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 Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development Journal
IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed
journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly IMRaD Journal
articles, faculty and student researches, and other
----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development Vol.
scientific works.
(IMRaD)
4 JuneJournal
2021
ISSN 2619-7820

The Philippine administrative system: A review of the

past, present, and the future research
David Cababaro Bueno
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0072-0326
Dean of Graduate School for Professional Advancement and Continuing Education (G-SPACE)
Columban College, Inc., Olongapo City
Student, University of Luzon

Aristeo C. Salapa
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0934-3571
Professor, University of Southeastern Philippines
Visiting Professor, University of Luzon
==================================================================================================
Abstract: Its earliest institutions were barangays, but Hinduism and Islam brought greater governments. Spanish
immigrants expanded Spain, culminating in Manila's Captaincy General of the Philippines. The Philippines was independent
within New Spain. This reliance on local leaders for the government led to the principalia. Some Muslim and interior countries
lost Spanish rule. The 19th-century mestizo elite defined Filipino identity. They initiated the Propaganda Movement, which led
to the Spanish-American War. In 1898, Spain relinquished control. The US ruled the entire archipelago after the war. It had
strong ties to the Nacionalist Party and other political parties. There was a constitution and a president in 1935. The WWII
Japanese invasion shattered independence hopes. The Japanese occupation ended in 1946. Over time, the Liberals and
Nacionalistas traded charismatic leaders and shared principles. Martial law dissolved the two-party system in 1972. The
Philippines is a presidential democracy. The Philippine Constitution is the legal framework. Constitute 1987 was approved by
a national vote. Many additional laws and government norms, and regulations support it. These include administrative, court,
and municipal laws created under the constitution. All administrative functions are included. The goal is to identify and
communicate the guiding principles. Organizational behavior is a subset of behavioral sciences vital to public administration.
These methods made more sense. People's motivation and productivity are influenced by various elements - political, social,
economic. These also help understand government behavior. In dealing with government agencies and officials, many have
seen that human attitude, presupposition biases, and perceptions influence how the administration is done. It is democratic
because the people choose their leaders. It is democratic because the people are sovereign. The Philippine government is
unitary, presidential, and bureaucratic. The president governs it. The Philippines is a unitary state with a single president. The
Philippine government has three branches: legislative, executive, and judiciary. Finally, it is bureaucratic, with superior and
inferior/rank-and-file offices and officials. The current Philippine system of government has a strong President and an equally
strong Vice President, each elected individually for a single six-year term. There is no re-election for both except that the Vice-
President can run for president. The former president can also run for other positions (one former president is now the city
mayor of Manila, and another was elected as a Congresswoman). In essence, the president is like an absolute monarch with a
limited six-year term because impeachment to remove him from power is so expensive, time-consuming, tedious, and uncertain
that it can't be relied on to work. In short, today's bureaucracy is a product of how it has been regarded and utilized by the
government in power. Like most public institutions, its functions are largely determined by the goals they are set to achieve,
the processes that society expect them to utilize, the amount of power and resources that they are vested with, the level of
accountability that they exercise, and the outputs and the outcomes they are expected to deliver. The administrative system has
shown that while bureaucracy is judged in how it can respond efficiently and effectively to society's challenges, it must be
understood in terms of its functions within a political context. Thus, the Philippine administration is heavily influenced by the
Spanish and American colonial regimes, which have shaped the country's culture. An examination of pre-colonial societies
provides a framework for locating Philippine "public administration" in this article. Today's administration requires a review
and examination of our historical roots, which could have a significant impact on public administration in the Philippines." By
comparing pre-colonial traits to Western models of public administration, the analysis will be widened..

Keywords: The Philippine administrative system, review,past, present, future research, public administration
=========================================================================================
Introduction
Perhaps it adapts to the present political, social, and
Our colonial history has had a huge impact on the
economic conditions. In 1521, the Portuguese navigator
development of our country. Both Spain and the United
Ferdinand Magellan highlighted the grabbing impact of
States have left an indelible mark on Philippine politics. They
colonial rules on Philippine soil. As a result, in the early
established bureaucracies based on their idiosyncrasies,
1900s, the American occupation began.
whims, and caprices. In other words, regardless of the
The Spanish colonial regime brought about changes in
circumstances, governments have always had a strong desire
the political, social, and economic spheres. When it acquired
to promote and safeguard the public's interests (Camartan,
control of the Philippines to "solidify its dominion," it
2013).
established a centralized management system. Even though
Throughout Philippine history, the bureaucracy has
Manila was the capital, the "Spanish friarchy" permitted
evolved in response to society's changing demands and
various communities to coexist in the archipelago. Despite
temperament. It was founded more than three centuries ago
some community opposition, practically all indigenous
by the colonial administration.
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
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----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
peoples adopted Roman Catholicism, particularly in the
southern region. "One striking feature of Spanish colonial
authority, as seen by Endriga, is the gap between rhetoric
and practice," Danilo R. Reyes writes in his book "Public
Administration in the Philippines: History, Heritage, and
Hubris." Rigid rules and high standards have been
abandoned to protect one's self-interest. Following that, the
highest bids were hired by the government. Scholars say this
is the time of the spoils system or patronage system.
Throughout the American colonial period, a central
administrative system was maintained. On the other hand,
the Americans developed "a powerful public education
system and an honest, efficient, and successful civil service
system," both of which were critical to their basic
administrative philosophy. While the Spanish government
claimed responsibility for spreading Christianity under the
friars' influence during the Spanish era, Americans instead
advocated for the separation of church and state;
governmental affairs must be separate from church
transactions.
Since the amalgamation of the two colonial
administrations, the Philippine bureaucracy has emerged,
with a particular Filipino character. Until recently, a
centralized administrative system was in place. Even though
the country adopted decentralization in 1991 with the
passage of the Local Government Code by Congress to
establish more responsive governance, the national
government retains significant power at the lower levels of
administration. Politics oversees the administrative system.
In some cases, an appointment to a government office is at
the discretion of a politician.
It breaks my heart to read that the Philippine
administration is filled with political games. The
bureaucracy in the Philippines looks to be riddled with
political bias. Officials, officers, and personnel impose a
political structure on all levels of government. The
government has been plagued by corruption and graft for a
long time. Corruption becomes ingrained in the culture from
the top levels of government down to the lowest.
The so-called "elite minority" is another roadblock. A
small number of wealthy individuals and corporations have
dominated society since colonial times, and they still do so
now. The pursuit of one's self-interest usually results in
breaking the law. To put it another way: "This has led to an
elite-centric bureaucracy that is more attentive to their
interests than to the great majority of Filipinos," argues
Professor Felipe De Leon Jr. Distrust and antagonism
toward the government, which just a small group of elites
runs, is pervasive (De Leon, www.ncca.gov.ph).
Subservience is one of the most obvious effects of colonial
rule. The Philippines' history has been marked by a
reluctance to challenge the status quo. The rank-and-file
workers of the Philippines remain mute in the face of their
self-serving bosses as the country descends into anarchy.
A better system – we can no longer change the course of
history or alter fate. Perhaps, had we not been colonized, the
Filipinos should have been left alone from the start to
metamorphose and construct a system of governance
responsive to their culture and heritage; it might have
evolved through their nationalism and consciousness. It may
have employed a sufficiently sensitive system to the Filipino
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
mentality. We could have risen above colonial influences and
developed a distinct Filipino identity (De Leon,
www.ncca.gov.ph).
This paper reviews the Philippine administrative
system's past, present, and the future research
Methodology
This report was written with the help of a literature
review. A literature review is a systematic examination of
scholarly papers, books, and other materials related to a
particular subject, field of study, or theory to summarize,
synthesize, and critically evaluate these materials in light of
the research question (Fink, 2014). An integrative review
evaluates and critiques representative literature on a topic,
resulting in new frameworks and viewpoints—a literature
review is a fantastic way to show your readers how your
research fits within a larger field of study while also offering
an overview of your sources. All studies with similar
assumptions or research questions are included in the
literature corpus. Integrative reviews must meet primary
research's clarity, rigor, and repeatability requirements. It is
the most common sort of review in the social sciences.
Literature reviews are vital for scholarship since science
is ultimately a cumulative endeavor (vom Brocke et al.,
2009). Expert knowledge syntheses are becoming
increasingly crucial in keeping up with the rapidly growing
literature on electronic public administration, assisting
practitioners, scholars, and graduate students in
understanding the content of various empirical or
conceptual publications. A literature review is required for
the following reasons, among others:(a) what has been
published about a topic; (b) identifying any interpretable
trends or patterns in a certain study area; (c) combining
empirical facts to underpin evidence-based practice; (d)
generating new frameworks and theories; and highlighting
issues or concerns that need more examination (Paré,
Trudel, Jaana, & Kitsiou, 2015). As a result, the authors used
a systematic data processing strategy consisting of three
processes, namely: (a) screening and searching the
literature (Levy & Ellis, 2006; vom Brocke et al., 2009; Paré
et al., 2015); (b) extraction and analysis of data (Okoli &
Schabram, 2010; Jesson et al., 2011); and (c) composing a
literature review. These supplied extensive and useful
directions on carrying out each phase of the review
process.
Discussions
Pre-Spanish Period. Before the Spaniards arrived, the
Philippines consisted of towns or villages known as
barangays, named after balangay, a Malayan term meaning
"boat." Before Ferdinand Magellan's arrival, Filipinos lived
in a series of barangays, small towns connected by regional
trade networks. People of Austronesian origin used Balangay
boats to get to the Philippines, and the word "barangay"
comes from the word "balangay." The underclasses of these
societies included serfs and slaves. In contemporary times,
the powerful individuals who led them were known as Datus,
although other civilizations used different nomenclature.
Indianized datus grew in power as Hinduism expanded. In
the mid-15th century, Sulu became the first significant state
to accept Islam.
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Spanish Colonial Period (1521–1898). Following
Spanish colonization, the archipelago culture evolved from
diverse native Asian and Islamic civilizations, including
animist religious practices, to a distinctive Southeast Asian-
Western combination, mainly Spanish. The colonial
government of Spain is a monarchy in every sense of the
word. In Spain's democratic monarchy, the King serves as
prime minister. Spain set up a national colonial
administration to administer the Philippines' provinces,
cities, towns, and municipalities. Local governments assisted
in building schools and other public works. Spain ruled the
Philippines from 1565 to 1898. In those days, Spain was far
away. Thus, the Islands were administered by the Viceroy of
Mexico, another Spanish province. A governor-general
administered the Philippines when Mexico became
independent in 1821. The King was aided in this by a separate
government committee overseeing colonial affairs. From
1565 until 1837, it was known as the Council of the Indies,
and from 1863 to 1898, it was known as The Overseas
Council.
Even though many of the regulations don't apply to the
colonial situation, it is being followed. It was also a legislative
and judicial branch. Spain's colonial system consisted of a
national government and local administrations that oversaw
provinces, cities, towns, and municipalities. A King
represented the governor-general of the Philippines. The
governor-general may appoint and remove public officers,
save those he picked. He oversaw all government
departments and tax collecting. It also suggests that the
governor-general had legislative authority. He made
proclamations to help legislation take effect.
A special judicial court named Residencia investigated a
governor-performance. The new governor-residencia
generals reported its conclusions to the King. The Visita or
Council of the Indies sent a Vistador General to inspect the
colony. The Visitador General informed the King personally.
The Royal Audiencia might also advise the Governor-
General and check for and report his excesses. The Audiencia
also audited colonial expenses and reported to Spain
annually. The archbishop and other authorities might
denounce the colonial government's misdeeds to the Spanish
King.
Despite all these checks and regulations, an abusive
governor-general could easily get away with paying the
Visitador and other investigators. The Spaniards built
municipal governments to help administer the land. The
alcadia and the corregimiento were the two kinds of
municipal governance. The alcadia ruled the subdued
provinces, commanded by the alcalde mayor. The
corregimiento, led by corregidor, ruled the non-Spanish
regions. The alcalde mayors were the provincial
representatives of the Spanish King. They ran the provincial
administration, enacted laws, and collected taxes. They were
given a meager wage and had access to the galleon trade. To
ensure effective governance and tax collection, each province
was divided into towns or pueblos overseen by
Gobernadordcillos.
The Governardorcillo had four lieutenants: the Teniente
Mayor, Teniente de Policia, Teniente de Sementeras, and
Teniente de Ganados (lieutenant of the livestock). Also
implemented was Encomienda. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, a
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
brave and devoted Spanish soldier, helped Spain colonize the
Philippines. King Philip II ordered Legazpi to split the
Philippines into huge regions called encomiendas, managed
by chosen encomenderos. The King made his conquistadors
the first encomenderos in the colony. The encomenderos had
the authority to collect taxes on behalf of the King in their
encomiendas. But the encomiendas were not for sale. The
encomenderos were territorial overseers tasked with
protecting the encomienda's residents, maintaining peace
and order, promoting education and health, and assisting
missionaries.
The Spanish colonial administration established
bureaucracy. This bureaucracy was distinguished by color,
specific calling, and status. The colonial bureaucracy had a
fatal flaw: the members' private and personal interests drove
them to defy the stated colonial rule of the administration.
The colonial bureaucracy's fatal flaw was its moral
corruption. To put it simply, the colonial government was
"bankrupt in productive policy," with officials who were
either corrupt or tyrannical in their activities. Spain's
colonial objectives left much room for bureaucrats to
interpret or implement policies enunciated in Spain; the
Spanish regime's philosophy regarding public office; the
colonial office in Manila's dependence on Spain; its highly
centralized organization; and the regime's negativism
towards Filipinos. A colonial bureaucracy was an entity that
enforced conflicting colonial aims. It was governed by an
ideology of public office that allowed the King to dispose of it
as he wished. This idea led to the practice of selling or buying
public office. The fundamental idea of public office and the
tactics required to accomplish it made corruption inevitable
and increased tolerance. The Spanish colonial government's
organizational framework favored centralization. It was the
Governor-style.
In the physical sense, the concentration of the Spanish
population in Manila made it easier for them to use this as
the center of the colonial government. It was also a colonial
bureaucracy characterized by negativism of Spaniards
towards Filipinos that sprung from their view that the Indios
were morally and politically inferior. For this reason, the
Indios could not be given any responsible position in the
bureaucracy. If at all. They can occupy only the lowest levels
of bureaucracy, the town, and the village. The description
and assessment of the Spanish colonial government only
proved that colonial masters could only share with their
colonies what they knew based on their own experience.
American Colonial Period (1898–1946). On July 1,
1902, the US Congress passed the Philippines Act, giving the
Philippines some autonomy. The US replaced military rulers
in the Philippines with a civilian administration led by
William Howard Taft. American colonization of the
Philippines lasted 48 years, from 1898 when Spain ceded the
Philippines to the US through 1946 when the US recognized
Philippine independence. America occupied the Philippines
until its independence on July 4, 1946.
American expansion was described as one undertaken
"without a constant purpose" or a specific colonial objective.
There were explicit interests indicated by business, church
groups, and even military strategists. Yet, there was no
consensus on how the colonial venture was undertaken. In
this context, the American colonial bureaucracy was
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characterized as follows: No person's will or influence was
dominant, unlike in the Spanish colonial period where the
governor-general, the archbishops, and the parish priests
occupied powerful positions. The administration was
regulated by laws and not specific officials' personal
decisions and actions. The new civil service was to develop
independently of clerical intervention. In its early years, the
civil government inherited civilians and discharged soldiers
whom the previous American military government
employed. When caught doing petty corruptions, they were
imposed on every case. It conveyed to the Filipinos that there
was a big difference between the American and the Spanish
administration. The political interference and the spoils
system were excluded from the new civil service during the
American colonial period. It manifested in the appointments
and removals from office and bureaucratic conduct. The
government officials and employees were prohibited from
engaging in private business unless the governor-general
obtained permission.
In 1973, Governor Harrison discovered that permission
for bureaucrats to invest in private enterprises was given
freely. He issued an executive order that virtually denied
future permission for the duration of his administration. He
argued that the practice of bureaucrats in private business
tends to detract from administrative efficiency and
sometimes leads to maladministration and often to the
suppression of facts as to the true state of public service. The
relationship between the Civil Service bureau, which
introduced reforms in the colonial bureaucracy, and other
bureaus, particularly the heads of executive bureaus and
offices, was somewhat strained. Due to the Civil Service
bureau's strong push for civil service reforms, which were
not immediately accepted.
For the first time, public officials and transactions
were governed by public trust. Public servants were held
responsible. The Civil Service Act of 1900 established and
maintained an efficient and honest civil service in all
executive branches of the Philippine Islands, central,
departmental, and provincial, and in the City of Manila, by
merit-based appointments and promotions and competitive
examinations where practicable.
The American colonial civil service was apolitical. It
covered all jobs in the civil administration, including insular
and provincial, and the Manila municipal government. The
Civil Service Board was an autonomous office reporting
directly to the Governor-General. That body had
considerable authority. Overall, federal officials enjoyed job
stability, appealing hours, generous leave, and status.
Filipino participation in the civil service was undertaken
systematically. It was largely due to the policy of
Filipinization of the Democratic administration. Rapid
Filipinization was done through forced resignations, lower
pay in the higher positions, and the abolition of certain
positions. By 1919, Americans constituted only six percent of
the total bureaucratic force of 803.
The Early Republic (1946–1965). The Philippines
granted its independence in 1946. The country had just gone
through WWII, which caused severe physical destruction
and economic decline. While these factors would pose
demanding challenges to the public bureaucracy, the
emergence of the two-party system soon after independence
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
would significantly affect the character and nature of the civil
service. The 1955 bureaucracy was characterized as it was
vulnerable to nepotism. Despite an order that prohibited the
appointment of relatives, this was unenforceable during this
period. It was attributed to the closeness of Filipino families
and the expectations that successful members of the family
are obligated to extend aid to less successful relatives. The
spoils system in the civil service was another serious defect.
With the constitutional provisions that the civil service shall
embrace "all branches and subdivisions of the government,"
it was expected that the merit system would prevail in most
bureaucracy. The civil service law was enacted. However, it
divided positions in the service into two: classified and
unclassified service. Whether emergency, seasonal, or
permanent, Laborers were considered part of the
unclassified service regardless of their salaries. Therefore,
these unclassified and temporary positions were the
stronghold of nepotism and patronage in the bureaucracy in
1995. Nepotism and the spoils system tended to reinforce
each other. Corruption by government officials appears to be
part of the regular menu of publications.
The people seem to accept the allegations of bureaucratic
corruption as "normal." The role of the media in peacefully
correcting governmental faults was an element of the
environment that influenced all government officials
(elected or appointed). The American colonial
administration brought the rule and practice that public
inquiry and criticism of government personnel and officials
was permissible. Thus, freedom of the press and other means
for organized and peaceful self-expression and civic action
gave the political system much-needed organic flexibility.
These are means for self-criticisms and self-correction
within the political system. Two features of the bureaucracy
in 1955 were attributed to Spanish influence: its centralized
organization and the administration of laws based on the
civil law system enforced by the Spanish bureaucracy. The
strong influence of the American colonial system was also
very apparent in the Philippine bureaucracy of the mid-
1950s. Most of the laws of the bureaucracy were still those
laid down by the American colonial period. Filipinos were
still looking to the American civil service system for new
ideas on innovations and changes that they could adopt to
improve or modernize their civil service system. The
bureaucracy during the American period also provided the
Filipinos the training in new techniques, methods, and
institutions of government. During this period, the
bureaucracy served as an instrument of social change and
innovations when it was placed under Filipino control. It
was charged with implementing national economic and
community development programs, establishing its role as
the nation's instrument of controlled and deliberate social
change. Unlike the Spanish bureaucracy, the Philippine
bureaucracy did not constitute a distinct social class or have
class attributes. The merit basis of open competitive
examination militated against the civil service organization
on a class basis. The competitive examination system was
based on the educational system, which did not cater to a
specific population segment and served all population
elements.
Therefore, the rules governing entry precluded
membership in the bureaucracy as the exclusive prerogative
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----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
of certain persons or distinct groups of persons of families.
The extensive coverage of the service made the bureaucracy
a motley aggregate of individuals representing diverse
families, interests, ambitions, and occupation groups. In
other words, instead of constituting a specific and restricted
social class, the bureaucracy represented the various social
and economic elements in the population as a whole.
Although the bureaucracy in 1995 was important, it was not
an independent power in Filipino politics. Instead, it was
highly vulnerable to attacks from politicians from the
executive and legislative branches who meddled with the
merit system.
In all these, we see the bureaucracy as essentially creating
its times, shaped by its history and the legacies it inherited
from our colonial era. It responded to nation-building
demands after our independence in 1946, and it had to rely
on the systems and principles it worked with during the
American colonial period. However, the political party
system and its operations adversely affected the enforcement
of the merit system.
The Marcos Regime (1965–1986). Marcos imposed
martial law in 1972 despite starting a constitutional
conference in 1971. Marcos justified the action by citing the
communist insurgency and Muslim separatism, both on the
rise in the country. One-fifth of the communities in the
nation had communist rebels living in it at one point. Marcos
presented his administration as waging war against the
country's wealthy landowners, who had long held power. To
keep the nation running smoothly when martial law was in
existence, he turned to the more technocratic civil service,
which was amenable to his ideas. Shortly after, the country
underwent its first major restructuring since independence,
including purging the civil service. During the martial law
era, the military also grew in authority and resources under
Marcos' control. In November 1972, the revised constitution
was adopted by the conference. Shows of hands in citizen
assemblies endorsed it in 1973, but the procedure did not
fulfill the 1935 constitution's conditions for constitutional
modification. It proposed a semi-presidential form of
administration. This process was illegal, but the constitution
had already taken effect. A constitutional amendment signed
into effect in 1976 granted the executive branch control over
legislation-making. The barrio subdivisions were renamed
barangays by Presidential Decree in 1974. In 1975, the
Integrated National Police was established, bringing
national policing under local administration. Before the 1978
election of the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) legislature,
Marcos continued to rule by decree. Aside from COMELEC,
Marcos had total authority over the bureaucracy at all levels
of government, even municipal ones. Marcos' Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan party won handily in both the national
elections of 1978 and the municipal ones of 1980. Marcos
outlined a "new society" he envisioned as an alternative to
the old oligarchies that existed. Marcos' reforms aimed to
weaken regional power centers while strengthening ties
between the national administration and the broader
population. When martial control was lifted in Mindanao,
Marcos instituted a system of national autonomy. As a result
of the United Nationalist Democratic Organization, Marcos'
detractors gained strength. The government's reputation had
been tarnished by the failing economy, widespread
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
corruption, and waning public support at this point. In the
1984 legislative elections, the opposition fielded a cohesive
candidate and gained support from former members of the
ruling party. In 1985, in response to mounting criticism,
Marcos held a hastily called election with no foundation in
the constitution. The opposition refused to recognize
Marcos' victory in the 1986 election. As a result of the People
Power Revolution that toppled Marcos, Aquino was elected
president.
PD 1 required the most thorough overhaul of the
Philippine executive branch. Among the major structural
changes implemented were (1) it decentralized national
government functions to the extent necessary for improved
administration by reducing the agencies under the
president's office and creating 11 uniform administrative
regions, (2) it standardized the organization and common
operational activities departments. Four staff services were
formed in each department for planning, finance and
management, administration, and technical services, (3) it
facilitated the preparation and execution of national
development plans by creating the National Economic and
Development Authority (NEDA), (4) it converted the single-
headed Civil Service Commission into a three-person
Commission, (5) it decentralized personnel functions to line
departments, bureaus, and regional offices, (6) it created the
Career Executive Service as the highest level of government
service.
These structural changes were accompanied by the
summary dismissal of many personnel in 1973 and 1975. The
basis for this purge was not established and struck fear
among civil servants and caused employee behavior to
deteriorate.
A more significant change was the politicization of
neutral civil service. Civil workers were forced to "volunteer"
to join Marcos' political party, the Kilusan Bagong Lipunan
(KBL).
Aside from being politicized, the bureaucracy served as a
major instrument of Marcos' authoritarian leadership and
continued to be a highly centralized structure despite efforts
to decentralize political control.
On the other hand, American concepts of development
and administration sought to bring about economic growth
because of the vision and ideology of the bureaucracy, which
was taught modern techniques of planning, implementation,
and the evaluation of development programs. Thus, the
bureaucracy under Marcos was fraught with ambivalence. It
was authoritarian, yet it was supposed to be doing this in the
name of democracy. It was committed to the vision of
development, but it was politicized as it identified itself with
the government's leadership of the day.
When the Marcos government fell, the bureaucracy was
described as an interventionist in that government competed
with the private sector, a bloated bureaucracy, corrupt,
highly centralized, and inefficient.
The Aquino Regime (1986–1992). Aquino utilized
the 1973 constitution as a "freedom constitution" before
forming a new constitution-making commission. The
"Freedom Constitution" declared the Aquino Government to
be directly installed by the Filipino people alongside the New
Armed Forces of the Philippines. As a result, President
Aquino can now wield executive and legislative powers
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----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
concurrently. This power was utilized to amend the Family
Code to enhance workplace gender parity. The 1987
constitution reintroduced democracy to the 1935
constitution. But there were term limits, a multi-party
system, and local elections coordinated with national
elections. Many of the legislation passed when the country
was under martial law were repealed because of the checks
and balances. As a result, there is a new Senate. People's
power's new constitution featured direct democracy
components such as the ability to alter the constitution by
"initiative and referendum," recall of local elected officials,
and measures ensuring civil society groups' freedom to
organize after the people's power movement ended. Unless
otherwise noted, laws passed under the 1973 constitution
remained until the new constitution. Under the dictatorship,
wealthy families confiscated their economic assets and
returned them. The old elite regained control of the local
government in the Philippines. Despite coup attempts, rising
inflation and unemployment, and natural disasters, Aquino's
government did undertake some land reform and the
opening of the market.
With re-democratization as her principal goal, the
government reformed political and public service structures.
That's why the Presidential Commission on Government
Reorganization felt the need to "de-Marcosify" the
bureaucracy. Improving front-line service efficiency and
operational cost-effectiveness were to be promoted through
private sector initiatives. In summary, bureaucracy was to
serve democratic goals. However, the Aquino administration
has dealt with a bureaucracy aggressively protecting its
interests while progressively holding the executive
accountable. They fought unfairness, lack of political
impartiality, and reckless behavior.
By changing personnel and organizational rules, Aquino
controlled the civil service. Aquino used her revolutionary
persona to discard others. It was accompanied by a
restructure unlike any other. The government's initiative to
transform the bureaucracy was indecisive and undecided.
While the government pledged to uphold due process and
transparency, it carried out summary dismissals,
questionable reorganizations and showed weaknesses in
enforcing ethical and performance norms. It brought about
conflict between the executive and the civil service. Thus, the
bureaucracy under the Aquino government was dominated
and controlled by the executive. (1) Executive control of the
bureaucracy is fostered by authoritarian culture, which is
reinforced by the hierarchical nature of the organization.
Civil servants accept the orders of powerholders, and they
tend not to question these orders. (2) The civil service is
divided. Member organizations tend to fend for themselves
rather than act in a united manner when dealing with
policies such as the salary standardization law or those
affecting the reorganization of their offices. (3) the slow
economy and the accompanying scarcity of work
opportunities exacerbate the factors. Not wanting to
antagonize their heads for fear of losing their jobs, civil
servants tend to be less critical and more submissive to their
leaders. (4) The battle of the civil service against executive
dominance happens in an economic and social framework
dominated by the political and economic elite. Civil servants
are socially mobile individuals unlikely to work against class
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
interests. (5) In its battle with the civil service, executive
power trappings also benefit the executive. Philippine
presidents have much power under the constitution. It
allowed her to stick to her guns even if her decisions were
unpopular with the bureaucracy. (6) The bureaucracy is
further weakened by its inefficiency and reputation for
corruption. Its lack of attention to improving its performance
and productivity kept it from gaining allies from other social
forces. The support was forthcoming only when the
Executive branch appeared to have treated the bureaucracy
unjustly.
The Ramos Regime (1992-1998). When it came time
for the 1992 presidential election, Ramos emerged
victorious, even though claims of electoral malpractice
marred the election. There were simultaneous presidential,
parliamentary, and local elections for the first time in 1992.
In addition, 24 senators were elected in this election, with
the twelve with the lowest votes serving just a three-year
term. Due to this election, 12 senators for staggered six-year
terms were implemented. During the Aquino
administration, there was an energy problem that Ramos
had to deal with, which he handled by issuing contracts that
favored power companies. During the term of the Ramos
administration, government-owned monopolies were
privatized, economic regulations were loosened, and
economic growth was accelerated. The death sentence was
reintroduced, and a law creating a party-list system was
signed, but the anti-subversion act was revoked. To
decentralize power, the Local Government Code was
employed. The government and the Moro National
Liberation Front signed a peace treaty. Aside from working
with civil society, Ramos' social reform plan failed to produce
meaningful change. Due to resistance from Aquino and other
sectors, he was unable to modify the constitution as he had
wished.
The Estrada Administration (1998-2001). Joseph
Estrada won in the 1998 election with a populist campaign
that directly addressed the concerns of lower-income
Filipinos. Aquino and the Catholic Church opposed Estrada's
attempt to change the constitution to lessen economic
protectionism. Government forces fought back against the
Moro Islamic Liberation Front in an "all-out battle," gaining
back control of the major insurgent base at Camp Abubakar.
Nonetheless, despite broad anti-rebel enthusiasm, the
administration was beset by suspicions of favoritism and
corruption. For the jueteng gambling incident, the House of
Representatives impeached him. Protests erupted when
Estrada's Senate backers effectively barred evidence
presented during the impeachment trial. Following EDSA II,
the Philippine Armed Forces moved from Estrada to Vice
President Arroyo. The Supreme Court ruled Estrada's
position void, compelling him to resign and vacate
Malacanang Palace.
The Arroyo Administration (2001-2010). Arroyo
was sworn in as President of the Philippines on January 20,
2001. Arroyo's People Power Coalition won most seats in the
2001 elections, cementing its status as the country's leader.
Arroyo halted a revolution attempt in the financial area in
2003. After less than a year in office, Arroyo was eligible for
re-election as president and won by a razor-thin margin.
6
----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
After her victory, Arroyo made many constitutional
amendments to establish a parliamentary system. In the
House, this had great momentum but failed due to resistance
from the Senate, a close Supreme Court verdict, and civil
society groups. However, Arroyo's supporters retained
control of the House of Representatives after uniting the
2007 Senate election and handily winning. After her term,
the Arroyo government was widely perceived as extremely
corrupt, making her the most unpopular president since the
People Power Revolution of 1986. Despite Arroyo's
disapproval, there was no widespread effort to replace her. A
large part of it was because past people's movements had
been deemed ineffective since they failed to transform the
political system substantially.
The Benigno Aquino III Administration (2010-
2016). As a result of Aquino's anti-corruption campaign, the
economy grew, and he remained popular. Other goals
included making independent agencies like the Supreme
Court and Ombudsman more effective. Aquino's government
was praised for its political stability and perceived
cleanliness; it also had the greatest approval ratings since
Marcos' time in office. However, natural disasters and
revelations about pork barrel scams and another misuse of
discretionary funding fueled resistance to the Obama
administration's policies in the years that followed. Rather
than being directed at Aquino personally, this resistance
grew out of frustration with the perceived ineffectiveness of
reform in the broader political system.
The Duterte Administration (2016-present). The
2016 Presidential Election favored Rodrigo Duterte, the
mayor of Davao City. On a populist platform, Duterte
garnered support from many socioeconomic groups, notably
the middle class. Duterte pursued a War on Drugs, which the
opposition, now dominated by Liberal Party politicians
sympathetic to Aquino, denounced the deaths as crimes
against humanity. Duterte's aggressive anti-drug campaign
is highly appreciated because drug issues were
underappreciated under the previous two administrations.
He then concentrated on infrastructure development and the
abolition of the communist insurgency by designating the
Communist Party of the Philippines-New People's Army
(CPP-NPA) as a terrorist organization, establishing an
integration program for ex-rebels, and granting amnesty to
those who were eligible to join the group. With the
agreement of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the
government expanded and empowered Muslim autonomy,
replacing the ARMM with the more powerful Bangsamoro
region. As a result of the 2019 midterm elections, the
opposition lost all its senatorial candidates and only had a
few victories in the lower chamber. Economic initiatives,
notably those aimed at the poor, have largely been sustained
throughout Duterte's administration. Because of this shift in
politics, it's become a more authoritarian state. Its political
practices have shifted toward illiberal democracy, with legal
institutions politicized and little concern for checks and
balances.
The Philippine administrative system today. The
present-day Philippine administrative system is currently
under a democratic government where most decisions are
made through voting. People's rule is what democracy
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
entails. The term is derived from the ancient Greek terms
'demos' (people) and 'kratos' (to rule). A democratic country
has a governing structure in which the people can participate
in decision-making. Democracy is defined as a government
of the people, by the people, and by Abraham Lincoln. It is
also a republican country (Republic of the Philippines) where
the head of state and government is the president of the
Philippines directly elected by the Filipino people.
Legislative authority was delegated to a bicameral Congress
comprised of the Senate and the House of Representatives.
The Philippines has its system of judicial courts with the
Supreme Court on top of the ladder. The Philippines
government was modeled from the same Presidential system
that runs the US. Even though we copied, there are many
differences with our version from the US. However, we do
not have an electoral college. Our senators are elected at
large instead of by region or state as originally designed in
the US. We are unitary, not federal, with a central
government concentrated on Metro Manila.
Thus, the Philippine Government is essentially
republican and democratic. It is republican because the
citizens select the persons who govern them. It is democratic
because sovereignty resides in the people. Thus, the
Philippine government is also unitary, presidential, and
bureaucratic. It is unitary because the powers are lodged in
the central government. The president governs it, hence,
presidential. Finally, it is bureaucratic as it is composed of a
systematic structure with superior and inferior/ rank-and-
file offices and officers. The Philippine government
comprises three interconnected branches: the legislative,
executive, and judicial systems. Elections for public officials
are held every three years for local officials, and a
presidential election is coinciding six years for the
presidency. Economically, we have restrictions on Foreign
Direct Investment embedded in our constitution, preventing
foreign investors from fully owning a company.
Conclusion and Future Research
The Philippines' original institutions were barangays, but
larger administrations arose once Hinduism and Islam
arrived via regional commercial networks. Spain expanded
after the advent of Spanish immigrants, culminating in
Manila's Captaincy General of the Philippines. Despite being
part of New Spain, the Philippines was independent. The
principalia emerged due to the reliance on local leaders for
the government. Spanish control ended in several Islamic
and interior countries. 19th-century mestizo aristocracy
formed a distinct Filipino identity.
They started the Propaganda Movement, characterized
by anger, independence, and revolution, followed by the
Spanish-American War. Spain gave over the Philippines in
1898. After the war, the US governed the whole archipelago.
Aside from the Nacionalista Party, the former aristocracy
had significant political roots. In 1935, the Philippines had a
constitution and a president. The Japanese invasion in
WWII ended ambitions for independence. Liberation from
Japanese occupation came in 1946. During this time, the
Liberals and Nacionalistas swapped power: their charismatic
leaders and common beliefs. In 1972, the two-party system
was destroyed by the imposition of martial rule. The People
7
----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
Power Revolution installed Aquino. A new charter weakened
it. It's a brand-new national operating system!
The Philippines is a constitutional democracy led by a
president. The Philippine Constitution is the cornerstone of
the legal system. A countrywide ballot established the
present constitution in 1987. It is backed up by other laws,
including the Civil Code, Labor Code, Omnibus Investments
Code, National Internal Revenue Code, and government
norms and regulations. These include administrative orders,
court orders, pronouncements, and municipal legislation
established under the constitution. Approaches include all
administrative functions. The purpose is to discover and
articulate the guiding concepts or values. Organizational
behavior is a branch of behavioral sciences and researching
human behavior in administrative settings is essential to
public administration. These techniques made more sense
and were more relevant. They believed that political, social,
economic, and psychological factors influence human
motivation and labor performance. These also aid in
comprehending public administration's actions. These
indicated that human attitudes, presupposition biases, and
perceptions impact how the administration is done, which
many of us have experienced first-hand while dealing with
government agencies and public officials.
There is a central government with local autonomy and
geographical and political subdivisions: provinces, cities,
municipalities, barangays (the smallest administrative
entity), and autonomous regions. It is bureaucratic in that
different departmental agencies are separated by function at
a national level. Within these, instead of a centralized
administration from one source, local department heads are
left to decide what suits the needs of their given province,
following the rules given by the central office. It is ideal
because the respective local agencies can check what needs
to be done within their locality using their allocated budget
for providing equipment, needs, and other services of their
location. These departments also communicate with their
respective leaders with different ideas or opinions on a
matter they may or may not agree on for a certain cause.
Social services could be jeopardized when requests are
affected by conflicting parties between two different
departments/agencies. Thus, this is also a negative effect of
being in this system. It is too bureaucratic with too much
central control and not enough management at the
provincial level. As a result, things move extremely slowly
and are open to corruption. The government needs to dump
everything and start over literally. The provincial
government can do a quicker and more efficient job.
It is now a republican and democratic state. It is
democratic because the people choose their leaders. It is
democratic because the people are sovereign. The Philippine
government is unitary, presidential, and bureaucratic. The
president governs it. The Philippines is a unitary state with a
single president. The Philippine government has three
branches: legislative, executive, and judiciary. Finally, it is
bureaucratic, with superior and inferior/rank-and-file
offices and officials.
The constitution is now being amended to shift the
government to a decentralized federal form that will create
18 "states" instead of a unitary, centralized form. The draft
has been completed and will go through the legislative
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IMRaD Journal, a peer-reviewed and refereed journal aimed to circulate institutional and scholarly articles, faculty and student researches, and other scientific works.
ISSN 2619-7820
process, where a constituent assembly will ratify it for a
nationwide plebiscite. Another possible amendment to the
government is to shift to a parliamentary form where a
"ruling party," as in Malaysia, Singapore, Japan, - chooses
the Prime Minister and the cabinet, coming from that party.
It is felt that the "party system" must be strengthened to
clarify "accountability" in public service. The present party
system in the Philippines is very weak - with politicians
moving parties for favors, mostly money.
The current Philippine system of government has a
strong President and an equally strong Vice President, each
elected individually for a single six-year term. There is no re-
election for both except that the Vice-President can run for
president. The former president can also run for other
positions (one former president is now the city mayor of
Manila, and another was elected as a Congresswoman). In
essence, the president is like an absolute monarch with a
limited six-year term because impeachment to remove him
from power is so expensive, time-consuming, tedious, and
uncertain that it can't be relied on to work.
In short, today's bureaucracy is a product of how it has
been regarded and utilized by the government in power. Like
most public institutions, its functions are largely determined
by (1) the goals they are set to achieve, (2) the processes
which society expect them to utilize, (3) the amount of power
and resources that they are vested with, (4) the level of
accountability that they exercise, and (6) the outputs and the
outcomes they are expected to deliver. The administrative
system has shown that while bureaucracy is judged in how it
can respond efficiently and effectively to society's challenges,
it must be understood in terms of its functions within a
political context. The dynamic of its relationship with the
executive and the Legislative branches of the government
and with other stakeholders, such as clients and other vested
interests in society, shape its role in nation-building tasks.
To a large extent, the bureaucracy's share of power and
authority, resources, and information are decided by the
president and members of Congress. They determine the
direction, content, and distribution of public resources.
Thus, bureaucracy is currently an executive-dominated
bureaucracy that is highly centralized. While recruitment
and appointment to this bureaucracy are expected to be
based on merit, interventions of politicians have prompted
doubts about these claims. However, there is a career service,
entry to which has been regulated and guarded by the Civil
Service Commission. There is the security of tenure, but
government service may not be as prestigious as it was
during the American colonial period. Lastly, the bureaucracy
must improve its image in its accountability and integrity,
efficiency and effectiveness, productivity, and
innovativeness in dealing with complex social problems.
The consensus among reformists is that the Philippines
should be a federal state with a parliamentary form of
government. The main rationale of a parliamentary system
of government, like that in Singapore, Japan, Germany, and
Australia, is that the decision-making process is significantly
faster. Not only that, but the prime minister is also chosen
among the best ministers to lead the government. In a
meritocracy, this is very important. As for federalism, power
is decentralized from Manila, and regions are empowered to
control their affairs. From the economic perspective, regions
8
----------------------------------------------------Institutional Multidisciplinary Research and Development (IMRaD) Journal
no longer must rely on funding from Manila, a huge portion
of which gets lost in corruption. No wonder you see the
provinces very much underdeveloped, so those residing
there choose to flock into the cities for better pay. Combine
this with an open market economy, and economic
development will no longer be limited to just the cities. It
alleviates the overcrowding, the traffic, the poverty, and
more. These, as well as other reforms enforced in tandem,
are what provide a foundation upon which our rapid
economic development will begin. Because today there are
far too many who can block useful legislation without being
easily accountable. It will be easier to see the enemies of
progress with a simpler process. However, the single House
needs to be designed very carefully. Although we have not
given that enough thought, it may be best to transition to a
purely parliamentary system, so we are not sure now.
Potentially, a parliamentary system could make the
leadership more accountable and responsive. Proponents of
a federal Philippines might have a noble goal of spurring
economic growth and development in the underdeveloped
and impoverished provinces. The federalism rationale is to
spread capital investment typically concentrated around
Manila, Cebu, and Davao to the countryside.
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