Scanned by CamScanner BERNARDO Carpio: Alir AND REVOLUTION ne problem inthe historiography of the Philippine revoli- jonsof 1896 and 1695s showing the lationship between we educated, articulate efit str!" wha have lt Be hind most of the documents, ans the inarbculte “asses” who fought and died in the various wars. Patonclent bes certainly help explain how the local ‘ot gents ws abe to mob lize large numbers of people. Yet the events of the revolution indi cate thatthe common folk sere fighting under the “lining” inluence not of indivicual personalities but oftheir conceptions of the meaning ofthe “times” and poset leaders were those who successfully articulated such consepeisns. Johr Sshumacher SI Jas shows how the Hstrades erated 2 Flipine hi tone that would ondermine 3nd supplant a Spanish historias Phy which mandated Filipino fovalte to Spain under moral 1Beaxanoo Cano: Awir AND RevouuTion 2 she 180s, took the form of religious tracts and met- tn awit” OF the former, the verious pasysin poetic death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ became have discussed elsewhere the role of the soci rye evolution. Using @ mode of textual analysis pen 98 yt showed how ae any with ce narative of Chiist gave meaning toa opi death struggle or independence—a struggle imaged asa arerrrskemptve event hat unfolded itself with man’s participa. ane Spwever, while it has become obvious that the language of rt chrntinity flowed into the language of nationalism and revo- luton a the turn ofthe century, there is a danger of overstressing theimpactof Chestianity in allthis. The story of Christ was mean ing! asofer as it was appropriated by the society itself and mir- edits ideals, Other aspects of Spanish colonial influence can be ‘amined in this light. In particular, we shall look into a Tagalog awit, ‘he Fitri Fars i Bernardo Carpio, based on legends of the Spanish eo Berardo Carpio, that reveals a popular perception of the past pon which Flipino nationalists hinged their separatist aspirations, “The Historia Famosa has not been regarded as a literary mile stone ofthe Tagalogs Its authorship remains unknown, and it has been overshadowed by the more polished and “urbane” awit, Florant at Laura Like most awit in its time, the Historia Famosa's samative line is derived from legends surrounding the Spanish royalty and their Moorish adversaries Dean Fansler comments that romantic stories of this type had been “ridiculed to death by Cervantes" long before they appeared in Tagalog awit versions." ving fillerd into the Philippines via Mexico, such stories drew pea rae from friars as subject matter for indigenous litera- tam eral ayy o« Eropsan king and Cstendoms t+ Sant feet the Moors were constant themes in these stories; they Tropa strengthening the indi’ loyalty and utang 2 lode tipinad Gahan peat cert sot wan ee indigenes meeabo®:Avit and other related forms replaced the the conquest Nena atthe Spanish priests destroyed soon after MEER Nate pens and yen were quik to ast © ch they could compase Tagalog poetry: by the ing fare P sea omances a ‘ersions ofthe ile 4 Vinual social epics" Bemnando Cannio: Axzr au Revourion 3 eighteenth century cheap editions of awit were “printed in the cit- ies and towns and then hawked, sold in sidewalk stalls, and brought to the most remote barrios by itinerant peddlers.”” Awit stories were often dramatized, or at least sung in public. So power- ful was the impact of awit on the popular imagination that the av- erage indio in the nineteenth century can be sed to have dreamt of ‘emulating chivalrous knights riding off to the Crusades or savirg beautiful damsels from distress. Fie knew more about Emperor Charlemagne, the Seven Peers of France, and the destruction of ‘Troy than of pre-Spanish Philippine rajahs and the destruction of Manila by the conquistadors. ‘And yet, given the fact that popular consciousness of the past was mediated by awit poetry, the revolution happened. Contrary to the insistence of some ilustrados that the masses’ utter igno- rance, exemplified by their belief in fairy tales, was a stumbling block to the revolution, it was the so-called pobres y ignorantes who formed the bulk of the revolutionary armies that fought against Spain and the United States” In order to arrive at some under- standing of this turn of events, let us examine, first, some features of the Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio and, second, the awit’s connection with nationalist writings on the eve of the revolution. The author of the Historia Fomosa states at the beginning that he has selected details from the Spanish story of Bernardo Carpio. ‘This is how the narrative proceeds. The king and queen of Spain have died, leaving behind two little children named Alfonso and Jimena. Don Sancho, count of Cerdena, rules over Spain until ‘Alfonso comes of age and assumes the throne. The poet remarks that King Alfonso remains unmarried and has no fondness for women. Meanwhile Don Sancho has been appointed royal counselor and commanding general of the army. Another major character, Don Rubio, is introduced as Don Sancho's friend and captain ofthe army. "Alter fourteen stanzas of the awit, a major transition takes place. The event is “triggered hy the radiant beauty of the king's Sister, Jimena. Her radiance, described in so many imagery filled 1 lodb (inner being) of notables, the stanzas, causes confusion in thy ad. OF graver import isthe conflict king included, in Spain and abro that it causes between the comrades Don Sancho and Don Rubio.Barwanoo Casto: AWrr AND Revousrion ste both are attracted to Jimena’s beauty, their responses are aides areas With anger and shame (hiv.” His lo6b, initially displaced by Jimena’s radiance, shows signs of “hardening” into selfishness ral treacltery. On the other hand, Sancho's lodb is described by the poet as capable of love, Jimena’s beauty has the effect of making excho's confused lob attain a fullness signified by his willing: ress to suffer and die for his beloved. Sancho's lengthy exposition Or his love resembles a typical Tagalog kundiman (love song), which is heard at several key points of the awit. Tina scene typical of most nineteenth-century awit, a Moro en- voy appeats with an insolent challenge to the Spanish king, who thereupon orders his trusted General Sancho to lead his army against the villains.” As the army assembles in the field, Don Sancho, in defiance of the king's orders, sneaks into Jimena’s room in the tower. Hs farewell speech again gives the poet an oppoitu- nity to drench the reader in the imagery of love and separation characteristic of folk poetry. Overpowered by such language Jimena becomes confused, then bursts into tears, and surrenders self to her lover, ea of a garden by a cyclone. The general, however, is not fated to profit by it, His rival Don Rubio, aware of the lovers’ meeting, vents hill feeling upon Sancho by recomunending tothe king tat the latter accept the count of Barcelona's proposal to cement 2 Po litical alliance by marrying fimena. Hearing this draws an outhor ‘of anger from Sancho. Rubio, whose loob is filled with shame “conflicting elements,” backs down in fear, Another OPPO for revenge presents itself, howeves, when Rubio hears the HE scream of Jimena's child, who is named Bernardo, Pretend 0 justice done, Rubio rushes to inform the king, who is omer ee apart by the news of Sancho and fimena’s “crime.” The Kings from his seat; suddenly he forgets his past relationship," Sancho and can think of nothing, but schemes to destroy Pith ‘As Sancho is about to take the infant Bernardo to O° TT, Beets given another opportunity to eveke in the aero ce of anguish and loss, for the separation of the Benanoo Carmo: Awrr ann REVOLUTION parents is perhaps the most significant event in the awit. As the ‘poet himself remarks, after a description of Jimena’s sadness: What losb however hard ‘what heart would not be overcome by this and be saddened and strack with pain for the two lovers with a pure loob? Alin cayang lodb na saedal nang tigas} alin namang puso ang hindi mabagbag,/ na di malunusan at magdalang sindac} sa dalavang sintang ang lo6b ay tapat? ‘As Sancho leaves the tower with the child, he is ambushed by the king’s soldiers. Fighting with only one hand he can slaughter all of them, but the child screams and is heard by the king who leaps from the sidelines, accusing Sancho of treachery. Sancho kneels and begs for mercy. Al he asks is to be wed to Jimena before he is executed. The king hastily agrees to the marriage but treach- crously sends Sancho to the castle of Luna with a sealed letter out- lining certain punishments to be meted out to the bearer. Sancho, to his chagrin, is bound in chains; his eyes are gouged out and he is thrown inside a dark cell. Hias the king forgotten the past? laments Sancho. s the pain of blindness his reward for the hardships he has borne in defending the kingdom? Again the poct gives free rein to images of pain and separation: Sancho from Jimena, the parents from their child Bernardo. Sancho's lament ends with an appeal to God to have pity for his son: re ‘And may he eventually recognize his true mother and true father and when, Lord, he comes of age may he, Lord God, recognize me Al maquilala rin ang tunay wa inal at aco.i, gayon din na caniyang ama,f na cun siya Poon ama,i, lumaqui nal aco po, Dias co, nama,i, maquilala nena neBeananoo Cannio: AWwir ant ‘ -RNARD Awir ax Revourion, teanwhile Don Rubio becomes the closest confidante of the Ling He tsentrusted with bringing up the child Bernardo, whose NE fnrents ave ordered never to be revealed to him. Jimena, rere treachery brought great shame to her brother King Alfo Tei to a cloister Alfonso scolds her for fongetting all the love wee caring he had showered upon her and for failing to show sea tosb for things past. For her, as for Sancho, there is resig- nation to “fate,” to God's will. “Ke the child Bernardo grows up, it becomes obvious to all that he has extraordinary strength and energy. He is in constant move. trent, running back and forth, up and down stairs: He walks and walks, but goes nowhere his lob and heart always perturbed . [Na lalacad-lacad walang pinupunta/ ang lo6b at puso. parating tulsa. His energy is released in a wasteful and antisocial manner: hitting, ‘aiming, and killing horses, carabaos, and other animals he meets on the road, Irate townsfolk complain to Don Rubio. Bernardo e* plains that he cannot control his own body and strength. ‘One day Bernardo asks his “father” Don Rubio to persuade the ing to knight him so that he may travel around the world ating idolatry and subduing wild beasts. Rubio, however, rebukes Bit how can he be knighted i his own origins are unknown? Bernalo then realizes that Rubio is not his true father. He breaks into fe “this was the start of his disorientation/ in behaviot, thought an even his heart.” Fortunately, the king happens to come along Showing pity he makes Bernardo a knight and adopted son. 7 tothe dismay of Don Rubio. Later, having slain the arrogant RUT ina fencing match, Bernardo is made general of the army. The? avenge the father be As the adopted son of King Alfonso, Bernardo’s enerBies Come a bit more “formed” and directed toward Fighting the Mom ‘The most formidable enemy is the Emperor Carpio, Wh “ ‘Benxanbo Canpio: Awrr AND REVOLUTION 7 territories cannot be penetrated even by armies of the Twelve Peers of France. One day, Carpio’s envoy, Veromilla, arrives at the Span- ish court demanding vassalage from the king or else face invasion. Bernardo, in his usual energetic, rather uncontrolled manner, re- acts violently toward the envoy: He struck the chair upon which the envoy sat causing him to fall over everything was crushed, broken to pieces the king tried to calm Bernardo: My son, he said, just take it easy to attack an envoy as you did is against all the rules so straighten out your 1060, At tuloy tinampal ang upuang silla] ay aged natapon sampons, embajada nagendurog-durog nabating lahat na} nangusap ang Jari Rernardo i suent naj! Anac co ania icao ay maglibang! at iya,, di utos sa leing alin man,] na ang embajada ay ‘malalebanany eaya ang lodb mo ay magpaenhusay. ‘As Veromilla returns to his camp, Bernardo tells the king that, with his fatherly blessing, he will fight the enemy single-handed. In- deed, he approaches the Moro lines alone and is ridiculed by ‘Veromilla. But this youth who “has just been weaned by his mother” ‘completely devastates the enemy. Veromilla fees in great panic. When Bernardo returns to the court he humbly dedicates his victory to the king, He attributes his victory to God's mercy (awa) and to fate. And he asks to be granted only one request that he be told the identities of his true parents. He is growing up yet has mo roots, no relatives to pay respects to, The king then tries to deceive Bernarco by agreeing to his request provided that, once and for all, he defeats Emperor Carpio. Knowing Carpio's reputation, the king, ‘expects his youthful general to be slain in battle. Bernardo’s power, however, has no equal in the world. Fighting like a “lion, tiger, and viper” he systematically conquers Carpio's nineteen castles untilP Brrxanvo Cannio: AWr AND Revoumoy the emperor gives up, hands overall his territory to Bernardo ant sees to pay tribute to Spain {ipon his return once more to Spain, Bernardo Carpio, ashe is now falled, is shocked to find a French prince, also named Hemardo, riling the kingdom. King Alfonso, who had temporarily retnquished the tone while on a hunting tip, justifies his de. om terms of “traditional ties” between the Spanish and French ruling families. Bernardo scornfully rejects this argument. More aver he is disgusted by the king’s refusal to reveal the identities of tie parents. In an angry confrontation Bernardo declares that he will find his parents by force. "At this point Bernardo Carpio's energies seem to become moze focused than ever. Having rejected another stepfather, his fist act isto destroy all the king’s horses to prevent pursuit. This explcity contrasts with his earlier meaningless destruction of neighbor’ livestock and work animals. While he stops by the wayside to pray to God and the Virgin Mother, a leter floats down from heaven with the truth about his parents. Before he can go in search of them, however, he is instructed to first terminate Spain's ties of vassalage to France. So he proceeds to the French court, where Emperor Ludovico explains to him that his relations with Spain re all based on age-old covenants handed down from generation '0 generation. Bernardo, however, has nothing but contempt for tr ditional ios. Neither has he respect for Ludovico, whom he seizes by the collar and physically intimidates, The French court, in fear of Bornardo’s power, capitulates. The ties are broken. Bernardo then proceeds to the castle of Luna to seek out his father The scene shifts to Sancho lamenting, in prison: the King I4s shown no pity, keeping him for years in the darkness of a celk: ‘And you my beloved son who, I hear, is now called Don Bernardo Carpio have passed through a multitude of towns and kingdoms and yet have not found your father, Sancho. Why, my beloved child hhave you not searched for your lord, your father? exsanoo Canto: Arar ash RenUTIOS Haven't your heart and fovb been moved by my sufferings and laments? Teao nanan caya na sintang anac co] na nababelitang D. Bernardo Carpio,|tanang vila reino ay nasasapit mo) di mo na arating ama mong, si Sarcho,|/ Ano baga bunso na uilio co, vinta) diva siniyasat and pon mo.!,ama,] ang puso Todb moi. di na nahalisal sa nagdaralita., dito, nagdwrusa «Asif he heard this lament,” Bernardo arrives kills the guards and fees father, Unfortunately, Sancho dies soon after the reunion. ‘This however, does not prevent Bernardo from legitimizing his tie to igs parents, He brings his father, covered sith a cloth on the pretext that he mast nat be expose to cod air, tothe king's palace, Prhere the wedding with Jimena takes place. Only after father, wither and son are formally reunited does Bernardo pretend t0 {Tiscover that hs father is dead. “The awit doesnot end here, ast does inthe Spanish originals. Bernardo, having declined the Spanish throne, continues his trav- tien cearch of iolaters to destroy. He arrives before a churchlike Structure with two lion statues by the entrance. Because the doors dre shut he keels ouside and prays, A bolt of lightning strikes nd destzoys one of the lions. Angered by the lightning’s chal- Tenge, Bernerdo hurls the other lion away and vows to search for the lightning and destroy it. Not faraway, he sees two mountains hhtting eachother at regolar intervals. Then a handsome youth— tn angel_-appear in dazzling brightness and tells Bernardo that the lightning has entered the mountain. God commands that Bernardo stall not see, much less capture it, When the angel him- self takes the path of the lightning, Bernardo stubbornly follows, the twin peaks closing in on him. The awit ends with the remark that since Bernardo was sucha great and powerful hero, God east a spell on him and thus kept him alive though hidden “The avit just summarized is important for the study of the revolution in two respects. First, the appropriation by the Tagelogs ofa Spanish hero enabled a people without a history of themselves asa people toimaginea lost pastas well as their hopes of liberationBerranno Cannio: 0 HTT AND Revoumoy som Spanish rule, Second, the awit reveals a form of meaning LS cre ms scpamunicate their political ideas to the people. “The first point is borne out by evidence from local histories of ‘central and southern Tagalog towns." The Historia Famosa’s ac. seuat of Bemardo’s last journey is derived from pre-Spanish be- iets in pilgrimages to the underworld to wrestle with spits asa test of one’s innerstrength. The poet merely affirms that the world of Bernardo Carpio is the Philippines. By the second half of the hineteenth century, Tagalog peasants, at least those within the vi- disturbances Swat and political allows the data on popu cams a uprsings, and the ise of the nationalist 274 rately tone Mens to be constructed on a “secular” scale th 1% upon the ideas of the “unenlightened” because Rizal AN0 THE UNDERSIDE OF PatuPnNE Histon 33 sing ipiees arae oe cates ge me i wit rican er ne ta ate cen peck in bp trib dengan ig of eo scone aren he rn alae ceca ns mung ri ape sn hei ety eerie ah eee come eg corpse rere Prot Agana vy manent ee reer eee a eee eos St emote can nated Ste ee eee rey a ae ee eee ta scat pra nd en ve end See ee been applied to nineteenth-century Philippine history, and that oe aera cr rs es ae Se a aieawoni mare Soa Sane Sedge rem ae pomuaa. ano THE UNDERSIDE OF PHILIPPINE Hoy x so might well ask what the conditions are hy a Tagalog NES Tg the mode of historical awareness this {fasion nthe StS es leas the intellectual achievement of Fa ae ens figure who offered diferent, some. the con I of his ifeand work, And since the pes. tunes conicting OP Malolos republic suggest that the Ia at canes (0 eco a faire, we might well examine the trivmph was ina Senet ments of success or failure. When Tne tat dears radia de Sn Jost was tay i ce cata supped Tamer pace that we cannot but regard rash ach amph. What sort of “death” was iin the fist nasa med to instruct asin vamaome thirty yeas Tater, he ret sin ae se pe eorganization ofthe cofradia? Some of the more- Ein icf athe Santa lgiesia—were jus like the “eiled”coradia cregh Wasi among oer reasons, an impatience with this par sc retumof “primitive,” “irrational” forms that led the repab- Uetesappos ter movers? inf goes neg “Tae rappearance, the persistence over time, of figures bear there arly could be interpreted as ign ofthe tea Fiipino subjugation by Spain. It could signify the break, the 1s and the enslavement resting from the conquest. Rizal lamented thefact hat Phlippine traditions were no longer authentic beste their origins were ether forgotten or patently foreign. To him the forging of origins marked the onset of darkness. “These tie tons fof inks with Sumatra,” he laments, “were completely bet juste the mythology and genealogies of which the old historias speak, thanks tothe sal of the religious in extirpating every ™ embrace of our nationality, of paganism, or of idolatry.” Philippine literary histories speak of the lost literature of the lowlands being replaced by religious poetry written at firs bY Stanish msionares and then by selec ndios who had served ‘at othe Spaniards, Te themes of such poetry se” seo Philippine experience: “love for the Holy Fao inten HEM ofthe world” “Mary, star of the sea” guiding Me 'oyage through the stormy darkness of sin and 18° |uzaL ano THe UNDERSIDE OF PHOUFPINE Histon 3 rance.!""There are traces of a predominantly seaaring Malay soci ‘hy inthe last theme, but i is located in Sea of daknes, imi fated only by the light of «foreign ideology: inthe eighteenth century, metrical romances from Spain and Mexico were allowed to be translated or to serve as models for a poptlar form of indigenous literature called wut. This trans- Printed to Philippine soil the traditions of European medieval r- Fiance. Tagalog poetry became dominated by themes ranging from the passion of Christ to the crusades against the Moors.” Iestrados from Rizal to this day have lamented this apparent dis- tontion ofthe Filipino mind. “Born and brought up... in ignorance of our yesterday. lacking an authoritative voice to speak of what Wwe neither saw nor studied”—Rizal could not have better &x- pressed the anxiety of being let to one's own wits, unanchored in 2 stable past.” “The lack ofa continuous, uninterrupted history of Filipino con- sciousness lay behind the slustrado nostalgia for lost origins, Rizal's efforts to reconstruct the history ofa flourishing, preSpan- ish civilization that entered upon a decline can be viewed a5 an attempt to reconstitute the nity of Philippine history, to bring un- der the sway ofthe ilustrado mind the discontinuities and differ ‘ences that characterized colonial society. The ilustrados were very ‘much in tune with nineteenth-century conceptions of history. Pre- dictably, though, they were not attracted to the Marxian analysis of, the relations of production, economic determinations, and the class struggle that would have raised questions about their own status as the voice of the Filipino race. Rather, their activity was {geared to the late nineteenth century European “search fora total Iistory in which all the diferences of a society might be reduced toa Single form, tothe organization ofa world view, tothe esiablshament ofa eystem of values, toa coherent type of evlzation:” ironically the demand for order and coheronce led to a critique not only ofthe ‘Spaniards but also of the ikustrados’ ancestors who, admitted Rial, hhad lost their heritage because they had “hastened to abandon what was thers to take up what was nev." Tgnorance and naiveté are the familiar explanations for what appears to have been the absence of fixed bouncaries inthe conceptual world of the erly ips.— ean. to Tt UNDERSIDE OF PHILEPNE Hiro, x vader he notion ol” Problema ho ce at a te indgeous anguages For exam, cst 0 oy inesin Tagalog iterate, which on Serpe OE oes of autienticity, upon closer ex. thoone ad BBE asks tat conceal age-old preoceupa an 8 etre Suh em ay" Sonoma erect and “2 er Chris (pasyin from the contol ot sense the Tagalog passion storylines and concepts into Taga chute. Te ste 10 various plays of meaning ‘Tae Power of Kinc BERNARDO alien’ stories that we con use to confront ilustado ene Me pata fhe Spnish egedy Sond del Carpio’ Inthe Tagalog awit version that appeal then intent century the card anc trogodios of Spas tral the cssades against the Moors, and the personal nrstve 1 Bemardo are obviously of foreign origin. But afer successive reprinting and oral recitations of the awit which ranks with He pesyin asthe best-known story in the Inte nineteenth contin) the he Berar Carpio became the king ofthe Tagalogs M4 or imprisoned within a sacred mountain fom which he wok someday emerge to liberate his people. He became kno%t ating (King) Bernardo or San Bernardo, or simply Bermarit. hhaps if he had remained an isolated creature of “folk belief ie ‘would not be of much interest to us now. But sometime ducing ‘um of the century, Rizal appeared at Bernard's side. Wh#"" this meeting signify? What does it suggest about the con! Popular thinking? ‘As we sau in the previous essay, reduced to its baz? ie ee co ‘who grows up unable to contol or focus these powers: TS i, tpetdtothe fact that hes separated from his patents Pr oe 'P8Y samogates who deprive him of the layau and st coutines Rizal aND THE UNDERSIDE oF Paste ce Hieron ” isciplinng that only true parents can give. He serves the king of Spain (his stepfather) well but somehow remains the brash and uncontrolled youth who subdues his Moorish adversaries through, brute force (kis). Nevertheless, the events which bring him closer to reunification with his parents are marked by correspondingly greater control and efficacy of his powers. Soon afte a leter from heaven reveals to him the identity of his parents, he accomplishes single-handedly the task of liberating Spain from French domina- tion One can readily discern in the awit a refraction ofthe theme of lost origins, Bernardo, being like the Filipinos who fell from an original state of wholeness, came under the domination of surro- gates (eg. Spain, the friars) and therefore remained in a state of darkness and immaturity until they recognized their true mother again. It easy to see Why ilustrados, as well, took an interest in this awit Rizal was familiar withthe Bernardo Carpio story and its more evident folk meaning as the imaging of the aspirations for freedom of the pobres y ignorantes.* The revolutionist Andres Bonifacio, as ‘we saw, may even have tacked nationalist meanings on to the awit’s form.» Still, however, King Bernardo was a “folk belie?” oF “an expression of “popular culture,” tobe noted and even used, but from whose underlying presuppositions about power and the cos- mos the ilastrados had been released. Educated Filipinos tend to dismiss the complex articulations of the Bernardo Carpio myth as plain falschood and superstition. And yet { would argue that the ‘main features of a powerful narrative of the past are contained in the myth. This kind of history is alive even today particularly among these who live on the fringes of urban society tis not difficult to imagine what historical consciousness was like in the nineteenth century before mass education was imple- mented. How does Rizal get implicated in it? It docs seem far- fetched to ink the intellectual who shunned violent uprising with the youth who subdued the Moors through brute strength. But lakis (force) is only one of Bernardo Carpio's attributes, associated ‘with a certain lack of inner control, which isthe father’s duty to teach his son. As we shall see, the tale becomes the locus of thinking about the nature of true power inthe context of which Rizal then appears,pena. ano THe UnDERSIOE OF PHTURTNS Hionr cata ae ie ae rahe Spanish legend. We recall that the ks fe Gh of pagan kingdoms to destroy: When sich an oe oa armmrardo disposes ofthe other Ste and then challenges sat ing el te find and destroy it In the distance Seon wpe ee ae i that the lightning he is looking for ee re in in neither see nor get at he mountain, where Bernardo cal gone into the mow mself enters the mountain, Bernardo stub fe When the angel himse! ard tb Aowtp olows with drawn sword, and the moun‘as Joses con him . ‘is point the awit formally ends, but various appendices rings oe en etn ey pee et iba ea gets sear te ort pny Td ey ner apa aren at See ered You ate lucky. Because you are ineligent, 1am your fhend-on whom you can depend. Take the ite cross nearmy hed ava git rom me, When you are in dang just say devoutly Christum and the danger will be {verted bythe power ofthe Son of God. Ian being Po ited hereby God for my’ sing but God is good ad L 7 dive Lam hoping that th ne wil come when Lean arse fons my imprisonment, ®, and tal the people about my condition 0 that ‘hey wl be reminded that Jesus after he was interred 105° zat axo THe UNDEBSIDE OF Prtureie Histon 3” again. In the same manner, I that am now confined in my stone bed inside a cave will, in time, be able to return to town. For alisighty God has His rensons; He singles out ‘one man as savior of the oppressed. So tll the oppressed people that their Bernardo will soon rise and save them?” Berard’ journey in search of iolatrsisinlfct an outward snovement-aviay from the narative's cone (which s based on a Spanish model int the enim of thinking about power, its concen- tration in the mourtain, and the problem of access toi. At this singe of Bernardo’ career, he i an embodiment of kponggaritan Git. power), the spiritual substance that “animates” the universe Sad often concentated in certain power fllbeings and objets.* This is revealed in his challenge and pursuit ofthe lighting, “which i concentrated, intense light lieana) and another form of Lapangyarihan. The lightning the dazaling ange. and Bernardo himwell form a series of such concentrations of ight/ power which successively enter the mountain Temardo, asking ofthe Tagalogs, thus Iitle diferent fom kings elsewhere in Southeast Asta whose poteny is deeived from thes tual location at the centers or atummits of sec mountains In Bernardo, however there isa crucial difference: the king is hid- den, prevented by “almighty God” from leaving the mountain's interior. The potency concentrated inthe lod of Beran aed the ‘ountain—they are one andthe same—cannot be demonstrated, Cannot flow out and animate Berardo’s world. Te promise that he wall one day be able to return to town suggests 2 gap between the king/ mountain and the populace, a gap that didnot exist in the past and will be bridged in the future. By way of contrast inthe Indic states, the hill or palace signifying Mount Mer located at the center ofthe realm the rer fsa node of potency tat rediates well-being and attracts followers.” In explaining that his entrapment in the mountain is God's ponishment for his sins, Bernardo points to the Spanish and, in Particular, Chvitian intervention i the story. The awit says tat Bernardo committed the sin of pride in thinking tht he was a5 [Powerful as Gad, who responded by enclosing Bernd in what— gat ao THE UNDERSIDE OF PMUFNE Hiro © ae a tonb. Te Chistian idiom become cou a be ces the possibility of teration, tigen then Go TN ruta savior of the Oppressed wh Samet ne people hat jot 8 eS ass rom tht sang! esl ae tose is people Berar Semen ean, bese se Carpio ta who subscribe to the myth, of a past time when rind: o ot wh eto all trough im, Ths contrat apangyariban ited freely in kapangyarian Seas san nen ein wh ete acces tit POW, FePEIS at an- Sein lee at hehe spn (hough # medium) made to anthro i ebet Lave betwen “Bernardo Carpi" and “San ae te mentioned in verse; he's just a.strong man on the ra cathe earth San Bernardo] is another: he also has ‘eesegpaihan sas though he hed an amolet [ntinganting] ss Bough he were king of those who have amulets.”" ‘Te ac shat Bemardo never manages to free himself. During the revolution against Spain rumors were widespread that oly the tidden kins ight fot remained pinned, that soon he would de- scend from the mountain leading an army of liberation. No less than Andres Bonifacio himself contributed to what slustrados branded a “alse hopes” by claiming that an army would descend from Mt Tpusi, where Bernatdo's cave is most commonly Io cae." The ime ofthe revolution was aso the time of Bernardo's imminent but unsuecessfal escape. Yet, despite this apparent fa ure the myth till accounts forthe fact thatthe Katipunan upesing as perceived as the tremendous unleashing, of energies.” We r= iat the stranger who arrives wishing to acquire some of Berard stengih demonstrates is “intelligence” 424 2 lil ros, an anting-anting or galing. Bernardo 7%. tothe strat 6 ig oF galing. rratetge the word—Cristanthat must be uttered in the cbc to have efficacy (bisa). The anting-anting 8 effect.a mode of access to Bernardo’ i a SS etal tha the stanee eco Kapengyarihan, Is PrP stranger be intelligent in the Tagalog S°™! Riza. ano Tie UNDERSIDE OF Paturrne HisToRr a of having a controlled lob and knowing the formula to “feed” the amulet.” Because ofthis proper relationship tothe source the stranger is ‘Bernardo in the sense that he embodies the later’s power. And since this power is also, as Bernardo says, ofthe Son of God, the tranger is Jesus Christ as well. The stranger, in fact, has other proper names Jose Riza, Jase Burgos, Miguel Malvar, and 2 host Prather patriots who are said to have entered the mountain.* ‘These names desigmate not individual lfeshistories but a certain preoccupation with, or thinking about power and change. Th 1917, a university student recounted the following conversa- tion he had with his father: ‘When J was your age, some people said that the two hands of our king were already unfettered. Later, when I was a young man already, I heard from many people that Rizal had visited the king. This fortunate youth brought the happy news that Bernardo had only one foot left chained, Father, is our king very strong? Yes, he is $0 strong that Rizal did not dare shake hands with him, Rizal was wise enough to give the bone of a cow instead of his hand; because when Bernardo grasped the bone, it crumbled to dust. ‘And where is Rizal, Father? Is he not dead? Rizal has gone to visit our king again. As soon as he spread the news that King Bernardo was coming very soon, he went back tothe cave of San Mateo. He will tay there until the king gets free; then he will come back to announce Bernardo’s arrival in order that we may prepare to receive our true king In the above story, the stranger is given a name: Jose Rizal. His intial entry into and emergence from the mountain may even Deyea avo THE UNDERSIDE OF PHIIPHINE Hiro ere tee ae ne ering on La Rit as ma eae san sa se ew Ws a aes may ores St SO pean a coves that have been brought up? What does Rizal's mee ie te emando suggest about te folk interpretations ofthe cr- cc in ope i ay eon ee oy em ey en iret or home provin folk that Rizal appear again The virtual “Tae Uspeasine oF HISPANIZATION. Rizal is often called “the first Filipino” because he figures the rise to dominance ofthe principalia class, whose Europeanized si cons became the nucleus around which a modern nation could ys talize. The roots of this progressive, largely nationalist class are inextricably bound up with the initial ordering of Philippine soc ty inthe aftermath ofthe conquest. The main task of Spanish mis sionaries and soldiers in the seventeenth century was (0 concentrate oF resettle people within hearing, distance of he church bells, At the very center ofa major settlement (pueblo) we® « Catholic church, a convent, occasionally a presidetcia, or '0¥% hall, surrounded by the houses of the local elite. Comprising tHe bulk ofthis elite up to the nineteenth century were the dat °F ‘maguinod whom the Spaniards had transformed into a petty ing class that learned to profit from an alliance—sometimes "™ 35)—With the colonial masters Rizal AXO THE UNDERSIDE OF Phuutene HistoRy % From the late eighteenth century though the nineteenth cene tur nce economic opportunites, sch as cme ine port crops, land speculation, and tax farming. brought eo through kinship with the local maguinod faniies Rival wos at such Tagalog-Chinese stock. Hailing fom one of the vast fir ex tates, his family, ike many ethers ofthe pricipaia was in poe sion to lease large tracts of farmland trom the Spanish fis to be cultivated by sharecroppers, The ivealth and prestige of the principales made them second only tothe fiarsin terms respect and obeisance from the common a. By the second half ofthe nine teenth century, the period coinciding with the rise of lteralism in Spain, the principales viewed the friars as the remaining obstacles to their rise in power. Thus began the fist stirings of the propa- ganda movement against Spain, The pattern of Filipino settlements—local churches as focal points of population concentrations, looking to Vigan, Cebu, Ma- nila, and other religiopoliical centers for guidance and suste- rnance—bears comparison with centers of population in the Indic states of Southeast Asia. Reinforced by Hindu Buddhist ideas of ‘kinship, ruler in the Indie states was a stable fecal point for uit cation. His palace was a miniature Mount Meru: he himself was the source ofthe kingslom's well being—the abundance of is har- vests, the extent ofits trade relations, the glory of its name. What ‘made thisall possible nthe frst place was the notion that the ruler participated in divinity itself, represented by the supreme ancestor apothcosized as a Hindu god. With the aid of abrahmin, the ruler was familiar with the formulas and rituals needed to concentrate the power (snkt,Resaktian) ofthe ancestor-god in himself, to make hima living amulet whose eficacy was felt in cecreaing levels of intensity as one moved from the center to the peripheries of the realm. In turn, the nobility and local elite particioated inthe ruler’s power. To take an example from one of the few surviving tradi- tonal states in Southeast Asis sn Law South Sule a way of talking about levels of potency is by reference tothe amount of shed in pope Donor gods ave or ite band they are invisible. The ruler is an incarnate dewa, @ god-king, Thean an He UNOBIEOE OF PHIIEANG Hiro mite bod (which marks them a rave ame wh ego than the Fler has eying concentatiOr® has always been taken as a renga 0 tne PPP came to preva therefor, any meth ESPON TIT text ofits Counterparts oct red a SRE" SPen 10 be tues of Spanish ering, however Te spanization, turning, into minor or petween different level of When the Spe aca he social hierarchy. ms to th AGS re ateting © make ei is a few comburies CAME g their claims of superior | sass for hgitimizing Ine aco that "whoever cn get away wih igre ater when ede The suppresin ate a accompanying ecniques of Sealing wi Ofc i fae objectives of the cone The + tats for villge spirits oF anit, sap Sain of Ca go or cnn invoking hes rae erating ating tga sons pe dann meet bowen more relic projet of ing "any conceptions and prations” Tee vie fara the elimination of “superstition” and "en ee ea eened the Spanish efforts largely tn among th fk as cones the Spanish ots gly ian thelium he pul complex cull nol rise o their position of prominence thou theif thioking and behavior being thoroughly codified by the hrc Az weal se, the proces of spre tsi tool thinking aid practices concerning 52% the pis nadvertenly created on sonbiguos relation i the perspective ofthe Indi states) between the church ter the prinipalia, and the ordinary tao. ' Cote cures were no doubt imposing structures ating, the Philp ldap, When topogriy perited, tn So laa! upon “oaeieve a rater see of monument ‘ays Reed, but asa perhaps out ofthe friars’ observation tha Aik ters noes of potency." Churches were also concen sources of God's kapangyarihan, tapped during church ritu Fiza. ano THe Unbensioe oF Prairie Histon 4 through its traces in holy wate, status of sins, other ritual ob- jects,and even candle-drippings. These potential sources of power ‘were controlled by the parish priests, Stories abound of Spenish rissionaies and curates who worked mitace, whose besings ‘wereavidly sought for their potency who were rgaried as second christs and revered even after death. The parish press, it was ‘widely thought, knew the meanings ofthe Latin insriptions on Amulets and there had access to kapangyarhan,” Catholic churches cam certainly be regarded as concentrations ‘of power just like religious centers elsewhere in Southeast Asia But unlit, say, the Cambodian nobility, which participated in the ruler's power, the principalia, despite the locaton of ther fine ‘dwellings around the churci-convente-prsiio core, cana be re garded as mediators of kapangyasihan. While they had the great est physical access to the church—they sat at the center, closest to the alte at mass—and the parish priest who consulted them regularly, this very fact exposed thet more erticaly to are gion which sought to “destroy idolatry and supersttion."® The Persistence of “unchristion” practices among the princfpalfa ‘was atleast concealed from the peiest or sufficiently cloaked in approved practices. In faet, some principales were known by the tovnsfotk for theie powerful anting-anting, Bu one notices a predominance of anting.-anting tales in relation to principales ‘who hal repudiated thet ties with the center to become hermits or rebels.” olan notes that sons of chielains were given a more inten- sive training in the Catholic doctrine. From the seventeenth {hrough much of the ninetconth centuries, only children close to the chiurch-convento received regular instruction, mainly in rele sion. The best among them, “all sons of the better clas, looked “ip to by the indies themsclves,” could train forthe priesthood in Manila." When the principales in the nineteenth century went (9 schools of higher leaning’ the egies, seninarzs, the University ‘of Santo “omas—they further distanced themselves trom the work of what they termed the pubms y jgnorantes. The know edge they gained was of a ditterent order from the lim na Anrunungan(sccret knowledge) sought by village cures, pilgriensJeuueogued Aq pauueds ie UNDERSIDE OF PHILPRN Hiro pu wo re UN ocanting-anting, and even the sa times of the year “The traces of, gee al ey do ord stained a rads would not have failed £0 notice Tor posto, the ea place in their conceptual universe round them, no Tonge” T°" Fition of being, ilustrado that ed to peti raion and the atempt orecover “is writing, as pointed out eater, resoners through its undedying Sid enlightenment, and Rizal is rains, aicionados itl we eas of pe vi snt of this movement, senate ony to plicated in that “underside” of Tue however, i as : tos genealy Hidden but i always i play aaa at head of Philippine history. An analogy an she dona et society andthe Berard Carpio story are alr derved, prot ofthe conquest in both, the ar power scribed, The church, like the mountain Fen roe ol potency which the fia, like God who impri- ado holds In check. Kapangyerhan, or polenci, 8 re sees inte context of approved church rituals, partcuady dung Holy wee, or as a promise inthe afterlife, Close tothe cette peeeupation with kapangyarihen i disguised o Bi Son ut aber at father aya from the paeblo-center, "mad ton becomes the dominant clement in the interplay. Love Bes cherved tat vilager a the ringe of pucblo society tend 0 a Scpstemore inthe activites of saahan associations) led By ts, cues and sprit mediums" Alfred McCoy likewise amply demonstrates that in Visayan history babaylanes—priests of Dreseie of the animist” region have always had 2 !mendous hod over the populace in areas beyond the contol the puebloventers v He can lig . et 80a world where "raition” is fully manile thug ater itr and clot reports concerning CUS and rebelions. A striking case i that of Apotinario de Cre. & mystcally inne’ lay brother who was prevested fo Cog Bows onder because he was an indo. In 1841, whet le San Jose he organized in Lucban, Tayabas, ¥*> PEE Rizal axo THE UNDERSIDE OF Pause Histone a banned from attending its special masses in the town church, he fled with his lock of thousands to the slopes of Mount Banahaw. ‘There a commune was set up, dominated at the center by “a large ‘palmethatched chapel of bamboo, the inside walls of which were fhung with colorful tapestries and religious paintings, where Manong Pule presided over .. . mysterious prayer sessions and Ceremonies.” At least one of the paintings was ofthis "king of Ta> galogs.” done in the style of portraits of the saints, The Visayan. Sunterpart of Apolinario wasa certain Buhavwi (Waterspout), also ‘alled king of living God, whose popular movement created “dis turbances" in 1887. Buhawi's headquarters was a cave on a ledge fof a steep cliff of whitish rock. Inside the cave was a mysterious roan, the door of which opened with a rap from the leader's cane to expose marvelous riches. When in the lowlands, Buhawi lived ina fine wooden house, “so brightly illuminated with candles that it appeared as if the dwelling were lighted with electricity.” Prior to his flight tothe hills, Buhaw was known to be a devout Catholic." Our final example takes us to Cabaruan in central Luzon, where a religious confraternity called Guardia de Honor builta commune at the height of the Philippine-American war. [At the center was a house where Antonio Valdez, who styled hhimsslf as Jesus Christ, lived and performed rituals together swith the Virgin Mary. Dwellings for the mostly peasant mem- bers were built in straight lines radiating from the centet, like spokes of a wheel.” Certain parallels between the examples above and Indianized rulers elsewhere are obvious: they distributed amulets, had the status of god-kings, their “temples” or “palaces” were nodes of ppotercy animating the world around them. It must not be forgot- ten, however, that these Filipinos are described as previously hav- ing been devout Catholics. They represent not aberrations, but vivid glimpses of a general condition of Philippine society under colonial rule. Rizal’s connection with the “underside” can only make sense when certain “familiar” notions about religion in the [Pucblo-centers are reexamined. For this we shall have to look into- the religious mythology labeled “Catholic” which had a compel- ling hold over lowland Filipinos.Jauueogue Aq peuueog gn ano TH UNDERSIDE OF PHIIFRNE Hisroy « i PasvOn INTERINCE ce ste arplantation ofthe iblical Word tthe Toa greatetent the IT fe social appropriation of the epic games ie Tp esurrection. 19170, the it story of Cri’ ass yin verse form saw print. By 1760 the renin of lead in its fifth edition.™ Crit tw alle, of he pasyon was due pain a popular appent of he pany. verte th conor amin de Een, ig teenie Sen yacers into truly native ones. Jesus, Mary, a ee at ri i ne passion epeatedly suggested in the text perhaps translate into Chant cist duties is emphasized. Furthermore, the ‘farting ofthe text, atleast during the coloni ‘held period, wa Mier vat ano THe UNDeRbE oF Prue Histo 0 under the auspices of prominent principales and yas therefore an ‘occasion for wealth and status to be demonstrated. The sinakulo (passion play) was usually staged right in the local churchyard with the parish priest's blessing and the financial backing of the principales. All this would suggest thatthe pasyén was a powerful tool in the center’s continual attempt to dominate and codify its surroundings. ‘The immense popularity of the nineteenth-century Pasyén Pilapil may even have contributed to the forgetting oftheir “true” origins by the masses. For this pasyén—also called Pasyon Henesis—provided a comprehensive story of mankind from the adventures of Adam and Eve in the garden of Eden to glimpses of the apocalypse. The impact of biblical time in shaping popular per- ceptions oftheir origins was such that the following stanzas could appear in a poem, published in 1900, urging a “holy war” against the Americans: ‘The Tagalog hail from Sem the beloved and thase Chinese, from Cham the Spaniards, from Jafet the youngest sons of old, respected Noah. tEver since the holy Jesus descended following upon Moses of ancient times hho has been king of the Tagalog, hailing from the line of Sem, Christ's ancestry is identical to ours sand not to those idolaters [the Americans] anal when this war ends in our victory ‘ut tribe's history will be proclaimed. Ans mg Talo ay ay Som il amg kay Cho naman silang mga intsitj ang meu Kastila sa bunsong kay Jat] na anak ‘8 Nu aang mata ie] Mal ng mag ss ‘ma li hy Mewes ghana ee Phin hari ng hatgatogant dsentnciani Sen ang pinata SeJeuueogueg Aq pauueos za, ano TH UNDERSIDE OF PHILIPPINE Histo ” uhat si Kristo) hindi sa kanitang cia nash atin desendencl tig matapos na mana fay) ipattalsts aig eo aba UN tng diane 100 son ofthe Tagalog race into the biblical scheme of in gindon one of he symptoms ofthe ignorance eri nins of the commen 20 under friar donation ght recily tis by establishing a continuity between fe ional sentiment depended greatly On a sense of rac i a pie hat only a documented image of past wholeness Sed grestness could provide. stat toi line rom past o present, Rizal had to intactee the concept of break, imposed by the conquest, to ex ‘inthe bochward state of the present. This “break” end conse Enent decline from a “golden age,” however, could also be erpreted through a religious template. In the manifest, Aug apa! Mali g mse Tagalog (What the Tagalogs Shovld Know), the evolutionist Andres Bonifacio restates much of the content of Rizal's esearch But the words used to deseribe the preSpanish situation—kasaganaon (abundance of food, crops, ete) and Iaginhaco (prosperity, a general ease of life)—are also the at tributes of paradise in the Pasyin Pipl. The high literacy levetand ‘extensive trading contacts of the early Filipinos are reminiscent of the knowledge and oneness with the natural world of Adam and Eve. When the Spaniards arrived, says the manifesto, they offered Increased prosperity and knowledge if the Tagalogs would ally with them Here, the repetition ofthe Pry Pili epiode of he is accentuated, particularly when Bonifacio says that the lead: {Eciihe Thzslogs “became seduced by the sweetness of such 2 ing words” For in the pasyén the delightful existence of Ada and Eve begins to fal apart precisely whe curbs to re cis fl aprt precisely when Eve succubs1 tea ane Mott ofthe serpent. The history of the Tass ino arse obi mode, The iustrado conception of 4 ina datos etectvelytextuaized. vis Pos gaia’ tam one the popular acceptance ofthe PSY! movement away from the center, away fm The incorporat bistory 2st Rizal AO THE UNDERSIDE OF Prune Hisrony 1 ideological control and hierarchical system. One demonstration of this is in the meanings that are generated in the pasyn's extensive treatment of Christ's departure from home. That the text should ddwvell so much on the separation of mather and son is undoubtedly a reflection of the society's preoccupation with utong na lob which defines, among other things, an adults response to the mother for her love and caring. A childhood life of freedom, comfort, and se~ curity, to cite some of the meanings of “layaw,” nurtures a bond between mother and child that endures until death. It is the ‘“layaw'" she has showered upon her son that Mary invokes when, seeing the apostles in tears and Jesus overwhelmed with grief, she ‘senses an impendling tragedy and socks clarification. Jesus, how ‘ever, merely consoles his mother, saying “itis not yet time” (75:10- 11). Later, when Mary implores God the Father to spare her son, she invokes memories of her motherly care and hardships: You know full well how difficult it was bine months I bore him inside my womb this was your will How even harder it was ‘when you bade us to flee to Egypt how immeasurably tiring to hold your Son on my lap. ‘And also, God my Father how great my anxiety was and incomparable my grief ‘when he, having come of age bbogan to teach the multitude, Botid nto nat, naalaman ang lahat cong cakirapen| dinalang siyans na bounty, satiyan coay nara to, siyang calodhan | 1 Lalong hirap na totoo! nang cami, i paalisin ma] reparoon stJauurogued Kq peuueog an. ano 14 UNDERSIDE OF PAINE Hi, ar namagc] mang pagenons = Ae ma) mang aging baie) haps na ied etm ae a al nga het na can't God accede to her pla? seen i a Ie III thao her 0 die mission, which i part of Go's pla, ng ld nt ow ey cent mt May SS of sown son 25.) Le a oe Ben the day of POAT jen eventhough they happen tobe in traditional custo oe oh their parents on the day of the pasch distant and, tore to the pasyen than a reflection of socal THAAD. TH jee are reiterated, there is simaltaneously a orm tay fm he. After tefl scene in which Mary aay thing to hold back her son, Christ begins the laa == vas away from the mother, layaw, security, Geary ono at mart th ‘mountain. The Sea cats oar ean death cn a mountain, Th [henna fundamentally pueblo bre sry {mined unt of Pappne socey—is us deprived fs is Sines sed tats The possily i present for any indo tt inthe oon, gms, trong ad ter indivi of rusoal character—to detach himself from his roots, to em “pon journey of chance and even death - The content the pasyonepsodes lading tothe depsrturet Christan thse interpreted as 9 movement away fom cm However, the examination of content alone does not explain ough ening crated outsidethe text. Te content i fami e084 tthe alec ofan asym costing) and sit snot the de livery of a certain body of information that relly moves them lute evden inthe departure episodes is in fact the pac of inlormation andthe extensive repetition of intensities of grt gd dom prtiipaton in another person's plighd. Breen neces weeps, except Judas. For example, having listeres toa ands concerning his impending death, the apstis so ve thio nsustaang laf) and cannot concel the Mary When the latter starts to inquire about thin’ IAL ANO THE UNDERSOE OF Paturene Hisront 3 words of concern only ntensily the apostles weeping: “the Sed even more / their eas wee ike torent of mates O38) ‘When Mary herself stars to weep her sons words of como: an explanation not only fit console her but lend er foe brink of death Such a doleful reply words that can bring death worse than a sharp dagger that can snuff out the life of one who is pierced (7816) Uicang calumbay-lumbay} sagot na icamamatay/ daig ang rabisang putal/ a iguiqutil nang buhay) nang sino mang asasactan, ‘The efficacy of speech ot formed sounds on the lodb of characters in the pasyén hints atthe effect of the repetitive, mournful, chant- ‘ng of the text on its audience. In the scene where Chaist bids fare- well (pnalam), the fourteen-stanza repetition of the language of pain, separation, grief, and loss, up to the point where Christ dis- appears from Mary's sight, creates the conditions for the separa- tion itself. Without it, there would be no meaning tothe scene. Yet, because of it, Because it puts the lo6b of the audience in a similar sate of damay, meaning cannot be predetermined either. Later we shall see how a condition of damay induced among, the masses by Rizal's Christlike death intensified their support fr the evolution, Prior to this event, sometime in 1896, the separation of Christ from his mother was already transposed to a “national” key by the brothers Andres and Procapia Bonifacio. A poem attributed to Procopio begins with the following; Oh, Mother Spain, we Filipinos ‘your children, ask forgiveness the time has come for us to separate because of your neglect, your lack of motherly care.”Jeuueoguieg Aq pauueos pan we UWOURO OF PLEIN Hig “ se hating on ang Pp n ine aang m8 elt iene ss 8 course, does not exactly stand sg Mother Spa of OU stand for Uncaring Mo ces Spain was the center during the cy Mot bain rule ‘Being part of the ordered universe, Spainis ruries of colon’ Mond of utang na lob between her and her Tiias hei tt dalton Let us lowly people, press on, bear the hardship zhead for the hills and forests ‘use our knives and spears: Jet us now defend Mother Filipinas. Load, aba tayo, ttigas ang hirap/ tunguinin ang bundok Falcoangan ng gubat/ gamitin ang gulok at sampu cng sibat| imgtenggol ngayon Inang Pilipinas ‘Why not, “onward warriors, annilate the Spaniards?” Why the image ofa journey. of lowiiness and individual hardship, if he pasyon is not somehow being reenacted, albeit in another sae? Moreover what repeats itself is not merely the theme of sep tion, but the emotional intensity of the event, When rected Sonfaci's poem brings tothe audience a mixture of pleasure sadness which ia sign ofthe melting of the 1odb, its cetacmen from self preoccupation. For the aim of this and other patriot songs and poems was to evoke damay from the audience dana partpotion in the struggle was possible. No wore he ees much weeping in initiation rites of the Katipunan, partie slterthe leader s speech Isabelo de los Reyes notes that rural JAE ot homed to shed tears during the war ageinst SPP Te itePretation” of the war coincided with the intesi © with the country’s pasyén. I —e Rirat asp THE UNDERSIDE OF Ptiise Histon Pl What made the pasyin fl he ole of sca epc in many lena Philippine efora wan precy fs vedi eee, ‘Sin’ worl, whigh explain the fly of secrbingx cre ot we ig to ITs le eostet tthe reladoscip Beove Ireyun sd the war against Spain But tus wow econ lr ap with he socopotic! Mercy. Theatempto! he far eee Conta of authorship over the psy tex and thet Gency ofthe pretpaleso sponsor galas tnd sake» wey SP ynonataing and reneting thir status has aledy been sreaioned. Whe rewding the tex, however (eneally kpping er" aa potions which ref the chursts stems fo de Tit the txt t Becomes obvious ha soa hierrchy bused on Aa Sarneg slr rank, and monopoly ove coerce power, {Sdevalscd, regarded as llsory. The tle agin. te equa 1eeiSitanand recrved for pray, conpicuosl ed the proygn bythe phases scribes, and other pinay Boyer (Co rotablc who clam for Chris death This wl have toon viewed potvely By parsh pret tempting vo Kep he Principe net pace, oti rowing spon "Te prices however areal the guaran he fi = ig Twos jst a cay fr istado writers pat down the tare ny ienlying them sith the vane of the poy eich tres no had dtintions between church and state aos Far what ulmately matters the condition of on fb, Eni tut, ueacherous people Judas is prime exanple—ere marked ty ood that are hardened (mags), perpetually unstable Ipange) nd dijon fom ter exteriors Ca). With af ‘replions the representative ofthe soipoliic hearth fom Pontus Plate ane King Herod downto the scribes and town of Chl, ne chareterized es such Chis, o the other hand, poor Snd low deat fama) bat tracts large followin manly 9 the outsits of towns, He draws people aay from thet amis ted thet aguinoe leaders by site of hs overpowering aac tivener which ie the manifestation of Tod which is whole at) fn Deal nga). His wordsand Ns adianceprodceln is flowers a iia disorentaton or displacement flac which toon turns in eanese ad focsing of 106.seuueogwued hq pauueog za no 7H UNDERS OF PHIITNE Hy ntipine uprisings i at edeg noun repmeeit Cod oy co ceain leah ne ern ene Cohan THe owe asthe new King ror rebel chiefs to emulate or 2 clever et retentions 2c ee Dts late ho “nit” connections en nae Sain any soto Satin | oy aslo 0 sp Tea enorme tg te “ethene rr of mest Papin els ae a yen sory the ieoogial oy non faze to have been complet Th prc contol the expense of ofthe Catholic church Jeads us back to questions fall’ and so forth. ais dentcal with the Cristian soul, whote richer sites the orl ison fhe inviunl then Ga te agi means nothing mew than empathy wi ald fr ge puriaton ae salvation of the lod dal the image of Apotinario de la Cruz, a Tagalog Cant prying nis pelace-chapel: of Buhaw the “Ling Go" re eel It hawoe of Antonio Valdez, anther Cs Pay ingat the hb or center of Cabaruan, For these leaders the ott aa aencerslfthat defines a willing, thinking subject al sive ar enity and personality. Kluluwua (soul) is aterm which Pet spproinatethe notion of an inner sprit distinct from the lay "The dificult in attaching the word lodb to particular mo, ingles in the fact that it refers to nothing. Literally meaning sie” lob serves the semantic function of permitting door ‘about what animates the external, visible world. In the letter of ‘Apoinaria the idiom of lodb enables him to speak of concen ost ony ight, knowledge, energy) in in ideal persons sla te cota, The eative intensity of ana fu ‘extent of control or steadying of lodb that is ‘accompli though prayer and ats of dacipline." Loot is has the ple sere ptecy concentrated and rm which it exanatestite Rent axo 7 UNDERSIDE OF Paturrne Histon) * radiance of Apolinario, Buhavs, and Valdez. Once we release lo6b From limiting notions of self and sel-purification we may, infact togin to understand why the idiom of lod is 0 pervasive fn the ppasyon. Without denying its dominant, church-approved func- Fane, the pasyén seems to have also served as a locus of deeply {npreined notions concerning the accummlation and concentration of power ‘One ofthe most dramatic and popular econes in the sinaklo is tne pdakip, the capture of Jesus Christ by Judas and platoon of cldiees. The pagdakip is usually performed ina field on the ovt- Rint of town, some distance from the plaza or churchyard where fhe sinakalo proper is staged. The excitement of the audience is due partly to the fanfare accompanying the march of the “bad nen’ to the site, but more so to the way in which poplar nations Rr deception (as practiced by Judas) loyalty (in Peter's armed dee fense of his master) and concentrated. power are inscribed i the “Tagalog rendition ofthe gospel episode. It is the last notion that aroncentrated power-—which has escaped the notice of commen: tators. ‘according to the pasyén, the soldiers accompany Judas be cause of the widespread belief that Christ isa flerce (wabangis) character, which isn’t true at all: He ts truly the Lamb gentle and refined you may quarrel with him yet he won't fight back at you or anyone else (961). Siye ay Corderong tunyl main hind mages! inyo ‘quinacaauay] siya ay hind llaban/ sa inyo at canine man- Itis interesting to.gote that the word mint generally connotes modesty and demurertess, and is used in reference to wore thness, the absence of rough while hind! magaslao connotes smoot eigen This brings to mind the quality of alu that distingwhes Jacsnose aristocrats (rij from ordinary people who ane fsaean ano 74 UNDERSIDE OF PHIUMINE Hit 8 caney won arene age a eg er which crane quality of nt being disturbed spy, othe pals person i almost efemirate Cs grat beause Ras ness achiev eaten ey such «pean be cent “shadow play) battle scenes be Jad and kasar giants, OBTES OF Wild mex aight ds perfectly stl eYes downens, ap his demonic adversary strikes at him wy dogger cub, or sword—but 10 NO avail.” The satria could wit ae “mahinhin,” yet he is invincible, wpe described a“ jt se mg hrist inthe pasy6n: i the passage that they are looking for tal tween overseas the ty defenseless, while ‘The weaherous men said Jesus of Neva Jesus Chris's reply wa, te sum you are afer Tis be said ‘With these words of Jesus tothe idiots their hearts seemed to be struck they drooped and fll over asi they were dead, Jesus demonshatd flly is Divinity and absoltekengyrinan "upon his mysterious utterance they alos their i. ‘And because it was ordained that Jesus should suffer he immediately restored Bara aN0 THe USDERSDE oF Paturrve History ” to those traitors their feelings and potency (96:3-6) ‘Ang tugon nag mga ilo ay si Jesus Nazareno Ang sagot ni JesucristoJ ego sum ang hanap niryo) aco ge ange ao) Dito so sagot na ian ni Jesus sa manga hunghanglpare-parang, nalunusan) nangahapay nangatimbuans/ na anaquis, mange patay.{) Ipinakilalong lubos,) mi Jesus ang pagca Dios/ Capangyarihang tibobos, | sa caiagang isinagot/ pawang nangaualong lasb|] At sa pagca talaga nal mi Jesus ang pagdurusa:/ ay ang mange palamaral pinagsaulongcapagdace] nang cavandama J, potencia ‘The feeling of the soldiers isnot the result of Christ's decision to fight back afterall. Nor sit an effect oftheir recognition of Christ's divinity. The words “ego sum” (Lam) constitute a straightforward reply to their question "Who among you is Jesus of Nazareth?” and reveal nothing about his nature Its the sound of “ego sum” that makes the soldiers “lose their loo,” which is taken to mean their “feelings and potency” until these are restored by Cheist. The efficacy of “ego sum” is signified by its retention asa Latin phrase in the text. Rather than refer to a particular objec, “ego ‘sum” is a form of speech that makes Christ's potency felt in the ‘world. “Ego sum is the same as the word Christm, which activates, the concentrated power given by Bernardo Carpio tothe stranger. ‘And just as Bernardo and the lightning are constituted ofthe same stuff imaged as intense light, the same goes for Chuist In the fol owing account of his emergence from the tomb, light ha the same effect as sound! Of radiant beauty unmatched of utmost splendor his body ‘completely engulfed in light, was this victorious second Person ‘who had gone to the hills.