all over the country. The Party stresses
on the question of revolutionary transformation of the leadership
of the fronts by learning lessons from the experience of history and
the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. With regard to the
need of rapid development of People’s War, the Party gives primary
importance to the production and publication of novels, video or
audio cassettes based on organizational consolidation, experience of

the war etc. The experience has proved that if we manage the task
of the cultural front properly by ascending to another new height,
qualitative progress shall be made in the preparation of future
general armed insurrection. And the Party will focus its attention in
this direction.
The Party has acknowledged the emigration of millions of Nepalese

in search of jobs in India as a significant characteristic of Nepalese
society. In fact, the success of Nepalese People’s War and revolution
cannot be imagined if Nepalese dwelling in India are separated
from it. Acknowledging this reality in the Third Extended Meeting
of Central Committee led by Com. Prachanda, the Party has
mentioned the role of Nepalese residing in India as the strategic
characteristics of the country. The front of the Nepalese in India
has been playing the role of far reaching importance in the process
of historic initiation of People’s War and in its total development
afterwards. The Nepalese front in India has made its contributions
to the Party and People’s War with several important technical and
organizational assistance and other activities such as organizing
and revolutionizing the Nepalese people according to the spirit of
People’s War, disseminating the People’s War of Nepal among the
Indian people in alliance with various fraternal parties, organizations
and institutions, organizing protest meetings, demonstrations and
other resistance programmes against the state terror created by
reactionary state, and going back to the country for activities like
direct participation in the movements, if needed. The Party will
continue its endeavor in making it broader and effective along with
the revolutionary transformation in the form of expression of Party
mass line.
The Party has been urging continuously to organize YCL in the

form of a factory producing cadres to participate ideologically and
physically in the process of revolution.
The Party has been attempting to make its mass line effective through
development of various departments, forums etc. along with the
above-mentioned basic fronts for the purpose of mass mobilization.
Its positive result has been established in the revolution. The Party
policy of developing various departments, forums will continue
according to the need of the revolution. In this connection,
acknowledging the significance of propaganda war, the internal and
external publications have to be made more systematic. According
to the new characteristics of the age, the Party will emphasize
upon the management of the publication and propaganda more
scientifically.
Thus, the Party has been developing Maoist mass line to awaken,
organize and revolutionize more masses in faster and better ways for
the success of People’s War and revolution. Five Years’ experience
of People’s War has been goading this process to move forward
from another height. No enemy of the world will be able to defeat
us as long as the Party continues this revolutionary mass line.
A Great Achievement
As an inseparable part of the international proletariat, the Party

determined the line of the Nepalese revolution in the midst of class
struggle and two-line struggle, based on the universal principle
of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. This was the first important
achievement in the direction of development of ideas of the Nepalese
revolution. A new epoch was initiated in the Nepalese history on
February 13,1996 with the historic initiation of People’s War in the
guidance of the same line and with the great aim and determination
of reaching to Communism through New Democratic, Socialist and
Cultural Revolutions. Under the leadership of the Party, this historic
attempt in itself was another great qualitative leap in the direction of
upholding and application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the
revelation of specific laws of the Nepalese revolution. Today, the
synthesis of experiences of five stormy years of PW has developed
into a set of ideas guiding the Nepalese revolution on the basis of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and it is a great achievement of five
years of the PW.
This great achievement stands on the great foundation of the

historical records of untold grief, pain, dedication, bravery, courage
and sacrifice of millions of masses and the revolutionary fighters.
This achievement has been acquired at the cost of blood shed
by thousands of best sons and daughters of the Nepalese people.
This great achievement has been attained through consistent
contribution of the whole Party, all leftist, progressive, patriotic
and democratic forces and all the communist revolutionaries of the
world including the RIM. In this whole process, the Party has been
leading successfully on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
resistance against genocidal campaigns of reactionary regime,
exposure of the revisionist conspiracy and lies and struggle against
deviationist trends inside the Party itself. Because of the successful
leadership in this struggle, today, not only the Party’s set of ideas
but also a team of worthy leaders at the central level and a promising
section of thousands of cadres as revolutionary successors have
been developing. Because of the correct and continuous leadership
of General Secretary Com. Prachanda, ever since the Party unity
up to the present height of synthesis of ideas a strong proletarian
headquarter, as a centre of gravity of unity of the Party has been
developed around Com. Prachanda. So, the Party names the set
of ideas that have developed in the form of centralized expression
of collective leadership, as ‘Prachanda Path’. Developed in the
background of prolonged discussion inside and outside the Party
and International Communist Movement, most importantly high
level of theoretical interaction with the RIM Committee, Prachanda
Path while enriching MLM expresses the specific set of ideas of the
Nepalese revolution. This set of ideas crystallized in the form of
Prachanda Path, will act as a significant guide in the onward march
of the Nepalese revolution.
MLM is the science of social revolution of the proletariat. Being

a science, it always obligates its development through practical
application in the class struggle to change the world. The synthesis
of experiences of the Party as ‘Prachanda Path’, finally expresses the
specificities of the application of the universal principles of MLM in
the practice of Nepalese revolution. This synthesis of the Nepalese
experiences, based upon the indivisible dialectical relationship
between international essence and national form, universality and
particularity, whole and part, general and specific, objectively serves
the world proletarian revolution and proletarian internationalism.
This synthesis of experiences has been acquired through the process

of “practice-knowledge-again practice-again knowledge” based
on the theory of knowledge of dialectical materialism. MLM has
taught us that this is a never-ending cycle. Through practice of class
struggle and ideological struggle, our Party developed the Party line
as initial knowledge, and applying that knowledge again in practice
to change the world attained present synthesis as a new knowledge.
It is clear that this process is not going to end and complete over
here, it is bound to continue to develop all the way, through the
process of again practice and again knowledge. The communist
revolutionaries should continuously try to be expert in applying the
universal principles of MLM to correctly grasp and apply the law of
this dialectical motion of development.

Great Leap Forward and Sketch of Future Plan
Ideologically, the synthesis of idea of the Party by itself represents a

great leap forward. From this height of thought, the importance of
evolution of a totally new plan with regard to the country’s concrete
condition is obvious in itself.
The series of high military successes that has been achieved through
the execution of Party’s Fifth Plan while arriving at the end of the
execution of Sixth Plan has yielded into a qualitative jump with
the successful military raid at Dunai, Dolpa. During this period
many qualitative successes in the field of Party’s political central
intervention were also achieved. These successes and mainly the
successful Dunai operation made a qualitative influence in the
national politics. The masses were rapidly drawn towards the Party
and the People’s War whereas the reactionaries and revisionists had
to face a new challenge of red terror.
Today the country is moving forward with increasing clashes between

the old state’s parliamentary fascism and the New Democratic state
founded and growing through People’s War. The old and the new
states have become the present political reality of the Nepalese society.
The old state, caught in the vortex of economic, political and social
crises, has got down to prepare for genocidal fascist exercises against
the country, its people and growing people’s state.
This is made clear by the immense effort put up by the enemy to

develop the so-called armed police force and regional administrators
simultaneously. The conspiracy of reactionary and revisionist
alliance against our Party and People’s War has reached the climax
of nastiness. The enemy has invested millions of rupees to misguide
the masses with penetration, sabotage actions and planned false
propaganda. The enemy and the revisionists have been hatching
new forms of conspiracies to arrest and murder the revolutionary
leaders and cadres.
In fact, this situation is the result of terror and defeated mentality of

reactionaries and revisionists because of the qualitative development
of the People’s War. Strategically, the Party sums up this to be the
result of victory of People’s War. But from tactical point of view,
it considers the enemy’s conspiracy and exercise as new challenges
posed by the old state and feels necessary to face it seriously. In
accordance with the famous proposition of Mao that ‘it is the
nature of reactionaries and revisionists to create trouble till the end
and that of the people to continue the struggle until a complete
victory is attained’, the country’s state of affairs is taking its
course today as per the very law of development of class struggle.
In this situation, according to the above-synthesized idea, it is

essential today to develop a political and military plan to attack the
enemy from newer heights. In new situations, it has become urgent
to advance this type of plan from both strategic and tactical levels.
Principle slogan of the strategic main plan will be “Consolidate
and expand the base areas, March towards the direction of forming
New Democratic Central Government”. Under this great slogan,
the Party Central Committee will develop a concrete plan related
to the political and military objective and its preparation. From
tactical point of view, the policies like centralizing attacks on the
main enemy, continuing the Party policy for negotiation, stressing
on the development of tactical united front etc. will be retained.
But this alone will not be enough to achieve the above-mentioned
strategic objectives today. For this the Party needs to advance in a
planned way the issues like organizing a conference of all political
forces to be participated by representatives of all political parties

and people’s organizations of the country, conducting the election
for an interim government by the conference and guaranteeing the
formation of constitution by the people under the leadership of this
elected interim government. The Central Committee will develop
a concrete program and plan for its initiation.This outline plan
will incorporate the tactics of general insurrection in the protracted
People’s War, in according with the characteristics of international
and national situations today, and will have great importance in
mobilizing the whole Party, Army, United Front, class and mass
fronts and the masses.
• Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and Prachanda Path!
• Long live the Proletarian Internationalism!
• Long live the World Revolution!
• Long live the Great People’s War!
• Long live the New Democratic Revolution!
• Glory to the Fallen Heroes!
• Long Live Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
Foot-notes:
1. Today what the experience has proved irrefutably is that Mohan

Bikram trend is a feudal trend that strangles Marxism and
revolution in the pretext of upholding them. Its characteristics
are to be softer towards and to defend the group of reactionaries,
which has seized the state power and rules the country and
people in an anti-national and fascist way, but to assail with full
force those who wage revolutionary struggle against that rule.
Its policy of assailing the Jhapa revolutionaries, Pushpa Lal and
Nepali Congress in the past, and the Maoist People ‘s War and
the forces supporting it, today, proves this.

2. Actually, the publicity that the then leadership of Mashal was
changed because of a technical mistake in the Sector case is a
mistake of presenting the secondary issue as the principal one.
It created confusion in the then Mashal and even after unity for
a long time. Com. Kiran has clarified it in his Preface to The
Problems of Nepalese Revolution, Part-ll
3. Before discussing the development any further, it is essential to

be clear about some wrong thinking. Among them. the principal
one is the bias and sectarian factionalist thinking. Even this
thinking is expressed in two ways. One views the improved
line and leadership with the vision of the same old particular
faction and rejects or undervalues the historical importance of
unity, evolution of thought and its role in establishing it among
the people, and the other claims that everything happened
after the unity and thereby rejects or undervalues the objective
process and reality of ideological evolution. The former fails to
understand the scientific fact that the evolution of thought is not
the asset of former groups only but of the general masses, and
to accept that the evolution of new thought in our condition is
a result of fierce struggle against all factionalism and spliticism
in the Nepalese communist movement and their so-called line
and a break with them. The latter also ultimately expresses a
factionalist, sectarian view, which attempts to separate the line
and leadership from each other and views the leadership with
the eye of previous groups and unnecessarily links the line
alone with itself. Indeed this kind of thinking is the remnant
of petty-bourgeois sectarianism, personal biases, factionalism
and spliticism prevailing in the Nepalese communist movement
since long. It fails to acknowledge the universal character of
science. Therefore, the whole Party should struggle against and
be alert and conscious about such thinking.
Press meet immediate after conclude 7th extended CC Meeting.

ANNEX-5
Present Situation & Our Historical Task
(Adopted by Central Committee Meeting of CPN (Maoist) in
June 2003.)
On World Situation
The Present Domestic Situation
On the Experiences of History and Development of Democracy in
the 21st Century
The Party
The Army
On the State
Today the great Nepalese People’s War (PW) is in a specific stage
of strategic equilibrium and in preparation for strategic offensive.
Theoretically this stage is very complex and sensitive step by itself. In
imperialist era, whenever any country’s people’s revolution advances
up to this stage of development then it becomes obvious that it starts
clashing with the world imperialism. Development of this stage
obviously brings about the possibility of realizing the new challenges
and opportunities of the respective people’s revolution. On top of
this, particularly in today’s world when there exists not one single
genuine socialist country and American imperialism is trying to bring
the whole world under its grip by openly bullying in the name of
“globalization” and “liberalization”, “expansion of civilization” and
“war against terrorism”, it is obvious, the Nepalese PW at this stage of
development and its future course of advancement, will particularly
become more complex and hence will become even more momentous.
Together with the ideological synthesis of the Party’s 2nd National
Conference and its application process, qualitative progress started
showing up in the development of the PW. In the dawn of the
21st century, along with the expansion of quality and quantity
of PW the interventionist activities of imperialism, particularly
American imperialism, started intensifying. By pushing forward
the fascist feudal forces through the palace massacre, imperialism
is trying to dig its teeth and nails into Nepal by openly helping
them socially, economically and politically against the great PW.
Realizing the strategic importance of Nepal’s geo-political position
and the long-term effect of the victory of PW as a big challenge, the
imperialists have declared their strategy of preventing the Nepalese
Maoist movement from capturing the state-power. The fact that
American imperialism which is imposing naked aggressive war on
those oppressed countries and people who are opposing imperialism,
in the name of so-called war against terrorism after the September
11 episode, is now looking at cease-fire and negotiation process in
Nepal as part of its same strategy and propagating it as its victory
and that it has included the Maoist movement in list of international
terrorism, all these reveal the level of advancement of the PW and
the challenges that lay ahead of it.
In spite of overwhelming opposition of the world public opinion,

American imperialism is arrogantly declaring it as a warning to all
those small and big forces of the world, which dare to talk of rebellion
by citing example of its “success” in suppressing Iraq and Iraqi people
through the strength of ultra-modern military technology. In this
context it is paramount to develop the Party’s strategy and tactics
most seriously when the old state and the main parliamentary forces
of the country are showing their national capitulationist character
and imperialism is bullying as aforesaid.

I On World Situation
All the basic contradictions of the world have now sharpened proving
the claims of ‘end of history’ and ‘rise of new world order’ by the
imperialists as utter rubbish. Not only has the principal contradiction
of the world between imperialism and oppressed nations and people
become explosive but inter-imperialist contradictions, too, have
sharpened. This situation has developed with the increasing plunder,
intervention and terror of US imperialism under the strategy of
establishing an unchallenged domination over the whole globe after
the fall of the erstwhile Soviet Union.
Proclaiming the so-called US prosperity and civilization based on

exploitation, capture and plunder of overwhelming human and
natural resources of the earth as an ideal model of the world, the
Bush clique of the imperialist moneybags has claimed and practiced
its privilege of attacking any nation, organisation, movement and
people raising their voice against it. It has become the main trend of
imperialism to impose war on the people in the name of this or that
excuse in order to save its economy from collapse, which is based on
war industry manufacturing weapons of mass-destruction that has
the power of destroying the human race.
Since the last decade there has been deep recession occurring in the
imperialist economy in general and American economy in particular.
Financial capital has domination over industrial capital, and financial
capital is in turn controlled mainly by the Americans through
organizations like “World Bank”, “International Monitory Fund”.
The monopoly of financial capital and its unlimited centralization
has created unequal wage distribution, unequal development, and
unemployment and has dangerously intensified the gap between the
rich and the poor. The development of science and technology and
the concentration of capital is unlimitedly increasing the productive
capacity of imperialist economic units, but the demand and market
is not only not expanding at the same pace but in fact becoming even
more limited because of inequality in development and distribution.
Because of this inherent logic of the imperialist economic system
there is bound to be clash between the imperialist factions for the
capture of market.
Today the background of the Iraq war, which is indicating a big

turning point and change in the world situation, is proving that
point. Because the dollar is the international medium of exchange
the Americans are arbitrarily printing dollars in order to cover up
more than five hundred billion dollars of trade deficit. And if the
Europeans and other imperialist forces that control nearly half of the
American currency start using other medium of exchange instead
of dollar then it is certain it will ruin American domestic economy
that is sustaining itself by obtaining cheap credit. It is this situation,
which is actually behind the collapse of big companies and banks
belonging to the Americans. At present the growing development of
Euro is giving challenges to the future of the dollar. In this situation,
Iraq was beginning to receive money for its oil through Euro from
2000 on wards. Venezuela had been doing this right from the
beginning. Many imperialist countries were slowly converting their
foreign exchange deposit into Euro from the dollar. Many countries
closely affiliated to America started showing interest in reserving
their limited foreign exchange deposit in Euro currency. On top
of that for the last seven years, the oil producing countries started
refraining to invite American companies to develop the oil resources.
Under such a situation, if Euro captures the huge world market
of oil and if dollar gets left behind (of which clear indication was
beginning to show) then it would have ruined American economy
and it would make sure that its hegemony in the world would end.
Thus objectively even before the event of September 11 there had
already arisen a great danger on American economic domination.
In such a situation it is but natural to occur clashes among NATO
country members themselves as a manifestation of the contradiction
between excess production and limited market. Then the American
imperialism saw no other alternative than to wage war with its huge
military might which has given it its superpower status in order to
safeguard its economic hegemony.
It is in this background that the incident of September 11 occurred.

This incident, in fact became a very big excuse for the crisis ridden
American imperialism to launch a war. The Bush clique of the
oil business that was looking for a lame excuse to wage a war has
now declared protracted war in the pretext of so-called war against
terrorism on the basis of huge military built-up in order to establish
unipolar economic and military hegemony.
Although the real strategic aim was to capture oil in order to

ward off its competitions and to tighten its control over the world
economy, tactically it gave the name of war against terrorism and
started by attacking Afghanistan. When this trend lead to initiate
war by the American and the British troops on the sovereign nation
Iraq, which has second largest oil deposits in the world, in the
pretext of destroying the so-called mass-destructive chemical and
biological weapons in its possessions which was never proved, then
big upheavals and changes started appearing in the world situation
and is continuing to do so.
In the course of preparatory phase of war, mainly in Europe, America

and including the whole world, unprecedented waves of people’s
movement started developing. The huge and mammoth anti-war
people’s rallies right at the heart of imperialist countries, alleging
war as “crime against humanity” and comparing Bush and Blair
as “Hitler of 21st Century”, have created a revolutionary objective
condition for the new wave of world revolution. Although the
unified anti-war and such initiatives taken by the people all around
the world, including Europe and America, could not stop the war
against Iraq immediately, but it created strong base for alternative
people’s power and future resistance against imperialism. This war
that was waged despite vehement protest by tens of millions of
people around the world, has in fact exposed the mask of democracy
worn by the imperialists. Their real military fascist character has once
again become exposed before the whole world. This world situation,
which developed in course of war on Iraq, is a very positive aspect.
Iraq war has not only brought to surface the contradictions between
imperialist countries but it has also intensified it to a large extent.
France, Germany and Russia were openly seen to oppose the war
policy of America and Britain. The threat of France to veto against
the war in United Nations and the declaration that American
‘unipolar world hegemony is not tolerable’, all these explain the
level of contradictions existing between the imperialist countries. It
is clear that this kind of resistance reached such a height, primarily
because of one’s economic self-interest and secondly because of
the pressure exerted by the rallying people on the streets. But,
these imperialist countries very well know America is the only
force that can save today’s imperialist world system, and hence in
their opposition one can easily smell the tendency of aligning with
America and to appease it. These countries while advocating UN
and opposing war not only undertook no concrete steps to stop it
but they helped the war indirectly and in their propaganda they
made clear that America should not lose. Whatever may be, there
is increase in competitions among the imperialist forces for the oil
and the market and that the Iraq war has all the more intensified
and deepened that contradiction. This development in the world
situation is another important change.
Those Third World reactionary rulers who are competing with

one other to gain American blessing by supporting America’s
monopolistic hold over the world after the end of cold war are now
realizing that their position has weakened because of the experiences
of the last decade. At present all the reactionary rulers of the Third
World are at one end facing increasing fury and resistance of the
people and at the other end are under the dual pressure and threat of
world imperialism, thus being squeezed from both the sides. Despite
the disapproval of the United Nations, massive opposition put up by
the people and innumerable appeals, requests made by most of the
Third World rulers, gruesome attack made on a sovereign country,
Iraq, by the American and British imperialists has reminded and
revived the almost forgotten non-alignment movement. It is through
this movement that the Third World rulers have become compelled
to oppose this war. But, because of their own reactionary nature, they
are not able to take any strong stand against imperialism and there is
no possibility for it, too. While many fascist rulers of the Third World
are openly and nakedly hobnobbing with imperialism in order to
prolong their life and existence, some others are looking for a middle
road of compromise with a terrorized mentality. Whatever it may
be, the very fact that inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening
and in the same proportion the non-alignment movement is getting
revived; all these indicate a change in the world situation.
The so-called military success in Iraq war has increased even more
the arrogance of American imperialism to maintain its hegemony

over the world. They have haughtily declared the so-called “ success”
as a warning against those small and big forces of the world that
dare to raise their voice against America. They are now centralizing
their threat on Syria, Iran and other countries under the strategy of
controlling the whole world through their hold on oil by installing
puppet governments all over Arab countries who are willing to kneel
down before them.
American imperialism, which has been strengthening its military

hold on Afghanistan and Pakistan, is now implementing the strategy
of tightening its noose in South Asia. Because of the capitulationist
nature of the present reactionary governments in this region, they
are getting successful in this strategy. American imperialism, which
has been playing the game of cat and mouse among the Indian
and Pakistani rulers using the weapon of Kashmir conflict, is now
concentrating its attention in containing the Nepalese people’s great
democratic movement that has been gaining success one after the
other through the People’s War. It is by realizing the consequences of
21st century’s forward-looking movement from an ideological point
of view and the geo-strategic position of Nepal (being in between
the vast China and India), and by assessing the possible success of
Maoist movement as a spark of new world revolution against world
imperialism which could ignite a prairie fire on world imperialism,
that they have been intensifying their interventionist activities in
Nepal for the last past three years. In order to sustain the most
reactionary feudal autocratic elements, they have been increasing
strategic, economic and material aid against the People’s War. The
conclusion of a so-called agreement against terrorism for the period
of five years between American imperialism and the old state of
Nepal, while formal negotiation was going on after the cease-fire,
and the recent listing of the Nepalese Maoist movement among the
terrorists, all these indicate the seriousness of the present situation.
Even this brief analysis of the present world situation makes it amply
clear that, despite ups and downs in history, the basic features of
imperialism and the compulsions for Bush to wage war remain
the same and proves that comrade Lenin’s analysis is scientific and
relevant even today. For the masses of the world, there is no other
alternative than resisting the war through revolution. The situation
up to the Iraq war is preparing objective ground for bringing a wave
of world revolution in the 21st century. An historical duty has been
placed on the shoulders of the international proletariat to prepare
itself boldly for undertaking leadership of world revolution based
on the fundamental principles of MLM in the 21st century. There
can be no other military strategy than the People’s War to smash
imperialism. World Situation and the Nepalese Revolution.
The unprecedented development in communication technology has

made today’s world unbelievably small. Because of the development
of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the favorable
and unfavorable international situation will be playing strategic
role in determining the success of any specific country’s democratic
revolution. On top of it the development of science and technology
in the 21st century has qualitatively enhanced the importance of
international situation for determining the success of revolution
in any country. In today’s condition, any ups and downs in the
revolution of any country are related with the ups and downs that
occur in the world situation. The development of revolution in the
last seven years amply explains this reality.
Had world imperialism, particularly American imperialism in today’s

context, not helped the old state directly, the Nepalese revolution
would have by today developed further ahead with relative ease

and somewhat differently through the use of the thought, strategy
and tactics synthesized in the Party’s historic Second National
Conference. The Nepalese revolution has been affected by the
activities of American imperialism, like bringing the most brutal
and fascist feudal elements through the infamous palace massacre to
take on the Nepalese People’s War to intensifying its interventionist
activities in Nepal with the declaration of the so-called war against
terrorism after the September 11 event. We can clearly and with
experience say that had the old feudal state and its royal army not
had direct involvement of American military advisors in planning,
construction, training and direction in the post “emergency” period
and that had it not received financial and military assistance from
foreign reactionary forces including America, the old rotten feudal
state in Nepal had no chance of surviving in the face of People’s
War till today. The very fact that it was able to defeat the feudal
state in various fronts despite unleashing fierce military atrocities
and terror with direct imperialist assistance and direction and was
able to develop People’s War up to strategic equilibrium, proves the
great victory of the Party’s political and military line.
To advance by “giving birth to powerful counter-revolution”

and “creating unusual complex situation” is the law of revolution
according to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The law of development
of Nepalese revolution could not have been outside this law. There is
no doubt that the imperialist forces are now in preparation for even
more vicious assault as the Nepalese People’s War is in preparation for
strategic offensive from its current position of strategic equilibrium.
The entire complexities, opportunities and challenges of Nepalese
revolution are the manifestations of this objective condition. From
the ideological and strategic point of view, Mao has correctly said
that imperialism is actually paper tiger. But, from immediate and
tactical point of view it is also real tiger that devours human beings.
Till the Iraq war, imperialism is proving itself as both paper tiger
and real tiger. From strategic point of view it proved itself to be
paper tiger because imperialism generated hatred, resistance and
anger against it in Iraq war. But, tactically it is drinking the blood
of people of Afghanistan and Iraq and is roaring towards the masses
of the world by baring its bloodstained fangs. Iraq war has indeed
made revolutionary condition ripe all over the world. However,
at present there is no revolutionary wave under the leadership of
the proletariat. But, in Nepal, the development of revolution has
reached a very sensitive stage of preparation for strategic offensive. It
is essential to understand that the series of tactical steps undertaken
by the Party such as cease-fire, negotiation, political way out etc.
are based on this strategically favorable and tactically unfavorable
world situation and the condition of strategic equilibrium inside the
country.
In the present context, when along with the restoration of capitalism in

China there is no other socialist state existing, when despite objective
condition turning favorable currently there is no advancement in
any strong revolutionary movement under the leadership of the
proletariat, and when world imperialism is pouncing on people
everywhere like an injured tiger, is it possible for a small country
with a specific geo-political compulsion like Nepal to gain victory
to the point of capturing central state through revolution? This is
the most significant question being put before the Party today. The
answer to this question can only be found in Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism and on this depends the future of the Nepalese revolution.
It is the correct or wrong ideology and political line that determines

everything. It is worth remembering that historic initiation of

People’s War was undertaken by the Party even when in the West
imperialism was celebrating victory both ideologically and physically
after the end of the cold war, and even the People’s War in Peru’s
had met with a serious setback in a very unfavorable international
situation. All reactionary and rightist revisionist forces, inside and
outside the country, were forecasting that the initiation of People’s
War was an “extremist deviation” devoid of objective condition and
that it would be smashed within a few months. But, the People’s
War has developed to the present challenging situation within 7
years, against such allegations and forecast. It is quite clear that
behind this fast development are the correct thought, line, plan and
program of the Party.
Today the challenge before us for leading the People’s War to

victory, while facing current imperialist intervention and national
capitulationism, is in essence the challenge of developing the
ideological and political line. If the Party based on concrete analysis
of concrete condition fails to develop ideological and political line
in order to face the new situation and falls victim to dogmatism or
pragmatism, then it will become impossible for the revolution to
attain victory. It is important here to discuss three kinds of deviations
that may come from present world situation in the revolutionary
movement.
It is imperative for the Party to be clear that in the present day

revolutionary movement the first and the main danger is the rightist
capitulationist deviation that overestimates the strength of the
enemy and underestimates the strength of the people. This kind
of deviation can be manifested in different forms, such as seeing
cease-fire as a form of absolute peace process, to see negotiation as
a process of compromise at all cost instead of taking it as another

front to fight against the enemy, to show disinterest in the essential
and painful work of consolidating the people’s army and mobilizing
the masses and to be involved in diplomatic engagements with
different sections of the enemy and be unduly hopeful from such
interactions, to be ready to change the Party’s strategic goal in the
name of applying creative tactics in order to suit world situation and
to face its pressure, to be content with repetitive cycle of status quo
rather than developing the thought and the leadership, to consider
breakdown of cease-fire so as to advance the revolution as a self-
destructive act, etc.
Against the above deviation, another deviation can be seen in the

form of “leftist” adventurism, which underestimates the strength of
enemy and overestimates the strength of people. These are manifested
in the form of seeing cease-fire and negotiation as unnecessary and
irrelevant; it dismisses, in the name of conforming to the goal
of strategy, the need of tactical maneuvering in order to face the
complexities brought about by the development of revolution; it
considers recognition and utilization of contradiction among the
enemies as opportunism; it suffers from one-track-mindedness
which considers that revolution can be concluded in a straight
line; it understands thought, line, plan and program synthesized
in the past as completed rather than taking pain to develop them
continuously,etc.
Against the above two contradictory deviations, there can be seen

another deviation in the form of vacillation and escapism. This
kind of deviation prevents oneself from taking any firm stand
on rightist, ‘leftist’ and revolutionary lines. Ultimately escapism
becomes its destiny. Against these deviations the Party advocates
continuous ideological struggle on the basis of MLM and Prachanda

Path. According to the demand of the new situation, it considers
the necessity of developing to higher height, the Party’s established
thought based on strategic firmness and tactical flexibility. The
victory of Nepalese People’s War is neither impossible as thought
by the rightist capitulationists nor will it is so straight and simple as
thought by the leftist adventurists.
After the Afghanistan and mainly Iraq war, it is certain that the eyes
of world imperialism together with that of anti-war world public
opinion (including revolutionary communists) are getting focused
intensely on Nepal, and in the coming days this will all the more
get focused. After the Iraq war it has become all the more clear that
neither the religious fundamentalist rulers or organizations nor the
reactionary fascist rulers of the Third World countries are actually
able to resist imperialist military interventions. We should be clear
about the three reasons behind it. First, such reactionary rulers are
alienated from their own people, and as a result they fail to organize
the unlimited energy of people’s active initiatives in the resistance
war. Second, such rulers use same war-fare tactics as used by the
imperialists, in which the super power imperialism is thousand times
stronger; as a result these rulers or religious fundamentalist groups of
the Third World countries cannot sustain the war for long. Third,
even while resisting against the imperialist war it is impossible for
the world public opinion to remain in full and continuous support
of such reactionary rulers or religious fundamentalist groups.
It is obvious that in the context of the Nepalese People’s War such

a situation will be fundamentally different. War against imperialism
can only be successful through the technique of People’s War; this
is an irrefutable fact based on fundamental ideology of MLM and
historical experience. In today’s context when the world opinion is

going against imperialism, there is increasing probability of Nepalese
revolution creating a new wave of world revolution and playing a
role of global historical importance. If the Nepalese People’s War
undergoes a set-back due to rightist liquidationism and leftist
adventurism or due to some other reasons, then it will play a big
negative role for the advancement of world revolution. Because of
our impressive victory campaign for the last seven years and the
present stage of strategic equilibrium, the imperialist enemies are
compelled to invent new strategy one after another. Building upon
the experiences of Indonesia, Chile, Vietnam, Nicaragua and in the
later period, Peru, imperialism is trying to develop open and hidden
strategies to smash the Nepalese People’s War. Among these the
best option is seen as to prepare for a massive military strike by
establishing the charge of terrorism. Under such a situation the future
development of People’s War is certainly not going to be smooth and
simple. However, if it advances on the basis of correct strategy and
tactics by mobilizing world opinion and by tiring imperialism, there
is full possibility of leading the revolution to victory. Certainly, for
this the Party will have to go through many changes in tactics, and
turnings and ups and downs. Here the main question is to remain
firm in the strategic commitment of not letting the revolutionary
flag of 21st century to fall down. It is imperative to establish the
strategy of People’s War as an opposite and alternative pole to
American imperialism and to advance ahead by moving forward
or backward, and right or left, based on the concrete analysis of
concrete condition. In this context the Party needs to pay special
attention to the following points.
It is important to emphasize no making the relation between world

proletariat and the Party all the more concrete and broad. In today’s
world when it is impossible to achieve victory without collective
effort of international proletariat on war against imperialism, it
becomes all the more important to initiate live contact between
different proletarian revolutionaries of the world and to make them
more motivated for struggle through the RIM. The Party should
give first priority to the work of organizing and mobilizing for the
struggle under the collective effort of international proletariat.
The question of linking the Nepalese revolution with the increasing

world opinion against imperialism is a question of great importance.
The activities of the Party so far have certainly prepared a good
ideological and political base for linking the Nepalese revolution with
the anti-imperialist world opinion. With a collective and planned
initiative the Party and international proletariat this relation should
be made more lively, organized and struggle-oriented.
Along with the efforts of advancing the above two main relationships,
it is important to make further efforts to utilize different imperialist
and reactionary forces who have contradictions with American
imperialism. It is important to note that Party’s capacity of utilizing
inter-imperialist and inter-reactionary contradictions will increase
in proportion to the degree of consolidation of relationship between
the proletariat and anti-imperialist world opinion.
It is only thus that we can fulfill our historical role of serving world
revolution and continuing the Nepalese revolution.
II The Present Domestic Situation
The present political situation of the country is going through

transitional crisis period. Our Party with utmost seriousness,
responsibility and flexibility, has been trying to bring forth forward-
looking solution through peaceful means by declaring cease-fire and
going for negotiation based on the specific situation of strategic
equilibrium in civil war, the aspiration for the peace by the people,
and increasing foreign intervention. Although international power
centers and their Nepali stooges formally welcomed cease-fire and
negotiation, in reality they also started conspiring against it as soon
as cease-fire was declared. Incidents such as repression, arrests and
killing spree let loose by the old state and its army, the campaign
for military consolidation and the deliberate propaganda made by
various reactionary parliamentary cliques that there was a secret pact
between the Maoists and the palace, all indicate such conspiracies.
Right from the very beginning, our Party has been exposing all
these conspiracies and has been emphasizing to make cease-fire and
negotiation a success in keeping with the aspirations of the people.
In this context our sincerity, seriousness and responsible behavior
was expressed not only in setting up of our negotiation team and the
discussions and interactions we boldly and openly had with different
political forces, intellectuals, journalists and people in general but
also through our bold and open presentation of the agenda and our
firm stand on it at the time of formal negotiations with the ruling
side.
But the more it was found that not only the rural but also the
urban middle class masses were getting clear and attracted towards
our political actions and our commitment for the peaceful political
solution, the more it became clear that conspiracies of foreign
imperialists and their Nepali stooges started increasing in the
same proportion. The incidents such as the conclusion of five-year
agreement against so-called terrorism between American imperialism
and the old state right at the threshold of formal negotiation, public
declaration of the supply of war logistics worth Rs 300 crore by the
Indian military chief in the name of “fighting against terrorism”
to the old state, and in the later period, open announcement of
the inclusion of the Maoist movement in the list of international
terrorism by the State Department of America, open threats given by
American ambassador in Nepal, the activities and open statements
issued by the royal army and the misleading propaganda made by
main parliamentary groups, etc all prove the above facts.
Right from ceasefire to present political developments have made

it clear that our minimum and consensual agenda which seeks to
provide a forward-looking political solution through round table
conference, interim government and constituent assembly has been
rejected by not only the palace clique that dreams of an autocratic
monarchy but also the main parliamentary groups singing the tune
of parliamentary democracy. Objectively, by this rejection they are
proving that they are neither for peace in real sense nor they want
real political solution in the country. In form it may appear as a
triangular struggle involving monarchy, parliamentary forces and
revolutionary forces, but in essence and if one looks from a class
point of view, the struggle involving only two forces (reactionary and
democratic forces) are seen. It has been practically proved that the
differences between the autocratic monarchical and parliamentary
groups are nothing other than that of share of power within the old
state. It has been time and again proved in Nepal that monarchy in
the name of nationalism (fake) and parliamentary forces in the name
of democracy (fake) want to occupy the seat of power and betray the
nation and the people on identical class basis. Despite the present
crisis ridden state of the country and our serious initiative, their
refusal to come to term with constituent assembly, which is a mere
bourgeois democratic practice, has once again proved how hollow
and hypocritical their slogan of nationalism and democracy is. From
this the objectivity of our policy that nationalism and democracy
cannot be separated from each other in bourgeois democratic
revolution has become all the more clear.

What we have been saying from a class and theoretical point of
view and what has become all the more exposed in the present
cease-fire and negotiation process is that it is the clash of interests
between different international reactionary centers which is
behind the mutual recriminations and contradictions between
different reactionary groups in Nepal. As the royal army and the
palace elements are being manipulated and protected by western
imperialism, particularly American imperialism, and the main
parliamentary forces by the Indian rulers who seek special hegemony
in South Asia, they are having a continuous tug of war between
them. Hence the whole Party should be clear that, in the background
of political development particularly after the palace massacre, the
idea of seeing either the monarchical or the parliamentary forces of
Nepal as more democratic or more nationalistic than the other, will
be specially harmful and wrong. It has become all the more clear
in the present day Nepal that we can never have any ideological
and political relationship with either monarchical or parliamentary
groups except to manage contradictions in a particular situation.
The chain of events is proving that the monarchical elements are
moving ahead with the strategy of strengthening the state and
smashing our movement with the backing of American imperialism
by using us in the name of peace negotiation. Similarly, the main
parliamentary forces are moving ahead with the strategy of using
us, in the name struggling against regression, in order to reach the
seat of the old state and destroying our movement with the help of
foreign reaction. In such a situation, there can be no other strategy
for the revolutionaries except to expose their strategic conspiracies
and strive to raise people’s revolution to a new height by mobilizing
the masses and using contradictions among reactionary forces.

Will such conspiratorial methods adopted by international forces and
reactionary elements of the country end the relevance of our serious,
responsible initiative towards cease-fire, negotiation and peaceful
political solution ? To many people this may seem so. But, from
factual and scientific point of view, these conspiracies of the enemy
have all the more widely proved the relevance of our initiative. First
of all, our initiative has not only established our movement’s political
superiority amongst rural populace, urban masses and people all over
the country but also amongst quite a many people all around the
world. It has also played an important role in exposing the military
fascist misdeeds of imperialism and its Nepali stooges. To put it in
concrete terms, the war mongering and unjust intervention resorted
to by American imperialism even when serious initiative for arriving
at political solution through negotiation was taking place, has led
American imperialists and its Nepali stooges to at once fall down
in the eyes of urban intellectuals to general masses and progressive
people all over the world. We should deeply acknowledge that this
would play a big national and international political role for the
future counter-offensive. Secondly, initiative and naked intervention
of American imperialism will increase our Party’s chance of using
inter- imperialist contradictions and the ones between reactionary
rulers of different countries. Thirdly, our initiative and the naked
conspiracy of the enemy has widely intensified the contradictions
among different reactionary and revisionist groups of the country
and brought them out on the surface. From this we have got good
opportunity to make clear our position amongst those cadres and
masses that have been under the illusion of reactionary and revisionist
groups. According to the Party’s principle theoretical understanding,
negotiation is also one of the fronts of the struggle and hence we
must stress on taking it to a logical conclusion. But, we must firmly

grasp that this tactics is invariably inter-connected with the strategy
of political preparation for counter-offensive. In the end, while
firmly adhering to the aforesaid analysis of the monarchical and
major parliamentary groups from a strategic and class perspective,
we should strive from an immediate and tactical point of view to
make necessary adjustments, understandings and tactical unity with
other imperialists, foreign reactionaries and major parliamentary
forces inside the country against American imperialism and its
Nepali stooges as far as they are prepared to go. Only thus can we
effectively carry forward our offensive against the main enemy.
III On the Experiences of History and Development of

Democracy in the 21st Century
“Marxism is not lifeless dogma, not a completed, readymade
immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” - Lenin
The main essence of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

is to advance ahead through continuous revolution by scientifically
synthesizing world proletarian movement enriched by the great
experiences of revolution and counter-revolution. In giving leadership
to the democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism in
Nepal, our Party has been from the very beginning laying emphasis
on applying the teachings of MLM, not in the form of dogma but
in the form of creative application and development as a “guide to
action”. In this great process of applying and developing the teachings
of MLM based on the concrete condition of the Nepalese revolution,
we have been waging continuous struggle against rightist revisionists
as well as the dogmato-revisionists. The process of ideological
struggle that is invariably linked with the necessity of class struggle
has brought the People’s War to this level of development within
the period of 7 years through one leap to another. The Party has

already synthesized the discovery at “Prachanda-Path” as a special
chain of ideas in the Nepalese revolution based on this development
process of class struggle and ideological struggle.
Here what is important to note is that the starting point of the Party’s
ideological and practical struggle has been the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution that has developed Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
as the highest synthesis of the science of proletarian revolution. This
means, to uphold continuous revolution under the dictatorship of
the proletariat as a theoretical basis to prevent counter-revolution
and to carry forward ideological struggle based on the principle of
“Three Dos and Three Don’ts” for the continuous proletarization of
the Party. Our Party has been firm that any deviations from this will
mean deviation from the proletarian movement. But, if it is taken
to mean readymade and complete answers for the requirement of
revolution in the 21st Century then one should be clear that it is
against the teachings of MLM and the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution.
The synthesis up to the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

definitely equipped the world proletariat with the ideological
weapon of MLM. But, after the demise of Com. Mao, capitalism
got restored in China and there is now not a single socialist state
in the world. It would be a subjective deviation to deny the fact
that this has given a big setback to the world proletarian movement
and that it has brought big negative change in the world situation.
Objectively there is no change that this is the era of imperialism and
proletarian revolution and that revolution is the main trend of the
world. This does not mean that we should underestimate the big
loss proletarian class has faced through counter-revolution in China
in the struggle for power and that we should not take seriously our

effort to stop such counter-revolution in future by taking lessons
from these defeats. In the present context of world revolution or in
the context of revolution in any particular country, it has become
very necessary for the political vanguard of the proletariat to give
answer to this big question.
In the same way, with the entry into 21st century, there has been
unprecedented development in science and technology, particularly
in electronic communication technology, in the world. Just as
this intense development has been affecting the world in different
ways, similarly this makes necessary demands for improvement and
development in the political and military strategy of the proletarian
revolution. Any positive or negative incidents in any corner of the
world has so rapid, intense and direct repercussion in the world
that such phenomena has never occurred earlier in humankind’s
history.
This way, the experiences of counter-revolution give us inspiration to

learn lessons from the limitations and weaknesses of past revolution,
and the advancements made in science and technology inspire us to
make creative development in the strategy and tactics of revolution.
From the point of view of epochal development of human society
it is still the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution; however,
because of above important changes that have come in subjective
and objective conditions it has necessitated today’s proletariat to
develop and refine their ideology and strategy based on concrete
analysis of concrete situation.
On the basis of experience of history, analysis of present world

situation and five years’ enriched experiences of the Nepalese
People’s war, the Party’s Second historic Conference has made many
important political and military syntheses. The qualitative result
brought in the development of People’s War due to the application
of that synthesized idea in the past two years, has not only proved
its scientific basis but also it has prepared a strong base for higher
ideological, political and military synthesis. On the basis of these
developments in the world situation, including the development
of Nepalese class struggle from the Second National Conference
up to today, and from the September 11 event up to the Iraq war,
it is necessary to develop and refine the strategy of the democratic
revolution. In this context it is specially worth considering following
points on relationship between the Party, Army, State and the
People.
IV The Party
The experiences of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century have glaringly showed that the work of defending and
developing the revolutionary proletarian character of the Party
becomes all the more difficult in the period after the capture of the
state power. Why is it that those victorious Parties in the world which
have undergone intense ideological struggle against the rightist, leftist
and centrist deviations inside and outside of the Party and which
have created unprecedented example of earth-shaking bravery and
sacrifice by fighting against the enemy in class war while identifying
itself with the needs and interest of the people, after they capture
state power become transformed into bureaucratic, revisionist, and
counter-revolutionary Parties, alienated from the masses within a
short period of time? Certainly, basic theoretical answers for this
have been given by MLM by the time of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. But, these basic theories need to be developed
into an organizational theory, methodology and system so that they
can stop counter-revolution, and this is valid even today. This is

the problem of application and development of the theory of two-
line struggle within the Party and continuous revolution under the
dictatorship of the proletariat.
Experience has proved that after assuming state power, when various
leaders and cadres of the Party are involved in running the state
affairs, then there is strong chance that physical environment may
swiftly reduce the Party into a bureaucratic, careerist and luxurious
class. With intensification of this danger the Party will become more
formal and alienated from the masses, in the same proportion. This
process when it reaches to certain level of its own development, it is
bound to be transformed into counter-revolution. In order to prevent
such danger as counter-revolution to happen, it is important to
develop further organizational mechanism and system so that Party is
constantly under the vigilance, control and service of the proletariat
and working masses according to the theory of two-line struggle
and continuous revolution. For this it is very important that there
should be a mechanism to guarantee overall people’s participation
in two line struggle and that one section comprising of capable and
established leaders and cadres should be constantly involved in mass
work and another section should be involved in running the state
machinery and that after certain interval of period there should be
re-division of work thereby strengthening the relationship between
the whole Party and the general masses. Right from the beginning
it should be stressed that the Party and the state under its leadership
should adopt a policy and methodology of keeping lively relations
with the masses, working hard and living in privation and to be wholly
devoted to the cause of communism. It should present Party, leaders
and cadres as ideal and inspirational examples. It should emphasize
to develop policy and structure which will help in waging intense
ideological struggle and will expose before the masses those leaders
and cadres who misuse their position, dictate over the masses and
who are luxurious and careerists. In this context, it should be stressed
to discourage the tendency of using coercive measure of state power
in two-line struggle in the Party and to emphasize in establishing
and encouraging scientific methodologies of judging between right
and wrong through ideological struggle with the participation of the
masses and the cadres. It is important to guarantee the system of
reserving the right of judgment to the cadres and masses in deciding
if certain rebellion inside or outside the Party is justified or not.
V The Army
The experience of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th

Century has clearly shown that if the proletarian class advances
ahead with correct revolutionary ideology, policy and programme
then the people can develop from almost zero to the level of an
invincible people’s army which can reduce to dust the ultramodern
and powerful army of the enemy. But if wrong ideology prevails then
the same army can become a weapon of counter-revolution. The
experience has shown even in the context of the people’ army that
before the revolution, it has been in unison with the masses, full of
devotion, bravery, sacrifice and ideological commitment, thus being
invincible before the enemy; but after the capture of state power
the same starts staying in barracks under special management and
the material condition for turning into a bourgeois modern regular
army gets intensified. If one is not able to guarantee the development
of methodology and structure which will keep the army under
the supervision, control and service of the masses and proletarian
ideology then such tendencies will go on multiplying till it reaches
a specific point when it will automatically get transformed into a
weapon for serving counter-revolution. In order to stop repetition

of above condition it is necessary right from the beginning to pursue
ideological and political work amongst the people’s army with great
importance and to make conscious the whole people’s army and
the masses to rebel against counter-revolution. Together with this,
it should be guaranteed that the people’s army of the 21st century
is not marked by modernization with special arms and training
confined to a barrack after the capture of state power but remains
a torch-bearer of revolution engaged in militarization of the masses
and in the service of the masses. It is only by developing armed
masses from both ideological and physical point of view that one
can resist foreign intervention and counter-revolution; this fact must
be made clear before the armed forces right from the beginning.
The main thrust of work for the 21stcCentury people’s army should
be to complete the historical responsibility of developing conscious
armed masses so that they may learn to use their right to rebel.
VI On the State
The capture of state power through people’ war under the leadership
of the Party of the proletariat has been the central and difficult
question of revolution yesterday and today. But the experience of
20th century has clearly proved that the question of continuous
democratization of the state power, so that it starts withering away,
is thousand times more difficult and complex than capturing state
power. The importance and rigor of the subject can be judged
from the fact that at one point of time within a century successful
revolutions in Russia, China and other countries had shaken the
whole earth, while at the other end the events of big counter-
revolutions in those powerful socialist countries lead to a situation
of no socialist state.

It is a fact that while capitalist imperialists are successful in
camouflaging their military fascist essence by covering it with the
so-called democratic mask, at the other end, the proletarians despite
having a democratic essence are not able to consolidate their hold
on the state. There may be many historical and theoretical reasons
behind this, but today the problem of developing democracy has
become very complex before us. What are the main obstacles
in maintaining the balance between the need of resorting to
dictatorship over the defeated class enemy and the necessity of
exercising democracy amongst the people? Why is it that people’s
democracy or proletarian democracy under people’s democratic
dictatorship or dictatorship of the proletariat have in essence
become formal, mechanical and conservative? Here our question has
nothing to do with those revisionist and capitulationist renegades of
the world who have fallen back to bourgeois formal democracy by
condemning people’s democratic dictatorship or dictatorship of the
proletariat. Here our question is centred around the development of
state power as an organisation to facilitate continuous revolution.
In the end it is the broad and vigorous democratization process,
which will in essence consolidate real people’s dictatorship or
proletarian dictatorship. There can be no other meaning than this
of the great scientific theory of democratic centralism. Why is
that these parties that were able to exercise democratic centralism
correctly before the capture of state power have now fallen pray
to formal democracy and bureaucratic centralism after they have
succeeded in capturing the state power? That the party is dominated
by revisionism cannot provide full answer to this question. In the
end the responsibility lies with this or that weakness committed
by Marxists in the application of dialectical materialism.
A Party, which may be proletarian revolutionary, and a state, that

may be democratic or socialist, at a particular time, place and
condition, may turn counter-revolutionary at another time, place
and condition. It is obvious that the synthesis of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, namely the masses and the revolutionaries
should rebel in such a situation, is fully correct in its place. However,
as if a particular Communist Party remains proletarian for ever
once a New Democratic or Socialist state is established under the
leadership of that Party, there is either no opportunity, or it is not
prepared, or it is prohibited, for the masses to have a free democratic
or socialist competition against it. As a result, since the ruling Party
is not required to have a political competition with others amidst
the masses, it gradually turns into a mechanistic bureaucratic Party
with special privileges and the state under its leadership, too, turns
into mechanistic and bureaucratic machinery. Similarly, the masses
become a victim of formal democracy and gradually their limitless
energy of creativity and dynamism gets sapped. This danger has
been clearly observed in history. To solve this problem, the process
of control, supervision and intervention of the masses over the state
should be stressed to be organized in a lively and scientific manner,
according to the principle of continuous revolution. Once again the
question here is to dialectically organize scientific reality that the
efficacy of dictatorship against the enemy is dependent upon the
efficacy of exercising democracy among the people.
For this, a situation must be created to ensure continuous

proletarization and revolutionization of the Communist Party by
organizing political competition within the constitutional limits
of the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist democratic state. Only by
institutionalizing the rights of the masses to install an alternative
revolutionary Party or leadership on the state if the Party fails to
continuously revolutionize itself that counter-revolution can be
effectively checked. Among different anti-feudal and anti-imperialist
political parties, organizations and institutions, which accept the
constitutional provisions, of the democratic state, their mutual
relations should not be confined to that of a mechanistic relation
of cooperation with the Communist Party but should be stressed to
have dialectical relations of democratic political competition in the
service of the people. It should be obvious that if anybody in this
process transgresses the limits legally set by the democratic state,
he would be subjected to democratic dictatorship. From the very
beginning it should be stressed to end a situation of not having to
prove the correctness of one’s ideas, the need to get united with
the interests of the masses, and dedication, devotion and sacrifice
and loyalty to the masses to establish the leadership capacity of
the Party once the state power is captured. Special care should be
taken to ensure that centralization of thought and leadership in the
state would not lead to a situation of curtailing the rights of self-
determination of the masses.
In the context of democratic revolution in Nepal, we have been

talking about the liberation of the masses from class, national,
regional, and gender oppression. We have also pledged national
and regional autonomy along with the rights to self-determination.
Similarly we have been talking about Party freedom for anti-feudal
and anti-imperialist forces. In this situation it should be stressed on
correctly organizing the masses’ right to self-determination for the
continuous democratization of the state.
Thus, only through the appropriate development of the Party,

Army and State as stated above that democracy in the twenty-
first century would enhance the process of continuous revolution
and counter-revoluConcentrate Total Force to Raise Preparations
for the Offensive to a New Height Through Correct Handling of
Contradictions

ANNEX-6
Supplementary Resolution to “Present Situation and Our
Historic Task”
[adopted by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the
CPN (Maoist) in October 2003]
Review of the World Situation

Review of the Domestic Political Situation
Review of the Military Situation After the Breakdown of Ceasefire
Refinement in the Practice of Military Actions
On the Future Military Plan
On the Presentation of the People’s State Power.
This meeting of the Politburo has been organized with a view to
introduce necessary refinement to the policy & plan for the coming
days by making a general review of the political and military
situation after the last plenum of the Central Committee (CC),
in general, and after the breakdown of ceasefire, in particular.
Review of the World Situation
The analysis and conclusions of the CC (meeting) on ‘World
Situation’ have been all the more relevant and correct today. After
the Iraq war, the US imperialism has been, with every passing day,
isolated politically and caught in the quagmire of greater crisis
militarily. This is getting confirmed not only by the contradictions
manifested in the recent United Nations General Assembly meeting
and the world conference of the W.T.O. held in Cancun, Mexico,
but also by the increasing resistance against US troops even in Iraq
and Afghanistan and the bankruptcy of the so-called ‘Road Map’
for peace in the Middle East. In the background of this crisis its
(i.e. the US’s) strategy to tighten its hegemony in South Asia is also
facing newer problems. In this context, the objectivity of our policy
to concentrate ideological, political and military attacks on the US
imperialism and the royal military dictatorship surviving on its (i.e.
the US’s) leftovers has been proved in a grand manner. As a result of
the initiative of the (Party) Center on the basis of the above policy,
not only our relations with the communist revolutionaries and
anti- imperialist masses the world over have been strengthened and
expanded but also the diplomatic relations with reactionary forces
having different levels of contradictions with the US imperialism
are getting expanded. Hence, the Party should stress on to make the
implementation of the said evaluation of the world situation and the
formulated policy more extensive and effective.
1. Review of the Domestic Political Situation
The Party has attained a new offensive position politically, due to

the flexible tactical stand of making the masses sovereign through
a Constituent Assembly and the overall initiative taken for this
during the negotiation process. Party’s political supremacy has been
established not only within the country but also outside along with
the declaration of cessation of relevance of ceasefire & negotiations
and appeal to go ahead with the resistance (struggle) after the
presentation of the retrograde “Concept Paper” by the old state
during the third round of negotiation and the massacre at Doramba
at the same time. In this whole process the Party has been successful
to exercise its strategic firmness and tactical flexibility from a new
height.
The political existence of the old state, which has become a puppet
of Western imperialism, particularly the US imperialism, is now
reduced into a royal military terrorism against the people. The
Party’s analysis and conclusion that the old state has degenerated into
military fascism dictated by imperialism after the palace massacre,
has now been vindicated all the more sharply. The fact that the
so-called commitment of the feudal elements towards multiparty
democracy is nothing but hypocrisy is thoroughly exposed by their
unwillingness to co-opt even the parliamentary political parties
begging for their co-option even within the old state. By exhibiting
the extremity of imperialist and feudal obstinacy, the old state is
now making utterly ridiculous nominations to the so-called local
bodies and is insanely advocating the organization of parliamentary
elections. It is clear that a crafty conspiracy to put a veil of legitimacy
to the military fascism of the old state by obliterating the existence
of even the parliamentary political parties is inherent in all this. The
political inaction of the major parliamentary parties is gradually
turning into a cause of their own extinction. The political extinction
of such elements that cannot gauze the impossibility of constitutional
monarchy in the specificity of the present world situation of the 21st
century and the development of civil war in the country are quite
natural. The inability to grasp the fact that in Nepal there is no other
alternative to either rally behind the leadership of the proletariat
to complete the bourgeois democratic revolution or to completely
capitulate to the military fascism based on the coalition of feudalism
and imperialism has become the destiny of the parliamentary forces.
The decision of the last CC that even though it may appear triangular
in form but in essence and in class terms the political struggle in the
country is bipolar, has been proved correct.
In this context it is clear that it is necessary to carry forward firmly the

Party policy of concentrating attacks on military fascism by making
political exposure of parliamentary capitulationism presenting
itself as a middle-roader and by uniting with the broad masses and
classes.
2. Review of the Military Situation After the Breakdown of
Ceasefire
The strategic plan chalked out by the last CC as part of the

preparations for strategic offensive and general insurrection is still in
the process of implementation. Hence it is not possible to have its
comprehensive review right now. However, as the initial stage of the
new initiation projected in that plan has been completed, it is both
possible and necessary to make an initial summing-up and to refine
& concretize the plan for the future.
It may be recollected that the main spirit of the plan devised by

the CC was to carry out decentralized actions in the first phase,
relatively centralized ones in the second and big centralized ones
in the third. As part of the decentralized actions in the first phase
the stress was on inflicting damage to and blocking the speed of the
enemy through small or big ambushes in rural areas and small or big
raids, commando attacks and small or big sabotages in the cities and
the Madhesh (plains).
As per the said forms and goals of the actions fixed for the first phase
of the new initiation, this part of the plan has been a complete success.
The decentralized but a countrywide chain of varied, intensive and
daring actions has shocked and disarrayed the enemy and forced
it to remain in a defensive position. The most important and
gainful aspects of the new initiation were the successful and daring
commando attacks, raids and sabotages in the capital, Madhesh and
small & big cities. As a result of these intensive actions, it was amply
testified that the enemy was not secure even in the capital and other
cities and the rural areas in the Terai (Plains), as in the hills, were
cleared (of the old state machinery). This consequence of the new
initiation is an important achievement towards the goal of preparing
grounds for the insurrection.

Road mining and ambushes have been carried out as per the
expectations in numerical terms. However, the expectations of
some qualitative ambushes have not been as much materialized
except in the Seti-Mahakali region. In terms of accidental positional
skirmishes, the encounters in Handing and Korchawang in Rolpa
were noteworthy.
In totality, the new initiative under the new strategic plan has
been accomplished successfully. In view of the big shock-oriented
attacks in a centralized form carried out in the beginning of every
new plan in the past and even the enemy and the people having
been accustomed to them, this new strategic plan has been a matter
of surprise for everybody. Despite its own heavy loss internally the
enemy has made false propaganda of self-indulgence on this new
process in the form of ‘weakening’ of the Peoples Liberation Army
(PLA) and the ‘success’ of its own (royal) army. On the other side, as
a result of the deliberate propaganda of the enemy and the ignorance
about the essence of our plan, a section of the masses, particularly
urban middle class intellectuals, are seen to be in some confusion
and apprehensions. Even some revolutionary cadres seem to be
disappointed in the absence of big shock-oriented actions.
In spite of some such illusions and confusions, what we should be

clear about is that, in view of the entire national & international
context after the breakdown of the ceasefire, our own political
initiative, a definite kind of preparation by the enemy and our
strategy of preparations for a nationwide counter-offensive, our
policy of decentralized actions in the first phase was quite correct and
objective. We should be clear that there was the danger of a negative
consequence both politically and militarily if we had proceeded in
the old fashion in the given context. The contrary propaganda of

the enemy that it is “winning” and in the “offensive” while it is in
the process of defeat and in the defensive, will ultimately benefit the
People’s War.
However, in the new context the existing forms of actions should be

continued and stress should be placed on organizing centralized big
actions, so that it may exercise a qualitative role in the preparations
for counter-offensive and insurrection.
3. Refinement in the Practice of Military Actions
Not only in the hills but also in the plain areas of the Madhesh the
old state power in the entire rural areas of the country has been
basically destroyed. All such areas have come under the leadership
and influence of the Party. This reality has been acknowledged not
only by us but also by our enemies inside & outside the country.
In such a situation resulting from the development of the great

People’s War the general masses would naturally expect from us all
the more seriousness and sense of responsibility. On the contrary, the
practices of certain forms of our military actions in certain contexts
have now been inconsistent with the level of development of the
movement, (our) responsibility and expectations of the masses. If
we are not able to refine the practices of forms of military actions
in time, it will ultimately give rise to negative consequences. Hence,
it is necessary to clarify our concept & practice in the context of
immediate military actions as follows:
A. On Destruction & Construction
The principal goal of a revolution is to destroy the old state power

and to construct a new one. Until the old state power is completely
destroyed or until the revolution is successful, strategically the

destruction is the principal (aspect). However, tactically and
practically in areas and levels where the old state power is destroyed,
the construction (aspect) gains priority in those areas & levels.
Generally the process of construction starts with the destruction and
there is a dialectical relationship between the two. Nevertheless, in
the context of our practices of some forms of military actions, this
dialectical relationship between destruction & construction has not
been properly expressed. For example, continuation of activities like
setting fire to the earlier Village Development Committee (VDC)
buildings in rural areas already in our control and influence, blasting
the buildings vacated by the enemy police forces with no chance
of their return, sabotaging the economic establishments of traders,
small industrialists and others willing to follow our policies & rules,
etc, smack of assuming, destruction in an absolute sense. This raises
the danger of increasing people’s grievances against us and the
enemy’s capitalization on it.
Hence it is necessary that we take the responsibility of development

and construction activities and security of physical infrastructures
and natural resources in the rural areas where the old state power
has been destroyed and mobilize the masses for it. We should stress
to carry forward the developmental and construction activities in
a new style by making use of the buildings, land, forest and other
economic establishments utilized by the old state & its functionaries
in the past, for the new state power, and by standing against their
possible sabotage by the enemy. It is essential to prove this through
both our words and deeds in the rural areas in the coming days.
B. On Annihilation of Class Enemies and Spies
As per the physical liquidation of class enemies and spies, our

Party’s policy has been: to practice it on the selected ones and to
the minimum, by informing the masses and obtaining their consent
as far as possible and by not resorting to any ghastly methods. The
current need of the development of the movement, particularly in
the rural areas, has necessitated introducing refinement even in this
method. Of course, we should not be unduly carried away by the
vicious propaganda of the enemy and the opportunists about the
physical annihilation of the enemy. However, while annihilating
somebody if we fail to develop and observe concrete policy on class
analysis, nature of his/her crime, democratic legal process to establish
the crime and the method of annihilation, it may have negative
consequences. It can’t just be dismissed as a baseless charge of the
enemy & the opportunists that in the past some of the annihilations
have taken place flimsily on the grounds of not giving enough
donations, not providing shelter & food, having politically opposed
our movement, suspicion of being a spy, or having enmity with our
local team members. Hence, if one has to resort to annihilation
in the rural areas henceforth, it is essential to ensure that it is not
done directly by a particular team or its definite members but a
certain minimum legal method is adhered to. It should be strictly
expressed in both our policy and practice that red terror does not
mean anarchy.
C. On Action Against Enemy Soldiers and Police Forces
It is axiomatic and there is no question of any debate that the

central and highest function of any revolution is to destroy the
armed forces acting as the main organ of the old state through the
People’s War. However, while practicing common and known
forms of military actions we do and should apply different methods
in different situations. For example, during encounters in actions of
ambush, mining, raid, commando attack etc, it is, and should be,

stressed on defeating the enemy by inflicting maximum damage.
Nevertheless, our known policy towards the surrendered enemy
soldiers and policemen is to deal honorably with the prisoners of
war, to convince them and provide them opportunity either to join
us in the fight or to return home. It is against the principle and
practice of the People’s War to liquidate someone when encountered
alone, or at home on leave, or anywhere on the spot just because he
happens to earn a living in the enemy’s army or the police force,
and ultimately its consequence is to unify rather than disintegrate
the enemy. Hence, primarily in the rural areas, when someone
serving in the enemy’s army or police forces returns home on leave
he should not be terrorized or annihilated but indoctrinated and
persuaded to abandon the (enemy) service. The manifestation of a
correct policy, as we have been hammering since the beginning, is to
enlighten the family members of those serving in the enemy’s army
and police force, to organize them and protect them. From now
onwards we should strive to assure and make them realize that their
family members would be safe when at home either after or without
leaving the (enemy) service.
In the case of those who have committed numerous and heinous

crimes in the past, or higher officers in the enemy army or police
force, they should be captured and dealt with as mentioned in
Section ‘B’ earlier.
D. On Dealing with Opposition Political Leaders and Cadres
Generally our policy towards the various reactionary and opportunist

political parties has been to give precedence to their political exposure.
We have been asserting that any physical action against somebody
should be not because of his/her membership of a particular political
party but due to his/her crime against the people and the People’s
War. Moreover, as the parties in power or in the opposition have
different immediate tactical behavior, we have been accordingly
dealing with them differently and should continue to do so. We
should strive to have amicable relations with those political parties
that are objectively closer to us politically even if it is only in the
immediate and tactical sense.
In the past some of our actions have gone against the correct and
total evaluation of the contradictions and the said policy of the Party.
In the new situation we should on the one hand, strive to strictly
implement the above policy and, on the other, strive to follow the
earlier mentioned democratic legal process in the context of such
persons deserving any kind of punishment or physical action. In
case of somebody’s arrest the reasons for the same should be made
public without delay.
E. On Collection of Donations
The enemy has been making a big issue of our method of

collecting donations to spread illusion amongst the middle classes.
To deprive the enemy of this weapon and to prevent the middle
classes from getting mislead and terrorized, it has been necessary
to make our donations policy more systematic and refined.
In the past, while collecting donations there have been some
lapses in making adequate class analysis of the related persons,
organizations, etc, in studying their background and in dealing
with them accordingly. As a result a lot of anarchy has been seen in
the field of financial collections. Hence in the future this anarchy
should be ended and to make the financial collection process more
systematic a concrete criteria for collecting donations from the
people on a class basis should be fixed and, on the other side, a
system of punishing and taxing the enemy should be developed.
It is essential that the (Party) Regional Bureaus should control the
activities of collection of donations and taxes.
F. On Various National & International Non-Governmental

Organizations
Even though in the past we made marginal differentiation in the

context of ending the hegemony of the old state in rural areas,
generally we had an offensive policy against all types of NGOs &
INGOs. However, in the changed current situation it is necessary
to refine this policy.
It is essential to deal positively with such NGOs, which are not

straightway linked politically with the old state and are desirous of
working in tandem with our policies and plans in the rural areas.
Similarly, except for those INGOs directly financed by the US
imperialism that has been most hostile towards the People’s War at
the international level, we should not carry out any physical action or
exercise coercion against the INGOs related with neutral countries
or those not hostile against the People’s War like the European
Union and others and should strive to solve the problem through
dialogue, interaction and coordination.
It has been particularly essential to demonstrate maturity in this

policy in the light of the global watch on our minor activities and
the totality of the contradictions.
4. On the Future Military Plan
It has been already mentioned that the military plan prepared by

the last meeting of the CC was correct and it is still in the process of
implementation. As the use of ‘relative centralization’ terminology
has objectively created some misgivings and pressure on the PLA,

while refining this plan the policy of relatively centralized actions
needs to be excluded for the time being. We should be clear that
objectively relative centralization would be automatically present
within the decentralized actions. Hence, in the coming plan
decentralized actions should be resolutely carried forward without
any pressure and preparations should be made for centralized and
definite big actions.
5. On the Presentation of the People’s State Power
In the light of the current situation of the total rural areas of the
country having passed on to the influence and control of the People’s
War and a noteworthy rise in the international publicity and
influence, the following steps should be taken to raise the political
intervention against the old state to a new height:
0. To appeal to the United Nations and other international forums

for the representation of the people’s power while opposing the so-
called representation of the military fascist old state.
a. To request through formal communication with all the countries

of the world affiliated to the United Nations for support and
cooperation to the new state power against the old state.
b. It is necessary to systematize the policy, plan and program of

the new state power so as to assume responsibility for the entire
rural areas in the country. For this, a concrete program of the
people’s power in all the economic, political, social and cultural
spheres should be implemented and the preparations for the
final insurrection be hastened.

ANNEX-7
Present Situation and Historical Task of the Proletariat
[Document adopted on 2010 after unconstitutional step of
President]
Dear Comrades,
Today, our great and glorious party, the Unified Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist), has arrived at a serious and extraordinary
juncture of possibilities and challenges.
The way how people's revolution, in the external struggle, is
advancing amid immense possibility of victory and serious danger
of defeat, in the same manner, party's internal life, as a reflection
of the former, also lies in the midst of potentiality of advance and
danger of anarchism
and chaos as well. The height to which we can create new unity,
voluntary discipline, self-confidence and vigour by means of a
correct line, strategy, tactic, plan and programme to ensure as far as
possible the decisive victory of revolution in this complex crossroads
of class struggle, to that level will we be able to make victorious
the revolution and party by safeguarding them from the danger of
defeat and anarchism. In order to develop that kind of line and plan,
we, by abandoning all kinds of subjective prejudices, must be able to
have objective estimation of the situation and balance of class force
based on the universal theories of MLM. The plan and programme
prepared on the basis of objective analysis will enable our party
to lead the decisive victory of revolution. Expressing high regard
and esteem to the entire known and unknown martyrs of Nepalese
people's revolution including those of ten years of people's war and
admiring the entire disappeared, injured fighters and their family

members, this plenum of the central committee will be able to bring
about a new dynamism in our party.
1) A short evaluation of present situation
a) On the international situation
After the dissolution of erstwhile Soviet Union and so-called "end"

of cold war, the academic pundits of western imperialism widely
propagated that capitalism had become "absolute", communist
ideology and communism had "ended" and the "unipolar" world
had been established. The premeditated propaganda is going on,
but the whole imperialist world order has now entrapped into a
dreadful global economic crisis. To have emerged an epicentre of
new global economic crisis in the United States of America that had
been presenting oneself as a leader of the world imperialism after the
Second World War imparts a special meaning and implication.
When the imperialist moneybags were celebrating "victory" of

capitalism before the dreadful cyclone of the current financial crisis
had come up, right then too it was clear from the statistics of the
World Bank itself that the gap between rich and poor had been
surprisingly widening. Consequently, after the 90s the living standard
of about a 1.75 billion of the people has severely dropped. About
a 30,000 children, who could be cured by primary healthcare, are
dying daily and about 1 billion people victimized by malnutrition
cannot reach their 40. Children ranging from 250 million to 300
million in number from poor countries of the third world are being
used as child-slaves for their bread and butter. Millions of young
women are being pushed into prostitution daily. Tens of millions
of youths of the third world are being forced to be sold as modern
slaves in the globalized labour market for their livelihood. It is a

short glimpse of so-called victory of capitalism after the cold war.
On top of that the present economic crisis has given rise to a more
horrendous outcome. The bourgeois economists the world over are
now bound to realize that the present global economic crisis is of
several times deeper and wider nature and of far-reaching significance
than the crisis that had emerged around 1930, before the Second
World War. Big banks, financial institutions and industries of the
United States of America have been declared to be bankrupt over
night. In America, about 7 hundred thousand workers had lost their
job merely in the last February; 6 hundred 50 thousand workers
have been now loosing their jobs in every three months. Only after
the economic crisis has started, 4.4 millions of people have lost their
jobs. The industries that produced about 20 millions of cars before
are now forced to produce only half of that. This Tsunami of severe
economic crisis is going ahead engulfing not only the United States
of America but also the third world countries, including Europe.
The imperialist ringleader who used to publicize that the open

market economy was a non-missing target are now forced to take
such a policy that provides financial support in different forms
including nationalization of banks and bail of out industries by the
government. It has been to the extent that some of the bourgeois
economists are now referring to adopt some of the aspects of
socialist economy to put the instantaneous crisis on hold. From this
what has been proved once again is that it is the capitalism that
is the main reason to bring crisis one after another for humanity
and it is socialism only that can bring about a bright future for the
human beings. The dream of unipolar world with which America
as a gangster had come forward the world over is now becoming a
daydream as a result of inter-imperialist contradictions along with

the resistance carried by Russia, which is consolidating internally,
and China, which is an upcoming economic super power. However,
the proletariat must not minimise imperialist globalization and
military strategy of capturing the whole world and the unjust wars
which are being imposed upon Iraq, Afghanistan, Middle East,
South Asia and the world over and the stratagem of military bases
being established there as well. Rather, in order to resist that it is
urgent to go forward seriously with immediate and long-term plans
to handle inter-imperialist contradictions, to resolve the principal
contradiction between imperialism and oppressed people and
nations by building, on the basis of proletarian internationalism,
a worldwide united front amongst the communist revolutionaries.
Finally, the imperialist globalization and hooliganism of the US
imperialism is bringing the world revolution closer and proves that
revolution is the main trend today.
It is necessary to be clear on the background and reason behind

this economic crisis that has exploded after about 70 years in
United States of America, the centre of imperialist world order.
The capitalism always creates a problem of overproduction because
it pays no attention to the basic needs of the masses but always
emphasizes on production that produces super profit to investors.
The development of huge industries and worldwide apparatus to
earn super profit results in creating a socialist base and mechanism
and consequently it creates a contradiction with the private
ownership of the capitalists; which is the inborn reason behind
the fall of capitalism and rise of socialism. A question arises here,
what reason caused to stop for so long years the process of fall of
capitalism and rise of socialism that was intense during the period of
the First World War to the advent of the Second World War? In the
advent of the Second World War, one of the main reasons behind
it was, in view of economic recession and inevitability of war, to
centralize the main strength and investment in war-centred military
economy on the part of the United States of America. From Second
World War to Vietnam War and the cold war to different levels
of wars till now made it possible to sustain capitalist economy in
general and American economy in particular. Production of fighter
planes, submarines, tanks, rockets and other military equipments
in an extensive way and enormous wealth plundered thereof helped
maintain that situation. Another important reason behind this is the
temporary respite that they gained by expanding finance capital all
over the world and increasing domination in the big markets like
China, India and Russia. But, as a result of inherent unproductive
and speculative nature of finance capital, it was unavoidable on the
part of world imperialism to get trapped soon into a new crisis and
so got trapped too.
In the period following the collapse of former Soviet Union, the

imperialists deliberately developed worldwide mechanism for
globalization of finance capital and extraction of profit to exploit
and oppress the labourers and working class people the world
over. As a result of the development of globalized production and
oppressive structures, today the outburst of crisis and unemployment
is spreading everywhere whether it be the US or Europe or Asia or
Africa or Latin America. Special attention to be paid here is that the
capitalist economy, on which war and military industries sustained,
is now entrapped into a worldwide severe crisis. In order to protect it
from being ruined the imperialists should develop terribly destructive
technical weapons and impose qualitatively disastrous genocidal
wars. Now, traditional and scattered wars and usual war economy is
not sufficient to safeguard capitalism. Right at this point, a danger
of imperialism staging a most severe destruction in the history of
mankind is hidden behind it. Therefore, it has become especially
necessary for the people, who are in favour of justice, equality, peace
and independence, to come forward together against the imperialist
crisis and terror of wars. In fact, this situation in the final analysis is
creating a qualitatively favourable situation to build a people's new
world through world revolution
India is gradually surrendering to the US imperialism. As a result

of this, America is intensifying its economic, political and military
activities all across the region. Entrapping India in its strategic
web, the US imperialism is going ahead along its master plan of
suppressing the entire national liberation, new democratic and
socialist movements in this region and encircling and dividing
China, the strong competent of the 21st century. In spite of this,
the need to pay attention on is that there exists contradiction too
between the US and India in view of mutual shares in South Asia.
In the context of Nepal, India wants to extend its border up to the
Himalayas, where as US wants to establish a special base in Nepal
and go ahead on its own. The proletariat in this region should
determine its strategy and tactic paying attention to both the aspects
i.e. collusion, the principal aspect, and contention, the secondary
aspect, existing in between US and India. In general, Asia, Africa
and Latin America remain as the storm centres of revolution, but as a
result of firstly, the special nature of contradiction against feudalism
and imperialism, secondly, the wideness of revolutionary national
liberation and democratic movements and thirdly, huge number
of exploited and oppressed masses living in South Asia, make it a
main storm centre of world revolution in the first decade of the
21st century. In this context, proletarian revolutionaries should take
up a policy to go ahead by uniting the entire national liberation,
democratic and socialist movements and building a broad united
front against imperialism. What is necessary to pay attention
here is that the wave of victory of anti-imperialist leftists in Latin
American countries in the elections attracts a special significance.
The left opinion there will have a special role in developing an anti-
imperialist front in the world level.
b) On the International Communist Movement
Aforesaid brief analysis of the world situation clarifies that the

objective condition to build up communist parties based on MLM
and develop revolution is speedily getting favourable in various
countries of the world. However, compared to the objective situation,
the subjective condition of the world communist movement is very
weak.
MLM, the only scientific and revolutionary world outlook and

principle, has developed as an ideological weapon of the proletariat.
As a science, communist revolutionaries must grasp the question
of defending, applying and developing MLM very seriously. In
the context of defending, applying and developing MLM, right
revisionism remains as the main deviation and ideological foe of
the communist movement even today. Real defence, application
and development of MLM is not possible without undergoing
strong ideological struggle against right revisionism that backs class
collaboration, reformism and national capitulation. While waging
this struggle, the proletarian revolutionaries must remain vigilant on
the danger of mechanical and sectarian dogmato-revisionism and
eclecticism and centrist deviation as well. Finally, in the communist
movement, Marxism has developed to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
in the midst of struggles against all sorts of deviations.
We can correctly accomplish our historical task only by waging

struggles against mainly the right revisionism and also dogmatism
prevailing in the international communist movement today. For
this, maintaining relation with MLM parties in and outside of
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), we should go ahead
on the way to building a new international amidst lively ideological
struggle. In the context of defence, application and development
of MLM, we, as a party that has acquired experiences in the midst
of 10 years of people's war and a range of mass movements and as
a big force against feudalism and imperialism and also accepting
heartily that we have a historical responsibility upon our shoulder
to develop ideological struggle and international movement, should
step up initiative to that direction.
Present National Political Situation
The main specificity of the present Nepalese political situation is that

our country is being pushed towards a matured state of revolutionary
crisis from the sensitive state of transition. Consistent with the tactic
and demand that the revolutionary communists had put forward,
by way of fusion of people's war and historical mass movement,
the constituent assembly election has taken place, and through that
election the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has been
established as the most popular party in the country, and bringing to
an end the 240 years old monarchy, the federal democratic republic
has been established as a result of the initiative and the strength of
our party. Gaining experience of a very new front to drive the new
democratic revolution forward against feudalism and imperialism,
this party has already led a nine months long people-elected first
government of the Republic of Nepal. Certainly, these are the
achievements that have far-reaching importance in the context of
Nepali democratic revolution. True proletarians must have high
evaluation and regard to these achievements.
But in spite of aforesaid achievements, there has been no basic change
in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition of the country.
The fundamental problems of the country and people related with
nationhood, democracy and people's livelihood are not basically
solved. There is no basic change in the class character of the state.
Even today, there is a sole control of comprador, bureaucrat and
feudal classes in the state. Seizing the achievements of great people's
war and historic mass movement or by means of counterrevolution
this class wants to retract into status quo. Certainly, these challenges
clarify the reality that Nepalese democratic revolution has not yet
been accomplished rather its final completion along with decisive
struggle still remains waiting. True revolutionaries must take these
challenges and realities seriously.
In this way, what is clear from the aforesaid facts is that to devaluate
the present political change as insignificant or overestimate it as equal
to revolution are both wrong. Protecting the achievements, to go
forward for the success of democratic revolution is the responsibility
of genuine proletariats.
For the feudal monarchy has come to an end, the principal political
contradiction of Nepalese people with monarchy has also ended.
Now the comprador, bureaucrat and feudal elements that favour
status quo have taken that position. Changed political context and
the latest political events, in particular, have clarified that a drama of
building puppet government comprising of diehard rightist elements
has been staged against the spirit of interim constitution, the basic
democratic norms of civilian supremacy, people's mandate expressed
in the election, peace and the process of constitution building in
the naked intervention of foreign reactionaries. What this situation
clarifies is that not only has the contradiction of Nepalese people

with compradors, bureaucrat capitalists and the feudal classes that
favour status quo and national capitulation intensified but also the
Nepalese nation's and people's basic contradiction with imperialist-
expansionist forces that prop up the aforesaid classes has also been
sharpening. Because the status quoist domestic reaction has been
proved weaker compared to the revolutionary forces in Nepal, the
special situations, on which one should also pay attention is that any
time there is a possibility of contradiction of Nepalese people with
both the domestic and foreign reactionaries becoming simultaneously
principal or the possibility of national liberation becoming principal
after there is direct military intervention on the command of foreign
power against the Nepalese people, predominantly exists. Party must
remain prepared to confront both of the aforesaid eventualities, but
right now grasping the fact that internal contradiction is principal
it is seriously necessary to build up prerequisites for tomorrow by
way of exposing and resisting different forms of ongoing foreign
interventions.
Politically, there is a serious debate on two questions now. They

are: firstly, which is the main obstructing or inspiring idea and force
behind the 12-point understanding? And secondly, whether to limit
the present federal republic within the regressive and status quo
republic that represents the interest of compradors, bureaucrats and
feudal or establish a people's republic of entire patriots including
workers and peasants and oppressed class, nationality, region and
gender? Now in answer to these basic questions naturally two
different ideas are coming up. The proletariat, which defends the
interest of oppressed classes, nationalities, regions and genders
including workers, peasants, patriotic intelligentsia and national
bourgeoisie, claims that the main thinker and inspirer behind the
12-point understanding is the people's war and the mass movement
led by itself, where as compradors, bureaucrats and feudal and
their foreign masters present themselves as the major force and the
inspirer. Likewise, the proletariat is making effort to step up the
federal democratic republic to People's Republic and institutionalize
it where as the reactionary class is making effort to entrap it into or
step down to status quo republic. From the viewpoint of class politics,
the key reason behind the present political tussle, contradiction and
confrontation lies in it.
It can be understood in another way also. Yesterday, absolute feudal

monarchy had come forward as a common enemy of both of the
class forces that favoured parliamentarian status quo and People's
Republic. A common necessity to fight against it created a base for
12-point understanding. The election of constituent assembly and
complete democracy (i.e. federal democratic republic) could become
a common programme at that time. When this kind of understanding
was being made, both the political forces, parliamentarian status
quoist and communist revolutionaries, had seen advantage on
their part. Had not both the forces seen advantage on their part
no understanding was possible too. It is a general law of political
process.
As a result of limitation in their class outlook, it is in general the

specificity of bourgeois reactionaries to underestimate the strength
and ability of the masses of the people including workers and peasants
and the communist revolutionaries as well. Having concrete analysis
of the concrete condition and objective estimation of class forces,
to decide correct policy is the speciality of the revolutionaries.
Constituent Assembly election and its result have proved the said
specificity well. Proving to be wrong the analysis and estimation of
imperialist, expansionist and domestic reactions, Nepalese people

made the communist revolutionaries reach to the highest position.
Although the Nepalese people placed the revolutionary forces in
the first position against expectation, effort and estimation of the
reactionaries, only after their entire plots to stop that force from
leading the government failed, finally the Maoist-led government
was formed. Formation of the first elected government of Republic
of Nepal under the leadership of Maoist revolutionaries was a matter
of surprise for both the reactionaries and democratic forces the
world over. The class contradictions of the state power are soundly
displayed in this event, which has come up as a particular expression
of balance of class forces developed in the course of 10 years of
people's war and historical mass movement. In this situation, it
is obvious for the leadership to seek its own dictatorship and the
dictatorship to seek its own leadership. Clear class difference and
speciality is that the proletarian revolutionaries present themselves
responsible and honest towards the nation and people where as the
reactionary and revisionist elements prove themselves to be very
totalitarian, national betrayers and anti-people.
As a partisan force of people's federal democratic national republic

i.e. People's Republic, naturally the Maoist-led government, not
in any support or gesture of foreign reactionaries or domestic
status quoist forces, remaining honest to nation, people's war,
mass movement and the mandate of constituent assembly, started
going independently and lawfully ahead as to institutionalize and
address the changes. All the way through struggles pursued in
preparing policy, programme and budget of the government to
Prime Minister's formal visit to China, India, America, Norway
and Finland, the government tried to address the necessity of the
changed situation and Nepalese people's struggle and sacrifice for
epoch-making changes. In the process of institutionalizing changes,
the government presented several important programmes as to make
the masses avail immediate respite to strategic plans to build a new
Nepal and it adopted a policy to gradually transform bureaucracy
and security mechanism corresponding to the essence and necessity
of the federal republic. In this process, the government lawfully
took action upon the "commander", who used to time and again
challenge the republic and the supremacy of civilian government,
speak against the peace agreement, advocate feudal monarchy and
serve the foreign reaction.
It was natural to become government's aforesaid activities intolerable

to the reactionary elements that were conspiring not to allow
forming the Maoist-led government and making it fail in case it was
formed. In spite of innumerable conspiracies to make the Maoist-
led government topple down, as well as fraudulent and deliberate
propaganda to defame it, when they saw that Maoist popularity
was growing and were going ahead firmly along their strategy, then
the reactionaries heightened their conspiracies further. By means of
deliberate and subjective propaganda like "Manipulating the army,
the Maoists are seizing power according to their strategy", "Maoists are
implementing one party totalitarian rule" the reactionaries, who talk
of constitutional supremacy, democratic values, rule of law, civilian
supremacy, finally displayed their real despotic nature. Justifying
that democracy is a show tusk of an elephant for the reactionaries;
they hatched a midnight counterrevolutionary conspiracy by using
the president as a mask.
In the gesture of foreign lords, turning down the decisions of the

civilian government in an unconstitutional and despotic manner, not
only has the drama of a commander's reinstatement exposed national
capitulationist and undemocratic nature of the old parliamentarian

and revisionist political parties but also has it shown their defeated
and humiliated mentality.
The reality that behind this unconstitutional move of the president

lies a ghastly conspiracy, on the part of domestic and foreign
reactions, of pushing the country towards war and confrontation,
disrupting constitution writing and peace process, slaughtering the
throat of federal democratic republic by means of military terror and
finally attacking upon the national existence and chastity of Nepal
is evident. At this particular historical crossroads, a revolutionary
prudence and courage was anticipated from the vanguard of the
proletariat to defeat counterrevolutionary conspiracy and show
honesty and responsibility towards nation, people and the class. Our
great and glorious party and its central leadership proved its prudence
and courage through aggressive but balanced attacks in succession
against reactionary conspiracies. Raising high the banner of right
of national self-determination (i.e. national independence and self-
respect) and civilian supremacy, the events from the action upon
Katuwal to the resignation of Prime Minister, from the resignation
to Prime Minister's last address in the constituent assembly, from
the last address to struggle going on in the legislature and street,
have exhibited the aforesaid historic truth. Our party rank and file
and the broad masses as well are proud of it and should be too.
While making comprehensive objective evaluation of the first

coalition government of Republic of Nepal constituted under the
leadership of our party, we must humbly admit that we could not
attain the expected and possible achievements as a result of, on the
one hand, the obligatory situation in which we had to work within
the limitation of old reactionary state machinery and our lack of
experience to run the state, lack of planned coordination among the

tasks of government, legislature and the street etc. On the other,
in spite of aforesaid limitations we must not loose sight the key
achievements for example our success to raise optimism towards the
future and the revolution among the broad masses, make conflict-
affected people avail relief even though a few, initiate effective
intervention for forward looking transformation in several organs
of the old state power and take some positive initiative to protect
and promote national interest and self-respect etc. In total, the
positive and negative experiences of this short period have provided
important reference material to establish and run the state power of
the proletariat in the days to come.
As a result of prudence and courage exhibited by the revolutionary

party, today the process of polarization of genuine patriotic, leftist,
progressive and democratic forces and the broad masses on one side,
and a handful of national capitulationist compradors, bureaucrats
and feudal elements on the other side is intensifying. A flame of
serious debate and contradiction has ignited mainly within Nepali
Congress and UML, the political forces that formed a puppet
government. Even there, honest patriots, leftist and democratic
leaders and cadres are, in an organized and extensive manner,
opposing capitulationist character of the national leadership and
their act of kneeling down before military supremacy. Right at this
time, given the atrocity carried out by the Indian security forces
upon Nepalese people along the bordering areas of Dang district and
the events of border encroachment in different parts of the country
including Bara district, the awareness and initiative of defending
national self-respect and territorial integrity has been qualitatively
expanding among the entire political activists including the broad
masses, except a few compradors. By transforming this awareness
and initiative into a material force, to come forward to liberating
our country from the semi-feudal and semi-colonial condition is the
historic task of the proletariat at present. This liberation will be the
completion of democratic revolution. However, it will be a serious
mistake to think that this historic task will be accomplished with no
trouble. For that, there must be untiring labour, sacrifice, endurance
and conviction in all the fields of ideology, organization and struggle;
which we will discuss in another chapter. The question to pay
attention here is that the reactionaries are now seriously involved in
the conspiracy of making Maoist revolutionaries commit a mistake
through provocation, alleging Maoists through an artificial incident,
killing political leadership, creating split in the party and movement
to disrupt peace-process, weakening the constituent assembly and
pushing the country into war. Reactionaries, in and outside of the
country, have clearly understood that the ideological, political and
sentimental relation of the peace-process and constituent assembly is
inseparably related with Maoist people's war and the revolutionary
movement. In the special context of Nepal, for the reason that
peace-process and constituent assembly are the fruit of people's war
and revolutionary movement, victory of reactionaries in this arena is
impossible. From the result of constituent assembly election, from
the programmes related to nationhood, democracy and people's
livelihood that the Maoist-led government had put forward and
mainly from the political superiority of the Maoist revolutionaries
and also from the increasing popularity proved by the past mid-term
poll, the reactionaries have clearly understood this reality.
In this backdrop, without falling in enemy provocation, the urgent

necessity to develop independent proletarian policy, plan and
programme that defeats their strategic aspiration is evident. At this
time, we must not search imaginary and bombastic slogans but
centre our attention on the slogans that emerged in the midst of
lively struggles against reactionaries and make them reach to the
masses in a systematic and planned way. Enemy is trying to isolate
us, our slogan must isolate the enemy, enemy is trying to push the
country into war, our slogan must be able to rally the whole country
around the banner of peace, enemy is trying to make the constituent
assembly powerless, our slogan must make it lively, enemy is trying
to make the peace agreement and interim constitution a worthless
piece of paper, we must respect them as a common mandate of the
people's war, 12-point understanding and the mass movement,
enemy is abhorrently conspiring to malign people's verdict expressed
in the constituent assembly and impose puppet government upon
the Nepalese people, our slogan must fully respect people's opinion
expressed in the constituent assembly, the enemy is finally and mainly
trying to wreck national independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Nepal and our slogan, uniting the whole country, must
be able to shatter the enemy's ambition. For that, tactically peace,
constitution, national independence, 'civilian supremacy' and
'Maoist-led national government' must be included in our slogans.
Based on these slogans, the planned struggles carried from legislature
and the street, by defeating the reactionary conspiracies, broad
masses can be led to the completion of strategic goal of democratic
revolution.
2) On the party line and polarization of revolutionary

communists
As a result of correct implementation and synchronization of party's

clear ideological and political line, strategy, tactic and plan of action,
today our glorious party the Unified Communist Party of Nepal
(Maoist) has been developing as a main stream of the communist
revolutionaries. The process of revolutionary polarization that

came forward with the historic initiation of people's war has now
qualitatively attained a new height.
When the great people's war was advancing towards its climax,
the party unity with CPN (Masal) organized under the leadership
of comrade Dinanath Sharma after rebellion against dogmato-
revisionism and the unity, 2 years later, with Kirat Workers Party
led by comrade Gopal Kirati set off the process of revolutionary
polarization in an organized way.
It is clear that the scientific outlook regarding strategy, tactic and

tactical unity has made our party achieve an important and leading
role of realizing 12-point understanding, fusion of people's war and
mass movement, peace process, constituent assembly and establish
federal democratic republic.
From our first position in the constituent assembly election to

the popular programmes on the part of the people-elected first
republican government under party leadership and programmes
of agitation, from prime minister's resignation in order to struggle
in favour of national independence, civilian supremacy, peace and
constitution to the important decisions taken in the legislatures and
the ongoing programmes of mass movement as well have imparted
new dynamism for the revolutionary polarization.
From the unity taken place between CPN (Maoist) and CPN (Unity
centre-Masal) that were carrying out joint activities ever since the
great process of people's war to the unity with CPN (MLM) led by
comrade Krishnadas Shrestha, Democratic Front led by comrade
Bhim Bahadur Kadayat, CPN (Masal) led by Keshav Nepal, CPN
(ML-Revolutionary) led by comrade Tek Bahadur, dozens of cultural
fighters, who rebelled in group from UML, dozens of intellectual

and political personalities that rebelled from various groups and the
ranks of thousands of revolutionary cadres, who joined the CPN
(Maoist) before and after the constituent assembly election, all has
clarified the fact that the Unified Communist party of Nepal (Maoist)
that has a revolutionary line, strategy and tactical thinking to go
forward to socialism and communism after the accomplishment of
new democratic revolution in Nepal has become a main stream of
communist revolutionaries today.
3) From the latest peace process to the present: on party's

problems and Weaknesses
From the viewpoint of class struggle as a whole and the objective

political initiative there has been a good advance. But, from the
subjective and organizational point of view there have been scores of
serious problems and weaknesses. If we could not develop concrete
policy plan and programme to identify the problems, reasons behind
them and the ways to resolve them howsoever bright future may be
seen objectively in fact no achievement can be obtained even if these
are not implemented in practice. In this context, first of all problems
should be discussed.
a) MLM has taught us and we have clearly understood that it is

not possible to lead revolution to a decisive victory without the
leadership of a militant and disciplined communist party, vanguard
of the proletariat, based on the unity of ideology and resolve. In spite
of numerous limitations and weaknesses, for the whole period of
people's war party's principal aspect was militant political vanguard
of the proletariat. There was dominance of high proletarian spirit
of ideological consistency, resolute unity, voluntary discipline and
sacrifice. But, after the peace process and mainly after the party
has come open, unfortunately the party not only did not remain
a militant and disciplined political vanguard of the proletariat but
also a danger of it being gradually transformed into an anarchic
crowd has come into sight. The process of achieving new unity
on a new basis by means of ideology-centred debate and unity-
struggle-transformation is being gradually replaced by the danger of
individual interest-centred unhealthy competition and new factions
and splits. Bringing this situation to an end, we must allot utmost
emphasis to drive the party forward as a political vanguard of the
proletariat in a true sense.
b) Today party committee system is going towards the direction

of becoming lethargic, burdensome, chaotic and messy. The
committee system of a communist party ought have been swift,
orderly and proficient to provide lively leadership to the committee,
organizations and masses of the people under one's responsibility,
but our committees have become so huge that firstly there can be
no meeting and secondly very difficult to take up decisions in case
there is meeting. Consequently, the position of collective decision
and individual responsibility, the organisational concept of MLM, is
being occupied by individual decision and collective responsibility.
This situation must be changed. Committee system cannot be
improved without reactivating the method of conducting committees
based on the organizational principal of democratic centralism and
making them lively and strong by way of criticism and self-criticism.
In a genuine communist party, in case there is no practice of regular
criticism and self-criticism from the central committee to the cell
committees, naturally different kinds of confusions, whisperings,
propaganda, factionalism and anarchism emerge within the party
and they make the party hollow and indolent.
c) Now, there has been rapid deterioration in party's proletarian

conduct and working style. The competition of individual concern,
interest and return is trying to replace collective concern, initiative
and sacrifice for party and revolution. Mutual help, reverence and
healthy criticism among comrades is gradually being replaced by
the trends of non-cooperation, intolerance and unhealthy criticism.
The economic anarchy and opacity, on the one hand, is rapidly
making the party slide down from the communist ideals and, on the
other, it is making the mutual relation among comrades very much
suspicious and unhealthy. A communist system of unconditionally
depositing cash or appliances obtained from any source by a
comrade of any level of the party has been disappearing and a very
bourgeois process of piling up and using them personally by those
whoever can is burgeoning. From this, thousands of honest and
revolutionary cadres have been victims of desperation, humiliation
and discomfort, for they are entrapped in the problems of solving
their own daily subsistence, minimum supply of daily necessities,
family problems and basic problems of the local people, where as a
trend of taking individual benefit by a few party officials and some
'actives' is growing. This situation has created wide dissatisfaction
among the revolutionary cadres and it has time and again given
rise to natural unrest and fury before the party leadership and the
party centre. In order to bring this situation to an end, there is no
other way than sorting out plan to develop proletarian conduct and
working style and implementing them firmly in the party.
d) Regular ideological and political training and schooling, which

is very much necessary, has become messy. Daily political events,
parliamentarian tug-of-wars and their ebb and tide and premeditated
materials that are publicized by big media houses, controlled by
reactionaries, have become the major political training materials
for the entire party ranks and supporters. Naturally, as a result of
this, proletarian ideology, politics and strategic issues are falling
under shadow and everyone is running behind the daily events
and is getting confused by it. By bringing this situation to an end,
and taking publication, publicity, political training and schooling
seriously it is necessary to push the tasks forward in a planned way.
e) The great people's war gave birth to thousands of professional
revolutionary fighters. In the course of people's war, a huge number
of fulltime and part-time cadres were actively involved in party
works, people's liberation army, militia, war front, democratic state,
people's courts, communes and democratic schools. Thousands of
martyr's families, disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their
families had active participation in either of the aforesaid tasks.
After we entered into the peace process, as a result of dissolution of
people's power, people's court and militia, and centering of PLA in
cantonments and no formation of local bodies after the constituent
assembly election also, thousands of district and local level cadres
had to become unemployed. Also the lack of management of fulltime
cadres, families of martyrs, disappeared and wounded fighters and
regular plans and programmes of mass mobilization and struggle,
caused to develop obvious confusion, doubt and dissatisfaction
among the cadres. On the one hand, emergence of that situation in
absence of plan and programme in the local level and, on the other,
differences in opinion among the responsible members of the central
committee broadly also caused to emerge symptoms of pessimism.
Without raising to a new height the process of management and
mobilization through correct policy, plan and programme this
problem will have no real solution.
f) Thousands of youths, in the course of people's war, involved in

revolution by leaving their study in campuses and schools. Even after
the Party-led government was formed after the constituent assembly
election academic certificate became compulsory in governmental
and non-governmental jobs and when they saw their age-group
friends studying in different levels, naturally apprehension about
their study and future started growing. Besides, uneasiness has widely
grown after some of the cadres, by any means, started reading and
taking examinations. Although party had brought forward a concept
of Open University and tried to solve it but that has not yet been
effective. Now, party has certainly taken up some concrete initiatives
on behalf of the government to teach sons and daughters of martyrs
and disappeared fighters and it has given a positive impact too. But,
party should take up clear policy on education of the whole cadres.
g) Inability to push forward the tasks related to four preparations and
that of government, legislature and the street also increased distrust
and doubt within the party. In the days to come, it is necessary to
carry forward these tasks in a planned way.
Behind the aforesaid problems, the acts like, 'loose talking', 'back
biting', 'rude comment' against this or that comrade of the party
leadership contrary to the party system of democratic centralism
have become in itself a serious problem before the party. It has
been urgent to resolve these problems through open discussion and
criticism and self-criticism. While doing so, even if there remain
differences in opinion in certain issues, there must be commitment
to conducting ideology-centred debate in a systematic way and
implementing the decision in a unified manner.
Behind increment of the aforesaid kinds of problems in the party,

our attention should focus on the following main reasons.
a) To jump into this complex front without developing, as far as

possible, clear policy, plan and programme on the organizational and

practical problems that could arise while coming from war to peace,
seems to be one of the main reasons behind the aforesaid problems.
After coming into this front, it was apparent that there would have
been compulsion on the part of main leadership to engage in day
to day national and domestic works. By having prior estimation
of that kind of situation, clear concept and overall work division
must have been done on the tasks of party, army, state power, mass
organizations, front etc.
b) After party acquired victory in the constituent assembly election

in contrary to domestic and foreign reactionaries' analysis, estimation
and expectation, our inability to pay adequate attention to maintain
uniformity, through thorough discussion in the CC meeting, on the
issues like -- whether the party should join government or not, in case
it was decided to join what could be the overall plan, what could be
the party policy, plan and programme to mobilise masses compatible
with the programmes of the government, how to crush conspiracy
and encirclement on the part of imperialism, expansionism and
domestic reaction after the government was formed etc. caused the
aforesaid problems to arise.
Owing to aforesaid main reasons, no concrete plan to resolve

aforesaid problems including the management of cadres could
be developed. Consequently, a contradictory situation, in which
there was enthusiasm among the people but mistrust among the
cadres, arose. Chairman should take the main responsibility for such
situation to arise in the party and then other comrades respectively, in
accordance with their hierarchical status, should do. And, refraining
from such weaknesses in the future, planned initiative should be
taken up to make the party go ahead.

4) A rough sketch of the immediate plan
Aforesaid analysis and review clarifies the possibilities and challenges

before the party. From this it is apparent that the forces of revolution
and counterrevolution are going ahead towards the direction of
decisive confrontation. The objective situation is allowing neither
the people's revolutionary force nor the counterrevolutionary force
of feudalism and imperialism to linger in status quo. The reactionary
force, domestic and foreign, is now seeing their superiority in war,
autocracy, national capitulation and military supremacy while quite
contrary to it the force of proletariat and the revolutionary masses is
seeing their interest and superiority in peace, constitution, national
self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy.
It is not so easy for the reactionaries to instigate war owing to our

leading position in the constituent assembly, situation of federal
democratic republic and growing support, on the part of civilian
movement and the broad masses, to our commitment to peace
national self-respect, democracy and civilian supremacy, rather
a possibility, in which initiative and victory remains in the hands
of mainly the proletariat and revolutionary masses, has increased.
Yet, we must not minimize the danger of counterrevolution because
the restless reactionaries are intensely conspiring to trigger off war.
In this sensitive situation, the only basis and condition for the
victory of proletariat and masses is to develop strong unity within
themselves with clarity towards the goal. Only by remaining united
can the proletariat and the revolutionary masses, after completing
the historical task of democratic revolution, open the way to go
ahead towards socialism and communism.

a) Form and direction of the immediate movement
To develop wide-ranging peaceful mass movement around the issues

of civilian supremacy, national independence, peace and constitution
and formation of Maoist-led national united government must be
our main task at present. Where one must be clear is that national
united government means, in the present context, the government of
those forces that favour civilian supremacy, national independence
and federalism. When carrying out this movement, if the civilian
supremacy is established, we must remain prepared to form national
united government, but we must be clear on the fact that to
participate in the puppet government without civilian supremacy
will be a political suicide. Until the situation of civilian supremacy
and national government is built up, we should take a policy of
raising movement from one height to another.
-- Paying attention to the special political significance of Madhesh,

recent conspiratorial division in Forum, sensitivity arisen out of
continuous events of border encroachment and the necessity of
national movement, we should emphasize to go ahead with a special
plan that focuses on the questions of developing strong movement in
the whole Terai (Madhesh, Tharuwan and Kochila) in general and
Madhesh (Mithila, Bhojpura and Abadh) in particular. Objectively,
the situation is getting favourable to develop movement in Madhesh
under the leadership of our party.
-- In order to resist foreign intervention upon the national

independence of our country, it is necessary to consolidate internal
nationhood. For this, autonomy and federalism must be taken to
implementation strongly.
-- In the context of solving the problems of people's livelihood, the

issue of revolutionary land reform should be carried forward with
special emphasis.
b) On the broad united front and mass mobilization
-- A broad united front should be established under the party

leadership to effectuate the movement of civilian supremacy
and national government. We should endeavour to build up
that kind of united front in two levels. First, a front made up
of various mass organizations, national and regional fronts
inclusive of prominent personalities under the leadership of
our party and second, a broad united front comprising of entire
leftists, progressives, patriots and other parties, institutions and
individuals favouring civilian supremacy should be built up.
-- Mobilize masses to declare Sherpa autonomous region in the

east and Bhote-Lama autonomous region in the west along the
entire Himalayan range of the north.
-- Develop movement to declare the establishment of national and

regional autonomous regions.
-- Take initiative to organize without delay the local bodies in
accordance with the spirit of interim constitution.
c) On peace process and writing of the new constitution
Although our party is in opposition, we should play an active
role to succeed the process of peace and constitution writing.
We must justify through policy and practice that we are honest
and responsible to make the peace process reach to a logical
conclusion and build a constitution in line with the necessity
and interest of the nation and people. The fact that the elements
that defame democracy by defying the interim constitution and
disregarding the mandate expressed in the constituent assembly
election are against peace and constitution building must reach
to the people in a planned way.
-- The army integration and rehabilitation should be carried
forward simultaneously in parallel with the task of constitution
writing. Party must remain very careful to the reactionary plot of
weakening and disarming party by integration and rehabilitation
before people's constitution is written.
-- The constitution that is being submitted on behalf of the
party must include the essence and concept of anti-feudal and
anti-imperialist democratic constitution. Not a constitution
for constitution, party must remain clear on the fact that the
constitution must be able to protect and consolidate country's
sovereignty and territorial integrity along with national
independence and self-respect and ensure right of the masses of
entire oppressed class, nation, region and sex including workers
and the peasants.
-- It must be ensured that the constitution should provide
sufficient democratic right to the autonomous regions, however
paying attention to the sensitive geo-political location of Nepal,
particular state of population distribution and also to the main
necessity of the socialism-oriented democratic structure, the
system of democratic centralism should be consolidated taking
into account of building an appropriately strong executive body
at the centre also. In the constitution, federalism with Nepalese
particularity and provision of the oppressed class, including the
workers and peasants, acquiring priority in representation and
leadership must be guaranteed both in the autonomous region
and at the centre. In the case of leadership of autonomous region
a policy of providing leading right in the first election and then
to priority should be taken up.
-- Food, shelter, cloth, education, health and employment
including multi-party competition, people's supremacy, rule of
pro-people law and freedom of expression in line with the spirit
of "Development of democracy in the 21st century" must be
guaranteed as the fundamental rights of the people.
d) On party, mass organizations, fronts and departments
-- Considering the situation and necessity of political struggle
existing in the country, it is necessary to consolidate party by
organising its Congress soon. The Congress is equally necessary
to clarify the ideological ambiguity noticed in the party,
relatively systematize and consolidate the bulky and chaotic
organizational structure and style of work.
-- Keeping at centre the necessity of movement, the task of
relatively consolidating mass organisations and departments
by means of gathering, training, constitution, reconstitution
and other organizational works should be completed till mid-
September to prepare and mobilize them in a unified way.
-- Taking seriously the issue of collecting real data of fulltime
activists, mobilizing them in a planned way for their
management, the upcoming mass movement and the main
preparation in the capital, big cities and headquarters and
erecting a special mechanism at the centre, initiative should be
taken to fulfil it without delay. This mechanism will also sort
out concrete programmes to mobilize martyrs' families, families
of disappeared fighters, wounded fighters and their families in
the movement along with necessary help to them.
-- A special working plan should be chalked out to bring major
mass organizations including worker, peasant, student, women,
Dalit and culture well in order, expand organizations up to the
masses and mobilize the major regional and national fronts in a
unified way.

e) On solving the financial problem
-- Make all the state committees and district committees along
with collectives involve in production work including labour,
and collecting financial support from them.
-- Emphasize to regularize levy and quota.
-- Collect special donation at the centre, states and the districts for
the movement.
-- Reactivate the central financial department to chalk out
concrete policy and find out ways in relation to collecting funds,
accounting and maintaining transparency of the expenditure.
f) On the sketch of programmes of the mass movement and its
general routine
Central committee will prepare entire programmes and the general
routine of the mass movement.
Comrades, we are at a very much glorious but challenging juncture
of Nepalese democratic revolution. We have to accumulate energy
by remembering the dream of great martyrs and disappeared and
wounded fighters. We, grasping the hope and expectation of the
millions of people, have to develop unity and confidence within
ourselves. Defending, applying and developing the fundamental
principles of MLM, we have to serve the world revolution
and the internationalist proletarian movement. Finally, as a
scientific and revolutionary communist, we, maintaining the
high records of patience, prudence and courage, have to crush the
counterrevolutionary conspiracies. If we failed to do that Nepal and
Nepalese revolution will undergo a big accident. Therefore, let us
unite, let us go ahead, people's victory is guaranteed.

Chronological diagram of Maoist party

Timeline
EMERGENCE OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL
1949 COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL
1974 CPN FOURTH CONGRESS
1984 CPN FOURTH CONGRESS 1 LED BY MB SINGH, 2 LED BY
NIRMAL LAMA
1085 CPN-MASHAL LED BY MOHAN BAIDYA
1986 CPN MASAL LED BY MOHAN BIKRAM
1989 CPN MASHAL-NATIONAL CONFERENCE ELECT
PRACHANDA
1991 CPN MASAL-NATIONAL CONFRENCE CREATED DIFERENT
GROUPS
1991 CPN[UNITY CENTER] [CREATED BY MASHAL,REBEL
MASAL,CPN-FOURTH CONGRESS AND PROLETERIATE
WORKERS ORGANIZATION]
1994 CPN[UNITY CENTER] LED BY PRACHANDA AND LED BY
NIRMAL LAMA
1995 CPN[MAOIST] LED BY PRACHANDA
2008 UNIFIED CPN[MAOIST] LED BY PRACHANDA
2012 UNIFIED CPN [MAOIST] SPLITED BAIDYA AND CLAIM
CPN[MAOIST]

REFERENCES MATERIALS:
Historical documents of CPN{Maoist}

Published by CPN Maoist 2006
Organizational principles of Marxist, Leninist and Maoist
published by Raktim Publication Nepal, 2005
Prachanda the Unknown Revolutionary
Published by Mandala Book Point, 2008
Devkota,Khimlal; Constituent Assembly and
Transformation of nation published by Pairavi Publication
2007
Devkota,Khimlal; Maoist movement of Nepal Development
of tactic and strategy feelings and experiences;
Paper presentation at Oxford University, UK 2011
Devkota, Khimlal; Resolving Armed Struggle Legal and
political aspect;
Paper presentation at Kyoto University Japan , 2012
Devkota, Khimlal; On Secularism Paper presentation at
Jakarta South South Symposium Indonesia 2009
Interim constitution of Nepal,
Law book Management committee, Ministry of Law and
Justice, Government of Nepal,2006
Comprehensive Peace Accord
Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, Government of
Nepal,2006
Agreement on Arms and Armies Management 2006 ,
Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, Government of Nepal.

Legal Code of Peoples Republic of Nepal,
published by United Revolutionary Peoples Council 2002.
General Guidelines for Regulation of Peoples Power Legal
Code 2002,
published by United Revolutionary Peoples Council 2002.
Minimum Programme of United Revolutionary Peoples
Council 2002
Draft constitution of Federal Peoples Republic of Nepal,
UCPN Maoist 2010.
Election Manifesto of CPN[Maoist
Published by Central department of Publicity CPN[Maoist]
2008
Official website of UCPN[MMaoist]
www.ucpnm.org
Official website of Government of Nepal
www.nepalgov.np
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A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

Book · July 2018

Land and Leadership in Nepal as a post-conflict society View project

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

ISBN No. : 978-9937-2-5669-8

This book has been based on my presentation on the Maoist People’s

Finally, it is important to acknowledge people without whom

Nepal is a land locked country. It is famous for its diversity, in terms

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 2

Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal: Nepal became a federal

Population (2011 est.): 28,951,852 (growth rate: 1.4%); birth rate:

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 4

5 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

Steps toward Peace and a New Constitution

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 8

9 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

No Agreement Reached on New Constitution

11 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 12

1.1 General Introduction:

In Nepal, a centralized reactionary state equipped with a modern,

Among numbers of extention of CA last one was may 27, 2012

Elected for a two-year term in 2008 according to the Interim

1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and Nepalese

Nepalese society has been marked with centuries of poverty and

Rampant poverty and widespread unemployment

Injustice, inequalities and discrimination based on class, caste,

Structural A centralized, power-based and corrupt governing system

Failure of the Constitution to address the problems of the people

Lack of conceptual clarity, ideological confusion and operational

Ignorance and marginalization of remote and inaccessible areas

Growing interests of powerful countries (political; economic, i.e.

Various interests of influential external actors (World Bank, Asian

15 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 16

2.1 Historical facts about revolution:

17 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature of

C. The centralized feudal state has imposed the Hindu feudal

D. The denial of minimum political rights to information and

E. In spite of their dedication, devotion and sacrifices, the factors

o A large proportion of population (more than 75%) constitutes of

o The enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,

o According to the experiences of class struggle in the era of

o Revolution is the main trend in the present world passing through

o The force of the enemy is more powerful as compared to that of

2.4 Conclusions drawn:

• Even general reforms taken as a by-product of violent and illegal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 20

• Nepalese people are the great warriors of the world.

• The Nepalese people are known as the great warriors in the

The domestic & foreign reactionaries including the revisionist

2.5 Specific objectives

21 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 22

3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution

B. The Farm Workers: Bonded labourers, landless peasants,

3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 24

3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection

25 A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal

A perspective on the Maoist Movement in Nepal 26