 The English word history is derived from the Greek

word “istoia” meaning learning
 According to Aristotle, history is the systematic account of a
set of natural phenomena whether or not chronological ordering
was a factor in an account, and this is considered as natural
history. As time passed, the equivalent Latin
word “scientia”, which is science in English later was used more
to designate non-chronological systematic accounts of
phenomena.
 Presently, the word “history” means the “past of mankind”.
History is the study of past events, particularly in human affairs.
 History in German is “Geschichte”, meaning, “that which has
happened”. This means that the word implies that history
teaches and we may learn from the lessons of history.
 With the definition of history, it brings man to a recognition that
history cannot be reconstructed, that the past of mankind, much
of it, is beyond recall. And that even the best of our memories
cannot re-create our past.
 The reconstruction of the total past of mankind is the total goal
of historians which, however, is unattainable. Historians will
never really know everything that happened in the past.
 The problem that every historian confronts is that the evidence
they rely on is likely to be fragmented, incomplete and even
contradictory. The result is, each historian’s conclusions are
influenced by the evidence they have selected from what is
available and from how they interpreted it.
 And from whatever a historian only has will be the only thing
that he can use to connect him to the past.

HISTORICAL METHOD
 The process of critically examining and analyzing the records
and survivals of the past. 
 To study objectively (intention of acquiring detached and truthful
knowledge independent of one’s personal reactions) a thing
must first be an object and must have an independent
resistance outside the human mind). Most of history is based on
the human mind since most of history is based upon
recollection (written or spoken history).
 In reconstruction, only a part of what was observed is
remembered, only a part of what was remembered is recorded,
only a part of what was recorded survives, only a part of what
survived comes to the historian’s attention.
 Only of a part of what is credible has been grasped, only a part
of what has been grasped can be expounded and narrated by
the historian. 

HISTORICAL SOURCES
     - Objects from the past or testimony concerning the past which
historians use to create their own depiction of the past.
 

1.  According to Form

*Written Sources
     - Published materials (books, journals etc.) and manuscript
(handwritten and unprinted like archival materials and memoirs)
*Non written Sources
     -Oral history, artifacts, fossils, etc.
 

2. According to Origin
*Primary Sources
     - Testimony of an eyewitness
     - It must have been produced by a contemporary of that is
narrated. It is a document or physical object written or created
during the time under study. These sources were present during
an experience or time period and offer an inside view of a
particular event.
*Secondary Sources
     - Interpret and analyze primary sources
     - They are one or more steps removed from the event.
Examples are printed textbooks.
 
 

*External Criticism
     - Deals with the problem of authenticity
     - To spot hoaxes, fakes, forgeries and fabrications
     - Tests of Authenticity are:
          Determine the date if it is Anachronistic: a material, skill or
culture does not exist at that time
          Determine the author in the uniqueness of his handwriting or
signature
          Determine the provenance or custody:  genuineness
          Determine the Semantics, meaning of a text or word
          Determine the Hermeneutics, the ambiguities
 

*Internal Criticism
     - deals with the problem of credibility.
     - Tests of credibility are:
          Determine the Character of the Author, his reliability, and his
ability and willingness to tell the truth
          Determine the Corroboration, historical facts rest upon the
testimony of two or more reliable   witnesses
 

KINDS OF PRIMARY SOURCES

 Records of social and cultural observations
 Chronicles
 Human Fossils (remains of ancient man imbedded in the earth
such as bones, hair, skin etc.)
 Artifacts ( cultural evidences of man in the past such as tools
and implements)
 Records of Detective Investigations
 Royal Decrees and Laws
 Official Reports
 Maps
 Memoirs or Autobiographies
 Personal accounts: record of interviews
 Newspapers and Magazines: reports of correspondents
 Legislative journals
 Court Records
 

REPOSITORIES OF PRIMARY SOURCES

 

National Archives of the Philippines

 

National Library of the Philippines

 
National Historical Commission of the Philippines
 

National Museum of the Philippines

 

Other Repositories of Primary Sources are the libraries of various

universities in the Philippines such as the University of the
Philippines, the Ateneo de Manila Rizal Library and Museum, the
American Historical Collection in ADMU, and the University of Sto.
Tomas Central Library and Museum.

Lesson 1: Excerpt from Santiago

Alvarez's Katipunan and the
Revolution: Memoirs of a General
and Teodoro Agoncillo's History
of the Filipino People

Santiago Alvarez
     - A revolutionary general and a founder and honorary president
of the first directorate of the Nacionalista Party
     - Also known as Kidlat ng Apoy because of his inflamed bravery
and dedication as commander of Cavite's famous battles
     - The only child of revolutionary general Mariano Alvarez
 
 
Teodoro Agoncillo
      - A prominent 20th-century Filipino historian

     - He and his contemporary Renato Constantino were among

the first Filipino historians renowned for promoting a distinctly
nationalist point of view of Filipino history.
 
**For the readings, kindly download the Week 2 file.

Robert Fox
     - An anthropologist and leading historian on the prehispanic
Philippines
     - He led a six-year archaeological research project in Palawan,
focusing mainly on the caves and rock shelters of Lipuun Point in
the southern part of the island. Its most outstanding site is the
Tabon Cave complex, the large main cave delivered the only
Pleistocene human fossils found in the Philippines to date. The
fossil finds include a skullcap, jaw bones, teeth and several other
fragmented bones. Dubbed as the "Tabon Man",  the finds
represent more than just one individual.
 

William Henry Scott

     - A historian of the Gran Cordillera Central and Prehispanic
Philippines
 
 Tabon Man Skullcap
 
 

.3 An Example of Primary Source. EXCERPT FROM THE SANTIAGO

ALVAREZ ACCOUNT “Katipunan
and the Revolution: Memoirs of a General”, (pp. 82-88). This is referring to
the events that
transpired during the Tejeros Convention.

The assembly at Tejeros was finally convened on 25 March 1897. The

invitations to the meeting were
signed by Secretary Jacinto Lumbreras of the Magdiwang Council, and he
presided over the assembly.
Seated with Lumbreras at the long presidential table were the Supremo
Andres Bonifacio, Messrs.
Mariano M. Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, Mariano C. Trias,
Diego Mojica, Emiliano R. de
Dios, Santiago Rillo, all of them of the Magdiwang. Among the Magdalo
seated at the head table were
Messrs. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, and Cayetano Topacio.
It must be mentioned that, before the assembly was convened, Secretary
of War Ariston Villanueva
of the Magdiwang Council received and the confidential informa tion that
Mr. Daniel Tirona of the
Magdalo faction was set to undermine the proceedings of the assembly
and that he had already
succeeded in enjoining many among the Magdiwang leaders to ally with
him. Secretary Villanueva kept
silent, but nevertheless alerted Captain General Apoy, who had troops in
readiness for any sudden
eventuality.
The leaders were seated at the presidential table, as previously described,
and all the others were
standing in groups on both sides of those seated. After Chairman Jacinto
Lumbreras had declared the
assembly open, he announced the main topic of discussion, which was
how to bolster the defenses in the
areas still under Magdiwang control. Presently, Mr. Severino de las Alas
rose to speak, and when he was
recognized he said, “Before we discuss minor details, let us first tackle the
major issue such as what kind
of government we should have and how we should go about establishing
it. Once we make a decision
about these questions, the problem if organization and strengthening of
defenses will be resolved.”
“As initiator of the Revolution,” Chariman Lumbreras replied, “the
Katipunan now holds
authorityover the islands. It has a government of law and a definite
program. It has a government of law
and a definite program. It is obeyed and respected by all because it stands
for f reedom, brotherly love,
and a well-organized and well-run government. The purpose of this
meeting is to discuss the best
measures to take to strengthen the Magdiwang government vis -ӑ-vis the
enemy. We should avoid
surrendering the headquarters of the Katipunan army should the Magdalo
eventually lose out.”
The chair next recognized the Supremo. He concurred with what Chairman
Lumbreras had just said
and explained that the “K” in the middle of the sun in the Katipunan flag
used in the Revolution stood for
Kalayaan (Freedom).
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again. He countered that the letter “K” and
the sun on the flag did not
indicate whether the revolutionary government was democratic or not.
The Supremo replied that from the rank and file to the highest levels, the
Katipunan was united in its
respect for universal brotherhood and equality of men. It was risking
bloodshed and life itself in its
struggle against the king, in order to establish a sovereign and free
government. In short, it stood for
people’s sovereignty, not a government led by only one or two.
Mr. Antonio Montenegro spoke in defense of Mr. Severino de las Alas’s
stand. He argued that if they
would not agree on the kind of revolutionary they were to have and that if
they were to let status quo
prevail, then they who were in the Revolution would be no better than a
pack of bandits or of wild,
mindless animals.
General Apoy was hurt by these words of Mr. Montenegro. He quickly
stood up and looked angrily at
the precious speaker.
“We of the Katipunan,” he began, “are under the jurisdiction of our
respected Highest Council of the
Sons of the People. This Council is the defender of, and has authority
over, the Magdiwang and Magdalo
governments of Cavite. We are true revolutionaries fighting for freedom of
the native land. We are not
bandits who rob others of their property and wealth. Noe should we be
likened to beasts, for we know
how to protect and defend others, especially the political refugees who
seek asylum with us. We are
rational and we do not expose those who talk big but do not accomplish
anything. If you want to
establish a different kind of government that is to your liking, you must do
as we have done: Go back to
your localities and snatch them from Spanish control! Then you can do
what pleases you; but don’t you
dare seek refuge among cowards who might call you bandits and beasts.
And for everybody’s
satisfactions, I am now ordering your arrest!”

Captain General Apoy stopped speaking and looked intently at the person
he was alluding to and
ordered a detachment under Maj. Damaso Fojas to keep him under guard.
After a short while, Dr. Jose
Rizal’s sister, Trining, and his widow, Josephine, pleaded with General
Apoy not to arrest Mr.
Montenegro, but to let him stay at the estate house where they themselves
were staying. They
volunteered to be held personally responsible for Mr. Montenegro while in
their custody. Captain General
Apoy easily acceded to the request.
The strong and excited denunciation by Captain General Apoy of Mr.
Monteneg ro alerted the
Magdiwang troops. The leaders eyed everyone suspiciously and were only
awaiting a signal from
General Apot for them to begin shooting. Disorder ensued and disrupted
the assembly.
When order was restored, some wanted convention adjourned, but the
Supremo Bonifacio prevailed
upon the others to continue. However, the presiding officer, Mr.
Lumbreras, refused to resume his role of
chairman. He wanted to yield the chair to the Supremo whom he thought to
be the rightful chairman.
“The Katipunan, as you know,” Mr. Lumbreras explained, “was responsible
from the beginning for
the spread of the revolutionary movement throughout the Philippines. But
because o f the disaffection of
some, this assembly was called to establish a new overall revolutionary
council. If we are to pursue this
ambitious and important undertaking, only the Supremo has the right to
preside at this assembly, for he
is the Father of the Katipunan and the Revolution.”
Mr. Lumbreras’s speech was well received and his proposal was
unanimously accepted. The Supremo
Bonifacio assumed the chairmanship accordingly and said, “Your aim is to
establish a new overall
government of the Katipunan of the Sons of the People. This would
repudiate the decisions made at the
meeting held at the friar estate house in Imus. In my capacity as
“President-Supremo” of the Most
Venerable Katipunan of the Sons of the People, I agree and sympathize
with your aspirations. But I wish
to remind you that we should respect all decisions properly discussed and
approved in all our meetings.
We should respect and abide by the wishes of the majority.”
Because of a repeated clamor for the approval of the establishment of a
government of the
Philippine Republic, the chair proceeded to prepare for an election to the
following p ositions: president,
vice-president, minister of finance, minister of welfare, minister of justice,
and captain general.
The Supremo spoke again before the election began. He said that the
candidate who would get the
most number of votes for each position should be the winner, no matter
what his station in life or his
educational attainment. What should matter was that the candidate had
never been a traitor to the
cause of the Motherland. Everyone agreed and there were shouts of
approval such as, “That is how it
should-- be equality for everyone! Nobody should be higher nor lower than
the other. May love of
country prevail!”
The Supremo Bonifacio appointed Gen. Artemio Ricarte as secretary.
Then, with the help of Mr.
Daniel Tirona, he distributed pieces of paper to serve as ballots. When the
ballots had been collected and
the votes were ready to be canvassed, Mr. Diego Mojica, the Magdiwang
secretary of the treasury,
warned the Supremo that many ballots distributed were already filled out
and that the voters had not
done this themselves. The Supremo ignored this remark. He proceeded
with the business at hand as i f
nothing unusual had happened.
When the votes for president were counted, Mr. Emilio Aguinaldo won over
Mr. Andres Bonifacio,
the Supremo. The winner was acclaimed by applause and shouts of
“Mabuhay!” (Long live!)
Mr. Severino de las Alas spoke again to say that since the Supremo
Bonifacio had second highest
number votes for the presidency, he should be proclaimed vice-president
of the Philippine Republic.
When nobody signified approval or disapproval of the proposal, the
presiding officer, the Supremo
Bonifacio, ruled that the election continued. For vice- president, Mr.
Mariano Trias won over Mr.
Mariano Alvarez and the Supremo Bonifacio. General Vibora was elected
captain over General Apoy.
General Vibora demurred, saying that he had neither the ability nor the
right to ass ume the new
position. But General Apoy cut his objections by saying that he personally
vouched for General Vibora’s
competence and right to occupy the position to which he was elected.
General Apoy’s endorsement was
greeted with shouts of “Long live the newly elected captain general!”
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo wanted the elections to be finished before it got
too dark. To facilitate th e
counting of votes, he suggested that for all other positions to be voted
upon, voters should stand on one
side of the hall if in favor and on the other side if against. The suggestion
was adopted for the rest of the
election. For the position of secretary war, Mr. Emiliano R. de Dios was
elected overwhelmingly over

Messrs. Santiago V. Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, and Daniel Tirona. After

the voters had given the proper
honors to the new secretary of war, they proceeded to elect the secretary
of the interior. Mr. Andres
Bonifacio, the Supremo, won over Mr. Mariano Alvarez. The crowd broke
into shouts of “Mabuhay!” Mr.
Daniel Tirona requested for a restoration of order and then spoke aloud:
“My brethren, the office of secretary of the interior is of so great a scope
and such sensitivity that we
should not entrust it to one who is not a lawyer. One among us here is a
lawyer. He is Mr. Jose del
Rosario. Let us reconsider the choice for the last position, for he has no
credentials to show attesting to
any educational attainment.
Then in as loud a voice as he could muster, Tirona shouted, “Let us elect
Mr. Jose del Rosario, the
lawyer!”
Greatly embarrassed, the Supremo Bonifacio quickly stood up and said,
“We agreed to abide by the
majority vote and accept its choice no matter what station in life of the
person elected. And because of
this, I demand from you, Mr. Daniel Tirona, an apology. You must restore
to the voters and the one they
elected the honor you have only now besmirched.”
Then he pulled out his revolver and took aim.
Instead of replying, Mr. Tirona ignored the Supremo’s remarks and,
perhaps because of fear, he slid
away and got lost in the crowd. Disorder ensued as the convention
secretary tried to disarm the
Supremo, who was intent on shooting Mr. Tirona. The people began to
disperse and the Supremo
adjourned the meeting with these words:
“In my capacity as chairman of this convention and as President-Supremo
of the Most Venerable
Katipunan of the Sons of the People which association is known and
acknowledged by all, I hereby
declare null and void all matters approved in this meeting.”
Then he left quickly and was followed by his aides and some others
present.
Mr. Baldomero Aguinaldo, the Magdalo president, did not leave San
Francisco de Malabon that
night, in order to convince the Magdiwang leaders to reconvene the
disrupted meeting the following
day. They agreed to his proposal. That same night, rumor had it that
Messrs. Mariano Trias, Daniel
Tirona, Emiliano R. de Dios, Santiago Rillo, and others w ere in the parish
house of the Catholic church at
Tanza (Santa Cruz de Malabon), and that they were conferring with the
priest, Fr. Cenon Villafranca.
Many attested to seeing them, but no one knew what they talked about.
On the request of Magdalo Pres. Baldomero Aguinaldo, a meeting was
called at the same friar estate
house in Tejeros. Called on the day after the tumultuous convention, its
purpose was to continue and
revalidate the proceedings of the election meeting, to revive their former
alliances, and to restore
cordiality and fraternal love in their relations. Aside from the Supremo
Andres Bonifacio, among the
Magdiwang leaders who atented were Messrs. Mariano Alvarez, Diego
Mojica, Ariston Villanueva,
Pascual Alvarez, Jacinto Lumbreras, Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte,
Nicolas Portilla, Santos Nocon,
and Fr. Manuel Trias, the parish priest of San Francisco de Malabon. They
waited until five that
afternoon, but none of the Magdalo members came, not even their
president who had initiated what
would have been a reconciliation meeting.
That same night it was rumored that the Magdalo leaders were currently
holding their own meeting
at the parish house i Tanza. Though it had a reason to be apprehensive
because the Magdalo were
meeting in territory under its jurisdiction, the Magdiwang leadership looked
the other way because the
Magdalo were hard-pressed for meeting places since its territories had all
been taken by the Spanish
enemy.
The next morning, 27 March 1897, eyewitnesses who had spied in the
proceedin gs revealed that,
indeed, a meeting had taken place at the Tanza parish house and that
Supremo’s decisions regarding the
election at the friar estate house were not respected. These revelations
surfaced des pite denials from
many sectors.
At the gathering in the Tanza parish house, those elected at the Tejeros
convention knelt before a
crucifix and in the name of the Holy Father, the highest pointiff of the
Roman Catholic Church, invoked
the martyred saints and solemnly took their office. Fr. Cenon Villafran ca
officiated, With Messrs.
Severino de las Alas and Daniel Tirona as witnesses, the following took
their oaths of office: Messrs.
Emilio Aguinaldo, Mariano C. Trias, and Artemio Ricarte. Conspicuously
absent was the Supremo Andres
Bonifacio, who was not invited although he was one of those Tejeros
convention, he declared null and

void all matters approved by the assembly because of a grave violation of

a principle a greed upon before
the election.
It should be noted here that, unknown to the Magdiwang Council, the
Magdalo posted troops to
guard the Tanza parish house for their oath-taking ceremonies. The troops
were under strict orders not
to admit any of the unwanted Magdiwang partisans. If the news about the
secret ceremony had leaked
out earlier, and the underdogs in the power struggle had attempted to
break into it, they would have
been annihilated then and there.

1.4 An Example of Secondary Source: EXCERPT from TEODORO

AGONCILLO, “The Revolt of the
Masses, the story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan”, University of the
Philippines Press: Q.C. 2002,
(pp. 205-211; 214-217). Also referring to the events that transpired during
the Tejeros Convention.
This is from chapter 12, “Seeds of Discontent”.

...The misunderstanding that existed between the followers of the

Magdiwang and the Magdalo, so
destructive of the Katipunan plans, deepened into mutual suspicion and
jealousies that resulted in
military reverses in several sectors. Polavieja’s counter-offensives led to
the fall of several towns hitherto
held by the rebels, and the attitude of non-cooperation exhibited by one
faction when the other was
harassed by the enemy led, as it must, to disaster in the field. The
situation, both camps believed, could
only be remedied by coming together and threshing out differences of
opinion and solving, ultimately,
the question of leadership in the province. For this purpose, the leaders of
the Magdiwang and the
Magdalo decided to call a convention or assembly at Imus.
In the assembly hall, the two factions met and exchanged the usual
greetings. Bonifacio entered,
proceeded to the head of the table and unceremoniously occupied the
chair. He beckoned to the
Magdiwang Ministers to sit at his right side. This obvious partiality to the
Magdiwang was resented by
the Magdalo, for as Supreme Head of the Katipunan who was called upon
to mediate between the two
factions, Bonifacio was expected to show impartiality. But his actions in the
case were motivated by his
regard for his wife’s uncle, Mariano Alvarez, the President of the
Magdiwang-- a fact that aggrevated
the situation. Even so, the Magdalo men did not show their resentment but
kept silent in order to
prevent further misunderstanding between the followers of both camps.
Seeing that Bonifacio had called
his Ministers, Baldomero Aguinaldo, President of the Magdalo, without
being invited, sat to the left of
Bonifacio. General Emilio Aguinaldo, seeing his position as purely military
one, was content to be a mere
observer. He had, however, a plan of his own. Since it was the intention of
his faction to propose the
establishment of a revolutionary government, he had decided beforehand
that in the coming election for
the presidency he would nominate and support Edilberto Evangelista,
since among them all “Evangelista
was the best educated.” Bonifacio knew of Aguinaldo’s active
electioneering in favor of Evangelista and
was deeply hurt, for as founder and Supreme Head of the Katipunan he
felt that the presidency should be
given to him as a reward.
The assembly opened with Bonifacio as Chairman. It was evident, when
Baldomero Aguinaldo made
the proposal to establish a revolutionary government, that the two factions
would never come to an
understanding. The Magdalo men contended that the continuance of the
Katipunan government was no
longer necessary, for since the start if the Revolution the Society had
ceased to remain a secret society
and must therefore be supplanted by one that would better fit the situation.
The Magdalo people further
contended that being small, Cavite must not be divided between the two
factions. On the other hand, the
Magdiwang followers argued that the Katipunan already had a constitution
and by-laws duly approved
and enforced in the Islands and that, by virtue of this, provincial and
municipal governments in and
around Manila had already been established. There was, therefore, no
necessity of establishing a new
government. Even so, the Magdiwang Minister of War, Ariston Villanueva,
stood up and said that if a
new government was to be established, Andres Bonifacio, w ho had
organized and planned the entire
revolutionary movement, must of right occupy the presidency without any
election. Further, he pointed
out that as Chairman and Supremo, Bonifacio should be given blanket
authority to appoint the Ministers.
The Magdalo group strenuously objected and insisted on an election. The
discussion became heated and
did not accomplish any tangible result. The assembly was adjourned and
each faction left without any
definite understanding.
5

Suspicions and jealousies continued to plague the ranks of the rebels, and
even among the members
of the same faction petty quarrels continued to come up. The Magdalo
follower s suspected the
Magdiwang of courting the favor of the Spaniards, while the same
suspicion was aroused in the
Magdiwang as regards the Magdalo. In a situation where the Magdalo
needed the help of the
Magdiwang, the latter, to which Bonifacio belonged, refused to come to the
aid of the former. Moreover,
the Magdiwang followers were themselves occupied, now and then, with
pett y jealousies and quarrels
that tended to demoralize the soldiers. Thus, when the town fiesta of San
Francisco de Malabon was held
in January 1897, the rebels, then enjoying the afternoon games, were
disturbed by a series of rifle shots
that sent them scampering away to places safety. Thinking that the enemy
was approachin g, Ariston
Villanueva and Santiago Alvarez gathered their men and prepared to meet
an attack. They later found
out that the rifle shots came from the men of Captain Mariano San Gabriel,
also a Magdiwang man,
who, trigger-happy, had fired several shots in the air. Alvarez’s men tried to
disarm the offending
soldiers, but instead were themselves disarmed. Alvarez was furious and
demanded that San Gabriel
disarm his men. The latter refused and left for Noveleta. It was only
through Ricarte’s intervention that
the two men, Alvarez and San Gabriel, were broug ht together again as
comrades.
The situation had not eased up a bit when the leaders of the Magdiwang
planned to hold another
convention, this time in the estate-house of Tejeros, a Magdiwang territory
situated about two
kilometers from San Francisco de Malabon and about half a kilometer from
the town proper of Salinas.
The government under the Magdalo, comprising the towns of Kawit,
Bakood and Imus, was at the time
seriously threatened by the Spanish army which occupied the estate-
house of Salitran and which had dug
in as a preparatory step to the battle that was about to commence. General
Emilio Aguinaldo, leading
the Magdalo soldiers, faced the Spaniards in Salitran, a barrio between the
towns of Imus and
Dasmarinas. It was March 22, 1897, Aguinaldo’s birthday, when
simultaneously the battle raged and the
assembly convened at Tejeros.
The delegates, mostly belonging to the Magdiwang, lazily trooped that
sultry afternoon to the
spacious estate-house of Tejeros. Some of the men were barefoot; others
wore buri hats or were dressed
in barong Tagalog. They came from all directions: from Kawit, Noveleta
and Imus to the north ; from
Tanza to the west; and from San Francisco de Malabon to the northeast.
The estate-house, surrounded
by stone walls and built in the middle of the six -hectare farm owned by the
friars and now in rebel hands,
had a 60-meter frontage....
It was this place, the former summer resort of the friars that witnessed the
first and important
election held under the auspices of the Katipunan government. An
invitation was sent by the Magdiwang
chieftains to the Magdalo followers to attend the meeting, but because of
the battle then raging around
the locality not all the Magdalo leaders were able to attend. The
Magdiwang was represented by Andres
Bonifacio, Mariano Alvarez, Pascual Alvarez, Santiago Alvarez, Luciano
San Miguel, Mariano Trias,
Severino de las Alas, Santos Nocon and others, while the Magdalo was
represented by Baldomero
Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona, Cayetano Topacio, Antonio Montenegro and
others. The estate-house buzzed
with life as more rebels, some of them uninvited, came to the convention. It
was past two in the
afternoon when the meeting was formally opened.
Jacinto Lumbreras, acting president of the Magdiwang, took the chair and
opened the convention
with introductory remarks summing up the purpose of the meeting. To his
right sat Teodoro Gonzales,
also a Magdiwang, who acted as secretary. Severino de las Alas, a
Magdiwng, immediately took the
floor and explained that before discussing ways and means of defending
such a small area as Cavite, the
convention assembled should first of all agree upon the kind of
government that should be set up to
administer the whole country under the prevailing circumstances. “From
this government,” he said,
“anything that is necessary in the defense of the country can emanate.”
The presiding officer, however,
reminded the speaker that a government had already been established
upon the founding of the
Katipunan, Its Supreme Council, its Provincial Councils and its Popular
Councils, and that the meeting was
called to adopt defensive measures. At this juncture, Bonifacio spoke and
supplemented Lumbreras’
explanation, calling the attention of those assembled to the Katipunan flag
with a K in the middle, which
embodied the ideal of the revolutionists, namely, liberty. De las Alas, not
contended with the Supremo’s
explanation, countered that the K in the flag of the Katipunan did not in any
way identify the kind of
government that they had, whether such government was monarchical or
republican. Bonifacio
remarked that all the Katipuneros, from the Supreme head to the lowest
member, recognized the
principle of Unity, Fraternity and Equality. “It can be seen“ he said, “that the
Government of the
Association of the Sons of the People is republican in form.”

The discussion was going nowhere and tempers ran high as the men
insisted on their own points of
view. So far, the discussion was between the men of the same faction. In
an unfortunate moment, a
Magdalo man, Antonio Montenegro, stood up and, shouting at the top of
his voice, took issue with
Bonifacio. “If we do not act upon the suggestion of Mr. de las Alas,” he
said, “we, the rebels, will be
likened unto a mere pack of highway robbers, or worse, like animals
without reason.” The words, uttered
in good faith and in the belief that something must be done to have a new
government organized,
touched off a sensitive spot in the hearts of the Magdiwang listeners.
Santiago Alvarez, a Magdiwang,
pricked to anger, took the floor and, throwing a malicious side-glance at
Montenegro, retorted: “We, the
rebels of Cavite, especially those under the Magdiwang, recogn ize the
Government organized by the
Assouciation of the Sons of the People. And if you want to set up another
form of government, you can
go back to your own province and wrest the authority from the Spaniards,
as we have already done. As
such; you can do whatever you want to and nobody would interfere with
whatever you want to and
nobody would interfere with you. We of Cavite,” he added with a meaning
full of bitterness, “we of
Cavite do not need and will never need any adv iser of your own standing
only.
Pandemonium reigned as the voice of Santiago Alvarez boomed inside the
spacious sala. His
bodyguards, planted near the stairs, moved ominously -all set to fire at
those inside the hall. Lumbreras,
sensing the explosive situation, tactfully called a recess to give sufficient
time for the angry men to cool
off. At the end of an hour, the meeting was resumed. Jacinto Lumbreras,
seeing that it would be useless
for him to continue to preside in such an atmosphere, refused to take the
chair, saying: “As the question
under discussion is completely outside of what is mentioned in the agenda
of the meeting and is
concerned instead with the establishment of an over-all government of the
revolution, I should not
continue to preside over this session.” Then he took his seat among the
members, and Andres Bonifacio,
who was acclaimed by all to succeed him, took the chair as the presiding
officer by virtue of his being the
president of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan. He then called the
meeting to order and said: “As you
desire to set up a supreme government to direct the revolution, abolishing
what was organized by the
Katipunan and repudiating the resolution approved in the Assembly of
Imus, I accede to your just
petition, but first of all I want to ask you to recognize a principle as a basis
of agreement in this or in
other meetings, which is: that we respect and obey the will of the majority.”
Those present saw the
justice and wisdom of his proposition and assented unanimously.
The Republic of the Philippines was then and there proclaimed amidst
enthusiastic hurrahs. With a
new form of government determined to take the place of the Katipunan, the
election of officers was then
prepared. Nine officers were to be elected by popular cote, namely,
President , Vice -President, Captain-
General, Director of War, Director of Interior, Director of State, Director of
Finance, Director of Fomento
and Director of Justice. Before proceeding with the election, Bonifacio,
probably assailed by doubts and
aware of his limitations, called the attention of all the electors representing
the different regions of the
Philippines to the principle that whoever would be elected should be
recognized and respected regardless
of his social condition and education. The proposal, made in the form of a
mere statement and reminder,
was approved, for in that convention very few, if any, were

Illustration of Casa Hacienda de Tejeros by Isagani Medina

( Source: https://xiaochua.net/2013/03/27/xiao-time-26-march-2013-ang-
tejeros-convention/)

The controversial convention at Barrio Tejeros

( Source: https://filipinoscribbles.wordpress.com/tag/tejeros -convention/)

men of high intellectual attainments. The ballots were prepared and

distributed. The balloting was made
successively, that is, the office of the President was first voted upon, after
which the other offices were
filled in s ingly. After an hour, the ballots were cast for the presidency, and
Emilio Aguinaldo won in
absentia over Andres Bonifacio and Mariano Trias. The President-elect
was proclaimed with loud shouts
and applause.
Before the ballots were cast for the Vice-Presidency, Severino de las Alas
stood up and suggested
that in as much as Bonifacio had received the second largest number of
votes he should automatically be
allowed to occupy the Vice-Presidency. The men assembled appeared
lukewarm to the suggestion, there
being no one who approved or disapprov ed it. Consequently, Bonifacio
decided to continue with the
election of the Vice-President. Mariano Trias was elected to the position
over Andres Bonifacio, Severino
De las Alas and Mariano Alvarez. The election of the Captain-General
came next and Ricarte, the acting
Secretary of the convention, came out over Santiago Alvarez. With a
modesty that sprang from the
realization of the responsibility attached to the position, Ricarte stood up
and declared: “None better
than I know my own limitations and fitness: the position with which this
assembly honors me is beyond
my scant ability and strength; to me it is a very honorable position but its
horizon is too wide for me: so I
request the assembly not to resent my refusal to accept it.” Ricarte’s
modesty, genuine or assumed,
proved effective. Cries of disapproval followed his request to be relieved,
and the disturbance created by
the enthusiastic followers of the General forced Bonifacio to call the
meeting to order. Then: “it is getting
dark,” he said, “so we have to proceed to the election to other positions.”
Somebody suggested that in
order to expedite the election to the remaining positions, the electors
should step to one side when their
candidates were called, a proposal that was immediately approved. In th is
manner, the following were
elected: Director of War, Emiliano Riego de Dios, who won over Ariston
Villanueva, Daniel Tirona and
Santiago Alvarez; Director of Interior, Andres Bonifacio, who won over
Mariano Alvarez and Pascual
Alvarez.
The election of Bonifacio gave rise to an incident that nearly ended in a
bloody affair. Amidst the
acclamations that followed the announcement of his election, Daniel
Tirona, a Magdalo man, stood up
and said: “The position of Director of the Interior is an exalted one and it is
not meet that a person
without a lawyer’s diploma should occupy it. We have in our province a
lawyer, Jose del Rosario;
therefore, we should protest against the elected and acclaimed,” And,
shouting at the top of his voice, he
added: “Let us vote for Jose del Rosario!” No one, however, took up the
suggestion which was shouted
four times. Nevertheless, Bonifacio felt insulted and he turned crimson with
anger. Controlling himself,
he demanded that Daniel Tirona retract what he had said. “Did we not
agree,” he added, “that we have
to abide by the decision of the majority whatever may be the social
standing of the elected?” He insisted
that Tirona give satisfaction to the assembly for his defamatory words. But
Tirona ignored Bonifacio and
tried to lose himself in the crowd. In the flush of his anger, Bonifacio
whipped out his pistol to fire at
Tirona but Ricarte grabbed his hand and thus prevented what might have
been a tragic affair. The
people then began to leave the hall, and Bonifacio, frustrated and d eeply
wounded in feeling, cried
aloud: “I, as chairman of this assembly, and as President of the Supreme
Council of the Katipunan, as all
of you do not deny, declare this assembly dissolved, and I annul all that
has been approved and
resolved.” With this parting statement, he left the hall, followed by his men.
8

THE SEED OF DISCONTENT, resultimg from his failure to get the

presidency, and which was watered by
the unfortunate attitude of Daniel Tirona, who, by another sad coincidence,
belonged to the opposite
faction, found fertile ground in Bonifacio’s heart and mind. Aside from the
fact that as founder of the
Katipunan and the initiator of the Revolution he believed he should have
been given the presidency, he
contented that irregularities were committed by the Magdalo men and that
he would have been elected
had it not been for the premeditated frauds of the rival faction. Writing to
his uncle -in-law, Mariano
Alvarez, he said:”

My Dear General Mainam:

Our recently ended election at Mapagtiis (San Francisco de Malabon) has
left a large
poisonous thorn in my heart. I reiterate to you my nullification of all that
had been agreed
upon there. Ay, General, I never expected that my complacency and
faithfulness would be
rewarded with avarice and insult upon my person by your fellowtownsmen
who are false
patriots. I shall make them realize when I set foot on Morong soil that it
was not I whom they
insulted but the whole country.
Send me food at once and faithful soldiers of the Mother Country here at
Limbon as a
fulfilment of your promised help when I left in disquietude. Your supremo,
And, Bonifacio,
Maypagasa.
Giving vent to his resentment over the procedure and results of the
elections, Bonifacio, in a letter to
his friend, Emilio Jacinto, then in Laguna explained his side and g ave the
background of the event:
The majority of those in the convention determined to organize a
government; but I gave
them to understand that this could not be done on account of the absence
of the
representatives of the other districts, aside from an agreement having
already been made at
the convention at Imus; that all this annulled the majority, because in view
of the present
critical situation of these pueblos there was n o time to wait for the
representatives from other
places, and the Imus Convention lacked validity on account of the alleged
absence of the
minutes. Nevertheless, I assured those present there that in case the
manifest will of the people
governed in the election of officers, I would respect it.
Moreover, before the election began, I discovered the underhand work of
some of the
Imus crowd who had quietly spread the statement that it was not advisable
that they be
governed by men from other pueblos, and that they should for this reason
strive to elect Captain
Emilio as President. As soon as I heard of this, I said that this meeting was
dirty work, because this
was what they were after and they were deceiving the people, adding that
if they wished me to
point out, one by one, those who were conducting themselves in this
matter, I would do so. The
majority said that this was no longer necessary. I also said that if the
manifest will of the people was
not complied with, I would not recognize the chiefs elected, and if I did not
recognize them they would
not be recognized by our people there, either. Don Artemio Ricarte, the
General-elect, also said at
the meeting that this election was due to bad practices.

1.5. Comparing Sources: A. Robert Fox, ”The Tabon Caves”, Manila:

National Museum: 1970. (p.
40) [Human remains and artifacts]

Tabon Man- during the initial excavations of the Tabon cave, June and
July 1962, the scattered
fossil bones of at least three individuals were excavated, including a large
fragment of a frontal bone
with the brows and portions of the nasal bones. These fossil bones were
recovered towards the rear of
the cave along the left wall. Unfortunately, the area in which the fossil
human bones were recovered
had been disturbed by Megapode birds. It was not possible in 1962 to
establish the association of thes
bones with a specific flake assemblage. Although they were provisionally
related to either Flake
Assemblage II or III. Subsequent excavations in the same area m ow
strongly suggest that the fossil
human bones were associated with Flake Assemblage III for only the
flakes of this assemblage have
been found to date in this area of the cave. The available date would
suggest that Tabon Man may be
dated from 22,000 to 24,000 years. Ago. But, only further excavations in
the cave and chemical

analysis of human and animal bones from disturbed and undisturbed levels
in the cave will define the
exact age of the human fossils.

The fossil bones are those of Homo sapiens. These will form a separate
study by a specialist
which will be inciuded in the final site report for Tabon Cave. It is important,
however, because of a
recent publication (Scott, 1969), that a preliminary study of the fossil bones
of Tabon Man shows that
it is above average in skull dimensions when compared to the modern
Filipino. There is no evidence
that Tabon Man was “...a less brainy individual...” *Scott (1969) 36+.
Moreover, Scott’s study include
many misstatements about the Tabon Caves, always the problem when
writers work from
“conversations.”

Supplementary Source: Hugh Gibb and Robert B. Fox, Philippine Story, 1.

The Tabon Caves.
Honol ulu, Hawaii: Academics Hawaii, 1981. Video: Videocassette: U-matic, Visual
m at erial: E nglish [Human remains and artifacts]

THE DOCUMENTARY VIDEO features Dr. Robert B. Fox, noted American

archaeologist, and Dr.
Alfredo Evangelista of the Philippi ne National Museum as they explai n finds made duri
ng excavations in
the Tabon Caves, Philippines. These caves, located in limestone cliffs high above the
South China Sea,
were inhabited by early Filipi no m an at least 50,000 years ago. The archaeologica l
finds include
decorated funeral j ars, stone tools and skeletal remai ns which raise questions of
possible li nks with the
aborigines of Australia.

The documentary film may be viewed at www.youtube.com under the title Archeology 1
(3/3)

B. William Henry Scott, “Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of

Philippine
History.”(1984) Quezon City: Newday Publishers (pp 14-15; p.28)

Excerpts:

Tabon Man – The earliest human skull remains known in the Philippines
are the fossilized
fragments of a skullcap and jawbone of three individuals who are
collectively called “Tabon Man”
after the place where they were found on the west coast of Palawan.
Tabon Cave appears to be a
kind of little Stone Age factory: both finshed tools and waste cores and
flakes have been found at
four different levels in the main chamber. Charcoal left from cooking fires
has been recovered from
three of thsre assemblages and dated by C-14 to roughly 7,000 B.C., 20,
000 B.C., and 28, 000 B.C.
with an earlier level lying so far below these that it must represent Upper
Pleistocene dates like 45 or
50,000 years ago.... Physical anthropologists who have examined the
Tabon skullcap are agreed that
it belonged to modern man-- that is, Homo sapiens as distinguished from
those mid-Pleistocene
species nowadays called Homo erectus. Two experts have given the
further opinion that the
mandible is “Australian” in physical type, and that the skullcap
measurements are mostly nearly like
those of Ainus and Tasmanians. What this basically means is that Tabon
man was “pre-Mongoloid,”
Mongoloid being the term anthropologists apply to the racial stock which
entered Southeast Asia
during the Holocene and absorbed earlies peoples and absorbed earlier
peoples to produce the
modern Malay, Indonesian, Filipino, and Pacific peoples popularly- and-
uscientifically- called, “the
brown race,” Tabon man presumably belonged to one of those earlier
peoples, but,... except one
thing: Tabon man was not a Negrito.

(p.28) ... All skulls and teeth that have been studied professionally—with
the possible exception
of the three Tabon man fragments-- display the diagnostic features of the
physical type
anthropologists call “Mongoloid” or “Southern Mongoloid”; none displayed
any racial variations, and
none belonged to pygmy Negritos.
Lesson 1: Excerpt from Antonio
Pigafetta's First Voyage Around
the World [Chronicle]
Antonio Pigafetta
     - An Italian scholar and explorer from the Republic of Venice.

     - He joined the expedition to the Spice Islands led by explorer

Ferdinand Magellan under the flag of King Charles I of Spain and,
after Magellan's death in the Philippines, the subsequent voyage
around the world.
     - During the expedition, he served as Magellan's assistant and
kept an accurate journal which later assisted him in translating the
Cebuano language. It is the first recorded document concerning
the language.

The arrival of Magellan in Cebu

     - A Spanish friar of the Franciscan Order.

     - He spent most of his missionary life in the Philippines, where

he founded numerous towns in Luzon and authored several
religious and linguistic books, most notably the Doctrina Cristiana
(Christian Doctrine), the first book ever printed in the Philippines.
 
 Customs of the Tagalogs
 

EXCERPT: This portion is referring to the events that transpired before,

during and after the Battle
of Mactan.

On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan, sent one of
his sons to present two goats
to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had
promised, but that he had not
been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who
refused to obey the king of
Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men
on the next night, so that they
might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general
decided to go thither with three
boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good
shepherd, refused to abandon his
flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and
helmets, together with the Christian
king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais.
We reached Matan three hours
before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to
the natives by the Moro to
the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the
Christian king as their sovereign, and
pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished
otherwise, they should wait to see
how our lances wounded. They replied that if we had lances they had
lances of bamboo and stakes
hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once,
but to wait until morning, so
that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go
in search of them; for they had
dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into
them. When morning came
forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through
wate r for more than two
crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not
approach nearer because of
certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard
the boats. When we reached
land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than
one thousand five hundred
persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding
loud cries, two divisions on our
flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us
into two divisions, and thus
did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a
distance for about a half-hour, but
uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made
of thin wood and the arms [of
the bearers]. The captain cried to them, “Cease firing! cease firing!” but his
order was not at all heeded.
When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose,
crying out they determined to
stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were
discharged, the native would never
stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their
shields. They shot so many
arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped
with iron) at the captain -general,
besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could
scarcely defend ourselves.
Seeing that the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in
order to terrify them. When they
saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our
men were killed near the houses,
while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down
upon us that they shot the
captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he
ordered us to retire slowly, but
the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the
captain. The natives shot only at
our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones
that they hurled at us, that
we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as
they were t oo far away. So we
continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore
always fighting up to our knees
in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same
spear four or six times, hurled
it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon
him that they knocked his helmet
off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, together
with some others. Thus did we
fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire further. An Indian hurled a
bamboo spear into the
captain’s face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he
left in the Indian’s body.
Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway,
because he had been wounded in
the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled
themselves upon him. One of
them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass, which resembles a
scimitar, only being larger.
That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they
rushed upon him with iron and
bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our
light, our comfort, and our true
guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see
whether we were all in the boats.
Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we
could, to the boats, which were
already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us, but the captain
charged him before we
landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When
the king learne d that the

captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain,
not a single one of us would
have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired
to the boats. I hope through
[the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a
captain will not become effaced
in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more
constant than ever any one else
in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others,
and more accurately than any
man in the world did he understand sea charts and navigation. And that
this was the truth was seen
openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to
learn how to circumnavigate the
world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April
twenty-seven, 1521.The captain
desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him.
Eight of our men were killed
with him in that battle, and four Indians, who had become Christians and
who had come afterward to aid
us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were
killed, while many of us were
wounded.

In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the
people of Matan, to the effect
that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been
killed, we would give them as
much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not
give up such a man, as we
imagined [they would do], and that they would not give him for all the
riches in the world, but that they
intended to keep him as a memorial.

2.2. Juan de Plasencia. Customs of the Tagalogs. Emma Helen Blair and
James Alexander
Robertson, edited. The Philippine Islands, Vol. VII 1588-91: 1906 (pp. 164-
186)
[Social and Cultural Observation].

Historical Background:

Juan de Plasencia entered the Franciscan order very young. He came to

the Philippine Islands as
one of the first Franciscan missionaries in 1577. He was distinguished for
his labors among the natives.
He gathered converts into reductions (villages where they dwelt separate
from the heathen, and under
the special care of the missionaries) He also established numerous
primary schools and was well known
for his linguistic abilities as he was one of the first to form a grammar and
vocabulary of the Tagal
language. Fr. Plasencia conducted ethnological researches which are
embodied in the records presented
in this text. He died at Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590.

EXCERPT: This portion refers to the social observations made by the

author among the Tagalog
natives.

CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS

This people always had chiefs, called by them datos, who governed them
and were captains in their
wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed
any offense against them, or
spoke but a word to their wives and children, was severely punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes as many as a hundred
houses, sometimes even less
than thirty. This tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was
inferred that the reason for giving
themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their
language, among the Malay
nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which
is a boat, thus called—as is
discussed at length in the first chapter of the first ten chapters—became a
dato. And so, even at the
present day, it is ascertained that this barangay in its origin was a family of
parents and children,
relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in each town,
or, at least, on account of wars,
they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject
to one another, except in
friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one
another with their respective
barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three
castes: nobles, commoners,
and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They
did not pay tax or tribute to
the dato, but must accompany him in war, at their own expense. The chief
offered them beforehand a
3

feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went
upon the water those whom
he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had
to be fed for it. The same was
true when the whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The
lands which they inhabited were
divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion , and
thus each one knew his own. No
one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after
purchase or inheritance. The lands
on the tingues, or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common
by the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any
particular barangay, although he may
have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land
may sow it, and no one can
compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila
de la Laguna) in which these
nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice.
The reason of this was that, at
the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which
the new chief, upon his
arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his
barangay paid him for the arable
land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now,
since the advent of the
Spaniards, it is not so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and
sections of the rivers for
markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying
for the privilege, unless he
belonged to the chief's barangay or village.
The commoners are called aliping namamahay. They are married, and
serve their master, whether he be
a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the
beginning. They accompanied
him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in
their own houses, and are lords
of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property
and lands. The children, then,
enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves ( sa
guiguilir) nor can either parents or
children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of
their master who was going
to dwell in another village, they could not be taken from their own village
and carried with him; but they
would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the
sow ed lands.
The slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir. They serve their master in his
house and on his cultivated lands,
and may be sold. The master grants them, should he see fit, and providing
that he has profited through
their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully.
For these reasons, servants
who are born in the house of their master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is
the lot of captives in war, and of
those brought up in the harvest fields.
Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to another, thereby
themselves making a profit,
and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural
lot. If any person among
those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir)—through war, by the trade of
goldsmith, or otherwise—
happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his
master, he ransomed himself,
becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of
this ransom was never less than
five taels, and from that upwards; and if he gave ten or more taels, as they
might agree, he became
wholly free. An amusing ceremony accompanied this custom. After having
divided all the trinkets which
the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided
even the pots and jars, and if an
odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left,
they parted it in the middle.
The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir,
should be noted; for, by a
confusion of the two terms, many have been classed as slaves who really
are not. The Indians seeing that
the alcaldes-mayor do not understand this, have adopted the custom of
taking away the children of
the aliping namamahay, making use of them as they would of the aliping
sa guiguilir, as servants in their
households, which is illegal, and if the aliping namamahay should appeal
to justice, it is proved that he is
an aliping as well as his father and mother before him and no reservation
is made as to whether he
is aliping namamahay or atiping sa guiguilir. He is at once considered an
alipin, without further
declaration. In this way he becomes a sa guiguilir, and is even sold.
Consequently, the alcaldes-mayor
should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which
class he belongs, and to have
the answer put in the document that they give him.
In these three classes, those who are maharlicas on both the father's and
mother's side continue to be so
forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through
marriage, as I s hall soon explain.
If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their
mothers became free; if one
of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled,
when pregnant, to give her
master half of a gold tael, because of her risk of death, and for her inability
to labor during the
pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free—namely, the half
belonging to the father, who
supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not
recognize him as his child, in
which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a
slave, they were all free,
provided he were not her husband.

If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a
slave, whether namamahay or sa
guiguilir, the children were divided: the first, whether male or female,
belonged to the father, as did the
third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and
so on. In this manner, if the
father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a
slave, all those who belonged to
him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not
be more than one child he was
half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division,
whether the child were male or
female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude
which was their parent's, either
namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the
odd one was half free and half
slave. I have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what
age the division of children
was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds
of slaves the sa guiguilir could
be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be
transferred . However, they could
be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in
the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to
another, or from one barangay to
another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arranged among them.
This fine was larger or smaller
according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to
three taels and a banquet to the
entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the
barangay which the person left
and the one which he entered. This applied equally to men and women,
except that when one married a
woman of another village, the children were afterwards divided equally
between the two barangays.
This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no
longer the case—because, if the
dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they
soon leave him and go to
other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not
order them about. This is the
kind of dato that they now prefer, not him who has the spirit to command.
There is a great need of
reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and faint-hearted.
Investigations made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in
the pres ence of those of his
barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was
unanimously named from another
village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this
purpose some persons, known
as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to
their customs. If the controversy
lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also
convoked judges to act as arbiters;
they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In
t his ceremony they always
had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others.
They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who
insulted the daughter or wife
of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same class.
They condemned no one to slavery, unless he merited the death-penalty.
As for the witches, they killed
them, and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after
he had made
some recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished
by fines in gold , which, if not
paid with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment
should be made, the person
aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the
following way: Half the cultivated
lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided
the culprit with food and
clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he
might amass enough money to
pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then
claimed that he had f ed and
clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept
possession of the children if the
payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they
remained slaves. If the culprit had
some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter
half his service until he was
paid—not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but
living independently, as aliping
namamahay. If the creditor were not served in this wise, the culprit had to
pay the double of what was
lent him. In this way slaves were made by debt: either sa guiguilir, if they
served the master to whom the
judgment applied; or aliping namamahay, if they served the person who
lent them wherewith to pay.
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of
usury, which is a great hindrance
to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I
have showed in the case of the
one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until
he pays the debt. The debtor
is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers become slaves, and after
the death of the father the
children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This
system should and can be
reformed.
As for inheritances, the legitimate children of a father and mother inherited
equally, except in the case
where the father and mother showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two
or three gold taels, or
perhaps a jewel.

When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when, in order to marry
him to a chief's daughter, the
dowry was greater than the sum given the other sons, the excess was not
counted in the whole property
to be divided. But any other thing that should have been given to any son,
though it might be for some
necessity, was taken into consideration at the time of the partition of the
property, unless the parents
should declare that such a bestowal was made outside of the inheritance.
If one had had children by two
or more legitimate wives, each child received the inheritance and dowry of
his mother, with its increase,
and that share of his father's estate which fell to him out of the whole. If a
man had a child by one of his
slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the
inheritance; but the legitimate
children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something —a tael
or a slave, if the father were
a chief; or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous
consent of all. If besides his
legitimate children, he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to
whom a dowry was given but
who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural
children, although the child by
the unmarried woman should have been begotten after his marriage. Such
children did not inherit
equally with the legitimate children, but only the third part. For example, if
there were two children, the
legitimate one had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When
there were no children by a
legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the
latter inherited all. If he had
a child by a slave woman, that child received his share as above stated. If
there were no legitimate or
natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slav
e woman or not, the
inheritance went only to the father or grandparents, brothers, or nearest
relatives of the deceased, who
gave to the slave-child as above stated.
In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was
married, if the husband punished the
adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the
others into partition in the
inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If
there were no other sons than
he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But if
the adulterer were not
punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was
not considered as his child, nor
did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not
considered dishonored by the
punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the
punishment of the father the child
was fittingly made legitimate.
Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double
of what was paid for their
adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted
when the first father died,
the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But if this child should die
first, his children do not inherit
from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point.
This is the danger to which his money is exposed, as well as his being
protected as a child. On this
account this manner of adoption common among them is considered
lawful.
Dowries are given by the men to the women's parents. If the latter are
living, they enjoy the use of it. At
their death, provided the dowry has not been consumed, it is divided like
the rest of the estate, equally
among the children, except in case the father should care to bestow
something additional upon the
daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage, has neither father,
mother, nor grandparents, she
enjoys her dowry—which, in such a case, belongs to no other relative or
child. It should be noticed that
unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of
all their labors accrues to their
parents.
In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the
husband for the purpose of
marrying another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to the
husband; but if she left him,
and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left
his wife, he lost the half of
the dowry, and the other half was returned to him. If he possessed children
at the time of his divorce, the
whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by
their grandparents or other
responsible relatives.
I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the
death of the wife who in a year's
time had borne no children, the parents returned one-half the dowry to the
husband whose wife had
died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry
was returned to the relatives
of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for
upon inquiry I learned that
when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it.
In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons
when they are about to be
married, and half of which is given immediately, even when they are only
children, there is a great dea l
more complexity. There is a fine stipulated in the contract, that he who
violates it shall pay a certain sum
which varies according to the practice of the village and the affluence of
the individual. The fine was
heaviest if, upon the death of the parents, the son or daughter should be
unwilling to marry because it

had been arranged by his or her parents. In this case the dowry which the
parents had received was
returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the
fine, because it was assumed
that it had been their design to separate the children.
The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearly concerning
customs observed among these
natives in all this Laguna and the tingues, and among the entire Tagalo
race. The old men say th at a dato
who did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating
tyrannies which they had
committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked.
Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside
irrelevant matte rs concerning
government and justice among them, a summary of the whole truth is
contained in the above. I am
sending the account in this clear and concise form because I had received
no orders to pursue the work
further. Whatever may be decided upon, it is certainly important that it
should be given to the alcal-des-
mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the absurdities which are to be
found in their opinions are
indeed pitiable.
May our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in ev
ery step good fortune may be
yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me
your humble servant, to be
which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive.
Nagcarlán, October 21, 1589.
FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA
RELATION OF THE WORSHIP OF THE TAGALOGS, THEIR GODS, AND THEIR
BURIALS AND SUPERSTITIONS
In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no
temples consecrated to the
performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice
of idolatry. It is true that
they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of
adoration; but this is because,
formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called
pandot, or “worship,” they
celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the
purpose of sheltering the
assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a
roof, called sibi, to protect the
people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it
might contain many people—
dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts
of the house they set small
lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large
lamp, adorned with leaves of the
white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many
drums, large and small, which
they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days.
During this time the whole
barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call
nagaanitos. The house, for the
above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple.
Among their many idols there was one called. Badhala, whom they
especially worshiped. The title seems
to signify “all powerful,” or “maker of all things.” They also worshiped the
sun, which, on account of its
beauty, is almost universally respected and hon ored by heathens. They
worshiped, too, the moon,
especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings,
adoring it and bidding it welcome.
Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by
their names, as the Spaniards
and other nations know the planets—with the one exception of the morning
star, which they called Tala.
They knew, too, the “seven little goats” [the Pleiades]—as we call them—
and, consequently, the change
of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater
Bear. They possessed many idols
called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at times they
worshiped any little trifle, in
which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who
was brave in war and endowed
with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection
in their tribulations. They had
another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of
generation. The idols called
Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultiva ted lands and of
husbandry. They paid reverence to
water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being
harmed by them. They were even in
the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their
boats, by throwing it int o the
water, or placing it upon the bank.
They were, moreover, very liable to find auguries in things they witnessed.
For example, if they left their
house and met on the way a serpent or rat, or a bird called
Tigmamanuguin which was singing in the
tree, or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed, they returned at once
to their house, considering the
incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should
continue their journey —especially
when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two d ifferent forms:
in the one case it was
considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they
continued their journey. They
also practiced divination, to see whether weapons, such as a dagger or
knife, were to be useful and lucky
for their possessor whenever occasion should offer.

These natives had no established division of years, months, and days;

these are determined by
the cultivation of the soil, counted by moons, and the different effect
produced upon the trees when
yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves: all this helps them in making up the
year. The winter and summer are
distinguished as sun-time and water-time—the latter term designating
winter in those regions, where
there is no cold, snow, or ice.
It seems, however, that now since they have become Christians, the
seasons are not quite the same, for
at Christmas it gets somewhat cooler. The years, since the advent of the
Spaniards, have been
determined by the latter, and the seasons have been given their proper
names, and they have be en
divided into weeks.
Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the
devil what they had to eat.
This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes,
such as musk and civet, or
gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic
songs sung by the officiating
priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made
responses to the song, beseeching
the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and
generally, by offering repeated
healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were
accustomed to place a good
piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large,
gold ring, thus worshiping the
devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter
into the body of the catolonan,
and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great
arrogance—he being the cause of it—
that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair s tood on end, a
fearful sight to those
beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some
districts, especially in the
mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took
on the form of his minister, the
latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his
infernal fury from destroying
him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were
goats, fowls, and swine, which
were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another
ceremony by cooking a jar of
rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the
rice was left as an intact
mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were
placed a few buyos —which is a
small fruit3 wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in
these regions —as well as fried
food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests
at the feast; the heads [of the
animals], after being “offered,” as they expressed it, were cooked and
eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to
whatever personal matters
there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of
those embarking on the sea, a
good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful
delivery in childbirth, and a
happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the
fe stivities lasted thirty days.
In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes
were blindfolded four days and
four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited
to partake of food and drink.
At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water,
bathed her and washed her
head, and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men said that they
did this in order that the girls
might bear children, and have fortune in finding husbands to t heir taste,
who would not leave them
widows in their youth.
The distinctions made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The
first, called catolonan, as
above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable
one among the natives, and
was held ordinarily by people of rank, this rule being general in all the
islands.
The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by
pretending to heal the sick. These
priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the
strength and efficacy of the
witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at
once they did so; or they
could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist a live serpent, which
was believed to be the devil, or
at least his substance. This office was general throughout the land. The
third they called manyisalat,
which is the same as magagauay. These priests had the power of applying
such remedies to lovers that
they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent
them from having
intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means,
were abandoned, it would bring
sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge
blood and matter. This office
was also general throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from
himself at night, once or
oftener each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be
thus emitted except as the priest
wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who
lived in the house where the
priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died.
This office was general.

The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater
efficacy than the mangagauay.
Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand,
they killed whom they chose.
But if they desired to heal those whom they had made ill by their charms,
they did so by using other
charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian
hostile to them, they were able to
do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the
upper part of Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone
clothed in white, to tea r out his liver
and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the
island of Catanduanes. Let no one,
moreover, consider this a fable; because, in Calavan, they tore out in this
way through the anus all the
intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray
Juan de Mérida.
The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself
at night to many persons,
without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and
carried, or pretended to carry, his
head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body—
remaining, as before, alive. This
seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen
it, because the devil probably
caused them so to believe. This occurred in Catanduanes.
The eighth they called osuang, which is equivalent to “sorcerer;” they say
that they have seen him fly,
and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the
Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos
these did not exist.
The ninth was another class of witches called mangagayoma. They made
charms for lovers out of herbs,
stones, and wood, which would infuse the heart with love. Thus did they
deceive the people, although
sometimes, through the intervention of the devil, they gained their ends.
The tenth was known as sonat, which is equivalent to “preacher.” It was his
office to help one to die, at
which time he predicted the salvation or condemnation of the soul. It was
not lawful for the functions of
this office to be fulfilled by others than people of high standing, on account
of the esteem in which it was
held. This office was general throughout the islands.
The eleventh, pangatahojan, was a soothsayer, and predicted the future.
This office was general in all
the islands.
The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a “cotquean,” a man whose nature inclined
toward that of a woman.
Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was
buried beside his house; and, if he
were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they
constructed for this purpose.
Before interring him, they mourned him for four days; and afterward laid
him on a boat which served as
a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over
him by a slave. In place of
rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being
assigned a place at the oar by
twos—male and female of each species being together—as for example
two goats, two deer, or two
fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased h
ad been a warrior, a living slave
was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of
time, all suffered decay; and
for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges,
and praises of his good
qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by
eating and drinking. This
was a custom of the Tagalos.
The Aetas, or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants of this island, had also a form
of burial, but different. They
dug a deep, perpendicular hole, and placed the deceased within it, leaving
him upright with head or
crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to
serve him as a shield. Then they
went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the
Negrillo w ho had died. To this end
they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some
one of them procured the
death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which
they called maca, just as if we
should say “paradise,” or, in other words, “village of rest.” They say that
those who go to this place are
the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who
possessed other moral virtues.
They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of
punishment, grief, and affliction,
called casanaan, which was “a place of anguish;” they also maintained that
no one would go to heaven,
where there dwelt only Bathala, “the maker of all things,” who governed
from above. There were also
other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I
have said, casanaan; they said
that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom
they called sitan.

All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been
stated: catolonan; sonat (who was
a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for
they knelt before him as
before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through him);
mangagauay, manyisalat,
mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma,
pangatahoan .5
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they
called Tigbalaang. They had
another deception—namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and
the child suffered punishment;
and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac.
May the honor and glory be
God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and
that those who are now
marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy
gospel, which has banished it.