What functions does music fulfil in the lives of individuals who have a VI?

 What technologies are individuals with a VI using to access music and how accessible do VI users find
this technology?

 What musical events do individuals with a VI attend and what are their experiences of these events?

 What types of music-making activities are individuals with a VI involved in and what functions does
music-making fulfil for this group?

Do individuals with a VI face any challenges when accessing and listening to music at home?

Towards the attainment of this goal, the research was also conducted with an aim to achieve the
following specific and intermediate objectives:

General objective of the study

Taking the aforementioned practical and theoretical gaps in consideration, the general objective
of this study has been to make a look at and gain an in-depth understanding of the musical lives
of individuals with a visual impairment in Dessie city.

Specific Objectives

Derived from the above general objective, this paper has tried to address the following specific
objectives.

 Find out the role and contributions of visually impaired musicians as singers,
instrumentalists or in related talents in Dessie city.
 Ascertain the types of music-making activities are individuals with a VI involved in and
functions does music making fulfil for this group.
 Examine the challenges and opportunities the visually impaired in Dessie have in their
engagement of musical activities.
 Identify means of improving access to music and musical experiences for individuals
who have a visual impairment in Dessie city.
Research Methods

Chapter Two

Review of Related Literature

2.1. Introduction

This chapter reviews a literature that focuses on areas relevant to this paper from global
perspectives of activism. The chapter has five major sections. The first part gives conceptual
clarifications on the term activism. The second section deals with historical backgrounds of
activism. The third, a fourth and fifth section of this chapter gives a summary of scholarly work
dimensions of activism, efforts of activism and actors in activism. The sixth section in this
chapter deals with political activists and their media and usage, and the under section seven of
this chapter the researcher previews the political activism in light of state security. The last
section looks at the major theories of social movement theories in selecting theories which are
appropriate for this paper, and finally developing conceptual framework that guides the paper.

2.2 The Visually Impaired

Visual impairments seem to evoke more awkwardness than most other disabilities. People are
uncomfortably aware of blindness because of its visibility. Often time people do not realize that a
person has hearing impairment until we actually talk to that person. Another possible reason for
being self-conscious around people who are visually impaired is the role that eyes play in social
interaction. Poets, play writers and song writers have long recognized how emotionally
expressive the eyes can be for the sighted. Undeniably, how uncomfortable it can be to talk with
someone who does not make eye contact with you. Most people always prefer to talk “face-to-
face” on an important matter rather than over the telephone, with the simple reason that, to a very
large extent, people seem to rely a great deal on expressiveness of people’s eyes to judge how
they are responding to what they are saying.
According to Giridher, Dandona, Prasad, Kovai & Dandona (2002), research has shown that
most people have a special fear of blindness. It is the third most feared condition, with only
cancer and AIDS outranking it. One reason people may be so frightened of becoming blind is
that our eyes seem as vulnerable as they seem dangerously exposed. Another reason people fear
loss of vision is that the sense of sight is linked so closely with the traditional concept of beauty.
Great pleasure is derived from our sight and as people; our feelings about others are often based
largely on physical appearances that we visually perceive. People’s apprehension about visual
impairment can be attributed to our lack of experience in interacting with individuals with visual
impairment. It is not until we talk to them or read about their appreciation for sound, smells, and
touch that it is realized that sight is not the only sense that enables us to enjoy beauty or interact
socially with other people.

Mercer, Mercer & Pullen (2010) observed that, like anyone with disability, the person who is
visually impaired wants to be treated like anyone else. Most people who are visually impaired do
not seek pity or unnecessary help; in fact they can be fiercely protective of their independence.
Hunt and Marshall (2002) explain that visual impairment is an umbrella term that includes all
levels of vision loss, from total blindness to uncorrectable visual limitation. They state that a
number of terms are used interchangeably to describe individuals whose visions are impaired,
including visually impaired, visually handicapped, visually disabled, blind, partially sighted and
low vision. Finkelstein (1989) cited by Koeswiryono (2013) also asserts that learners with visual
impairment include those learners whose sights are limited in any way to the extent that special
services are required. Many of these persons have sight that is useful for some purposes. Others
are blind, or have profound visual impairment that prohibits the use of vision as an educational
tool.

2.2.1 Types of Visual Impairment

A person is considered legally blind when his or her visual acuity or sharpness of vision
measures 20/200 or worse in the better eye with correction, or when he or she has visual field not
greater than 20 degrees. The authors however, caution that if vision can be corrected through
glass or contact lenses to 20/200 or better, the person is not considered legally blind. They again
explain that the term legal blindness describes visual impairments that qualify a person for a
variety of legal and social services. This definition is used to determine eligibility for
governmental funding, tax deduction, rehabilitation and other services. Hunt and Marshal (2002)
are however, of the view that though the legal definition is widely used, it is somewhat
misleading, since many legally blind individuals have a good deal of useful vision.

Educational definitions are generally based on the way a student uses his or her vision in an
educational setting- individuals who use Braille may be considered blind, and those who read
large print may be designated “low vision” (Augusto, 2009). Augusto contends that students who
are totally blind are able only to distinguish the presence or absence of light; they may learn best
through tactile or auditory senses. Individuals with low vision on the other hand are able to see
objects at near distances, sometimes under modified conditions, or may have limited use of
vision under average circumstances. In the view of Hunt and Marshall (2002), it is important to
distinguish between legal definitions and educational definitions. The term legal blindness
describes visual impairments that qualify a person for a variety of legal and social services.
According to them, this definition is used to determine eligibility for governmental funding, tax
deduction, rehabilitation, and other services. Hunt and Marshall (2002) assert that educational
definitions are generally based on the ways a student uses his or her vision in an educational
setting. Educational definitions rely less on visual acuity measurement and more on functional
vision (how well a student uses his or her remaining vision). The real test of how well a student
sees is how he or she accomplishes daily activities using his or her sight as well as other senses.
More and more, levels of visual impairment are being defined in education terms.

According to Kirk, Gallagher, Anastasiow and Coleman (2006), educational classifications are
described as moderate, severe, and profound. These classifications are not based on test of visual
acuity but on the special educational adaptations that are necessary to help these individuals. A
moderate visual disability can be almost entirely corrected with the help of visual aids, either in
the regular classroom or a resource room. A severe visual disability is helped only somewhat
with visual aids; still, the individual can use vision as a channel for learning. This classification
is equivalent to the definition of an individual with low vision. An individual with a profound
visual disability cannot use vision as an educational tool. For this individual, touch and hearing
are the predominant learning channels. This classification is at the level of legal blindness.
Contribution to the discussion, Salent (1990) also identifies three types of individuals who are
visually impaired; the blind, the low vision and the visually limited. Individuals who are blind
have no vision or have limited light perceptions. A person who is blind is totally without sight or
has so little vision that he/she learns primarily through the non visual senses. Most individuals
who are blind use their sense of touch to read Braille. Abosi and Ozoji (1985) cited by Munyi
(2012)contend that a person is said to be blind if he/she cannot read and write print after all
optical corrective measures have been taken. He/ She consequently uses Braille as a medium of
reading and writing.

Individuals who have low vision can see objects that are close by but have difficulty in seeing
things or object at a distance. According to Barraga (2006), an individual with low vision is the
one who has some amount of vision left and he is able to learn through the visual channel. The
author defines such individuals as those who have limitations in distance vision but are able to
see objects and materials in the near environment within a few centimeters or at most a meter
away. Individuals who are visually limited need aids or special lighting system to see under
normal condition. Visual impairments have varied effect on learners’ personal characteristics.
Leonhardt (1990), stresses that the mannerisms of learners who are visually impaired include
stereotypic behaviours, repetitive behaviours with no apparent effect on the environment and
“blindism”. Behaviours apparent in learners who are visually impaired cover a broad range of
verbal and motor behavior. Leonhardt explains that stereotypic behaviours occur more frequently
in conditions under which the visually impaired have little or no control, in demanding
situations, like situations that refer to the visual world, or in situations of loneliness or isolation.

Barrage (1986) proposes the following educationally relevant classification of visual impairment.

Profound: Most gross visual tasks are very difficult; vision not used for detail tasks.

Severe: Visual tasks demand considerable time and energy; performance less accurate than that
of learners with normal vision even with visual aids and other modifications.

Moderate: Tasks performed with the use of aids and lighting; performance comparable to
learners with normal vision.

2.2.2 Causes of Visual Impairment

Visual impairment may be the consequences of various factors. Barraga (1986) claims that the
most frequent causes are prenatal influences and heredity, injuries poisoning, tumors, infectious
diseases such as rubella and German measles and general systematic disorders such as central
nervous system disorders.

In its contribution, UNESCO (1995) indentifies the major causes of visual impairment as
follows:

a. War, violence and accident;

b. Malnutrition including iodine and vitamin A deficiency;

c. Infectious diseases such as measles;

d. Non-infectious diseases arising from poverty, bad sanitation and harmful traditional practices;

e. Congenital conditions often caused by poor birthing methods and malnutrition in mother.

The causes of visual impairment in Ghana are not different from those identified by UNESCO.
According to Ntim-Amponsah (2012), “most causes of childhood blindness in Ghana are
avoidable and 40% of students in the school for the blind in Ghana have functional residual
vision due to corneal blindness or cataract”. She further opined that rubella, syphilis, AIDS and
gonorrhea as some of the infectious diseases that affect the unborn child. The author adds that
general diseases affecting vision in Ghana include measles, meningitis, onchocerchiasis and
brain tumours. She also identifies accident caused by explosions, firearms, substance in the eye,
excessive alcoholism, excessive use of tobacco and domestic, roads and industrial accidents as
other causes of visual impairment in Ghana. However, they are quick to add that with
carefulness, proper sanitation and nutrition majority of the causes of visual impairment in Ghana
can be avoided or prevented. In the views of Hunt and Marshall (2002), most visual impairments
in students are congenital conditions which may be caused by heredity, maternal or fetal
infection, or damage during fetal development or shortly after birth. Hereditary conditions
include albinism, some forms of glaucoma, and retinitis pimentos. Other conditions, such as
cataracts and under development or absence of parts of the eye structure, may be caused by
damage during fetal development. Hunt and Marshall Advice that it is important for classroom
teachers to understand the eye conditions of their students, since the specific condition may
affect what we expect from the student’s visual functioning in the classroom.

According to Landa-Viglard (2015), learners with visual impairment are assessed in four general
areas; medical, psychological, social and educational. The assessment to be used for educational
placement or instructional decision purposes includes the evaluation of functional vision;
intelligence and cognitive development; psychomotor skills; and academic achievement. Scholl
puts forward that the assessment of academic achievement should include an evaluation of
concept development, Braille and print reading, listening skills, social interaction and leisure
skills, and functional living skills including daily living skills, orientation and mobility, and
community and vocational skills. According to Best (1995) lack of sight can severely limit a
person’s experiences because primary means of obtaining information (right) from the
environment is not available. It is contended that because as much as 85 or 95 percent of what
we learn comes through our vision, it is often presumed that students with visual impairments are
less capable or have less potential than those who see (Finkelstein, 1989) cited by Koeswiryono
(2013). He however, is of the opinion that vision is only one source of information, and students
with visual impairment are as varied as any other individual.

Willings (2015) citing Lowenfeld (1993) delineated three general limitations imposed by visual
impairment; range and variety of experiences, ability to move about and control of the
environment. Such limitations restrict the total experience of the visually impaired and decrease
the range of available learning experiences.

What do we mean by a “visually-impaired musician”?

VIML explored the lives of adult musicians (of 18 years or over) who, due to their visual acuity
and/or visual fields, met the requirements for official registration by an ophthalmologist in the
UK, even if they were from elsewhere in the world. Terminology in the field varies from
organisation to organisation and worldwide, with many overlapping terms, including for
example: “blind”, “severely sight-impaired”, “sight-impaired”, “partially sighted”, “functional
vision” and “low vision”. For the purposes of this article we use “visually impaired” as an
umbrella term to denote people along a continuum from “sight-impaired”, that is people with
some degree of functional vision, partial sight, or low vision; to “severely sight-impaired”, that is
blind, having no or very little functional vision, or having a higher degree of impairment. Some
people classed as severely sight-impaired may have no functional vision but with some residual
light perception, or they may be entirely blind, with no light perception.

We consider a “musician” to be anyone who is involved in making music, whether as a singer or

instrumentalist, conductor, DJ, composer or other music-maker; and anyone who self-identifies
as being involved in teaching music in any capacity. Our interest was in people who participate
in any musical genre, style, context or role, from adult beginners, to amateurs, semi-professionals
and top professionals. There were two stipulations, however: this work did not directly
investigate children’s experiences, although we sought adults’ accounts of their past learning and
schooling as we will explain soon; and it was not about those with visual impairment combined
with Profound and Multiple Learning Difficulties (PMLD). The latter area has been extensively
researched by Ockelford (2000, 2007, 2008) and Ockelford et al. (2002, 2006) amongst others.

The World Health Organization’s 2010 global estimates are 285 million visually impaired, with
39 million of these classed as “blind” and the rest as having “low vision” (WHO, 2012). Visual
impairment comes from congenital, or “from birth” conditions and genetics (e.g. Leber’s
congenital amaurosis or ocular albinism), disease (e.g. diabetic retinopathy), the over-
administration of oxygen to babies in incubators (e.g. retinopathy of prematurity), accidents and
ageing. In the UK, the RNIB reports that there are almost 2 million people living with visual
impairment, equating to one person in thirty, and they estimate that by 2050, the number will
increase to nearly 4 million (from the RNIB website, 2014). In the US, there are over 6.6 million
visually-impaired people according to the National Federation of the Blind. In Australia, there
are an estimated 357,000 people who are “blind” or have “low vision” (from the Australian
Network on Disability website, 2015). The Canadian National Institute for the Blind (CNIB)
reports that there are 479,083 citizens are with “vision loss” or “partial sight”. Approximately
125,000 New Zealanders have “vision loss”, with around an additional 12,000 “blind”. As
distinct from people who are born with impaired vision, the commonest causes of sight-loss
worldwide include cataracts and age-related macular degeneration. The global picture evidences
a large amount of preventable sight problems too.
Studying this arena inevitably raises important questions surrounding inclusion and equality.
Here we consider the correspondence between visually-impaired musicians’ understandings of
the world around them, of education and learning, and equality that is stated in law through
dictates such as the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act 2001 (SENDA, 2001) in the
UK (also see DfES, 2001a, b); or the US Individuals with Disabilities Education Act 1997
(IDEA, 1997). The study also draws in the history and traditions of “blind musicianship”,
identities, and the varied manners in which different social and historical eras frame visually-
impaired musicians. There are for example traditions of visually-impaired musicians and
musicianship across the world, such as the Limba ethnic group in Sierra Leone (Ottenberg,
1996), minstrelsy in the Ukraine (Kononenko, 1998), the early jazz of the US Southern States
(Batterson, 1998; Southall, 1999; Harrah, 2004; Rowden, 2009; Fuqua, 2011) and in Japan
reaching back to feudal times, such as the Biwa Hōshi (lute) priests (De Ferranti, 2009; Lubet,
2011; Groemer, 2012). Prominent jazz and popular musicians in recent years too, such as Art
Tatum, George Shearing, Ray Charles and Stevie Wonder have undoubtedly amplified society’s
interest in the connection between visual impairment and music, in addition to quirky characters
such as Moondog “The Viking of Sixth Avenue”.9 Whilst some such names can reasonably be
described as world-famous, there are large numbers of other visually-impaired professional
musicians who are recognised experts in their fields, such as the concert pianist Nobuyki Tsujii,
the classical singer Andrea Bocelli, the lute and theorbo player Matthew Wadsworth, the country
singer Hayley Oliver, the rock musician Joey Stuckey, and the classical composer Michael
Stimpson, to name only a few; and there are countless other amateur, aspiring professional or
semi-professional visually-impaired musicians in countries throughout the world.

There is also a thriving “disability arts scene” of “blind ensembles” worldwide, which includes
for example the Inner Vision Orchestra, a UK world music ensemble; the British Para-orchestra,
which played at the London 2012 Paralympics with the pop band Coldplay and has both
visually-impaired members and those with other disabilities; the Al Nour Wal Amal (“Light and
hope”) Chamber Orchestra in Egypt, which is comprised entirely of visually-impaired women
(Lubet, 2011; Lababidi & El-Arabi, 2002); the Korean Traditional Music Orchestra of the Blind;
the Argentinian National Symphony Blind Band “Maestro Pascual Grisolia”; and, in Chennai,
India, the St. Louis Blind Orchestra, which performs music from Tamil cinema (informally
known as “Kollywood”). Surrounding all this, too, is “social lore” such as, in the past, higher
religious wisdom being attributed to itinerant minstrels or, in current society, the sighted
person’s assumption, correct or otherwise, that “in the absence of one sense another is
augmented”. Indeed, research and scholarly writing has explored notions of heightened musical
cognitive and auditory capacities in visually-impaired people (e.g. Welch, 1988; Hamilton,
Pascual-Leone & Schlaug, 2004; Melcher & Zampini, 2011; Dimatati et al., 2012).

Music can have an important part to play in the formal education of visually-impaired children
and adults across their lives, as well as within their extra-curricular, community-based, informal,
and other activities. Whilst musical participation for children and young people has long been
considered highly worthwhile, the UK’s cross-council New Dynamics of Ageing research project
and “Music for life” have also shown how musical participation is important for older people’s
wellbeing, social lives and self-image (Hallam et al., 2010, 2011). Music education is not merely
something that occurs within school walls but can be a lifelong process (see Myers, 1995, 2008;
Roulston, 2010). Sight-loss is more likely late in life, and this area is crucial, both for adult
musicians who lose their sight and need to adapt their musical practices; and for those for whom
other new pastimes may be harder to access.

In sum, we are interested in visually-impaired music-makers and music teachers from beginners
to professionals, in any musical style, role or context. Aside from literature mentioned above,
there is but a small quantity of literature specifically on music pedagogy (e.g. MacLeod, 1987;
Zimmerman, 1997; Clark & Murphy, 1998). In particular, there is little research cutting a broad
swathe across visually-impaired musical insiders’ perspectives on lived experience in schooling,
pedagogical practice, or their approaches to reading music. It is especially in these areas that we
hope to contribute in this article.

Vision Impairment and Music

Music believed to be a container of emotions. A lot of our music preference strikes into our
deepest, most genuine emotions and eventually affects our state of mind and, finally, our
behavior. The emotions of joy, sadness, anger, fear and anticipation can be enhanced when
paired with the “right” music, resulting into the manifestation of emotions by just listening to the
music that is paired with it. Music affects and manipulates emotions and the brain tremendously.
Music has been an efficient carrier of information that has been used for centuries as a vehicle to
communicate and teach as it effectively taps memory. Music provides the element of
entertainment as well as consumerism. Music is certainly a true companion of humans as it
works quite efficiently in mirroring behaviors, needs, emotions and, therefore, the essence of a
sub-culture within a bigger culture all over the globe. Music is never being discriminatory in
nature. Rather it connects people regardless of sex, age, social status. Hence, it is the social,
emotional, and cognitive communication vehicle in the society. Plato also affirmed that music
needs to be treated with care, as it shapes our character. The array of lyrics in millions of tunes
influences people’s minds with a message consciously and unconsciously. Similarly, if one
imagines his/her childhood in pre-school or primary classes at school, he/she finds it easy to
learn alphabets and tables in rhymes or with music.

Music: It heals

The effects of music on relieving anxiety have been the subject of numerous studies over the
years. Despite the differences in samples, and settings, the results have shown that using music
has a variety of beneficial effects. Music relaxes the person by enabling his body to “synchronize
his rhythms with the rhythms of the vibrating bodies around it” (Mok & Wong, 2003). A study
on the effect of music therapy on preoperative patient undergone colonoscopy found that music
therapy reduces physiological indicators of anxiety along with need for sedation and analgesia,
increases completion rate, and shortens examination time during colonoscopy (Smolon & Singer,
2002). Another study explored the possible effects of music on lowering the patient’s subjective
level of anxiety when undergoing minor surgery under local anesthesia. Music has been proven
effective in reducing anxiety and stress, agitation, aggression, confusion, pain, blood pressure,
pulse, heart rates and other physiological indicators of preoperative stress (Robb, Nichols, Rutan
& Bishop, 1995). Nilsson (2008) recommended that music should be slow and flowing, and non-
lyrical. Volume should not exceed 60 decibels and played for at least 30 minutes. He added that
the patient should be the one to select the music, but guidance in selection should be given.
Nilsson also added that suitable equipment should be used for each of the different situations.

Allen (2007) investigated the effects of music on stress and anxiety levels of patients about to
undergo surgery. He further expanded his study to include the type of music (preselected new
age vs. patient-selected music) that is most effective in reducing anxiety. Allen (2007) evaluated
the efficacy of music by noting the changes in plasma levels of cortisol, and natural killer
lymphocytes. Results of his study showed that plasma levels of cortisol and natural killer
lymphocytes were lower in the groups that listened to music before surgery. In addition he
documented the evidence that the patient-selected music was more effective in reducing anxiety
based on the cortisol and natural killer lymphocyte level differences between the groups that
listened to music before surgery.

Visually Impaired and Music: An Association

This is well known fact that persons with visual impairment are very closely associated with
music. Without having any benefit of formal instructions in music, many visually impaired
individuals made it possible to create a success story and became famous musician. Homer,
Milton and Surdas are only few examples of the same. It is very difficult to trace the origin of
this association from history. The association is much earlier than beginning of education and
training of persons with visual impairment. It is surprisingly enthusiastic that blind people often
strive in the music.

When enquired with some key persons from nearby blind schools it was being observed that all
students were studying music as a paper in secondary classes. Many high-profile blind musicians
have trounced their physical obstacles to make their mark in history. These all attracted several
researchers to ponder whether there is a special relationship between music and blindness. The
possible reason appears behind this may be that blind people tend to be more sensitive to sound
than normal people. Most of people think that those who lack a sense are able to make-up the
difference. It denotes that our five senses work in concert with one another in such a manner that
the loss of one is compensated by increased sensitivity in the remaining four (Maloof, 2011). At
the Montreal Neurological Institute of Canada's McGill University, Robert Zatorre, a
neuroscientist and experimental psychologist, put popular perceptions to the test. Their results
confirmed expectations and also yielded some exciting surprises. Blindness is no guarantee of
increased auditory perception. Only musical ability, and by far the vast majority of musical
geniuses are advantageous enough to have all of their senses intact (Maloof, 2011). Persons
blinded early in life (less than 2 years) outperform late-blind and sighted people when reporting
the direction (up/down) of pitch change between two successive tones (Levitin & Rogers, 2005).
Early-blind musicians are far more likely to possess Accurate Pitch than sighted ones; with
nearly 60% of one sample reporting Accurate Pitch, compared to less than 20% of sighted
musicians. This has been attributed to the recruitment of unused neural resources from the visual
cortex (Levitin & Rogers, 2005).

2.1 The visually impaired musician

The visually impaired musician is certainly not an unknown figure in music history throughout
the ages. In this context, Lubet (2011b:60) writes that visual impairment, and blindness in
particular, is the impairment most frequently associated with disabled musicians. Since antiquity,
and even as far back as ancient Egypt, confirmation exists of professional visually impaired
musicians serving as bards in magisterial courts, choristers, church musicians, and the like
(Kruger 1986:160; 1988:230; Barasch, 2001:3–4; Lubet, 2011b:69).

However, throughout Western history, society has not managed to come to terms with visual
impairment as a general phenomenon. Ambiguous treatment of the blind, either as saint or
sinner, can be witnessed throughout history, as is specifically documented in disability history.
As numerous sources confirm, Western society has frequently responded to disability, including
visual impairment, with social exclusion, misconception, stigmatisation, and stereotyping. As a
consequence, impaired individuals have been subjected to negative attitudes and discriminatory
practices, on various levels of their existence ever since (Hutchinson, Atkinson & Orpwood,
1998:6; Duckett & Pratt, 2001:816; Rieser, 2006:136). It is important to note that
misconceptions, unrealistic beliefs, and a negative stance towards disabled people often stem
from ill-informed, ambivalent, or dichotomous attitudes towards disability. Rieser (2006:137)
and Satterlee (2010:36) support this view when they point out that disabled individuals were
frequently regarded by society as sinners or outcasts, who – as opposed to being regarded with
reverence and heroism – deserve punishment from God, and who may even be in possession of
psychic powers.

Early examples of social exclusion can already be found in Greek mythology. One such case is
Hephaestus, who was born as the god of fire but who was ultimately forced to reduce his divine
status and live as an outcast among the other gods, due to a foot deformity (Rieser, 2006:143).
This example has to be seen in the context of the Greek and Roman ideal of the beautiful body,
as well as the Olympic notion of aspiring to all facets of godliness (Rieser, 2006:143–144).

The historical position of the visually impaired is certainly no exception to the above-stated
themes of myth and legend (Hutchinson et al., 1998:6). Throughout Western history, we come
across numerous forms of discriminatory practices to which the disabled were subjected. In this
regard, Rieser (2006) cites a host of examples that include the termination of disabled newborns
(a practice proposed for perhaps the first time by Aristotle); the great witch hunts of the medieval
period; the practice of institutionalisation of disabled persons during the period of
industrialisation of the 1800s, and the eugenics movement of the twentieth century. In all these
cases, disabled individuals are disregarded and excluded from society as a result of strong but
unsubstantiated beliefs (Rieser, 2006:159–162).

Similarly, Kruger (1986:6; 1988:166) underlines the fact that, since antiquity, blind and visually
impaired individuals have endured a lengthy struggle, in order to secure a level of status in
society that would emancipate them from being regarded as evil, outcast, and unclean, and in
order to be looked upon as worthy of protection and assistance. Meaningful progress was only
achieved with the advent of the Enlightenment, greatly inspired by the writings of leading
thinkers during this period of intellectual awakening. In this context Kruger (1988:130) mentions
notable thinkers such as Charles Montesquieu (1689–1755), Voltaire (1694–1778), Jean-Jacques
Rousseau (1712–1778) and Denis Diderot (1713–1784), who “pleaded in their writings for the
recognition of human rights, including the rights of the less privileged”, thus acknowledging the
plight of disabled individuals in their work.

However, in contrast to the above, blind individuals who were able to become musicians were
generally received with favour and could even secure economic status, in a time when other
disabled persons were generally marginalised and discarded from society. Referring to particular
ancient Egyptian drawings, Barasch (2001) writes that blind harpists, for example, enjoyed an
elevated societal status. One particular image is analysed as follows: “The bulges of the stomach
suggest that the musician is well nourished; his garment indicates a distinguished social position;
his bald head designates physical purity” (Barasch, 2001:3). Numerous other examples of blind
musicians – performers or composers – who achieved fame and recognition are known in music
history. One of the notable examples is the Italian trecento composer and organist Francesco
Landini (c. 1325/1335–1397), who was blinded by smallpox at an early age but who went on to
become one of the most influential musicians of his age. During the nineteenth century, the
African American Thomas Greene Wiggins (1849–1908) – a blind and autistic savant, better
known as “Blind Tom”, who was also enslaved for the greater part of his lifetime – gained
incredible popularity as concert pianist and composer. Twentieth century popular music also
boasts several well-known blind musicians, like Art Tatum (1909–1956), Ray Charles (1930–
2004), and Stevie Wonder (1950–), while Andrea Bocelli (1958–) has achieved a very successful
career as an opera singer.

In contrast to the notion of physical purity and the beautiful body, as mentioned above, impaired
people as a minority group have always had to deal with stereotyping, typical in respect of any
minority group. Two opposing yet equally detrimental responses emerge: over- and
underestimation of visually impaired musicians’ abilities (Kruger, 1986:7; 1988:195; Honisch,
2009:772). In the case of underestimating, Isaacs (in Kruger, 1986:13) states that “the most
destructive attitude results from a denial of their capabilities”. Within a musical context, this
would directly translate to the belief that blind or visually impaired musicians are not able to
stand in equal stead to their sighted counterparts, and will therefore not be able to achieve
comparable outcomes. On the other hand, an overestimation of the blind or visually impaired
musician’s musical capabilities can be equally detrimental. This includes the view of the blind or
visually impaired musician as a musical savant, who is typically endowed with the gift of
absolute pitch (Kochavi, 2009), or even as a saint endowed with supernatural and mystical
musical abilities. The latter view is influenced by records of blind musicians who indeed had
extraordinary gifts, like the blind Egyptian harpist mentioned earlier. Of him, Barasch (2001:3)
writes: “The very act of playing music endows the harpist with an aura: while he was playing his
instrument, so it was believed, ‘he was in direct communication with the deity’.”

But these reports about blind musicians’ skill are the exception rather than the rule. Expecting all
visually impaired musicians to be like that stems from ignorance and is detrimental to the
individuals concerned. Jensen-Moulton (2006:200) even argues that disability and musical
aptitude or skill do not necessarily coincide. In fact, until about a decade ago, music and
disability were only associated with each other in the field of music therapy (Honisch,
2009:767), a tendency which prevails. It is only recently that the literature began to grow, and a
small number of notable publications gradually ushered in a new era. Now, the horizon of
musical scholarship would broaden so as to allow for an intersection with the field of disability
studies. Consequently, narratives which appear in disability studies literature were being taken
note of by music scholars; these include not only visual impairment but also other impairments
and illnesses. Examples are Attinello (2006), Cizmic (2006), and Jones (2014). Lerner’s (2006)
study deals with the “horrors” of body dysmorphism, while Straus (2011) discusses the narrative
of overcoming an impairment with reference to the life of Ludwig van Beethoven (1770–1827).

Prevalence and causes of blindness and Low Vision in Ethiopia:

The prevalence is greater in the rural population and among women. The major causes of low
vision are cataract, and refractive errors that are by and large preventable and avoidable .The
major causes of blindness are cataract and trachoma .Cataract is treatable, whereas trachoma is
both preventable and treatable .Some of the villages were extremely remote and posed a serious
challenge for the strict implementation of the survey procedures. Quality control in remote
regions was a serious challenge and results must be interpreted carefully. Five clusters with
obvious uncertainty about data quality are excluded from analysis. In a few remote villages
where settlement is scattered sampling on a straight line direction as described in the sampling
procedure was practically impossible. Thus, a proximity sampling strategy was used as there was
no danger of clustering of the outcome of interest in a scattered settlement. The low prevalence
of blindness and low vision in the Benshangul-Gemuz regional state was attributed to the
presence of large number of healthy immigrants from the neighboring Sudan into the survey
villages, as observed by the survey team. The very high prevalence of low vision and blindness
in Somali region could not be adequately explained. Estimates in this paper provide the
magnitude of the eye problems at the national and regional levels. Regional estimates are self-
weighted and no adjustments were made.

All national estimates in this paper are weighted for population size of regions. No attempt was
made to provide zonal and woreda level estimates based on this study as the sample size
calculations and sampling procedures were not designed to produce estimates at those levels.
This is strictly a household survey and as such no homeless people even those living in the
survey clusters were included. Our assessment emphasized on determining the presenting vision
of the persons; this approach helps to determine the needs for appropriate interventions.
(Ethiop .J.Health,2007;21(3)Very large proportion of the causes of blindness and low vision are
avoidable (preventable or treatable) with time proven interventions that are both feasible and
reasonably affordable in the Ethiopian context. About 50% of the blindness (600,000 persons)
and 41% of low vision (1.2million persons) are due to cataract that can be corrected surgically.
Trachoma also accounts for a significant proportion of blindness (11.5%) and low vision
(7.7%).Again there are effective prevention and curative instruments for avoiding eye problems
due to trachoma. The prevalence of blindness reported in this survey is similar to the recent
reports from African countries. Studies from Cameroon, Nigeria and Mali also reported a similar
prevalence rate of blindness and the main cause for blindness was cataract. The main causes of
blindness and low vision were cataract, accounting for 60% of all bilateral blindness and 51.7%
of all low vision (8-10). Population based surveys in Ethiopia also reported cataract as the main
cause of blindness (5, 11). The study from Butajira, Ethiopia, indicated that blindness is either
preventable or curable in 74% of the cases (11). In concurrence with previous studies old age,
female gender, and rural residents are at a greater risk of low vision and blindness (8-11).
Although age is a biological risk factor for blindness and low vision the gender and residency
differentials reflect on the social inequalities related in accessing health and health related
services that leaves females and rural residents at a disadvantage. The childhood prevalence of
blindness is also unacceptably high and accounts for about 6% of the total blindness.

This is especially true when considering that large proportion of the causes of blindness is either
avoidable or treatable .The logistics and financial requirements to conduct large scale population
based studies using qualified eye care professional is a major obstacle for repeated surveys to
estimate the magnitude and cause of blindness in developing countries. Thus, most countries do
not have recent estimates. In order to overcome this problem there are some practical
recommendations. Dineen et al indicated that conducting surveys in the 50 year and above age
group reduces the sample size requirements significantly and can provide reasonable estimates in
the total population in a relatively less cost. Babalola et al also reported that fairly good
information can be obtained for planning eye care by asking individuals about their visual status
and the reasons for visual impairment. Masanganise et al also showed using village community
development workers as reliable alternative in diagnosing blindness in the community when
shortage of both ophthalmic trained personnel and funds are serious constraints in conducting
blindness surveys. These studies suggest more frequent assessment of eye care needs in the
population is necessary to properly manage eye care programs and can be made feasible by
adapting simpler survey methods in resource constrained countries. The major causes of
blindness and low vision are either preventable or avoidable with time proven interventions that
are feasible to implement if properly planned and adequate commitment is achieved from all
stake holders .Barriers for seeking eye care services include cost of surgery and distance to
hospital. The gender inequality in accessing eye care services also deserves solution in order to
reduce the burden of eye diseases on individual and societies. Without addressing the barriers
that prevent women from utilizing services the mere availability of eye care services in the area
may not alleviate the gender imbalance in the eye problems .

In conclusion, eye problems in Ethiopia are among the major public health challenges of the
country and pose huge economic and social impact for affected individuals and to the society and
the nation at large. The burden of disease and the number of individuals affected also indicate the
formidable demand on health services (resources) to clear the backlog of cataract surgery. Thus,
recognizing eye problems as major public health challenge; and implementing appropriate,
affordable and accessible interventions by allocating adequate resources with emphasis to the
disadvantaged segments of the population is needed urgently. The huge problem of blindness and
low vision in children deserves a special focus because many of the conditions associated with
childhood blindness are also causes of child mortality. The unfortunate fact is that up to 60%
children in developing countries are likely to die within one year of becoming blind and this fact
would not be any different in Ethiopia. . Even if these children survive, the number of blind years
of disability would be counted in millions of years and these years of blindness can be saved .
The Federal Government of Ethiopia and relevant state organs need to enhance their
commitment by providing resources and improving organizational capacity and capability at all
levels to effectively and timely provide preventive and curative eye care services. .(Budden FH.
A report on blindness in Ethiopia.Geneva: WHO, STC,1981),
 Chapter Four

Data Presentation, Analysis and Discussion

4.1. Introduction

The previous chapter discussed the methodological underpinnings of the paper. It discussed the
research design and gave a justification for the research approach. The population, sample,
sampling techniques, and instruments employed in the data gathering process were also
discussed. As stated earlier in chapter one, the study is about to make a look at and gain an in-
depth understanding of the musical lives of individuals with a visual impairment in Dessie city.
This chapter of the research presents the presentation, analysis and discussion of data collected
both from primary and secondary sources.

In organizing the data, a framework has been created to put the collected data into systematic
order and themes for proper interpretation. For this purpose, the collected data has been broken
down into appropriate pieces of thematic categories to make the data meaningful. The themes are
organized in the way that they can address the purpose of the study, the objectives and research
questions. Accordingly, all the data collected are organized in themes, which is based on specific
objectives and the research questions. Thus, the identified themes are overviewing political
activism in Ethiopia, identifying the driving factors for the increased visibility of political
activists as a political actor in Ethiopia, discussing effective and ineffective role played by
political activist in Ethiopia, and finally identifying possible negative (a threat to security) and
positive (force for change) implication of political activism for the reform process undertaking in
Ethiopia. Accordingly, for the purpose of clarity the researcher prefers to begin with the
background of contemporary political activism in Ethiopia.

4.2. Music Comprehension and Engagement of Visually Impaired Individuals

In interviews to understand visual impaired individual’s involvement, understanding and

conception in music, respondents were asked different questions and revealed that experience,
level of understanding and involvement in music is different among the selected respondents.
Regardless of the extent and type of musical engagement, respondents in the current study were
enthusiastic about music as a hobby, and some as a past or current occupation. Participants took
part in a variety of musical activities, such as listening, singing, and playing instruments, as well
as attending events. This section of the paper thus delves into interview participants' everyday
musical engagement, starting with a look at participation across the lifetime and the value placed
on music before moving on to the purposes that music serves. In providing a brief explanation,
the discussion is set in the context of previous research that has looked into the music
understanding and involvement of visual impaired musicians as well as the wider psychological
implications of the obstacles they confront. It should be noted that the sample's self-selection
might have resulted in a high number of musically engaged participants. To begin with,
respondents’ involvement in musical activities, for some visual impaired individuals, music is
part of their life starting from their childhood. As one respondent noted that:

I have a deep sense of music since I was a child. I used to play the flute, especially when
raising cattle. Even my uncle insulted me when I played the flute, refusing to go to
school. My childhood passion for music grew in me and I am still in the music industry.

Another informant reflects a similar view on his musical involvement experience starting from
his childhood and childhood music interest had clearly influenced participants' current musical
involvement:

Ever since I was a child, I have loved music. I used to play shilela and folk music in
particular. I prefer to sing a song, especially when I am sad and lonely. To this day, music
is my livelihood.

Others gave similar experiences of how music is incorporate into their daily lives, albeit musical
engagement varied from day to day, and several participants mentioned a variety of non-musical
interests. Participants also stated that their levels of engagement had fluctuated over their lives,
depending on considerations such as family obligations, work schedules, and hardship
experiences. As one of a respondent noted that while he admitted to listening to music less
frequently than in previous years, at the same time a respondent acknowledged that when he did,
he thoroughly enjoyed an activity.

After having said all of that, when I do get around to listening to music at home, I always
think to myself, "Oh why don't I, why on earth don't I listen to music more frequently?"
because I definitely have certain favorites.

In order to investigate participants' previous musical involvement, interviewees were asked to

reflect on the significance of music in their lives. One question asked participants to recall a time
when music meant a lot to them. As identified from the responses from the interviews, some
participants struggled to recall specific instances, observing that the importance they placed on
music all of the time made this a challenging task. In view of this, one of interviewee reacted as
follows:
 I believe I am so close to and passionate about music because I am visually impaired.
Music, I just think, is very important for me as a visually impaired person, because it
helps to engage you with things.

In similar vein, the other respondents revealed music as a tool that heals the brain more than a
doctor can do. As respondents noted:

Music is life. Music is refreshing. Music is more than a doctor can treat; and it is a tool
that heals the brain. Even though I didn’t get what I need for my life by doing music, I
still have no plans to leave the music industry, even though I think I can do better and
earn more money like my friends if I shift to other areas because music has a big place in
my life.

What we infer from the above discussion is that the importance of music in some of visual
impaired individual's lives was linked to the role of sound in their lives. Others, on the other
hand, recalled specific recollections, with numerous mentioning the relevance of music during
stressful or disease periods. Most people thought music was very essential, which is consistent
with current literature that emphasizes music's often-central position in everyday life (Laukka,
2007; Lonsdale & North, 2011; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2003). Furthermore, a small percentage of
respondents saw the connection between having a visual impairment and the relevance of music.

Furthermore, different questions were raised during an interview process in order to determine
respondents' level of music understanding, and as can be seen from the responses of research
participants, the level of music understanding varies across the sample respondents, ranging from
a low level of understanding of music to obtaining a level three diploma from music colleges in
music education. However, knowledge of the many concepts and styles of music is restricted and
not satisfactory among most of visually impaired individuals in Dessie city. As one of
respondent indicated that:

I do not think I have acquired sufficient knowledge regarding the music instrument in
which I was graduated, as it is a sponsored organization, beyond our visual impairment,
lack of supervision of the organization together with teacher’s carelessness and
indifference were major obstacles for this. Even after I left college, I did not have the
tools or space to practice music, so I could not personally apply what I was learning. That
is why I told you that my knowledge and skills in music are unsatisfactory.

Although there are people who have graduated from music education up to university and have a
good understanding of music, the vast majority of interviewees have a low level of musical
understanding and experience. They play music and instruments only by experience. In
particular, they have a low level of awareness in identifying various musical music rhythms. As
one respondent said:
 I never learned anything about music at school. Nevertheless, since I have been a vocalist
since I was a child, today I play on stage with the skills I have acquired from various
colleagues and the experience and music experience I have acquired since childhood.

4.3. Music-making activities of VI individuals: types and functions

The use of music for income-generating activities, self-regulation, and relaxation or energization
was the most common function of music identified by the sample respondents. In the available
literature, the role of music in mood control and emotional regulation has been well studied
(Castle, 2014; Greasley & Lamont, 2011; Groarke & Hogan, 2016).

I sit on the sidewalk (especially in crowded places and places of worship and on
holidays) and play the flute in securing my daily food. However, I also have a long
history of playing the Kirar when I am alone.

Music listening at home fulfilled a range of functions identified in research with general
populations, including mood regulation, and a source of entertainment or motivation during
household activities (Lamont et al., 2016; Schäfer et al., 2013). Music was an opportunity to
practice analytical thinking for one of research respondents, who had been a keen guitarist in the
past.

In addition to being a source of income for me when I play music on stage today, music
is my lifelong friend. I often listen to music when I am sad and lonely, either because of
my vision disappearance or because of other situations in life. I also enjoy playing music
while doing various chores. Especially at night.

I am really listening to it, listening to the various parts, so when it is a symphony or a

piano concerto I am really into that, and I try to cut the melody out but listen to the
harmony and listen to the various parts that contribute toward that performance (Jim, 84)

Participants also reflected on music’s ability to meet emotional needs relating to sight loss. This
function became increasingly important to Lily during a hospital stay six months after her sight
began to deteriorate due to an undiagnosed illness.

When I was in hospital when the tumor was diagnosed, I mean you kind of spend a lot of
time, you’re just kind of lying in bed and thinking about things and being upset… one
particular album, a McCoy Tyner album, jazz album, well two really, helped me kind of
just get through… that was yeah 6 months after my sight first became affected so it was
kind of all a bit unknown

Participants in the research of Baker and Green (2017) reported similar therapeutic functions
associated with musical engagement during ill health, both related and unrelated to sight loss. As
in existing literature, emotional functions were also important during adolescence (Saarikallio &
Erkkilä, 2007).

Music had played a central role in Ben’s early life, as a way of processing frustrations he
associated

with limitations imposed on his life as a result of his SI.

I found that it was very hard core because I was rebelling like I wasn’t happy with my current
status of just being at home and listening to music… I wanted something better and by listening
to that kind of music, it kind of helped to deal with it in my own head even if I couldn’t do
anything about it… even if I can’t get out and play with kids maybe because I’m blind maybe
that’s the reason, I mean I’m sure that wasn’t the reason but that’s how I felt, maybe it was the
blindness that made my parents like protecting me and that’s how I saw it.

As Saarikallio (2019) suggests, emotional processing, alongside performing identity, gaining a

sense of agency, and developing relationships, may be important to the critical identity formation
which occurs during youth. There was also a discussion of the importance of music in the lives
of individuals because of their SI. Musicians in the work of Baker and Green (2017) reflected
similarly on the value of music-making as an activity through which individuals could connect
with each other, regardless of their SI. There were those for whom both music listening and
music-making had offered accessible hobbies, particularly during childhood.

Music helped me a lot because I didn’t have many other hobbies, my only outlet was listening to
sports, football, rugby commentaries on the radio, and listening to music (Ben)

This belief reflects research that continues to document the systematic exclusion of people with a
disability (Milner & Kelly, 2009; Snyder et al., 2010). Such exclusion may influence, and be
influenced by, beliefs about the accessibility or appropriateness of activities for individuals who
have a disability. Thus, social, cultural, and environmental factors may contribute to perceptions
regarding musical engagement and SI. For example, Baker and Green (2017) point to long-
standing societal associations between SI and musicality. In the current study, this was reflected
by Sophie’s comments,

“I think a lot of people who are blind… they do kind of have some kind of connection to music,”
and Alison’s belief that, “it’s largely because I’m visually impaired that I’m so close and
passionate about my music.” The influence of these perceptions was also evident in the
experiences of Mike, who reported that his mother was influenced by her beliefs regarding what
activities may be most accessible, and of greatest value, to her sons, both of whom had SI.

During times of difficulty, music's power to shift emotional states and bring solace was
especially essential. Similarly, one of the survey participants emphasized the value of music
during a hospital stay, which coincided with the discovery of the tumor that had caused her to
lose her sight. This was a time of enormous uncertainty; yet listening to music helped me work
through my bad emotions.

Baker and Green (2017) found that participants in their study used music to address emotional
and therapeutic needs during illness, both linked and unrelated to visual loss.

Music was also commonly used during activities such as household chores, reading, and
working; half of the sample admitted to listening during these activities, confirming evidence
that music is frequently heard during a variety of domestic and leisure activities (Greasley &
Lamont, 2011; Lamont et al., 2016).

4.4. Challenges and opportunities the visually impaired in Dessie have in their engagement of
musical activities

4.4.1. Societal attitudes and behaviors

Negative perceptions about disability among the populace hindered musical engagement of
individuals with vision impairment. As respondents indicated, that they experienced
discrimination in society on an ongoing basis even when they start to perform music on the
stage. As

We face many difficulties in the society. Even when we decide to go to the market, we
face issues from the time we step out until we get home…when we get to the shops
people start shouting they do not have money thinking we are coming to beg. They will
tell your guide to tell you that today there is nothing for them to give. They don’t know
you have your money when coming…Some will even tell you they don’t have what you
are asking for since they don’t want to sell to a blind person…Sometimes they will even
tell you their things are expensive so go and buy somewhere else. (Participant C)

The generality of the population particularly audiences in the nightclub or concert were
prejudiced and discriminated against persons with vision impairment. One of the participants
noted that his employer asked him to stop work because the audiences were uncomfortable with
him. This particular participant is worked in nightclub as a singer, and the audiences perceived
him to be incapable of entertain people since she lacked vision. Audiences demonstrated these
dehumanizing attitudes and behaviors by outright rejecting attempts of persons with vision
impairment to sing to them.

“Sometimes the way the audiences talk to me and the words they will use is very painful,
all because they do not want me to sing to them…When some people come, they do not
like someone who could not see to entertain because they said I would not manage the
audiences like singers who can see.”- (Participant F)

Employer’s attitudes and behaviors

Individuals with vision impairment revealed that they encountered many barriers from potential
and actual employers when they decided to participate in the music industry. The researcher
probed further to ascertain the specific attitudes of potential and actual employers that served as
hindrances to their efforts or attempts to join the music industry. Some of the employers assumed
people with disabilities especially those with vision impairments had nothing to contribute to
their bars, nightclubs and hotels. This made joining music industry difficult since the owners did
not believe persons with vision impairments could do anything independently. This is because
owners need singers who can work with little or no supervision, a situation which most owners
believe persons with vision impairment cannot perform music independently. This is a statement
from the participants to buttress the point.

When I went to apply for a job, I did not get it immediately. Sometimes I am told to go
and come several times and sometimes I will go so many times but to no avail and they
still will not employ you. Sometimes you will go to some of these workplaces and they
would not even want to look at you at all due to my disability. - (Participant B).

Participants indicated that, while some owners rejected the employment of persons with vision
impairment, some went to a higher degree by not only denying them the opportunity but also
devaluing and disrespecting them in the process.

When we seek employment, employers refuse to employ us… In the event where you get
something to do, you will be monitored every second as if you cannot do anything on
your own. Even to let you type something for them to see how independent you are they
will not allow it. You are treated as if you are a lesser human. - (Participant B)

Aside from the low willingness and commitment of owners to employ persons with vision
impairment, it emerged from the interviews with some of the participants that, the remunerations
they received from their employers were inadequate relative to their skills and qualifications. It
was found that most of the employers tended to pay persons with vision impairment lower
salaries and wages than persons without vision impairments.

In Dessie, there are no or limited jobs for us the blind singers. The only people who
employ us is Wollo Bahil Amba Cultural Band but even that it is just a few of us and it
pay us so little. The differentials in the salaries between us the disabled and the normal
people are so bad. - (Participant C)

Colleagues’ attitudes and behaviours

Another dehumanizing attitude and behaviour identified as a barrier to the employment of

persons with vision impairment is the attitude of colleague workers. Through the interview with
the participants, it was revealed that for persons with disabilities that get employment after many
struggles, they end up having trouble and issues with their colleagues. As stated earlier, the
findings showed that there is a negative perception of persons with disabilities among Ghanaians.
This inevitably affects how colleagues in the workplace treat women with vision impairment.
This attitude according to the participants served as barriers to staying in the organization.
Participants reported experiencing frequent insults and harassment from colleagues.

Some of my colleagues back then were very mean, they will insult and make all kinds of
gestures at you because you cannot see them. At times, other colleagues or students when
around will explain or illustrate to you what my colleague did. When I confront them,
they will deny and insult me besides. - (Participant C)

It was further identified from the interview with the participants that some of their colleagues
often segregate themselves from them. This act of segregation comes from the belief that persons
with vision impairment do not belong to their company or groups. So according to the
participants, it was a common phenomenon to see their colleagues dissolve or adjoin their group
meetings and discussions when they join. In other cases, they try to prevent them from
communicating within the groups. As a coping mechanism, one of the participants mentioned
that she sought a transfer to a different school and continued until she got a school where the
teachers were disability tolerant.

In addition to the harassment and segregation they experienced from some of their colleagues,
the participants also reported that some of their colleagues were not in the position to help them
in the absence of their aides. They mentioned that on some occasions when their aides were
unavailable, some of their colleagues refused to assist them to perform certain tasks like getting
food, use the washroom and board a vehicle home, among others.

I once overheard two of my colleagues discussing that left to them alone, I will be
stranded till I quit the job. Their reason was that teaching is not something for the vision
impaired and that also, they are not my aide. And truly, they have never helped me until I
left that school. - (Participant J)

Many women with vision impairment described experiencing isolation when it comes to decision
making in the workplace. This isolation and neglect within the arena of decision making creates
a sense of non-acceptance among the employees with vision impairment and lowers their self-
confidence. The participants mentioned that this neglect and isolation are common when they
disagree with or oppose a proposal made in the organization. The belief and perceptions of some
of their colleagues that women must not speak in public spaces or forums and as such those with
any form of disability heightened this segregation. This is an affirmation from one of the
participants.

Sometimes after meetings, they will come and tell me other times too they will not even
offer. After they have gone then they will come and tell me. Sometimes they might have
 discussed some issues I would not have accepted or agreed to, but they have already gone
on to conclude it and that bothers me. - (Participant D)

The results depicted that persons with vision impairments are confronted with dehumanizing
attitudes and behaviors from their colleagues. However, when the researcher probed the
participants on the influence of gender on the dehumanizing attitudes and behaviors of their
colleagues, they expressed the idea that gender was not the primary influence on the
dehumanizing attitudes and behaviors of their colleagues.

The ensuing conversation depicted that society, family members, employers, and colleagues had
negative perceptions of women with vision impairment. Generally, the discriminatory attitudes
and actions women with vision impairment experienced in the employment sector mirrored
society's attitude towards persons with disabilities. These perceptions were constructed based on
societal prejudices about disability and these perceptions have been transferred from one
generation to another.

Consumers were unwilling to patronize services rendered by women with vision impairment.
Family members were found to be prejudiced and discriminatory toward family members with
vision impairment contributing to the barriers to employment. Employers were found to deny
women with vision impairment opportunities in their organization while those who eventually
were employed faced harsh treatments from employers. On the part of their colleagues, it was
identified that persons without disability mostly segregated themselves from those with vision
impairment while some were unwilling to aid them when needed. These factors interrelate to
pose a challenge to the employment of women with vision impairment. It is therefore important
that a concerted effort be made at reorienting the populace to develop positive attitudes toward
individuals with vision impairment and disability more broadly.
There are number of annual events organized and presented by the collaboration of DPOs and
concerned government sector offices in which disabled people participate and show their
potential (ability) to the general public. The main objective of such events is to show that they
can do what non-disabled people do and hence to disprove the mainstream assumption of
disability, the social construct that associate’s bodily impairment with functional inability. The
struggle of disabled people to show their ability (and hence their value) to join the mainstream
society starts at this point.

The question is; should they do what non-disabled people do to prove they are valuable (ability)?
My key informant, Biniyam who is blind, and a musician does not think so. He is a leader of
ENAB’s Music band known as Wegagan18 . He sings and can play guitar, drum, and piano. He
leads the Wegagan music band (all its members are blind) in many different public shows for the
last 15 years.

He told me that he only wants people to think of his talent without relating it to his blindness
either in a positive or negative way:

I do not want people to appreciate or criticize my skill considering my blindness as it has

nothing to do with my skill. Most of the time when I perform, people came to me and
say, ‘We admire you so much because it must be difficult to play the instrument since
you are blind’. I may be rude, but I cannot stop myself asking them back ‘Then why
don’t you play it if it is not difficult for a sighted person?’ I do not think impairment is
the real reason that makes the difference between being “able’ and ‘unable’ to do
something. I think what matters most is the level of determination and commitment;
which means it depends on the personality of individuals. What makes me even sadder is
that those disability ‘activists’ and organizations who are obsessed in searching for any
sort of ability in us [disable people] and then take it [their ability] as evidence to
convince others [non-disabled] that disabled people are capable of doing what non-
disabled people can do. (Interview with Biniyam, February 4, 2019)

4.4. Improving access to music and musical experiences for individuals who have a visual
impairment in Dessie city