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Knowledge Level On Comelec Resolution 104278
Knowledge Level On Comelec Resolution 104278
Knowledge Level On Comelec Resolution 104278
Rationale
The Philippine election is fast approaching once again. This coming May 9, 2022,
voters' around the country will focus on their bets to be hailed as the new president of the
country. Election in the country is virtually ubiquitous in the contemporary world. With
the Filipino citizens of the country, is today having the opportunity to elect their leaders in
provide a nonviolent alternative to the use of force to adjudicate between rival claims to
rule, and it ought to be a mechanism that allows greater say over how they are governed.
Yet in practice, these expectations often fail to conform to reality. Many elections,
especially those in democracies not yet fully consolidated are fraught with significant
levels of violence during the campaign period on polling day or in the aftermath of voting
infringement of liberties, or the freedom to choose and the absence of that freedom is
equivalent to violence and may be manifested in fear and threat inflicted" (IPER Report,
2007). Based on the report of the Philippine National Police (2018), covers various acts
that affect the environment, behavior, and conduct of any electoral process, such as
abductions, killings, physical attacks, intimidation, and other acts resulting in death,
campaign, (3) election day, (4) counting and canvassing, and (5) proclamation (op. cit,
2018).
1
Today, the election is always associated with fraud and violence. The act of
choosing a leader which is the right and duty of the citizens is often mishandled or
disrespected. Nowadays, it is observed that election is related to dishonest tactics like vote-
buying, results are manipulated and self-directed interests are perpetuated, and also gun-
related violence (Murcia & Bolo, 2017). Voters today have become cynical about politics
(Murcia & Guerrero, 2016). The most important factor for them in choosing the candidates
is based on how they benefit most, as preference was universally noted to be modified by
decision-making processes and choices ( Sharot, De Martino, & Dolan, 2009) and even
unconsciously ( Coppin et al, 2010). It is based on voters' likes and dislikes of candidates
based on the content of campaign advertising. Thus, being both conscious and unconscious
of voters' choice, its effect on the election outcomes gives the most concluding factor to the
Based on the statistical report of the 2007 National Elections, the PNP reported that
violence. The report was monitored by civil society with the opposite direction of
violence and election dispute resolution take place within the context of a fragile
democracy (Patino & Velasco, 2006). The main issue concerning election violence is the
persistence of political dynasties and patronage politics. These dynasties and clans built a
power structure stretching from the national community to the community or village level
that is unmatched by political parties, insurgency groups, and political forces using armory
and guns as a force. Hence, is said that comprehensive political and electoral
election violence and credible electoral dispute resolution can be done and reform will be
2
Electoral violence is distinct from organized violence based on the institutional
framework surrounding elections in which violence intervenes in the process. The actors,
practices, and institutions provided a framework that shows the effect on how and why
electoral violence arises, and influence both its timing and targets. Thus, violence would
not have occurred or would manifest itself differently in the absence of an electoral contest
The main challenge for the study of electoral violence is that it often takes place in
contexts where other forms of organized violence are already pervasive, and where
coercion, violent actors, and weapons abound. Armed conflict constitutes one such context.
When governments face an insurgency, they have the choice of allowing the political wings
of armed opposition actors to compete in elections, or barring them from the competition.
Insurgents or rebel groups, for their part, engage with electoral politics in different ways
and face the choice of whether to boycott or to abandon (sometimes temporarily) armed
resistance and stand in elections (Dunning, 2011). In some instances, armed opposition
candidates in the election (Coburn & Larson, 2014; Heger, 2015; Matanock & Staniland,
2018; Steele & Schubiger, 2018). When violence is leveraged to influence elections by
actors that concurrently seek to overthrow the government or establish territorial control, it
can have spillover effects on broader conflict dynamics. For instance, violence against
voters and candidates can depress voter turnout and demonstrate the government's failure to
run secure elections, thereby undermining the government's overall legitimacy and ability
to win the war (Birnir & Ghodes, 2018; Condra et al., 2018). Conversely, the intensity and
form of conflict can shape spatial patterns of electoral violence, not only during the armed
3
Finally, electoral violence often intersects with criminal violence. On the one hand,
electoral violence is sometimes pursued by criminal gangs on behalf of political actors that
seek to avoid detection (Barnes, 2017). On the other hand, criminal actors often rely on
protection agreements with political elites; the holding of elections can threaten these
agreements and lead to violent electoral competition among criminal actors (Trejo & Ley,
2018).
Elections held in countries where one or several of the above forms of organized
violence is present are likely to see different manifestations of electoral violence. However,
a common theme across these contexts is that the introduction of electoral processes
changes the incentive structures of the state and non-state actors involved in ongoing
organized violence (Harish & Little, 2017). While most organized violence is pursued
outside the electoral arena and with non-electoral goals, such as overthrowing the existing
of competition that violent actors usually cannot afford to ignore; instead, they often seek
The Omnibus election code is the authority in all election-related matters. It does
not only define measures for mitigation of violence during the election period but also
COMELEC Resolution No. 10728 which deals with rules and regulations on the ban,
bearing, carrying, and transportation of firearms during the election period. This also
personnel or bodyguards. This enforces sections 32 and 33 of Republic Act No. 7166.
Under the general provisions, it is stated that "No person shall bear, carry or transport
firearms or deadly weapons outside his/ her residence or place of business, and in all public
places, including any building, street, park, and in private vehicles or public conveyances,
4
even if he/she is licensed or authorized to possess or to carry the same, unless authorized
by the Commission, through the Committee on the Ban on Firearms and Security Concerns
In the report made by the Philippines News Agency (March 13, 2022) as of March
19 there were 1791 violations of election-related gun ban, civilian 1740, 27 security guards,
15 police officers, and 9 military personnel. The COMELEC enforced that bearing,
With the current scenario, this study will be conducted to know the knowledge level
of the criminology students about the COMELEC gun ban and it will serve as future data
This research study aims to determine the knowledge level of the Criminology
students on the implementation of COMELEC Resolution No. 10728. It will utilize the
This study aimed to assess the knowledge level of criminology students on the
1.1. Sex;
1.3. Ethnicity?
5
2.1. COMELEC Related Resolutions;
Null Hypothesis
Criminology students and their profile variables as sex, age bracket and ethnicity.
electoral manipulation, whereby actors seek to reduce the uncertainty of the ballot through
the deployment of coercion, and intimidation directed toward voters, candidates, or others
involved in the electoral process (Mares & Young, 2016). Electoral violence manifests
spanning regime-perpetrated coercion of security forces or arm thugs operating at the hands
intimidation or coercion (Staniland, 2014). The strategic interpretation does not contradict
the observation that much electoral violence involves political grassroots, is spurred by
individual parochial goals and displays escalatory dynamics that are beyond the control of
the individual politician. Hence, the processes that allow violence to take hold may operate
at different levels, it is assumed that electoral violence is a strategy chosen by actors at the
leadership level (national or local), and that electoral violence is unlikely to prevail where
The notion of electoral violence as strategic is useful for thinking about how
political party strength matters because it highlights the importance of both the incentives
6
political actors have for deploying violence to influence elections and the constraints they
face in doing so. In short, they propose two mechanisms that link strong party
organizations to a lower risk of electoral violence. The first pertains to the external
relations that parties can form with electoral constituencies, and proposes that strong
mobilize voters. The second mechanism pertains to the party's internal relations and
suggests that strong organizations place both formal and informal constraints on the use of
This study was based on the theory of random utility (Ben-Akiva & Lerman, 1985).
The utility is defined as the satisfaction derived from consuming a product. If the election-
related violence were the end product, our choice of candidates to support will result in a
level of utility or satisfaction. The theory of random utility asserts utility is based on the
consumption of the attribute of the product and not the product itself. For an instance, the
utility of the voters comes from the attributes of the political candidate with limited
electoral-related violence and great accomplishment and profession and a clear direction
The figure below describes the knowledge level on COMELEC Resolution No.
framework fo the study. The first box shows the independent variables which comprises
The second box shows the dependent variables which describe the level of
Checkpoints. The double sided arrow shows the correlation of the profile variables and
Criminology students. The students was able to understand clearly and knowledgeable
about the importance of COMELEC Resolution No. 10728 regarding the manner of
a gun ban during the election. It also provides information about this resolution and
College of Criminal Justice. The result of the findings of the study will serve as an
Future researchers. This study will serve as their future reference for similar studies. The
result of the study would serve as useful material to all criminology students
regarding the conduct of patrol, proper arrest, and surveillance in crime prevention.
8
Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study deals with knowledge level of fourth year students of the COMELEC
Resolution No 10728, otherwise known as the rules and regulations on the ban on the
the election period of the May 9, 2022, national and local elections. The study is delimited
on the profile variables of the respondents based on their age, sex, and ethnicity. The study
COMELEC Checkpoints.
Definition of Terms
Accessories. It refers to the part fired, scattered, dropped, or detonated from any weapon,
like bombs, or rockets, and especially shot, shrapnel, bullets, or shells fired by
Certificate of Firearm registration. This refers to the certificate issued by the PNP,
particularly, its Firearms and explosives as proof that the firearm is lawfully
COMELEC Resolution No. 10728. This refers to the rule or regulation on rules and
9
COMELEC Related Resolution. As defined in the RA 10591 this refers to the various
Firearms. As defined in R.A. No. 10591 refers to any handheld or portable weapon,
bullet, shot, slug, missile, or any projectile which is discharged employing the
Implementation. In the context of the study, it refers to the act of implementing the
respondents.
10
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Stipulates that during the election period, no individual shall bear, carry or transport
firearms or any other deadly weapons in public places, including any building, street, park,
private vehicle or public conveyance, even if licensed to possess or carry the same, unless
responsible for the implementation of the ban on the bearing, carrying or transporting of
exercise operational control and supervision over the Regional Joint Security Control
Centers (RJSCCs) and the Provincial Joint Security Control Center- (PJSCCs), as well as
any established City or Municipal Joint Security Control Centers (C/MJSCCs). The
Commission, through the CBFSP, the sole and exclusive power to issue Certificates of
Authority (CA) and shall be assisted by a Secretariat composed of representatives from the
Commission, the AFP and the PNP. The Secretariat shall be headed by a Senior Officer of
the Commission.
The gun ban period will take place from January 13, 2022 up to June 8, 2022.
Some of the prohibited acts and unless authorized by the CBFSP, the following are banned
during the election period to carry firearms and deadly weapons outside residence or place
of business, and in all publ1c places; to engage the services of security personnel; and
to transport firearms and explosives, including its spare parts and components. Hence,
11
anyone found violating the foregoing COMELEC resolution the following penalties will be
incurred imprisonment from 1 to 6 years; permanent disqualification from public office and
loss of right to vote; deportation for foreigners, but only after prison term is served; and
Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons or SALW in all
Its Aspects) and the UN Firearms Protocol, the Philippines utilize the UN PoA as a
framework to address its own issues on SALW proliferation. Three complex stages are
involved in these disarmament framework prescribed by UN PoA. These are (1) supply
ownership and use, (2) stocks recovery held by the population and destruction of those
arms, as well as surplus government weapons, and (3) demand reduction by ensuring
public safety, enforcing the law, providing economic opportunities and promoting equal
participation. Existing Philippine policies under supply control of firearms centers on solid
licensing regulations, stiffer penalties on illegal possession, and trade controls. In response
to these UN PoA on supply control, Republic Act No. 8294, otherwise known as the
Firearms Law of 1991, and Republic No. 9516, was crafted to amend Presidential Decree
No. 1866 and provide stiffer penalties for the criminalized acts of manufacturing,
purchasing, possession and use of illegal firearms. During elections, the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC) implements a Gun Ban Policy per COMELEC Resolution No.
2735 that includes the suspension of issuance of firearms during the election period. No
person shall be allowed to carry or transport firearms or other deadly weapons in public
places even if the gun holder is licensed to possess or carry the firearm as called for by
Division (FED) of PNP is the sole repository of all imported and locally-manufactured
firearms and ammunition. Moreover, PNP has specific guidelines on the import and export
of firearms and ammunition components such as the PNP Circular No. 10, s. 2008, which
for licensing and registration of firearms and ammunition for the end-user, the PNP abides
by the Standard Operating Procedure No. 13, Licensing of Firearms, and series of 1991 and
revised October 2008. This guideline basically says that each individual may hold under
license a maximum of only one low-powered rifle caliber .22 or shotgun not heavier than
12 gauge and one pistol or revolver, not higher than caliber .38.
Philippines for the possessions of loose and illegal firearms appears too low for deterrence
and penalizing the concerned actors, contributes largely to the heightening problem of
loose firearm proliferation. Likewise, there are yet no accountability mechanisms operating
upon PNP that can prompt the institution to achieve a more credible licensing regulation
and more active program for loose firearms reduction. Meanwhile in the policy area of
stock recovery, the major instruments are firearm amnesties and disarmament operations.
Policy mapping shows that every presidential administration issues executive orders to
implement gun amnesty programs and recover some of the many loose firearms circulating
in the country. For disarmament operations, Executive Order No. 817 recently created a
National Firearms Control Program (NCFP) that aims to create a comprehensive and robust
mechanism for the accounting of loose firearms. This resolves the problem of loose
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firearms proliferation (target of 3% monthly) and reduces chances of these being used in
Committee (NALECC) composed of AFP, NBI, BOC, the Philippine Ports Authority, etc.
to review existing laws and regulations and propose necessary amendments to institute a
National Firearms Control Program. Sub-programs of PNP’s NCFP are: (1) LOI Bilang
Boga to account for all legitimate firearms with government agencies and expired licenses,
(2) LOI Kontra Boga to confiscate firearms from criminal and threat groups and prevent
their illegal acquisition of loose firearms, (3) OPLAN BAKAL and OPLAN KAPKAP to
conduct surprise on-the-spot checking of loose firearms in the possession of persons who
are in public places and (4) LOI BAWI to recover firearms not returned by active, retired
firearms shows that policies of firearms accounting and amnesties have proven to be weak
The recent firearm accounting system of the government under the National Control
Firearms Program (NFCP) has lapses inherent in its program design which makes it
incapable of accounting firearms possessed by private armies. Since the existing database
of the NCFP only covers law enforcement agencies, the NCFP accounting system can only
account holders of unrenowned loose firearms within those agencies and not the holders of
unregistered loose firearms which are mostly possessed by insurgents and some sections of
private armies. The weak collaboration between AFP and PNP even compounds the limited
outcomes of the NCFP accounting system. Moreover, political warlords sometimes avail of
the firearm amnesties to legitimize their unlawful acquisition of loose firearms. The
firearms without necessarily undergoing the corresponding gun ownership training that
PNP and AFP formally provide. Of all the policy area addressing loose firearms, reducing
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demand may be the most difficult step in loose firearms reduction as it requires the
sustainable peace that can drastically reduce the demands for gun.
The Philippine’s efforts to reduce the demand for the use of arms comes in the form
of peace- building programs. The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process
(OPAPP) was tasked precisely to lead these efforts through its core values—active non-
violence, public trust, adherence to truth and justice, and respect for diversity. OPAPP was
also provided the responsibility to ensure that the three principles of the peace process are
followed, as provided for in Executive Order No. 3, series of 2001. The government’s
efforts to advocate for peace and security in popular election hotspots in the Philippines are
limited to the election period. It ignores the fact that gun violence is already embedded in
that society’s culture and that the violence extends beyond the elections. Although
programs led by the PNP and AFP such as Task Force HOPE-2100 Bravo, a call for
Honest, Orderly and Peaceful Elections, contributed much in the decline of ERVIs during
the past 2010 national and local elections, it fails to address the fact that the use of violence
has become normal and/or necessary for the citizens. Therefore, there is a need for a
stronger campaign that is implemented not only during election time and is specifically
geared towards changing the attitude and values of the citizens. It should also be in line
with poverty reduction programs by the government in recognition of the fact that people
succumb to illegal gun manufacturing, illegal gun-owning and joining of private armies to
survive. On a final note, at a systemic assessment of these three phases of addressing loose
loose firearms. Even the PNP recognizes the need to integrate all policies together and tie
15
them up with sustainable and effective programs aimed to address the proliferation of loose
firearms in the Philippines. Despite the gun amnesty and disarmament programs launched
by the government, data from the PNP clearly shows that there is no correlation between
the implementation of the National Firearms Control Program and an improvement of the
committed using firearms while local gun manufacturing and gun smuggling remains
operational.
The Philippines is set to have a new set of elected national leaders this May, 2022.
Far from the usual practice, this year election will be held during pandemic. In the study of
Calimbahin (2021) reported that election management will conduct a free and fair election
under health crisis. It also mentioned that it will test credibility and capacity to deliver
democratic mandate. The aim of the study is to illustrate the kinds of challenges the
COMELEC will face in an election under emergency conditions even as it has unresolved
capacity and autonomy issues. Using a comparative approach and process tracing, the study
will combine capacity considerations along with protocols and procedures proper to the
pandemic. This paper explores ways to expand the capacity of the Commission by looking
into special voting arrangements (SVA) under pandemic conditions. The COMELEC needs
to move past that this is a one-off emergency health crisis. Instead, elections need to be
reimagined and use the pandemic as an opportunity both to rethink and reform elections in
the Philippines.
In the study of Batara et al. (2021), the Philippine elections had been characterized
by presence of weak party system, low information environment of voters and history of
related election violence and dynastic rule. These features were observed that candidate
win ability is discussed by its personality rather than its platform. On the whole, the results
16
of the study indicate the positive association between the respondents’ party identification
on voting preferences, as well as the positive association between pre-election surveys and
the respondents’ voting preferences. Both issue orientation and candidate orientation do not
appear as significant independent variables the outcome of the study has departed from the
Election related violence is one of the deep concerns in the Philippines. Based on
the report of Deinla and Ballar, et al. (2022), the findings highlight ERV in the Philippines
from 2013-2019 confirms a high levels of electoral violence that take place or linked with
other forms of organized violence. It also emphasizes the importance of institutional and
policy reforms such as anti-political dynasty reform, stricter gun regulation and dismantling
violence in the Philippines elections in 1986. Results revealed that the factors responsible for
such violence were caused by political clans, weak state, social disorder, and confrontational
political subculture. Election violence, however, is still a serious problem. Church participation
participation. But without economic modernization, politics will remain desperate, and elections
Synthesis
(Commission) to prohibit during the election period the bearing, carrying and transporting
of firearms or deadly weapons by any person, and not to allow the employment of security
personnel or bodyguards. During the election period, no person shall bear, carry or
17
transport firearms or other deadly weapons in public places, including any building, street,
park, private vehicle or public conveyance, even if licensed to possess or carry the same,
Election related violence is one of the deep concerns in the Philippines. Based on
the report of Deinla and Ballar, et al. (2022), the findings highlight ERV in the Philippines
reported that gun ban or any other levels of electoral violence that take place or linked with
other forms of organized violence. Hence, in this study it determines the level of
18
CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Design
respondents in terms of their age, sex, ethnicity and knowledge level on the COMELEC
gun ban. This study made used a research-made survey questionnaire that was administered
among the fourth-year criminology students enrolled this second semester 2021-2022.
Comparative since it tests the difference of the profile of the respondents based on
their sex, age bracket and ethnicity and the knowledge level on the implementation of
Research Environment
The study was conducted at the College of Criminal Justice Education of PLTC Inc.
which is located at Zulueta street, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya. PLTC Inc was established
in 1991 with a vision of being an icon in humane education and its mission are to
provides educational services in health, business, and technology with a team willing to
sectarian educational institution. The college was deputized by the CHED as a provider of
the expanded tertiary education equivalency and accreditation program in 2003. Last 2008,
the college was granted authority to accept foreign students by the Bureau of Immigration.
19
Figure 2. Vicinity Map of College of Criminal Justice Education, PLTCI.
The respondents of the study were the fourth year criminology students who were
officially enrolled for this school year 2021-2022. The study purposively selected the
fourth-year criminology students. They were randomly selected using a simple random
sampling technique. The fourth-year criminology students were composed of 179 total
populations. Based on slovin's formula, the sample size of the study is 128 at a 0.05
margin of error. Using the fishbowl all the names of the fourth-year students was placed
and the researcher picked them one by one until the desired number was achieved. The
distribution of the sample of the study was presented in the table below.
Sex N Percent
Male 78 61
Female 50 39
20
n=total number of respondent
Data Gathering Instrument
Resolution No. 10728. In this manner, the researcher carefully analyzes and reviews the
content of the said resolution based on its parts and content. The questionnaires captured
the necessary content about the said resolution and underwent content validity from a
representative of the COMELEC. The reliability test was concerned with whether a scale
indicates that it is free from random error. The reliability of a measure indicates the extent
to which it was without bias in ensuring consistent measurement across time and various
items in the instrument was tested through the Cronbach’s alpha coefficient test a obtained
The first part of the questionnaire dealt with the profile of the respondents based on
their age, sex, geographical location, and ethnicity. Part II of the questionnaire was taken
on the knowledge level of the respondents regarding the content of the COMELEC
to DeVellis (2003) said that a minimum level of 0.70 for the scale of variables was
considered as being high reliability. In short, the findings of the reliability tests support the
appropriateness of the instruments used throughout this study. Therefore, the outcome of
All the indicators on the study based on the COMELEC resolutions related to gun-
ban been captured on the following COMELEC Resolution No. 10496/ Resolution No.
10015. Rules and Regulations on the ban of bearing, carrying, or transporting of a firearm
or deadly weapons. Republic Act 7166. Omnibus Election Code under Section 32 and 33
on who may bear firearms. COMELEC Resolution No. 10741 on COMELEC Manning a
check point.
21
Data Gathering Procedure
The study utilized the survey questionnaire through google sheet. The researcher
encoded the questions using the google sheet form. After which a link was created and
distributed to the target respondents of the study. This approach was utilized since the
present condition of gathering data was at risk due to Covid-19 pandemic and the alert
After the questionnaire have been done, a letter of permit to conduct the said study
to the College Dean of the Criminal Justice Education, asking permission for the fourth-
year students to serve as the respondents of the study. Each of the classes of the fourth
year was provided with google sheet link. The analysis of the data was taken using the MS
Excel or SPSS for students as a tool to analyze and answer the problems stipulated in this
paper.
The study made used of the frequency count, and percentage in describing the profile
of the respondents based on the indicated variables such as age, sex, and ethnicity. While
in terms of understanding the knowledge level of the respondents towards the COMELEC
22
While ANOVA or analysis of variance was used to test the significant difference
between the respondent’s profile and the knowledge level in the implementation of the said
resolution. To get the significant difference between the variables indicated was measured
23
CHAPTER IV
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
(32.80%). It implies that more males were taking criminology course since it was believed
that male were much physical fit and endure longer pressure.
23 years old obtained 101 (78.91%), while 24- above showed a result of 19 (14.84%) and
lastly 18-20 obtained the least number of 8 (6.25). It further implies that age group of the
24
In table 3 presents the students ethnicity it showed that Ilocano with a frequency of
(23.40%). The Igorot and Kankanaey obtained the least with a frequency of 7 (5.50%) and
Table 4 describes the COMELEC Resolution 10728 and its related COMELEC
Resolution and RA 6646 showed an overall mean of 3.224 or qualitative description
showed a limited knowledge. This means that students have limited knowledge about the
topic discussed. This was evident based on the pertinent laws allowing someone to bear
firearms in public places obtaining a mean of 3.31. On the other hand, the prohibition
against carrying or transporting firearms and deadly weapon or engagement of security
personnel obtained a mean of 3.26. Moreover, bladed souvenir instruments are allowed
and not deadly weapons are purchased on shops by accredited DOT obtained the least
mean of 3.11.
Hence, the knowledge excerpted by the students towards the different COMELEC
related resolutions showed a limited knowledge. This was evident based on the perceptions
25
of the students. It implies that there is no wide dissemination of the said resolutions among
this is just captured based on the different platforms for dissemination such media and
internet as means of disseminating information.
This further strengthens on the study of Oreta and Eugenio (2012) that highlighted
revised administrative code of the Philippines and PD 1866 pertaining to the guidelines in
controlling possessions of firearms and provides measures to illegal gun in circulation.
Table 5 Knowledge level on issuances of certificates
ISSUANCES OF CERTIFICATES Mean* SD Qualitative
Description
1. Only those with certificate of authority from COMELEC committee 3.24 0.761 Limited Knowledge
can bear firearms outside of their residence during election period.
2. The five-month election period in the country must follow security 3.24 0.673 Limited Knowledge
protocols in areas across the country in a bid to prevent election-
related violence.
3. The election period, in particular, signals the start of the gun ban and 3.43 0.497 Limited Knowledge
the establishment of checkpoints.
4. The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.38 0.534 Limited Knowledge
bear or transport firearms during the election period are the law
enforcement agencies, such as PNP, AFP and other government
departments performing law enforcement, security functions and
election duties. (Section 32 and 33 of RA 7166).
5. The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.30 0.552 Limited Knowledge
bear or transport firearms during the election period are security
personnel of the foreign diplomatic corps, missions, and
establishments under international law.
6. The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.25 0.532 Limited Knowledge
bear or transport firearms during the election period are high risk
individuals.
.7. .The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.38 0.615 Limited Knowledge
bear or transport fis during the election period are security detail
for public officials and private individuals.
8. The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.24 0.649 Limited Knowledge
bear or transport firearms during the election period are those
involved in the transport or delivery of firearms, ammunition and
explosives and/or their components.
10. The CBFSC issue certificate of authority to applicants who want to 3.54 0.500 Excellent Knowledge
bear or transport firearms during the election period are sports
shooters.
OVERALL MEAN 3.33 0.612 Limited Knowledge
*Legend: 1.00-1.49=No indefinite knowledge; 1.50-2.49=Very limited Knowledge; 2.50-3.49=Limited
knowledge; 3.50-4.00=Excellent knowledge
Table 5 presents the knowledge level on the issuances of certificate during the
election ban. It obtained an overall mean of 3.33 meaning the knowledge level of the
students towards the various content of the resolution showed with a very limited
knowledge. This was evident based on the perceived knowledge of the students pertaining
to the content of the COMELEC resolution. It can be gleaned that issuance of certificate of
26
authority to bear or transport firearms for sports shooters obtained the highest mean of
3.54, this means that students are aware of the exceptions and applications of athletes in
this type of sports. Another significant indicator as perceived by the students on the
conduct of election period, signaling the start of the gun ban and establishment of
checkpoints with a mean of 3.43 meaning the students has very limited knowledge
capturing based on the different means of acquiring knowledge through various platforms.
Moreover, the PNP, AFP and other government departments performing law enforcement,
security functions and election duties under (Section 32 and 33 of RA 7166) including
security detail for public officials and private individuals who are securing certificate for
authority to carry out firearms during election period also obtained mean of 3.38
respectively. This also denotes a very limited knowledge towards the COMELEC
individual who are at high risk has obtained the lowest mean of 3.25 with a qualitative
description of medium meaning showing also a very limited knowledge on the issuance of
target personnel and other citizens of the community showed a very limited knowledge and
to carry firearms during the election period of any citizens of the community. Policies on
the control of firearms in the country focus mostly on curbing supply that include
27
Table 6 Knowledge level on COMELEC checkpoints
COMELEC Checkpoints Mean* SD Qualitative
Description
1. COMELEC Resolution No. 10741 states that there
should be at least one checkpoint in every town or
city manned by police or military personnel in
complete service uniform with visible name plates 3.31 0.514 Limited Knowledge
or identification tags.
2. Election offense is until Jun 8. 3.42 0.496 Limited Knowledge
checkpoints. It showed an overall mean of 3.34 having a medium knowledge towards the
checkpoints has again normally seen in different municipal boundary but with minimal
knowledge towards its significance and importance during election ban. It can be gleaned
from the table that conduct of election offense obtained the highest mean of 3.42 with
limited knowledge. On the other hand, violating COMELEC guidelines on the gun ban and
rights to vote showed a mean of 3.34 and lastly regarding COMELEC Resolution 10741
respectively. This finding towards the perception of the students showed towards
COMELEC checkpoint to have a minimal knowledge. It implies that students are only
aware of the COMELEC checkpoints as based on their visibility along the road and
28
municipal boundaries in the highways. This is clearly reflected on the perception of the
According to Cacayorin et al., (2019) in their study report findings that conduct of
checkpoint during the campaign period attested by the respondent’ on the Effectiveness of
the Philippine National Police Checkpoints at Batasan Hills in Quezon City in terms of
manpower; system and procedures and logistics, most responses were regarded as “strongly
agree”. As attested by the respondents’ on the problems encountered by the PNP in the
“disagree”. As attested by the respondent’s on the measures that may be proposed. Which
addressed the problems encountered; most responses were regarded as “strongly agree”.
The findings of the study show the effectiveness of the checkpoint conducted by the
Philippine National Police at Batasan Hills during campaign period. It was used as a guide
for dealing and resolving the problems encountered by the respondents and for improving
Resolution
knowledge level towards COMELEC related resolutions by the respondents. This finding
was based from the computed overall significant values of 0.217 and computed ANOVA F
of 1.539. This implies that sex no matter what male or female had no significant difference
29
Table 8 Difference of demographic profile by sex between issuance of certificate
Sex Frequency Mean Std. F p>value Remark
square Deviation
Male 86 Not
0.261 0.471 1.630 0.204
Female 42 Significant
Total 128
Table 8 revealed that demographic profile by sex has no significant difference
towards issuance of certificate based on the computed significant values of 0.204 and
difference of 1.630 by the respondents. It implies that whether you’re a male or female
will not affect nor compared with knowledge level on the issuance of certificate. It is
further implies that no matter what sex identity you got, everyone was entitled to avail
issuance of certificate to carry firearms. This was in parallel with the findings of Deinla
(2022) that national policy on firearms possession where not stated on the classification of
ownership. This further in parallel with the study of Oreta and Eugenio, 2012, which
emphasized on the crafted Presidential decree 1866 on effective gun control towards
insurgent, as well as private armed groups controlled by political landlords and further
firearms with expired licenses or with licenses but without proper certification as licensed.
This implies that demographic profile by sex has no significant difference towards the
30
According to the study of Cacayorin et al., (2019), their findings revealed that
ways and means of combatting election related violence as perceived by 100 % male in the
study. It can be used as a guide for dealing and resolving the problems encountered by the
respondents and for improving their operations during the campaign period.
knowledge level on COMELEC Related Resolutions. This finding was based on the
computed significant values of 0.252 and computed F value of 1.286. This implies that the
older it takes to understand the COMELEC Related Resolution has no bearing. According
to Cacayorin et al., (2019), the findings revealed that different demographic profile of
which majority of the respondents were from the age bracket of 34 to 41 years old which
were younger hence, it was attested that established checkpoints in terms of manpower and
period.
the issuance of certificate based on the computed significant values of 0.538 and against
computed F value of 0.888 It implies that younger or older in age does not have difference
31
towards the issuance of certificate towards understanding COMELEC Resolution 10728.
This was consistent with the findings of (Aceron et al, 2011) which find that policies
of 0.844 by the respondents. It showed that there is no significant difference between the
conduct of COMELEC checkpoint. It implies that no matter what your age is younger or
COMELEC Resolution 10728. According to Cacayorin et al., (2019), the findings revealed
that different demographic profile of which majority of the respondents were from the age
bracket of 34 to 41 years old which were younger hence, it was attested that established
and computed F value of 2.178. It manifested that ethnicity has not different with
COMELEC Related Resolution. It implies that whatever ethnicity you have no significant
32
Table 14 Difference of demographic profile by ethnicity between issuance of
certificate
Ethnicity Frequency Mean Std. F p>value Remark
square Deviation
Ilocano 66
Ifugao 30
Igorot 7 0.213 1.264 1.342 0.258 Not Significant
Kalanguya 19
Kankanaey 6
Total 128
Table 14 revealed that ethnicity has no significant difference with issuance of
certificate. This is found on the computed significant values of 0.258 and computed F
value of 0.258. It further implies that ethnicity has no association with issuance of
was 1.064 which was found out that there was no significant difference towards conduct of
COMELEC Checkpoint. It implies that ethnicity had no difference with the conduct of
33
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary
implementation of gun ban among PLTCI showed the following findings of the study. The
study used the descriptive comparative study. Out of the 128 respondents of PLTCI in the
Criminal Justice Department comprise the fourth year students as target sample of the
study. The study utilized the researcher-made questionnaire captured from the COMELEC
The researchers used the following statistical methods in the treatment of data:
Descriptive statistics – frequency count, percentage and modal average were used to
describe the profile of the respondents while weighted mean and standard deviation was
variance between the respondents’ profile as sex, age bracket and ethnicity while the level
issuances of certificates and COMELEC checkpoints. The test of significance was set at
0.05.
Findings
1. Mostly male students with a percentage of 67.20 while female of 32.80 percent.
The age distribution showed that more students belong at age 23 and 24 and the
overall percentage of 43.00 and 23.40 respectively. Lastly the student’s ethnicity
34
2. COMELEC Resolution 10728 reiterates the election guidelines particularly the gun
bans. It showed that student’s perception towards the said resolution showed a
COMELEC resolution and other related resolutions had obtained an overall mean
of 3.244 that means students have limited knowledge on the topic discussed
particularly with other related resolutions regarding COMELEC gun ban. One of
places with a mean of 3.31 obtaining a highest mean. Moreover, the issuances of
certificates or application of certificate during the election gun ban had a mean of
authority to bear or transport firearms for sports shooters which has mean of 3.54
obtaining the highest mean which indicates that sports shooters also need to apply
with limited knowledge towards its significance and importance during election ban
4. Lastly, the relationships of the profile variables of sex, age bracket and ethnicity as
Conclusion
Based on the foregoing findings of the study and analysis of the results of the study
capturing the fourth and fifth year of the criminology students. Mostly, the
participants of the study were the male and belong to middle age with Ilocano as the
establishment of checkpoints and other related offenses had been perceived by the
10728.
3. The difference of the profiles of the respondents towards their achieved level of
knowledge towards the COMELEC resolution has no significance. The profile and
target knowledge has no variance and implies that profile variables have not an
Recommendation
In the light of the foregoing conclusions of the study, the following are drawn
the study.
1. For Future Researchers. The study should consider other variables such as
geographical location, year level and political party as indicators that may show
inclusion on the course syllabus and other subject matter of the said resolution
among students. This may help the students understand about the establishment
36
the discussion of the said resolution in the major subjects related to the gun ban
37
References
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Philippines Under Pandemic Conditions. The 14th De La Salle University Arts
Congress March 11-12, 2021. Retrieved at https://www.dlsu.edu.ph /arts-congress-
proceedings/2021/pnr-04.pdf last May 22, 2022.
COMELEC Resolution No. 10428. Rules and Regulation on the ban of bearing, carrying
or transporting of firearm or deadly weapons. Retrieved at
https://COMELEC.gov.ph/index.html?r=References/COMELECResolutions ,
February 22, 2022.
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June 20, 2018.
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on Who will carry firearms? Retrieved at https://COMELEC.gov.ph/index.html?
r=References/COMELECResolutions , February 22, 2022.
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Mosqueda, Ph.D. CRIM, R. D. . (2019). The Effectiveness of Checkpoint
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39
March 16, 2022
Dear Respondents,
We, the researcher is currently conducting a research study entitled “Knowledge level and
implementation of Election Related Violence Gun-ban: Perceptions of Criminology Students of
PLTCI “. In partial fulfilment of the requirement in Bachelor of Science in Criminology. We
solicit your utmost cooperation and help in answering the questionnaire. Kindly observe health
protocol. Rest assured that any information/data gathered will be dealt with strict confidentiality.
Respectfully,
Antonio, Elorde W.
Raymark N. Collado
Jay-M J. Corea
Joseph A. Cabacungan, Jr.
Litemon F. Caddawan
40
QUESTIONNAIRE ON COMELEC RESOLUTION 10728
Name:(optional)____________________________________________________________
Direction. Kindly provide necessary information needed in the completion of this research.
Encircle the knowledge level or awareness on the contents of 10728 and 10741
respectively.
Ethnicity: ______ ILoco _____ Isinay _____ Ifugao ____ Igorot ____ others
please specify:_____________________
4- High
3- Medium
2- Low
1- Very Low
Indicators 4 3 2 1
A. COMELEC RELATED RESOLUTIONS
1. Commission on Elections No. 10728, citing pertinent laws, made
clear that no one is allowed to bear firearms in public places.
8. The election period, in particular, signals the start of the gun ban
and the establishment of checkpoints.
C. COMELEC CHECKPOINTS
15. COMELEC Resolution No. 10741 states that there should be at
least one checkpoint in every town or city manned by police or
42
Indicators 4 3 2 1
military personnel in complete service uniform with visible name
plates or identification tags.
2X2 PHOTO
CABACUNGAN JOSEPH JR. A.
Phone: 09676383337
Email: josephcabacungan08@gmail.com
43
Address: Purok 1 Caliat Quezon, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
Birthday: January 19, 1999
OBJECTIVES
TECHNICAL SKILLS
Analytical skills
Critical thinking
Trouble shooting
PERSONAL SKILLS
Leadership
Adaptability
Ability to work extended hours
Ability to work independently or as part of a team
EDUCATIONAL PROFILE
Tertiary- PLTCI College
Bachelor of Science in Criminology
WORK EXPERIENCE
COREA,JAY-M J.
Phone: 09973542424
Email: jmcorea1583@gmail.com
44
Address: Purok 5 San Juan Solano, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
Birthday: June 5, 2000
OBJECTIVES
TECHNICAL SKILLS
Analytical skills
Written and verbal communication skills
Computer Skills
PERSONAL SKILLS
EDUCATIONAL PROFILE
Tertiary- PLTCI College
Bachelor of Science in Criminology
WORK EXPERIENCE
45
COLLADO, RAYMARK N.
Phone: 09081606905
Email: raymarkcollado7777777@gmail.com
Address: Masoc, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
Birthday: July 7, 1999
OBJECTIVES
TECHNICAL SKILLS
Data Analysis
Project Management
PERSONAL SKILLS
Problem solving
Ability to work extended hours
Ability to work independently or as part of a team
EDUCATIONAL PROFILE
Tertiary- PLTCI College
Bachelor of Science in Criminology
WORK EXPERIENCE
CADDAWAN, LITEMON F.
46
Phone: 09754944121
Email: caddawanlitemon@gmail.com
Address: Purok 1Ampakling Diadi, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
Birthday: February 28, 2000
OBJECTIVES
TECHNICAL SKILLS
PERSONAL SKILLS
EDUCATIONAL PROFILE
Tertiary- PLTCI College
Bachelor of Science in Criminology
WORK EXPERIENCE
47
ELORDE W. ANTONIO
Phone: 09309971643
Email: pugeantonio@gmail.com
Address: Pampang, Kayapa, Nueva Vizcaya, Philippines
Birthday: July 8, 2000
OBJECTIVES
TECHNICAL SKILLS
Computer Skills
PERSONAL SKILLS
EDUCATIONAL PROFILE
WORK EXPERIENCE
48