-1-

The Anarchy at the End of the 11th Dynasty

Waheid M. Shoaib

The first years of the reign of King Mentuhotep II Nebhetepre1 have

left the Egyptologists with only few testimonies. This could mean that he
reached the throne at a young age, something that is also suggested by the
long duration of his reign2. His 14th regnal year was apparently a turning
point in the life of Mentuhotep. Its name "year of the crime of Thinis"
suggests that there was some trouble in the Thinite province, where the age-
old holy city of Abydos was located. Apparently, the Heracleopolitan king
Kheti of the 9/10th Dynasty had succeeded in re-conquering this province and
was threatening to do the same with the rest of Upper Egypt. During this re-
conquest, a large part of the old necropolis of Abydos was destroyed3.

Mentuhotep II Nebhetepre immediately reacted and not only repelled

the Heracleopolitans from Abydos, he also continued the war against them,
conquering Assiut, Middle-Egypt and finally Heracleopolis itself. With the
fall of the Heracleopolitan Dynasty, nothing stood in the way for the final re-
unification of Egypt under Theban rule. At the latest by his 39th year, but
presumably somewhere around his 30th year, Egypt was united again and
Mentuhotep II was the first Theban who could rightfully call himself King of
Upper- and Lower-Egypt thus ushering in the Middle Kingdom4.
Mentuhotep's military efforts were not only aimed at reuniting the Two
Lands. Inscriptions in Nubia show his desire to re-establish the Egyptian
supremacy over this region. A mass-tomb found in Deir el-Bahari contained
60 bodies of slain Egyptian soldiers who perhaps lost their lives in Nubia.

1
He was the son of the Theban ruler Antef III and a woman named Iah; see: Petrie, W.M.F.,
A Season in Egypt. London 1888, pls. XVI.489 no, 489 .Newberry, P. E., On the
Parentage of the Intef Kings of the Eleventh Dynasty, in: ZÄS 72 (1936), pp.118f.
2
Vandier, J., L' Order de succession des dernier rois de la XI Dynastie, in: An.Or. 17
(1938),p. 39. Gardiner, A.H., The first King Menthotpe of the Eleventh Dynasty. MDAIK,
14 (1956), pp.42ff.
3
Hayes, W. C., The Middle Kingdom in Egypt, in: CAH 1/2, Cambridge 1971, pp.467f,479f.
Gardiner, E.Ph., Oxford 1964, pp.122ff.
4
Stock, H., Die erste Zwischenzeit Ägypten, in; AnOr, 31 (1949), pp.42f. Hayes, op.cit., pp.
476ff. Gardiner, loc.cit. Winlock, H., E., Neb-hepet-Re‘ Mentu-hotpe of the Eleventh
Dynasty, in; JEA 26(1940), pp. 116ff .
 -2-

That these soldiers were given a burial so near the king's own funerary
monument, demonstrates how much importance was attached to them5.

The traditional view supposes that the Twelfth Dynasty passed into a
decline and a period of political weakness after the reign of Mentuhotep II
Nebhepetre6. The problems of this period are not limited to the ambiguity of
the historical events; however, they include numbers and names of the kings
who ruled at this time and their relationship with the ruling family at Thebes7.
This period is characterized with chaos, civil wars and the renewal of the
dangers of the Asian immigrations beyond the northern eastern borders which
were controlled by Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre8 .To assure this, the Turin
Canon indicates that there was a crucial period of seven years signaling the
end of the 11th Dynasty and the beginning of the 12th Dynasty9. Furthermore,
this is the same confused period in the history of Egypt, which was
mentioned in the prophecies of Neferti referring to the Gods' choice of king
Amenemhat I Sehetepibre to rescue the country from chaos in the end of the
11th Dynasty10.

One of the problems of such a controversial period is the

identification of the last king of this Dynasty. Whereas the king-lists of Turin
Canon, Saqqara and Abydos report that the last king of the 11th Dynasty is
king Mentuhotep III Sankhkare who, according to Turin Canon , reigned for
twelve years11; the archaeological evidences assure otherwise, considering
king Mentuhotep IV Nebtawyre, the legitimate king who ruled after the death
of Mentuhotep III Sankhkare12. Furthermore; a damaged limestone block ,

5
Winlock, H .E., Dier el Bahari, p. 123, pl. 19.id, The Slain Soldiers of Neb-hepet-Re‘
Mentu-hotpe, ( Pub. M.M.A.E.E.16), New York, 1945.
6
Gardiner, op.cit., p.124. Winlock, The Eleventh Egyptian Dynasty, in; JNES, 2(1943),
pp.281ff. Cf., Hayes, op. cit., pp.488f. Berlev, O., 'The Eleventh Dynasty in the dynastic
history of Egypt in Young, Dwight, Studies presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky, Beacon Hill
1981,pp. 361ff.
7
Vandier, An.Or. 17 (1938),p. 39. Winlock, JEA, 26(1940), pp.116f.
8
Petrie, A Season in Egypt. London 1888, pl. VIII. 213, pl. VIII. 243. Gardiner, op. cit.,
p.123. id., The Tomb of a Much-Traveled Theban Official, in; JEA,4(1917), pp.35f.
9
Gardiner, A. H., The Royal Canon of Turin, Oxford 1959, pl.3. Hayes, CAH,1/2, p. 492.
10
Helck, W., Die Prophezeiung des Nfr.tj. Wiesbaden 1970, pp.49ff. Wilson, J., ANET, New
Jersey 1973, pp.444ff. Gardiner, E.Ph., pp.125f.
11
Beckerath, J., von, Chronologie des pharaonischen Ägypten, MÄS 46, Mainz 1997,
p.27,56,139f,142,188. Vandier, An.Or. 17 (1938),pp. 36f. Winlock, JEA 26 (1940),
pp.116f.
12
Gardiner, E.Ph., p.125. Hayes, op.cit., pp. 492ff, 519. Beckerath, J., von, Handbuch der
ägyptischen Königsnamen, MÄS 49, Mainz 1984, pp.80f.
 -3-

dating to the reign of Amenhotep I was extracted from the third pylon at
Karnak temple, bearing a dead king-list of the 11th Dynasty13.

Unfortunately, only three of these names remain. The first two of

them, Mentuhotep ( III ) Sankhkare and Mentuhotep ( IV ) Nebtawyre , are
inscribed within the cartouche, but the third name , the God's father Senusret,
was not inscribed within the cartouche14. Thus, who is the third figure who
named Senusret? What is his role in the end of 11th Dynasty? And lately, is
this given Karnak block part of a royal list or otherwise?

Several theories have discussed the above mentioned Karnak block

and tried to identify the personality of the God's father Senusret. One theory
proposes that he had usurped the throne after the death of king Mentuhotep
III Sankhkare; but he was not to be crowned because of his sudden death
under ambiguous circumstances. Therefore, his name was not written within
the royal cartouche on the above mentioned Karnak block15.

The second theory argues that the God's father Senusret is the son
and legitimate heir of king Mentuhotep III Sankhkare , bearing the title " it-
nTr " in his life16, like the God's father Inyotef ?, the son and crown prince of
king Mentuhotep II Nebhepetre17. Being so, he could succeed to the throne.
However, his sudden death before ascending the throne did not allow the
scribe of the royal list ? at Karnak to inscribe his name within the royal
cartouche, but he only mentioned his name to preserve his right in the
succession18.

Another theory is that the God's father Senusret does not belong to the
ruling family of the 11th Dynasty. It considers him the father of the founder of
the 12th Dynasty, king Amenemhat I Sehetepibre. In this context, Stock
supposes that God's father Senusret married a princess of the 11th Dynasty;
consequently, his son had the royal blood of Inyotef and Mentohotep family

13
Chevrier, H., Rapport sur les Travaux de Karnak (1937-1938), in; ASAE, 38(1938), p.601.
14
Ibid., p.601. Gardiner, op.cit., p.125.
15
Winlock, op.cit., p.118.
16
Winlock, JNES, 2(1943), p.281. id., The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in the
Thebes, New York 1947, pp.53f. Hayes, W.C., The Scepter of Egypt, I, Cambridge 1959,
p.167.
17
Winlock, loc.cit. cf., Gardiner, MDAIK, 149 (1956), pp.45ff. Petrie, A Season in Egypt,
pls. XVI.489 no, 489 .Newberry, ZÄS 72 (1936) , pp.118f.
18
Winlock, loc.cit. Hayes, loc.cit.
 -4-

which enabled him to ascend to the throne and establish a new ruling
Dynasty19. On the other hand, Habachi suggests that the figures who bore the
title " it-nTr " in the middle kingdom were non-royal origin and exercised the
function of rulers for a short time before their retirement for their sons who
managed to establish new ruling families20.Therefore, Habachi goes on to
assume that the God's father Senusret was entitled " it-nTr " owing to his
ascending the throne in the intermediary period between 11th and 12th
dynasties, and then, he rapidly retired to the reign for his son Amenemhat I to
found the 12th Dynasty21.

What probably supports the late notion is the fact that some kings of
th
the 12 Dynasty had the same name, Senusret, particularly the second king
who bore the name of his grandfather22. In addition, the supreme position of
the god's father at the end of 11th Dynasty is consistent with the expression of
Amenemhat's lineage in the prophecies of Neferti as "son of a man "; i.e., the
son of an important man and not a commoner23.

In fact, there were close connections between the ruling family of the
11 Dynasty and the 12th Dynasty. As proof, juxtaposition of the cartouches
th

of Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre and Amenemhat I on apart from the fragment

of a stone bowl found at Lisht24. Also, Senusret I dedicating a statue to that
Inotef the great , born of Iku, who was the ancestor of Dynasty XI25, and an
altar to the S'ankhkare'Menthotpe26.

Thus, if the God's father Senusret was really the father of

Amenemhat I and the link between the 11th and 12th dynasties as supposed by
earlier views, the kings of the 12th Dynasty would have expressed this
relationship in some of their monuments as they actually did with their
relationship with the king Mentuhotep ( IV ) Nebtawyre and the prince
Inotef. That nothing of the remains of the 12th Dynasty mentioned the God's

19
Stock, H., Die erste Zwischenzeit Ägypten, in; AnOr, 31 (1949), pp.54, 88ff, 90; n.3.
20
Habachi, L., God's Fathers and the role they played in the History of the First Intermediate
Period, in; ASAE,55(1958),pp. 170ff. cf., Hayes, CAH, 1/2, p. 495.
21
Ibid, pp.185ff. Posener, G., Littérature et politique dans l'Égypte de la XIIe Dynastie.Paris
1956, pp.49ff.
22
Posener, loc.cit. Gardiner, E.Ph., p.125. Beckerath, Handbuch, pp.82ff.
23
Posener, loc.cit.
24
Winlock, JEA, 26(1940), pp.117f. Gardiner, op.cit., p.126.
25
Legrain, M.G., Cat.gén.statues et statuettes des rois et de particuliers, I, le Caire 1906,
pp.4f, pl. III. Newberry, ZÄS, 72(1936), p.118. Gardiner, loc.cit
26
Gauthier, LR, I, p.245.
 -5-

father Senusret denies any relationship between him and the kings of this
Dynasty. Besides, it is difficult to date the God's father Senusret to the period
of 12th Dynasty. Rather it is better to consider him one of the priests who
lived in the New Kingdom, working either in the field of secret rites or in that
of financial administration of tow kings Mentuhotep I Nebhepetre and
Mentuhotep III Sankhkare. That is why his name was inscribed behind their
names on the Karnak block27.

One of the problems related to the end of the 11th Dynasty is that of
king Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre . Some researchers believe that the country
lost much of its power and cohesion after the death of Mentuhotep III
Sankhkare and his successor, Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre , ascended the
throne in politically difficult conditions which were the ultimate result of the
instability of the ruling family28. Most scholars suggest that this king did not
legitimately ascend the throne29. This suggestion is based on two
considerations: firstly, he was entirely ignored in the king-lists30. Secondly,
his inscriptions ignored his father's name; only his mother's name, Imi, was
mentioned as " mwt-nswt ", i.e; " the royal mother "31. However, there is no
direct evidence for this32.

Information about the king Mentuhotep ( IV ) Nebtawyre comes from

some sources: the fragment of a stone bowl found at Lisht by Winlock33,
bearing both the names of king Nebtawyre Mentuhotep and of king
Amenemhat I may perhaps indicate that Amenemhat I was a co-regent during
the later years of Mentuhotep's reign. This could perhaps indicate that

27
cf., Ward, W.A., Index of Egyptian Administrative And religious Titles of the middle
Kingdom, 1982, 145:1245; 69:570e; 41:313; 152:1309; 7:8. Habachi, Gottesvater, in: LÄ
II, 825f.
28
Hayes, op.cit., pp.492ff. Vercoutter, J., The Near East, The Early Civilization, London
1967, p.353.
29
Winlock, The Rise and Fall, p.54. Posener, Littérature, p.50 Gardiner, E.Ph., p.125.
Beckerath, J., von, Mentuhotep IV, LÄ, IV, 69.
30
Vandier, , An.Or. 17 (1938),pp. 36f. Winlock, JEA, 26(1940), pp.116f. Drioton, E., &
Vandier, J., L' Égypte, Paris 1962, pp.244f. Vernus, P., & Yoyotte, J., Les pharaons, Paris
1988, p.86.
31
Hayes, op., cit., p.492. Lepsuis, LD, II, 149f. Gardiner, op.cit., p.125. Weigall, A., A
History of Egypt, I, London 1927, pp.309f.
32
Vercoutter, op.cit., p.353. Goedicke, H., King Hwdf3, in; JEA,42(1956), pp.50ff.
Beckerath, loc.cit.
33
Winlock, JEA, 26(1940), pp.117f. Gardiner, op.cit., p.126.
 -6-

Mentuhotep IV had intended Amenemhat to be his successor34. The

juxtaposition both of names on this stone bowl has not been interpreted as
proof of a co-regency, but only as deep respect of successor to his
predecessor. However, the former, who was unknown before, reigned at the
end of 11th Dynasty; whereas the latter ruled at the beginning of the 12th
Dynasty35. Apart from the fragment of a stone bowl found at Lisht, King
Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre is known from three quarries to which he sent
expeditions. Three graffiti of his first year and one of his second record an
official's quest for amethyst in the Wady el-Hudi, some 17 miles to the
southeast of Aswan36, and a Rock inscription at Ayn Soukhna37.

Much more interesting is a group of rock-inscriptions in the Wady

Hammamat, located to the northeast of Thebes, between Koptos and the Red
Sea. Here in his second year was sent his vizier Amenemhat to quarry stone
for a great sarcophagus38. Despite the importance of the graffiti of the Wady
Hammamat, they still have their historical problems. For example, this rock-
inscriptions record the king's celebration of sed-festival, although he reigned
only for little more than two years. In other words, the king hastened his
celebration of this occasion for unknown reasons. Another problem is the
identification of the vizier Amenemhat who led the expedition of the Wady
Hammamat to fetch his king a great sarcophagus.

The sed festival ( Hb-sd ) is perhaps the most important celebration of

kingship in ancient Egypt; it is attested since the first Dynasty. Actually
many of the kings celebrated their first anniversary in the thirtieth year of
their reign. This is generally thought to have been the norm for observance of
the festival, but there seem to be inexplicable exceptions from this rule39.
Some Egyptologists think that the thirty-year period was supposed to start in
the day of announcing the future king to be a crown prince. Accordingly,
king Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre was the legitimate crown prince of his

34
cf., Murnane, W.J., Ancient Egyptian coregencies, Chicago 1977, pp.227f. Hayes, op.cit.,
p.493.
35
Winlock, The Rise and Fall, p.54. Hayes, op.cit., p.493.
36
Rowe, A., Three New Stelae from the South – Eastern Desert, in; ASAE, 39 (1939),
pp.187ff. Porter, B., & Moss, R., PM, VII, 319. Hayes CAH,1/2, p.493.
37
Mahmoud Abd el-Raziq, Georges Castel, Pierre Tallet, Victor Ghica. Les inscriptions
d'Ayn Soukhna. MIFAO.122 (2002), 40, no. 4.
38
Couyat, J., & Montet, P., Les inscriptions Hiéroglyphiques du Ouádi Hammámát, in;
MIFAO, 34 (1912), nos.:1;3,40;11,55,105,110,113;29,191;36,192;37,205,241. Hayes,
op.cit, pp.491f.
39
Martn, K., Sedfest, LÄ,V,782ff.
 -7-

father Mentuhotep III Sankhkare who associated with him during his reign.
The father's aim was to ensure his son's right in the accession as well as to
avoid any future turmoil in the royal family after his death40. However, there
is no direct evidence for this.

According to other Egyptologists, it is the king's health condition that

determines the celebration of the sed festival. Then there is no need to specify
a number of years for the king to celebrate this occasion. As an illustration,
king Tuthmosis IV celebrated two feasts within ten years. Meanwhile, king
Amenophis III celebrated three feasts in the thirtieth, thirty-fourth and thirty-
seventh year of his reign respectively. As for king Amenophis IV, he did not
stick to his thirtieth anniversary, for he celebrated it in the twelfth and
fifteenth year of his reign. Also, king Ramesses II celebrated it at least
thirteen times during his sixty-seven years of reign41. As a result, it is
probable that king Mentuhotep (IV) Nebtawyre celebrated his sed festival in
the second year of his reign because of his bad health condition.

As for the personality of the vizier Amenemhat , he was none other

than the future king Amenemhat I who terminated the reign of the 11th
Dynasty and founded the 12th Dynasty42. Gardiner and others consider him as
an usurper and suppose that he conspired against his royal master, and
perhaps after some years of confusion mounted the throne in his place.
However, there is no positive evidence for this consideration43.

At the very end of the eleventh Dynasty the central power of Thebes
seems to have declined for a while, at least what the authority over the

40
Weigall, op.cit, p.310. BAR, I, §§ 439.
41
Aldred, C., Akhenaton, King of Egypt, London 1988, pp.47, 50 ,65 92, 144, 161ff, 163f,
177, 178, 239, 240, 265ff, 271, 278; 30, 31,50. Porter & Moss, PM, I, p.152. Frankfort, H.,
Kingship and the Gods, London 1965, P.79. Martn, loc.cit.
list of all attestations for the Sed festival, discussion of which sources refer to a real Sed
festival, and which are symbolic, see; Hornung, E., und Stähelin, E., Studien zum Sedfest.
Ägyptiaca Helvetica 1/1974. Basel.
42
Vandier,AnOr,17(1938), pp.45ff. Winlock, op.cit., pp.56f. Stock, AnOr, 31(1949), pp.48ff.
Posener, op.cit.,p.51. Gardiner, op.cit., p.125.Beckerath, J. von, Amenemhet I, LÄ, I, 188f.
43
Vandier, op.cit., p.44. Winlock, JEA,26(1940), pp.118f. Posener, loc.cit. Gardiner, loc.cit.
And see; Arnold, D., Amenemhet I and the Early Twelfth Dynasty at Thebes.
Metropolitan Museum Journal 26 (1991),pp. 5ff. Callender, G., The Middle Kingdom
Renaissance. In; The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. Edited by Ian Shaw. Oxford 2000,
pp.148ff.
 -8-

province of Nubia was concerned44. In nine cities has an otherwise unknown

"king" made his presence known by recording his name on rocks. He had
both a throne name - Kakare, and a personal nomen - Antef45. Maybe he was
heading for the throne in Thebes but he obviously did not reach that far.
Another ruler manifesting himself in Nubia was probably called Ibkhenetre46
and he only showed himself with a fancy cartouche. A third chief is known
during the same period and he was called Segerseni with the throne name
Menkhkare47. He is attested for only in rock inscriptions near Umbarakab in
Lower Nubia. Nothing very definite is known if these local chiefs ruled
simultaneously or if they succeeded each other.

On the other hand, some texts made reference to the frequent

occurrence of famine due to water shortages in the River Nile in the late of
Eleventh Dynasty – all of which necessarily brought about a sharp decline in
the political, economic and social conditions. Among such texts are
Hekanakht's letters that read:" All lands are starving to death. I came here in
the south and brought you all possible food. Isn't the Nile low? The food I
gathered is ideally suitable for the flood situation." He continues:" One can't
speak about famine unless it really exists. Anyway, people began to devour
one another.'48 The poor-flood famine and cannibalism reported by
Hekanakht is unquestionably authentic.49

Some other evidence for the recurrence of famine is the expressions

written in Neferti's papyrus, evocative of the nonexistence of water in the
Nile50. As well as the very strict economic policy operated by the monarchs
of the 12th Dynasty on rationing and saving the Nile water for irrigation,
taking care over agriculture, and building bridges particularly in Fayum
which received a lot of special care from the government51. The reason for
such special attention is the painful lesson that the 12th Dynasty learned from

44
Weigall,A., Report on Antiquities of lower Nubia, Cairo 12907, pls. XXXII,XXIV,XLIX,
L,LIV. Säve-Söderberg, T., Ägypten und Nubien. Lund 1941, pp.43,47,50f,58.
45
Beckerath, , MÄS 49( 1984), pp.80f. Säve-Söderberg,op.cit, p.47.
46
Beckerath, loc.cit.
47
Beckerath, loc.cit. Säve-Söderberg, op.cit., p.43.
48
James,T.G.H., The Hekanakhte Papers and others Early Middle Kingdom Documents, in;
MMA Eg.Exp. vol.19, New York 1962, pp.12ff. See a new study of the important Middle
Kingdom papyri of Heqanakht; Allen,J.P., The Heqanakht Papyri, MMA Eg.Exp. vol.27,
New York 2002.
49
Baer.K, An Eleventh Dynasty Farmer's Letters to his Family, in; JAOS 83(1963), pp.1ff.
50
Lichtheim, AEL, I, London 1975, p.141.
51
Hayes, op.cit, pp.509ff.
 -9-

the downfall of the 11th Dynasty owing to the Nile water shortages and
famines.

However, a compelling contradiction is the exquisite models

discovered in the tomb of Meketre, which show a life of luxury led by the
rich in that period52. Among these models is the stuccoed and painted wood
statuette of woman bearing offerings, wearing a dress ornamented with
waterlike waves, symbolic of the impact of the River Nile on art thereat53. In
addition to a contemporary massive mining and quarrying expeditions
provided with necessary supplies and water and sent to several places
therein54.

Despite the former suggestions that the reign of Sankhkare

Mentuhotep and Nebtawyre Mentuhotep were so deteriorating that they
paved the way for the collapse of the 11th Dynasty, there is no archaeological
evidence obviously indicating the frailty of the country and its kings in this
period. In contrast, there is much evidence denoting political stability in the
country till the death Mentuhotep ( IV ) Nebtawyre and pointing out the
king's capacity to submit the influence of the nomarchs (local governors) and
high officials, such as the steward Henu55 and the vizier Amenemhat56 who
lived during the reign of Sankhkare Mentuhotep and Nebtawyre Mentuhotep
respectively, mentioned official inscriptions dating to this period and
referring to their kings. These two high officials never forgot that they were
mere employees carrying out royal commands, and often they confessed that
whatever they did was thanks to their kings. At the same time, they expressed
their love for their kings and, in return, the king's kindness to them. That
indicates the kind relationship between kings and employees under the
control of a capable central government.

The massive mining and quarrying expeditions of this age testify to

the prosperity and the wise economic policy adopted by the two former kings
to resume investments of the resources of the east and west deserts, Nubia
and Punt after they were stopped during the first intermediate period. One of
these expeditions, dating to eighth year of Sankhkare Mentuhotep's reign,

52
See; Winlock,H.E., Models of Daily Life , in; MMA Eg.Exp. 18, Cambridge Mass.1955.
53
Saleh,M., und Sourouzian,H., Die Hauptwerke im Ägyptischen Musuem Kairo, Mainz
1986, Tf.74.
54
BAR,I, §§ 427ff.
55
BAR,I, §§ 427ff. Hayes, op.cit., pp.491f.
56
BAR,I,, §§ 436ff. Hayes, op.cit., pp.493f.
 -10-

was an expedition, led by the steward Henu, through the Wadi Hammamat to
the Red Sea and from there to the legendary land of Punt, from where many
exotic products and incense were brought to Egypt57. Its aim was to secure
the roads of caravans and reconstruct them, to cut stones necessary for the
statues of the king's temple, and to supervise the passages of ships to Punt
through the Red Sea. Other expeditions are sent by Nebtawyre Mentuhotep to
the Wadi Hammamat and the Wady el-Hudi58.

Another evidence of the stability and welfare of this period is the

noticeable progress in art, architecture and administration. For example, there
is the great architectural activity of King Sankhkare Mentuhotep who
initiated the construction of various temples in Elephantine, Armant and
Tod59. In addition, the main aims of king Nebtawyre Mentuhotep's sending of
the expeditions was to bring the stones necessary for his sarcophagus as well
as to use these stones in making religious monuments60. Although this king
had the will to carry out an architectural activity, his sudden death did not
enable him to do so. Similarly, the tomb of Chancellor Meketre at Thebes is
one of the beautiful tombs that indicate the stability and welfare of such a
historical period61. Moreover, the administrative situation is in contrast with
chaos and instability claimed to happen after Nebtawyre Mentuhotep's
death62.

Inscriptional and archaeological evidence assures the stability of

circumstances and centralized government in the country after the death of
Nebhetepre Mentuhotep and during the reign of his successors, Sankhkare
Mentuhotep and Nebtawyre Mentuhotep. However, what caused the collapse
of the 11th Dynasty is the sudden death of Nebtawyre Mentuhotep while there
was no legitimate heir of the throne. The dire consequence was the
disintegration of the country, the separation of the local governors and a
terrible civil war. What aggravates the situation is the fact that Egypt was

57
BAR,I, §§ 427ff. Hayes, op.cit., pp.491f. Gundlach,R.., Wadi Hammamat, LÄ, VI.1104f.
58
BAR, §§ 436ff. Hayes, op.cit., pp.493f. Gundlach, loc.cit. Simpson, W.K., Wadi el Hudi,
LÄ, VI,1113f.
59
Hayes, op.cit, p.513. Petrie, W.M.F., Qurneh. British School of Archaeology in Egypt.
XVI. London 1909, 4-6, pl. VI, 6, pl. VIII, 33. And the name of this king as part of an
offering formula on a private statue, see; Habachi, L., Tell el-Dab'a I, Vienna 2001, 170,
no. 14, fig. 23.
60
BAR,I, §§ 436ff. Hayes, op.cit., pp.493f
61
See; Winlock, H.E., Models of Daily Life in Ancient Egypt from the Tomb Meket-Re at
Thebes ( pub.M.M.A.E.E.18), Cambridge 1955.Hayes, op.cit., 489,518.
62
Cf., Hayes, op.cit., pp.488ff.
 -11-

recently unified and politically stable in the short time of the 11th Dynasty
rule after a long time of separation and civil wars during the first intermediate
period.

What probably supports this notion is the Turin Canon, the prophecies
of Neferti and the inscriptions in Nubia. To begin with, The Turin-king-list
refers to seven years of chaos as well as to the emptiness of the throne of
legitimate kings at the end of the 11th Dynasty and before the beginning of
the 12th Dynasty63. It is important to consider that such a period did not
follow the death of Nebhetepre Mentuhotep or Sankhkare Mentuhotep till the
beginning of the 12th Dynasty. On the contrary, it is the period that
immediately followed the death of the last legitimate kings of the 11th
Dynasty, Nebtawyre Mentuhotep.

The papyrus of the priest Neferti64 provides a complete description of

the bad conditions of Egypt in this Turin seven kingless years, which
resembles the situation of the country during the first intermediate period so
much that some Egyptologists find a great connection between both
descriptions65. In this papyrus, priest Neferti numerates such painful events
that would inflict Egypt before the coming of the savior, as bloodshed and
anarchy resulting from the collapse of the monarchy and the rivalries of the
provincial feudal lords or 'nomarchs', also possibly fomented by the
infiltration of Asiatics into the Delta;. Moreover, when Neferti tackled the
savior's tasks, he mentioned that he would unify the two powers of the north
and the south into one power, indicating the unification of a unified Egypt,
especially after the termination of the central authority of the state and the
growth of the influences of provinces rulers. He stated also the savior's effort
in crushing the evil and trouble makers, indicating his ability to submit
separatists, and the 'Walls of the Ruler, made to repel the Setyu, and to crush
the Sand-farers'66.

63
Gardiner, The Royal Canon of Turin, pl.3. Hayes, CAH,1/2, p. 492.
64
See; Helck, Die Prophezeiung des Nfr.tj,Wiesbaden 1970,pp.49ff;Wilson, ANET,
pp.444ff. Gardiner, E.Ph., pp.125f.
65
Posener, Littérature et politique, pp.21ff,145ff. Hayes, CAH, 1/2, pp.200f, 529,532f. Cf.,
Gomaa, F., Ägypten während der ersten Zwischenzeit, Wiesbaden 1979. Franke, F., 'First
Intermediate Period'. in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt. Edited by Donald B.
Redford. New York, Oxford 2000,526ff.
66
Helck, loc.cit. Wilson, ANET, pp.444ff. Gardiner, E.Ph., pp.125f.
 -12-

The savior referred to by Neferti is Amenemhat who was an ex-vizier

during the reign of Nebtawyre Mentuhotep who suddenly died in the absence
of his vizier, who was in the Wadi Hammamat's expedition. The vizier
Amenemhat swiftly returned back to Thebes with 20,000 men really
accompanied the expedition and was involved in a severe fight against
separation movements and the Asian Nomads in order to resume Egypt's
unity. After his victory, he established the 12th Dynasty whose kings related
themselves to the 11th Dynasty and benefited from its political, economic and
cultural aspects.

From another point of view, the researcher explains the inscriptions

found in Nubia have already been mentioned, stating that such rulers (Kakare
Antef, Ibkhenetre and Segerseni) 67benefited from the sudden death of king in
the capital, Thebes, and the absence of any legitimate heirs and assumed
royal titularies for themselves. Although the role of Nubia throughout the
Heracleopolitan period is very obscure, but all evidences assure that Nubian
contingents were in the service of the Heracleopolitan Dynasty "House of
Khety", the enemy of Theban Dynasty "House of Antef and Mentuhotep"68.

67
Beckerath, ägyptischen Königsnamen,pp.80f. Säve-Söderberg, Ägypten und Nubien.
pp.43,47,50f,58.
68
Anthes, R., Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, Leipzig 1928, Nos.16,25. Hayes, op.cit.,
pp.485ff. Wenig, S., Nubien, LÄ, IV, 529f.