934 American Anthropologist [65, 19633

successor. It does not range over such an astonishing variety of issues but makes up for
this by a masterly display of controlled argumentation. It reads in fact like a good
lecture series, stating the problem, clearing up misunderstandings, analyzing previous
work and leading with a compelling inevitability to an eagerly awaited dhouement.
The reader may feel that the conclusion falls a little flat, but on reflection he will
probably come to realize that this is because the preparatory work was too well done. If
he has anticipated the final chapter it is because the ideas contained in it follow from
the work of clarification contained in the preceding pages. In any case, this is an im-
portant work which will please specialists by its style of argument and which must be
essential reading for students as a text book on totemism.
Culture and Behavior: Collected Essays o j Clyde Kluckhohn. RICHARD KLUCKHOHN (ed.).
Bibliography of CLYDEKLUCKHONN compiled by LUCYWALES.New York: The
Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1962. viii, 402 pp., index, references. $6.75.
Reviewed by DAVIDF. ABERLE,Brandeis University
Clyde Kluckhohn, who died in July of 1960 at the age of 55, was an extraordinary
figure in American anthropology. He was a polymath, with background in classics and
philosophy, a command of several European languages, and training in, or experience in
archeology, linguistics, physical anthropology, and ethnology-acquired in England,
Austria, and the United States. The experience of psychoanalysis made him eager to
explore unconscious processes and their cultural antecedents and consequents. He
strongly believed that anthropology had a message for the humanities and the other
social sciences, as well as much to learn from these disciplines. He took every oppor-
tunity for intellectual exchange with people in other fields and drew them into his enter-
prises. He was convinced of the practical uses of anthropology. He tried to explain these
uses to diverse audiences, to demonstrate them as opportunities arose, and as adviser
rather than administrator or planner, to apply anthropological knowledge to such
practical areas as administration of Indians, and international relations in war and
peace.
His strongest empirical commitment was to field-work with the Navahos, whom he
called “the Indian people whom I best know and love” (p. 340). His strongest theo-
retical commitments were in the areas of the nature of culture, culture and personality,
and value theory. In spite of his role as a founder of the Harvard Department of Social
Relations, which split social anthropology from the rest of the discipline administra-
tively, he remained convinced of the unity of the field as traditionally defined in the
United States.
Culture and Behavior brings together twenty-one essays by Kluckhohn, edited by
his son, Richard Kluckhohn, who supplies an explanatory note about the genesis of the
book and an introduction. The book is welcome, both because it brings together in
available form materials published in widely scattered periodicals and other sources
and because it reflects-though not perfectly-the extraordinarily diverse interests of
Kluckhohn as a man and as an anthropologist. Although its publication might warrant
an attempt a t an evaluation of Kluckhohn’s work, his death is too recent for this re-
viewer to feel ready for a well-rounded critical commentary. He will content himself
with evaluating the book as a reflection of Kluckhohn.
Kluckhohn chose all of the selections save one and revised them completely or
partially for publication. (They do not, of course, constitute his “collected” essays,
since these would fill several volumes.) Of twenty-one papers, ten deal specifically with
Navaho materials, which make their appearance in others as well. This balance reflects
 Book Reviews 935
Kluckhohn’s nearly forty years of experience with the Navaho, beginning in the early
1920’s, before he became an anthropologist, and his twenty-three years of technical
publications dealing with the Navaho. They show his concern for rigorous collection
and presentation of data, his interest in culture and personality and specifically in
psychoanalysis, his close and extensive collaboration with psychiatrists and psycholo-
gists, his relative lack of interest in formal social organization, and his concern with
religious beliefs and ritual behavior.
These ten papers and five dealing with culture theory and value theory form the
core of the volume. “The Concept of Culture” provides both an apologia for the subject-
matter of anthropology for non-anthropologists and an example of Kluckhohn’s long
concern with culture as empirical phenomenon and as analytic abstraction, culture as
system and as something internalized by individuals, and culture as cause and as prod-
uct. “Studying the Acquisition of Culture” shows his stress on studying the range of
behavior and reporting it, rather than merely the norm or the central tendency, and
also brings out his belief that through studies of socialization and child development we
would improve our understanding of the process of culture change. (The parallel to
the thinking of Sapir, whom Kluckhohn so much admired, is apparent.) A paper on
adjustment and adaptation rejects the two concepts as sufficient for understanding the
relationship between the individual and the cultural system and seems to suggest that
in the tension between individual motivations and the cultural givens of a particular
time and place is to be found the dynamic of culture change. These papers suggest-
and other papers not available in this volume clearly indicate-that Kluckhohn’s
interest in recording behavioral variability was not merely methodological nicety.
Rather, his concern with variation in personality and in behavior was in the service of a
model of culture change which saw individual variation as equivalent to mutation in
evolutionary biology, something which provided the elements out of which culture
change could arise.
The papers on values deal with his concern to find certain universals in human
values which underly their diversity and to discover a scientific basis for a humanistic
ethic. They fall more within the realm of his humanistic concerns, then, than do other,
later papers omitted from this selection, which attempted to define analytic categories
for the comparison of value systems in a social scientific frame of reference. They show
his desire for a bridge between social science, philosophy, and the humanities.
Two papers on archeology reflect his concern for principles of classification and show
his interest in uniting archeological and ethnological materials.
Four papers show Kluckhohn’s practical concern with the world in which we live.
One deals with Russian national character and is an outgrowth of his position as Di-
rector of the Russian Research Center a t Harvard. Another is a commentary on the
shaky quality of American values in the 1950’s. A third is a plea for the rich use of
regional materials in Southwestern universities, and a fourth hopes for a better place
for American Indians in a white man’s world. Among the Navaho papers there is a
careful examination of the Navaho crisis.
Kluckhohn’s commitment to the unity of the social sciences is visible throughout,
especially in his use of materials drawn from political science, sociology, psychology,
and psychiatry.
The introductory essay, by Richard Kluckhohn, covers a good deal of ground,
perhaps too briefly. Based on Clyde Kluckhohn’s notes, it deals with the relationships
of anthropology with other disciplines and seems very much in harmony with Kluck-
hohn’s own active efforts a t interdisciplinary collaboration and integration. It is clearly
936 American Anthropologist [65, 19631
intended to fulfill Kluckhohn’s intentions, not to be a commentary on the man or his
work. The volume concludes with a full bibliography by Lucy Wales.
The sequence of the papers is confusing to the reviewer. The arrangement follows no
obvious plan as to chronology or subject-matter, although there are coherent clusters of
papers, to be sure. I n spite of omissions of significant papers-which may have stemmed
from author’s or editor’s taste, pruning problems, copyright problems, or considerations
of availability-the volume is largely representative of Kluckhohn as a Navaho spe-
cialist in depth, a theorist of culture and values, and a missionary for and to the an-
thropological profession. For a full understanding of Kluckhohn’s theoretical position,
however, it is necessary to go to other papers, as well as to his major works.
Isleta Paintings. With introduction and commentary by ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS,
edited by ESTHER S. GOLDFRANK.
(Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 181.)
Washington, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 1962. xvi, 299 pp., glossary, 140
paintings, references. $10.00.
University of Arizona
Reviewed by EDWARDP. DOZIER,
Isleta Paintircgs represents the only pictorial ethnographic account of Pueblo cere-
monial life executed entirely by a native artist. It is unlikely that there will ever be an-
other collection quite like it, for Pueblo Indians who are cognizant of esoteric ritual,
and who have in addition the talents of artists, are rare. Perhaps most unlikely is the
possibility that another native Pueblo artist will have the courage to venture on a proj-
ect of painting ceremonial activities. Pueblos zealously guard the religious aspects of
their culture and the strictures that befall the informer are so stringent that few dare to
reveal ceremonial secrets. Something as graphically realistic as water color paintings of
one’s townspeople in ceremonial activities, and so cleverly executed that identification
of the individuals portrayed is possible, takes extreme courage or else foolhardiness. I n
a letter offering to do the paintings, the artist makes a pathetic plea: “I don’t want any
soul to know as long as I live that I have drawn these pictures . . . I have no way of
making a living, no farm . , . If I had some way to get help in this world I would never
had done this. I expect to get good help.”
The Isleta artist did receive help and his paintings have now been published for the
public to see. Reading his pathetic note, a sensitive person might be moved to come to
the assistance of the desperate artist witout requiring him to reveal closely guarded
ceremonial secrets through his paintings. Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons who paid him was,
however, a dedicated ethnologist, interested primarily, if not solely, in furthering
scientific inquiry. Pueblo Indians, and ethnologists as well, have long wrestled with
their consciences on this problem-should Pueblo Indians reveal age-old ceremonial
secrets and should ethnologists freely publish the information they have gained, often
in confidence? I t is a problem for which there is no ready or easy answer. Pueblo Indians
rarely give information for monetary rewards alone and less often for personal renown.
Most Pueblo Indians who supply information about ceremonial life become sincerely
interested in putting on record a passing, rich culture, even though in the process they
may risk Pueblo censure and abuses. But Pueblo attitudes are changing. As the rewards
of scientific ethnological inquiry move them, more and more Pueblo Indians are willing
to cooperate with ethnologists but, unfortunately, it is often too late and already much
of the rich Pueblo ceremonialism has been irretrievably lost,
Over a period of five years the Isleta artist supplied a series of water color paintings
to Dr. Parsons. One hundred forty of these paintings have been reproduced in the pres-
ent volume. Unfortunately, high costs ruled out publication of all the paintings in color.