2946031

The Social Control of Sexuality
Author(s): John DeLamater

Source: Annual Review of Sociology , 1981, Vol. 7 (1981), pp. 263-290
Published by: Annual Reviews
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2946031
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual
Review of Sociology
This content downloaded from

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Ann. Rev. Sociol. 1981. 7:263-90
Copyright C) 1981 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved
THE SOCIAL CONTROL *10611

OF SEXUALITY
John DeLamater
Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706
While the potential for sexual behavior is provided by human biology,

cross-cultural research has made it clear that sociocultural factors deter-
mine how that potential is expressed (Davenport 1977). Thus, each so-
ciety constrains "the age, gender, legal, and kin relationships between
sexual actors, as well as setting limits on the sites of behavior and the
connections between organs" (Gagnon & Simon 1973: 4). The nature of
these constraints and their influence on the individual's sexuality are the
subject of this paper. In order to meet the page limit imposed, this review
is focused on heterosexual activity.
Attempts by sociologists to delineate these influences and the processes
by which they affect sexual expression are fairly recent, as is sociological
research in this area. Most of the available data were collected or made
public after 1965. The empirical literature to be cited varies in method-
ological quality. A number of studies have utilized representative samples,
including Clayton & Voss (1977), Reiss (1967), and Zelnik & Kantner
(1977). Some research is based on large, "national" samples of volunteers
completing questionnaires, including Psychology Today (Athanasiou et
al 1970), Playboy (Hunt 1974), and Redbook (Tavris & Sadd 1978)
surveys, and Bell's study of extramarital sexuality (Bell et al 1975). Re-
ports of these surveys tend to be descriptive, to emphasize the incidence
and prevalence of various behaviors. The self-selected nature of these
samples should lead to caution in generalizing their results. A third group
of studies employs "convenience" samples of students, collecting data
from those present in selected classes on a particular day. Again, findings
from such studies may reflect unique features of the sample and may not
be generalizable.
Analytically, there are three interrelated issues. First, what are the
sources of social controls over sexuality? Second, what is the content or
behavioral direction of these controls? Third, how do these controls influ-
263
0360-0572/81/0815-0263$01.00

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
264 DELAMATER
ence the individual? I argue that social institutions, primarily the family
and religion, are the source of both general perspectives and specific
norms that govern sexual expression. These effect the individual through
processes of socialization and social influence throughout his/her life.
SOURCES OF CONTROL
Several analysts have stressed the impact of social institutions on sexual

behavior. Institutions control behavior in three ways. First, they provide a
specific perspective (Charon 1979), a set of assumptions and norms, that
defines reality for adherents and thus serves as a basis for self-control.
Second, those who occupy institutional roles will utilize the perspective in
interactions, as a basis for informal controls. Third, institutions may have
sanctioning systems that are activated when norms are violated; fear of
sanction is thus an additional source of conformity by participants.
The two major institutions that directly govern sexual activity in con-
temporary American society are religion and family.
Religion
The Christian religion has been a major influence on American attitudes
and norms regarding sexual behavior.
The Judeo-Christian doctrine embodies a procreational orientation
toward sex. The purpose of sexual activity is defined as reproduction
(Paige 1977). Physical pleasure of all kinds is sinful (Lo Piccolo &
Heiman 1977). These basic beliefs have been elaborated into a variety of
norms or taboos (Paige 1977), including those prohibiting homosexuality,
sodomy, masturbation, and sexual activity involving children, since these
have no reproductive potential. Similarly, since conception is impossible
during menstruation, pregnancy, and after menopause, intercourse during
these periods is prohibited. The Christian tradition also places a high
value on the family. Sexual activity that might threaten the family unit,
such as incest and adultery, is thus forbidden.
Most religions in the United States continue to espouse a procreational,
somewhat ascetic, and pro-family perspective. Thus, persons who belong
to or attend a Christian church are regularly exposed to such a perspec-
tive, learn the associated norms, and are likely to adhere to them. Numer-
ous studies report data consistent with this generalization. In addition,
religious doctrine may indirectly effect the individual's sexual standards
and behavior. While the person may not be affiliated with a church, other
members of his/her family may be, and their standards will influence the
individual. Also, the laws governing sexual conduct in this country were
derived from and still reflect Christian theology; to the extent that legal

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
CONTROL OF SEXUALITY 265
institutions influence sexual expression, they reinforce the impact of reli-

gious ones.
Family
Davis (1976) argues that the family plays the primary role in the regula-
tion of sexuality. All societies expect sexual activity to occur within mar-
riage; a major social function of marriage is to regularize access to sexual
gratification. Other sexual activities are evaluated in terms of whether
they are functional or dysfunctional for marriage. Where premarital in-
tercourse is defined as contributing positively to marriage, it is in varying
degrees accepted. By contrast, incest is universally prohibited (though
note that the definition of who comprises the "family" for purposes of the
incest taboo varies widely). In general, "sex rules are subordinate to the
family, in the sense that they either support the formation and continu-
ance of families or at least do not interfere with them" (Davis 1976: 226).
Reiss (1967) emphasizes the role of the family in influencing the in-
dividual. He argues that "the greater the responsiblity for other family
members ... the greater the likelihood that the individual will be low on
permissiveness" (156). Such responsibility makes more salient the possi-
bility of undesirable consequences of sexual activity by other family mem-
bers. This makes the individual both more conservative in his/her sexual
standards and more likely to attempt to control the behavior of others.
Since sexual activity is legitimate in marriage, another means of con-
trolling sexuality is to control who marries whom. In American society,
direct controls over mate selection have gradually declined. Increasingly,
selection of a marital partner is to be based on love, which provides the
individual with greater freedom of choice. Lantz et al (1975, 1977) trace
the development of the "romantic love complex" in America as reflected
in major magazines. This complex includes five themes: idealization of the
loved one; a belief that s/he is the "one and only;" love at first sight; love
can triumph over all; and the glorification of individual emotion. The
development of this set of beliefs provided the basis for a relational per-
spective (see below).
Thus the family exercises considerable control over the individual's sex-
ual conduct. It adheres to and teaches children a perspective, which may
be procreational or relational in content.
TYPES OF CONTROL
Institutions are the sources of both general perspectives and specific

norms governing behavior. The content of these determines typical pat-
terns of behavior in society.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
266 DELAMATER
Perspectives
Every society has a "folk theory" (Davenport 1977) or "commonsense

theory" about sexual behavior. It includes assumptions about the purposes
of sexual behavior; from these are derived beliefs or norms that specify
what types of activity are appropriate and inappropriate given these pur-
poses, and what types of partners are acceptable. The theory includes
definitions or criteria for distinguishing behaviors and partners. Charon
(1979) uses the term perspectives to refer to such sets of beliefs.
Several writers have suggested that there are three distinct perspectives
in American society.
PROCREATIONAL ORIENTATION This orientation emphasizes the repro-

ductive aspect of sexual activity (Comfort 1973) and forms the basis for a
variety of more specific norms. First, sexual intercourse should be limited
to marriage. Non-marital sexual expression, including premarital, extra-
marital, and postmarital behavior, is wrong. Second, within marriage,
sexual intercourse for procreative purposes is an obligation. Third, sexual
expression should be limited to vaginal intercourse, since it alone enables
conception. Fourth, sexual activity should occur only when conception is
possible.
RELATIONAL ORIENTATION Reiss (1960) described a second perspective,

"person-centered" sexuality. It assumes that sexual activity is an integral
part of some relationships, that such behavior is a means of expressing
and reinforcing emotional and psychological intimacy. Thus, the occur-
rence of sexual behavior is contingent on the quality of the relationship. A
variety of norms are associated with this orientation. First, appropriate
partners are defined as age-peers of opposite sex; members of one's family
and married persons are defined as inappropriate partners. In addition,
sexual intercourse should be limited to relationships that are psychologi-
cally and emotionally intimate. Casual sexual activity is wrong. Third, the
focus should be on the process (Slater 1973), on the sexual interaction in
the context of the larger relationship, rather than on a product such as
pregnancy or orgasm. Fourth, any behavior is appropriate if the partners
want to engage in it.
RECREATIONAL ORIENTATION Reiss (1960) terms this perspective "body-

centered" sexuality. It assumes that the purpose of sexual activity is phys-
ical pleasure. It is hedonistic, and as such is associated with fewer nor-
mative restrictions on behavior. Sexual behavior is appropriate with any

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
partner who is similarly inclined. No particular social or emotional rela-

tionship is required. Thus, sexual intercourse can occur soon after a cou-
ple meets. Since the purpose of the activity is physical pleasure, orgasm is
usually sought explicitly as a goal. Any activity that enhances physical
pleasure is acceptable, and an individual with this orientation is likely to
engage in variant forms of sexual expression. This orientation is consistent
with casual sexual encounters, such as are found in singles' complexes
(Prouix 1973), mate swapping (Bartell 1971), or "daytime dance halls"
(Shah 1979). In these settings, there are often norms prohibiting emo-
tional involvement, and participants carefully structure their interaction
to prevent the development of psychological intimacy.
In a longitudinal study of 231 young adult couples, Peplau, Rubin &
Hill (1977) found evidence of these three orientations and documented
the associated differences in sexual expression. "Sexually traditional" cou-
ples believed in and practiced abstinence until marriage. "Sexual moder-
ates" believed intercourse was acceptable when each loved the other. In
general, these couples began having coitus six months after their first
"date" and engaged in intercourse two to three times per week. "Sexual
liberals" believed that sexual activity could be engaged in for its own sake,
that it was not necessary for the couple to be in love nor for sexual inti-
macy to lead to emotional intimacy. These couples began having inter-
course within one week of their first "date," and did so four to five times
per week.
Normative Control
Much of the research on sexual behavior by sociologists has assumed that
norms are the principal mode of control. These studies are typically con-
cerned with measuring these norms at the level of the individual.
Ehrmann (1959) identified three general "codes of conduct," the social,
personal, and peer codes. The social code is the norm, and Ehrmann ar-
gued that in a static, cohesive society, all three codes would be identical.
He noted that in a society experiencing change, however, there may be
ambiguity regarding the norm, and personal and peer codes may differ.
Ehrmann developed measures of codes based on the assumption that the
acceptability of sexual activity depends on the nature of the relationship.
Reiss (1960) identified four specific premarital standards: abstinence,
the double standard (premarital coitus is more acceptable for men than
for women), permissiveness (acceptance of coitus) with affection, and
permissiveness without affection. His later book (Reiss 1967) reported a
substantial body of data. The measure of premarital standards consists of

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
268 DELAMATER
twelve questions, each asking whether a particular premarital behavior

(kissing, petting, and coitus) is acceptable in a particular type of relation-
ship (engaged, in love, strong affection, and no affection). Most subse-
quent research has used this or a similar measure.
In the past fifteen years there have been numerous studies of premarital
sexual standards. One focus has been on the content of an individual's
standards and the correlates of holding a particular standard. In general,
this research assumes that the family and religious institutions teach and
enforce conservative sexual standards. Following Reiss, it is assumed that
the major source of more permissive standards is the peer or "courtship"
group. This research (reviewed below) is concerned with delineating the
relative impact of these influences on persons (e.g. Walsh et al 1976;
DeLamater & MacCorquodale 1979). The other focus has been on
between-group differences in standards and in processes of influence. Re-
search with this focus assumes that there are distinct subcultures in
American society, each supporting somewhat different sexual standards.
The most commonly cited cases are differences between blacks and whites
(e.g. Staples 1978) and variation across social classes (e.g. Weinberg &
Williams 1980).
The concept of standards has not been applied to marital sexuality.
Analysts seem to have assumed that marital intercourse is expected, oc-
curs regularly, and that there is no significant variation in norms held by
individuals. There have been occasional studies of standards regarding
extramarital activity (e.g. Singh et al 1976). Reiss & Miller (1979) have
recently suggested extending the concept of permissiveness to the study of
extramarital expression, and Reiss et al (1980) present a model of the
determinants of extramarital permissiveness and relevant data.
Gagnon & Simon (1973) suggest that much activity is regulated by a
script, comprised of a definition of the situation, a specification of appro-
priate actors, and guidelines regarding the sequence of behaviors to be
performed. Most sexual interactions involve many discrete acts by each
person, the organization of these into an integrated sequence, the meshing
of that sequence with the acts of the partner, and a continuing assessment
by each person of the degree to which the interaction is proceeding appro-
priately. Gagnon (1973) provides an example that highlights the complex
and interdependent character of a sexual encounter. An analysis of such
an interaction that relied on the concept of norms would be cumbersome.
The concept of scripts, by contrast, emphasizes the goal-directed, interac-
tional nature of sexual conduct, while recognizing that there are social
controls over the selection of partners and the activities that occur. Laws
& Schwartz (1977) provide a comprehensive and insightful analysis of fe-
male sexuality utilizing the concept of sexual scripts.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
SEXUAL EXPRESSION
How a person expresses sexuality is a consequence (a) of the processes of

socialization and social influence by which s/he learns a perspective and
social norms, and (b) of influence by partners in specific relationships.
Sociological research has focused on how sexual expression is influenced
by three socializing agencies: religion, family, and peer group. I review
this literature within a life-cycle framework, which highlights the develop-
mental character of sexual standards and behavior. The introduction of
such a perspective in this area, as in other areas of sociology, is recent.
The first systematic analysis using such a framework appears in Gagnon
& Simon (1973). They identify eight stages through which every individ-
ual progresses, and the associated ages, agents of social influence, and
"assemblies" or social learning phenomena that occur at each stage (see
chart, Gagnon & Simon 1973: 100-3). Laws & Schwartz (1977: 23) pre-
sent a six-stage model that gives somewhat greater emphasis to biological
events. Sociological research on sexuality has generally not utilized such a
framework. Instead, research efforts have been directed to specific types
of sexual expression, particularly premarital and (to a lesser extent) ex-
tramarital activity. Each type has usually been analyzed in isolation from
the others.
Childhood
During childhood several types of social learning occur that have consid-
erable significance for sexuality.
Perhaps the most important is the development of gender identity, the
perception of self as male or female. This process begins with sex assign-
ment, the labeling of the infant as a boy or girl. As the child grows, per-
sons in the immediate environment respond differentially to male and
female children, based on sociocultural expectations or stereotypes about
gender. The child learns quickly to behave in appropriate ways. S/he also
learns to categorize others as male or female, and learns through observa-
tion of parents and others the behaviors and traits associated with each
gender. Much childhood play reinforces these developing expectations.
During childhood the foundations of sexual object choice are laid. The
child observes that dyads comprised of one male and one female marry
and/or have children. Couples portrayed as being "in love," or engaging
in various behaviors such as kissing or caressing each other, consist of
one male and one female. These experiences shape the child's awareness
that members of the opposite sex are appropriate objects for such feelings
and behavior.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
270 DELAMATER
Another common occurrence is play in which the child explores and

manipulates his/her own body and the bodies of other children. For most
children, these are simply forms of play (Gagnon & Simon 1973). Chil-
dren lack the sexual scripts possessed by adults, and so exploring other
children's genitals is not defined by them as a sexual act. In fact, mutual
exploration often occurs in a medical script such as doctor-patient, which
is consistent with their experience, in which doctors or nurses have exam-
ined their bodies and perhaps their genitals. Parents may teach the child
the moral significance of such behavior if, as is often the case, they re-
spond to such activities with moral outrage.
Estep et al (1977) studied the relative impact of childhood experience
on adult sexual identity. They utilized interviews with 170 women, seniors
in college, and assessed the effects of (a) participation in "unwanted"
sexual activities, and (b) fears of sexual harm on feelings of sexual vulner-
ability and ability to cope with problems in intimate relationships. They
found that such experiences in adolescence were more influential than
similar experiences in childhood. They interpret these findings as support-
ing Gagnon & Simon's view that children are unaware of the sexual signi-
ficance of these activities.
Gagnon & Simon (1973) compare the socialization parents provide
their children in other realms with that provided about sexuality. Typi-
cally, parents provide children with information of increasing specificity
and complexity as the child's cognitive abilities mature. Thus, at age two,
parents give unambiguous instructions, often injunctions-e.g. "Don't
touch the stove!" As the child develops s/he is provided with additional
information-e.g. "Don't touch a burner that's lit." As the child learns,
s/he develops the ability to discriminate more carefully-e.g., between
hot/dangerous and cold/safe stoves. Once they believe the child has the
requisite information and abilities, parents give him/her greater auton-
omy. With respect to sexuality, socialization begins in the same way,
typically with injunctions-e.g., "Don't play with yourself!" But parents
generally do not provide greater detail as the child grows. Fox & Inazu
(1980) found that the amount of mother-daughter communication varied
by topic. By age eleven and one-half, about 40% of 449 mother-daughter
dyads had at least once discussed menstruation and how babies are
made. Less than 20% had discussed sexual morality (standards) and sex-
ual intercourse.
Since parents do not provide concrete information, a fertile ground
remains for sexual fantasy. In addition, the child does not acquire the
information necessary to make sound decisions about sexuality. Parents
often feel their children make the wrong decisions, yet young people may

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
decide as they do because parents fail to provide them with adequate in-
formation. Finally, as the child approaches adolescence, s/he frequently
will begin to rely on peers for the information.
Thus, childhood is a period during which the foundations for later sex-
ual development are learned. The child forms a gender identity as male or
female, becomes aware of the heterosexual character of marital and most
romantic relationships, and acquires rudimentary knowledge of the moral
character of various activities. During this period the family is the pri-
mary socializing influence.
Adolescence
Adolescence refers to the period between the onset of puberty and age
seventeen or the completion of high school. Studies of adolescent sexual
behavior have, in general, collected data from samples of high school
students (Sorensen 1972; Vener & Stewart 1974).
The occurrence of puberty, with the development of secondary sex
characteristics, increases the salience of specifically sexual meanings and
behaviors for the individual. These changes make the person more aware
of sexual activity, reproduction, and the processes of dating and mate
selection that are socially defined as integral aspects of these physical/
biological processes. When the person enters adolescence we expect him/
her to begin the transition from childhood roles, which emphasize submis-
siveness, nonresponsibility and asexuality, to adult roles, which emphasize
dominance, responsibility, and sexuality (Feldman 1972). Thus, there are
both biological and social pressures toward sexual development.
SEXUAL IDENTITY Perhaps the major developmental issue in early ado-

lescence is sexual identity. Analysts distinguish those aspects of identity
that relate specifically to sexuality, and agree that this aspect of one's
view of self has a major impact on sexual behavior. Sexual identity in-
cludes knowledge about one's body and sexual functioning, a sense of
one's attractiveness to others, and an image of oneself as sexual.
In adolescence the individual becomes concerned about relative attrac-
tiveness to others, usually members of the opposite sex-i.e. "sex appeal."
Simmons et al (1979) followed 798 school children from the sixth to the
seventh grades; they found that beginning to date was associated with
declines in self-esteem. They suggest that physical attractiveness and pop-
ularity become important standards at puberty, and that pressures to date
and engage in activities such as kissing and holding hands can be stress-
ful for an adolescent. The young person needs to come to accept his/her

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
272 DELAMATER
involvement in these activities. More generally, s/he needs to develop a

sense of sexual adequacy.
Gender identity influences sexual identity. According to the typical
pattern in our society, the male initiates sexual activity while the female
responds and sets the behavioral limits. This is consistent with the tradi-
tional male and female gender-role differences in our society (Peplau &
Hammen 1977).
Broderick (1972) suggests that childhood romances are an important
component of the transition from childhood homosociality to adolescent
heterosociality. Of the fifth, sixth, and seventh graders he studied, 80-
90% had a "special friend" of the opposite sex; 60% of the fifth and
90% of the seventh grade boys and girls had kissed an opposite-sex age-
mate. He believes that these romantic involvements are accepted by the
peer group.
Sexual identity is clearly a social product. It is derived from interac-
tions with peers, who evaluate one's popularity and attractiveness. This is
another reason why adolescents come to depend on peers for information
about sexuality.
INTIMACY NORMS During adolescence the young person also learns many
of the norms governing physical intimacy.
Some of this learning is incidental. The daily observation of dating and
married couples, in life and in the media, reinforces the sense that appro-
priate partners are persons of about the same age, of the opposite gender,
who are not family members. These norms are reinforced by reactions of
others to couples who violate these norms.
Gagnon & Simon (1973) suggest that the learning of intimacy norms
occurs within a different perspective for males and females. Male adoles-
cents approach sexual behavior from a recreational perspective. Their
principal interests are the physical pleasure derived from sexual activity
and the peer group status accorded to the more sexually experienced
boys. Females approach sexuality with a relational perspective, viewing it
within the context of falling in love and getting married. Their principal
interests are developing romantic relationships and limiting their sexual
activity. This difference in orientation can produce considerable conflict
in dating couples over what sexual activities are appropriate.
Several hypotheses derived from this viewpoint have been verified.
Carns (1973) examined how males and females respond to their first
coital experience. He analyzed retrospective reports from 1177 students in
a dozen colleges and universities. As predicted, males reported telling a
larger number of persons about the experience, were more likely to tell
others within the following month, and more frequently reported that the

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
person(s) told responded with approval. Carns also found a negative rela-
tionship between age of first intercourse and the likelihood of telling
others among males, and a positive correlation between these variables
among females. He suggests that older males are less communicative be-
cause they are more likely to love their partner, whereas older females are
more communicative because they perceive a greater likelihood that the
relationship will lead to marriage.
Research employing samples of coitally experienced young people has
frequently assessed the individual's relationship with his/her first inter-
course partner. One rationale for studying this is that it is likely to reflect
the individual's standard. Ehrmann (1959) found marked gender differ-
ences, with men reporting that their first experience was with friends and
acquaintances, and women that their experience involved men they loved.
Similar differences were found in the Psychology Today survey of adults
(Athanasiou et al 1970), by DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) and
Jedlicka (1975) in studies of college students, and by Sorensen (1972) in
his research with adolescents. This gender difference is consistent with
Gagnon & Simon's analysis.
Kutner & Brogan (1974) studied male-female differences in slang vo-
cabulary. They presented seventeen sex-related words and asked college
students to list all the slang expressions they could think of for each.
Males listed a much larger number, and these words were much more
likely to evoke images of male dominance and female passivity. Kutner &
Brogan also found that women with more traditional sex-role orientations
and greater religious involvement had less extensive slang vocabularies.
Closely related phenomena are the gender differences in sexual arousal.
Several studies (e.g. Abelson et al 1971) have found that women report
less sexual arousal by erotic materials, which supports the conclusion that
males and females have different perspectives on sexual activity. Other
research, however, reports limited or no gender differences in arousal
(e.g. Schmidt & Sigusch 1970). Fisher & Byrne (1978) used physiologi-
cal measures of arousal in response to erotic films that had a love theme
(marital sexual activity) or a lust theme (casual sexual activity). They
found no gender differences, and report that both men and women were
more sexually aroused by the casual-sex theme. They suggest that women
generally have less experience with erotic material, and in survey settings
are unwilling to report positive reactions to it. In laboratory settings the
data indicate women are as responsive as men.
PEER INFLUENCE During adolescence, peers become an important influ-

ence on the young person's sexuality. Two reasons were suggested earlier.
Parents often provide children with limited information about sexuality,

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
274 DELAMATER
and peers are frequently the most accessible alternative. Second, issues
of sexual identity require feedback from peers about one's attractiveness
and popularity. In addition, Feldman (1972), Simmons et al (1979), and
others have emphasized the stress associated with adolescence in our soci-
ety. The physiological and physical changes associated with puberty and
the corresponding changes in social expectations are stressful. Peers may
be seen by the adolescent as a logical source of socioemotional support
because they are experiencing the same stresses and can provide the
young person with coping strategies.
Peer influence is facilitated by the high degree of age segregation in our
society (Coleman 1979). Adolescents spend much of their time with age-
mates, in age-graded schools, church groups, and friendship groups. Peer
influence is also enhanced by the fact that the courtship system in Amer-
ica is largely "participant-run" (Reiss 1980). Young people themselves
have primary control over who they date, where they go together, and
what activities they participate in. This also gives them direct control over
their sexual activity.
Several studies have traced the increasing influence of peers in adoles-
cence. Floyd & South (1972) studied sixth, eighth, tenth, and twelfth
graders, using a twenty-item attitude scale to measure orientation. They
found that peer orientation increased steadily; it peaked for females in
tenth grade and for males in twelfth grade. Berndt (1979) studied third,
sixth, ninth, and eleventh or twelfth grade children. He presented hypo-
thetical situations in which peers urged antisocial or prosocial behaviors,
and in which parents urged neutral or prosocial activity. He found that
conformity to parents declined steadily with age. Conformity to peers in
prosocial situations did not change over time. Conformity to peers urging
an antisocial activity reached a peak in the ninth grade.
Miller & Simon (1974) studied a stratified random sample of 2064
white 14-17-year-old youth. For both sexes, incidence of intercourse was
positively associated with alienation from parents. Among males, inci-
dence was positively correlated with involvement with peers. Among fe-
males, it was positively associated with intimacy of the relationship. The
differential importance of peers and partners supports Gagnon & Simon's
(1973) view that males and females approach sexual behavior from differ-
ent perspectives.
Thus, during adolescence there is a steady decline in parental influence
and an increased orientation toward age-mates. Peer influence does not
operate in a vacuum (Coleman 1979). Many other factors influence be-
havior, and peer pressure to engage in anti-social activity is unlikely to
have an effect unless other factors predispose the person to engage in the

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
behavior. Gagnon (1973) suggests that powerful motives encourage sex-

ual activity, including the desire by males for sexual gratification and
the desire by females to develop romantic relationships that will lead
to marriage.
Young Adult/Premarital Sexuality

There is substantial sociological literature on "premarital sexuality."
Most of the research utilizes samples of college students; within a life-
cycle framework, these data concern young-adult sexual activity.
SEXUAL STANDARDS Numerous empirical studies have been based on the

model of premarital sexual permissiveness developed by Reiss (1960,
1967). Reiss assumes that, as a result of socialization, the individual de-
velops a sexual standard, or intimacy norm, regarding the acceptability of
various sexual activities. This standard is relatively stable over time, and
it is a major determinant of the person's sexual behavior.
Research has focused on the correlates of the individual's premarital
standard. DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) interviewed stratified
random samples of both university students (432 males, 431 females) and
18-23-year-old youth (220 males, 293 females) who were not university
students. They employed multiple regression techniques in analyzing the
data, thus controlling for the covariation commonly reported among "in-
dependent" variables. They found that four variables were associated with
sexual standard (DeLamater & McCorquodale 1979:178, Table 8.1).
One is reported parental standards; father's standard was significantly
associated with male's and mother's standard with female's premarital
permissiveness. Libby et al (1978) found that parental liberality and
mother's standard were associated with permissiveness for both sexes.
Second, attendance at religious services was negatively associated with
the permissiveness of both sexes. Reiss & Miller (1979) summarize nu-
merous other studies that report such a relationship. Third, measures of
the frequency with which peers engage in various sexual activities were
positively associated with individual standards. Such a relationship is also
reported by Hornick (1978) and Libby et al (1978).
DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) also found that measures of sex-
ual experience were associated with the individual's standard. More coi-
tally experienced men and women had more liberal attitudes, which sug-
gests that premarital standards are not static but evolve over time. Ferrell
et al (1977) studied two panels of students, one in 1967 and 1971 and one
in 1970 and 1974. They report no maturational changes in premarital
standard, although they did find such changes in sexual behavior.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
276 DELAMATER
SEXUAL BEHAVIOR During adolescence and young adulthood the individ-

ual learns to manage sexual arousal and to behave sexually.
Rook & Hammen (1977) develop a cognitive perspective on sexual
arousal. Once detected, certain physiological and psychological phenom-
ena may be interpreted as sexual arousal-i.e. arousal is a generalized
state that can be interpreted in a variety of ways by the individual, de-
pending on the cues present. Rook & Hammen suggest that in the produc-
tion, experience, and interpretation of sexual arousal there are important
differences between men and women. First, males have more experience
with masturbation-i.e. with producing and identifying arousal. Second,
men are more likely to discuss sexual experiences with others, and thus be
aided in identifying arousal and in learning techniques to manage it.
Third, males have a clear criterion for labeling arousal as sexual, an
erection, whereas arousal produces more ambiguous bodily sensations in
women. Finally, since men more often initiate sexual activity, they antici-
pate arousal and may be more apt to detect it. Rook & Hammen suggest
that to the extent women attribute arousal to other sources or fail to
experience it, they may experience sexual activities as less satisfying.
Hardy (1964) focuses on the acquisition of sexual behavior. He argues
that sexual activities are associated with approach-avoidance conflicts for
young people. Both their sense that adults disapprove of these behaviors
and their uncertainty of how to perform them create anxiety, which re-
duces the likelihood that they will engage in the behavior. At the same
time, there are two bodily sources of reward for sexual activities, that
associated with genital stimulation and that associated with the complex
excitement-relaxation sequence of orgasm. The desire to experience these
motivates sexual activity. Thus, he argues, a new behavior is engaged in
tentatively, with some trial and error; as the couple becomes more profi-
cient, anxiety declines and reward increases. Over time, the pleasure asso-
ciated with a given behavior declines; the desire to increase the level of
feeling leads to more intimate behavior.
Hardy's model suggests that involvement in sexual behavior is progres-
sive and sequential. Ehrmann (1959) identified eight degrees of physical
intimacy and questioned his respondents about their participation in
each one. In order to determine whether participation in specific behav-
iors is sequential, we must subject reported behavior to such techniques
as scaleogram analysis. Brady & Levitt (1965) performed such an analy-
sis on sexual history data from 68 males and found that reports formed a
Guttman scale. DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) asked about parti-
cipation in each of nine behaviors and found that the responses of both
men and women formed Guttman scales. Thus sexual behavior does ap-
pear to be the result of a cumulative learning process.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
Many specific acts are involved in petting, genital stimulation, and

intercourse. The young person not only learns these acts but learns to
monitor both self and partner's responses and to sequence the acts appro-
priately (Gagnon 1973). Gagnon argues that at first orgasm will be infre-
quent, but that over time performance will improve, the sequence of acts
will become more fixed, and the degree of monitoring will decline.
HETEROSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS Like behavior, relationships are the re-

sult of a developmental process. Whom one meets is heavily influenced
by the character of one's daily activities. Some settings, such as educa-
tional ones, are conducive to meeting others. In some settings, meeting
others is the explicit goal-e.g. singles' bars, singles' apartment complexes
(Prouix 1973), and "daytime dance halls" frequented by married persons
(Shah 1979).
Two major variables determine whether people will initiate a relation-
ship: physical attractiveness and similarity. The extensive literature on
attraction is summarized in Berscheid & Walster (1978). Once initiated,
relationships gradually become more emotionally and psychologically in-
timate. Davis (1978) suggests that increasing intimacy is negotiated, with
each partner contributing to the outcome. He brought couples into a labo-
ratory setting and asked them to become acquainted by alternately dis-
closing information about themselves. He found that males selected the
intimacy level of the conversation. Again we see evidence of the impact
of gender roles, which involve the expectation that men will be more
assertive and independent in such encounters. Morton (1978) compared
communicative intimacy in dyads of strangers and married couples. Reci-
procity of self-revelation was more evident in strangers' conversations,
suggesting that a norm of reciprocity facilitates the establishment of inti-
mate relationships.
PREMARITAL SEXUAL EXPRESSION Ehrmann (1959) suggested a distinc-

tion between lifetime sexual behavior (the most intimate behavior in
which the person has ever engaged) and current sexual behavior (behavior
in some recent period). Unless the two are the same, lifetime behavior will
be more intimate; it is not influenced by variation over time in the avail-
ability of partners and settings. In a cross-sectional survey, the data are
best suited to an analysis of the correlates of current behavior.
The available data suggest that three variables are related to sexual
activity among white young adults.
Emotional intimacy The emotional intimacy of the relationship is a

major correlate of sexual behavior. DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979)
found substantial, positive regression coefficients between emotional inti-

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
278 DELAMATER
macy and behavior with current partner. In a study of more than 1900
college students, Schultz et al (1977) found that those who were engaged
or going steady were more likely than others to engage in coitus. Davidson
& Leslie (1977) also conclude that the relationship is an important deter-
minant of behavior. DeLamater & MacCorquodale also report that, con-
trolling for emotional intimacy, premarital standard has no independent
effect on behavior. Thus, the standard is the individual's norm; the rela-
tionship itself determines the behavior. Several studies (e.g. Hornick
1978) report a positive relationship between frequency of dating and sex-
ual activity. This may be due to a relationship between frequency and
emotional intimacy, or simply to the fact that more frequent dating pro-
vides greater opportunity for sexual activity.
Religiosity Frequency of attendance at services (Christensen & Johnson

1978), religiosity (Clayton 1972; Miller & Simon 1974), religious "or-
thodoxy" (Davidson & Leslie 1977), or "conventional religious values"
(Schultz et al 1977) have all been found to be negatively related to the
occurrence of premarital coitus. Athanasiou et al (1970) found that both
religious preference and religiosity related to responses to almost every
item involving sexual attitudes or behavior among the more than 20,000
adults who returned the Psychology Today questionnaire. DeLamater &
MacCorquodale (1979) found that religious attendance was associated
with standards but not behavior, and suggested that religion influences
behavior indirectly, through its effect on a person's standards.
Peer group Measures of peers' sexual attitudes or behavior are also

consistently positively correlated with premarital behavior (Davidson &
Leslie 1977; Hornick 1978). Clayton (1972) found that general campus
norms and norms of the person's reference group were correlated with
whether the individual had had intercourse in the preceding year.
DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) questioned respondents about
both peers' premarital standards and sexual behavior. They found that
reported standards were associated with the person's standards but not
with his/her behavior; reported behavior of one's five best friends was
related to the respondent's behavior but not to his/her standards. Schultz
et al (1977) also found that friends' behavior was a major correlate of
premarital behavior.
Reiss (1967) hypothesized that the peer or courtship group influences
the individual to change his/her attitudes in a permissive direction, lead-
ing in turn to more intimate behavior. Walsh et al (1976) collected data
from two panels of students in the freshman (T1) and senior (T2) years.
They found that reference group selection did follow a peer-to-peer or

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
parent-to-peer pattern from T, to T2. Those who

peer pattern became significantly more permissive in premarital attitudes
and more intimate in behavior.
Race Few studies have directly compared white and black respondents.
Zelnik & Kantner (1977) studied national samples of 15-19-year-old fe-
males in 1971 and 1976. In both years, age-specific rates of intercourse
were greater for blacks than whites. However, racial differences were
smaller in the 1976 data. Christensen & Johnson (1978) compared black
students at a southern college with white students from a midwestern
university (which may confound racial with regional differences). Black
men and women had higher lifetime coitus rates than whites. Staples
(1978) compared the attitudinal permissiveness of black and white stu-
dents, and found that blacks tended to be more permissive, and that their
permissiveness was less influenced by liberalism, attendance at religious
services, and other variables.
COHABITATION There has been considerable interest in cohabitation as

a form of sexual expression in the past decade. Macklin (1974) summa-
rizes the findings of research conducted prior to 1974. A problem with re-
search in this area is ambiguity in the measure of the phenomenon. Most
researchers ask if the respondent is "living with" someone or "sharing a
room" with someone of the opposite sex. It is assumed that cohabitors
engage in sexual activity; direct questions have frequently not been asked.
Cohabitation has been occurring for decades. It includes so-called
"common law" marriages and cohabitation by older persons. Its increas-
ing popularity among college-age young people is relatively recent. Sweet
(1979) estimates that the number of persons cohabiting has increased
from about 400,000 to 1.2 million from 1970 to 1977, and that more than
one half of the increase involves persons under age 29. Based on his esti-
mates, less than 2% of all men and women, 4% of the unmarried women,
and 6% of the single men were cohabiting in 1977. Based on interviews
with a random sample of 2510 men age 21-32, Clayton & Voss (1977)
report that 5% were cohabiting at the time of the interview.
Sweet (1979) reports that among persons 18-24, most cohabitors have
not previously been married. However, as age increases, the proportion of
those never married declines steadily and the proportion divorced or wid-
owed increases. Among persons over 50, the latter comprise 63-70% of
those who are cohabiting. Clayton & Voss (1977) found that black men
were almost twice as likely to report having cohabited, and men whose
fathers had more education were also more frequently living with a
woman.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
280 DELAMATER
Recent studies of cohabitation among college student samples find few

consistent differences between respondents who do and do not report such
living arrangements. Some surveys find that cohabitors are less religious
(Henze & Hudson 1974). In a review of this literature, Newcomb (1979)
asserts that this is the only factor that consistently differentiates those
who do from those who do not cohabit. According to one study, those
involved in a cohabiting relationship define it as serious and emotionally
intense (Peterman et al 1974); they intend to marry at the same rate as
those not so involved (Bower & Christopherson 1977). Newcomb (1979)
concludes that cohabitation in this age group is simply a new element in
the courtship process.
Marital Sexuality
Sexual expression in marriage is one of the topics least researched by
sociologists.
As noted earlier, marriage regularizes access to a sexual partner. Paige
(1977) argues that formal and institutional controls decline in importance
following marriage, in part because of the relative privacy (i.e. freedom
from surveillance) the couple achieves. Self-control and informal controls,
especially those exercised by the spouse, become the major influences
on sexual activity. In part because of this strong sense that marital sex-
ual expression is private, the few data available come from samples of
volunteers.
Hunt (1974) reports the results of the Playboy survey, so-called be-
cause it was funded by The Playboy Foundation, and systematically com-
pares them with Kinsey's findings (1948, 1953). A sample of 10,000 per-
sons was selected from 24 cities; each person was telephoned and asked to
come to a central location and complete a questionnaire. Responses were
obtained from 1044 women and 982 men, approximately 20% of the origi-
nal sample. While Hunt stresses "the sweep of change," the data suggest
that only modest changes have occurred in marital sexuality. Hunt finds
a 20% increase in the frequency of oral-genital contact reported by men
and women, an increase in reported frequency of masturbation by mar-
ried persons, and an increased occurrence of orgasm among women. Since
the respondents were self-selected, it is likely that they were relatively
more liberal in their attitudes and behavior than is typical. If Kinsey's
samples were more representative, Hunt's comparisons would overstate
the actual changes.
Based on Kinsey's findings, most discussions stress social class differ-
ences in types of sexual activity. Hunt, however, reports considerable con-
vergence of lower- and middle-class respondents in reported frequency of
oral-genital contact and anal stimulation/coitus. Reporting data collected

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
in 1969-70 from a sample of 385 white adults, Weinberg & Williams

(1980) also report no class differences in the incidence of various sexual
activities in adulthood.
The available research suggests that two variables do influence marital
sexual activity.
In the Psychology Today survey results, religious denomination was
closely associated with attitudes; atheists and Jews held more liberal
attitudes, while Protestants and Catholics held more conservative ones.
In addition, degree of religiosity was negatively related to behavior
(Athanasiou et al 1970). Persons who rated themselves as more-religious
were less likely than the less-religious to have had oral-genital contact,
anal intercourse, or an extramarital or homosexual experience. More-
religious respondents also reported a lower frequency of coitus. Paige
(1977) found that more-religious persons were more likely to adhere to
various taboos, and thus less frequently engaged in intercourse during a
woman's period. In a sample of 963 adults, abstinence during menstrua-
tion was correlated with lower frequency of sexual intercourse among the
currently married. Fisher (1973), based on extensive research with 300
married women, also reports that frequency of intercourse is correlated
with frequency of coitus during menstruation.
A second influence is the quality of the marital relationship. Edwards
& Booth (1976) sampled households in Toronto; of the 862 eligible ones
identified, they were able to interview the husband, wife, or both in 560
households. They considered the effects of eighteen background and re-
lationship variables on the frequency of marital coitus during the four
weeks prior to the interview. Their results indicate that background varia-
bles are not a major influence. They conclude, "The more severe the mari-
tal strain, the lower the frequency of marital coitus."
Extramarital Sexuality
Research on this topic has focused on heterosexual intercourse and ig-
nored noncoital heterosexual activity outside of marriage.
Figures on lifetime incidence, the percentage of persons who have ever
engaged in extramarital coitus, vary across studies. Forty percent of
the male and 36% of the female married respondents in the Psychology
Today sample reported extramarital intercourse (Glass & Wright 1977).
The comparable figures from the Playboy survey are 32% of the men and
24% of the women (Hunt 1974). Redbook found that 29% of the mar-
ried women who returned its questionnaire had had extramarital coitus
(Tavris & Sadd 1978). Finally, Bell et al (1975) report data from ques-
tionnaires completed by 2262 married women; 26% of them had engaged
in extramarital intercourse.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
282 DELAMATER
The most consistently reported relationship is a negative one between

marital satisfaction and participation in extramarital coitus (Glass &
Wright 1977; Bell et al 1975, Tavris & Sadd 1978). Edwards & Booth
(1976) interpret a variety of specific correlations as indicating that as
marital strain increases, the frequency of marital coitus declines; as the
latter decreases, extramarital activity increases.
A second variable associated with extramarital coitus is liberalism.
Singh et al (1976) employed data from an NORC survey of adults in an
analysis of the correlates of attitude toward extramarital intercourse. The
strongest relationship was a positive one between premarital and extra-
marital permissiveness. They also found a positive correlation between
self-rating as liberal and sexual attitudes. Finally, self-rated religiosity
was negatively associated with extramarital permissiveness. With regard
to behavior, self-rated religiosity/devoutness was negatively correlated
with extramarital intercourse in both the Psychology Today (Athanasiou
et al 1970) and Redbook (Tavris & Sadd 1978) results. Bell et al (1975)
report that both liberal political attitudes and liberal sexual preferences
are positively associated with extramarital activity.
Reiss and his colleagues (1980) present a model of the determinants of
extramarital permissiveness that incorporates all of these variables. They
hypothesize that the two major determinants of one's extramarital stan-
dard are premarital permissiveness (one aspect of liberalism) and marital
happiness. Religiosity and several other variables are seen as influences on
premarital standard and happiness. Data from four national surveys con-
ducted by NORC in the 1970s support their model.
Research on extramarital sexuality has treated it as a unitary phenom-
enon. Yet there are several different types, and the factors associated with
participation may vary from one type to another. The traditional form
is the "affair," a developing and persisting dyadic relationship with both
emotional and sexual aspects. There are also more casual, shorter-term
two-person relationships, such as those that occur in the "daytime dance
hall" (Shah 1979). A third form is "mate swapping" (Bartell 1971), in
which the sexual activity frequently involves more than two persons; here
elaborate controls prevent the development of emotional intimacy.
"Mate swapping" received considerable publicity in the 1970s. Both
the Psychology Today survey (Athanasiou et al 1970) and the Playboy
survey (Hunt 1974) found that less than 5% of the respondents had ever
engaged in it; 2-3% of both men and women reported regular participa-
tion. Of the 100,000 women who returned the Redbook questionnaire,
4% had participated and only 2% had done so more than once (Tavris &
Sadd 1978).

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
Bartell (1971) reported that participants were generally middle-class,

politically conservative, and members of conservative religious denomina-
tions. Their desire to prevent emotional attachments suggests that their
orientation toward extramarital sexuality was a recreational or body-
centered one. This is in sharp contrast to the survey findings summarized
above, which show that participants in extramarital activity are more
liberal, less religious, and dissatisfied with their marriages. It is likely that
the extramarital activity reported in the surveys occurred in the context of
affairs. Liberal, less-religious adults may have a relational perspective in
sexuality. If they become dissatisfied with their marriages, they may seek
an alternative sexual and emotional relationship.
Future research on extramarital activity must investigate not only the
type of activity but also the participants' perspectives on sexuality. Such a
focus seems especially promising since some recent studies have found
little or no relationship between background variables and participation in
extramarital activity (Edwards & Booth 1976; Singh et al 1976). Reiss et
al (1980) move in this direction. They distinguish four types of extramari-
tal relations, which differ in part in whether the emphasis (perspective) is
on love (relational) or pleasure (recreational).
Sexual Expression and Social Controls: A Summary
The findings reviewed attest to the importance of social controls on sexu-

ality. An individual's perspective, or more specifically his/her sexual stan-
dard, is a result of social influences. In general, greater participation
in organized religion or a self-perception as religious is associated with
lower frequencies of sexual activity, whether premarital, marital, or extra-
marital. These results are consistent with Paige's (1977) thesis that reli-
gion in America continues to teach a procreational orientation towards
sexuality. Greater parental influence in adolescence and young adulthood
is also associated with less-permissive standards and behavior. Being in-
fluenced by age-peers is related to more permissive standards and more
frequent sexual activity, which suggests that peers espouse a more rela-
tional orientation.
The other major influence on sexual activity is the quality of the hetero-
sexual relationship. The more emotionally intimate (in adolescence) or
satisfying (in marriage) the relationship, the greater the frequency of
sexual activity. Informal controls, the willingness of each partner to par-
ticipate in particular activities at specific times, are exercised according to
the nature of the relationship as a whole.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
284 DELAMATER
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES
Changes in Sexual Expression
INCREASED PREMARITAL PERMISSIVENESS Considerable evidence indicates

that an increasing percentage of people accept intercourse before marriage.
DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) compare reported attitudes in four
studies of college students conducted between 1959 and 1973. The data
(DeLamater & MacCorquodale 1979: Table 10.1) show a substantial trend
toward "permissiveness with affection." Walsh et al (1976) compared two
panels (1967-197 1; 1970-1974); they found that the 1970 freshmen were
more permissive than the 1967 freshmen. Singh (1980) analyzed data
from five national surveys of adults conducted by NORC. Approval of
premarital intercourse increased across the studies, which were conducted
between 1972 and 1978. Furthermore, there were declines in differences
in acceptance associated with race and social class. Age and religiosity
were related to approval; younger and less-religious adults were more
likely to approve of premarital coitus.
Rates of premarital coitus have correspondingly increased. Udry et al
(1975) analyzed data from surveys of adult women and found a steady
increase in reported premarital intercourse from the 1920-1929 to the
1950-1959 birth cohorts. Vener & Stewart (1974) studied students at the
same high school in 1970 and 1973. Bell and his colleagues (Bell & Chaskes
1970; Bell & Coughey 1980) surveyed women students at the same uni-
versity in 1958, 1968, and 1978. King et al (1977) surveyed students at
the same university in 1965, 1970, and 1975. All three studies report in-
creases in rates of premarital coitus during the period involved. Hopkins
(1977) reviews 19 studies, whose data span the period 1938-1974; the
results show an increase in premarital experience, particularly in the late
1960s and early 1970s. Clayton & Bokemeier (1980) review the literature
on premarital sexuality published between 1970 and 1980 and conclude
that there has been an increase in the prevalence of intercourse.
This increase in experience appears to be due to changes in two influ-
ences on young adults' sexual activity. We have already noted that sexual
standards in this age group are becoming more permissive. Second, peers
seem to be a relatively stronger influence, compared to family and reli-
gion. Coleman (1979) notes that young people are spending more time
with their age mates. Kobrin (1976) reports that young people are leaving
home at an earlier age, and that an increasing proportion of adults live
alone. One manifestation of this increased autonomy is the increase in
cohabitation among young adults discussed above.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
DECLINE OF THE DOUBLE STANDARD Reiss (1960) identified the "double

standard," more widespread acceptance of premarital intercourse for men
than for women, as fairly common. His survey data (1967) indicated that
24% of the females and 30% of males held such a standard (the data were
collected in 1959). This standard has essentially disappeared. DeLamater
& MacCorquodale (1979) found that their respondents, both students
and nonstudents, had the same sexual standard for males and females.
Ferrell et al (1977) report that the 1967 freshmen in their study held the
double standard as both freshmen and seniors. The 1970 freshmen had
the same standard for both sexes. This phenomenon is not limited to
college populations but is also occurring in the rural south (Harrison et al
1974; Christensen & Johnson 1978).
Rates of premarital intercourse also show convergence. Walster et al
(1978), in data collected in 1975-76, found no gender difference in inci-
dence or frequency of intercourse. King et al (1977), in data collected in
1965, 1970, and 1975, found little change in lifetime experience among
males but a substantial increase (from 28.7% to 57.1%) among females.
Vener & Stewart (1974) report no male/female differences among high-
school students in coital frequency at age 17. Hopkins (1977) reviews
data from studies conducted over a 35-year period (1938-1974) and re-
ports convergence in male and female rates of premarital intercourse.
This change may be partially due to increased autonomy among young
people. Women perhaps benefited more than men from changes such as
relaxation of visitation rules in college housing and the freedom to leave
home and establish one's own residence. But an important influence is
surely the increased emphasis in American society on equality. As the
concern for equal educational and occupational opportunity grew, as sex
discrimination was declared illegal in various contexts, it became illogical
to have differing standards of sexual behavior for men and women.
THE DECLINING SIGNIFICANCE OF SOCIAL CLASS Kinsey and his associ-

ates (1948, 1953) reported substantial differences in sexual expression by
social class. Recent research has not found such differences. Whereas
early studies of college students (e.g. Ehrmann 1959) found that social
class influenced frequency of activity, type of partners, and other aspects
of sexuality, DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979) find no class differ-
ences among men or women. Reiss & Miller (1979) summarize consider-
able research that shows little relationship between social class and
premarital permissiveness. Class is not related to cohabitation among
young adults (Newcomb 1979). Hunt (1974) reports that class differ-
ences in marital sexuality are smaller in the Playboy data than in Kinsey's

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
286 DELAMATER
findings. Bell et al (1975) and Singh et al (1976) report no relationship

between class and attitudes toward or participation in extramarital coitus.
Weinberg & Williams (1980) argue that "sexual embourgeoisment,"
the adoption by working-class persons of middle-class values and behav-
ior, has not occurred. They compare data from a sample of 284 males and
101 females, collected in 1969, with Kinsey's data. In these small samples,
they find no class differences in adult sexual expression. They do find
class differences in age of first sexual experience, frequency of adolescent
sexual activities, and reactions to early experience. These results suggest
class differences in the timing of the development of sexual identity and
behavior, but not in sexual expression among adults.
Directions for the Field

The sociological study of sexuality has several strengths, including a base
of empirical studies, particularly of adolesents and young adults, and
some consensus about how to measure sexual behavior. There are two
interrelated weaknesses.
IN SEARCH OF A MODEL There is no general conceptualization of the

sociological determinants of sexual expression. Some studies in this area
are descriptive, others draw on the marriage-and-family literature for hy-
potheses, and still others utilize an attitude-determines-behavior para-
digm and search for the determinants of sexual attitudes. A model is
needed both to integrate findings extant in the literature and to guide
future research.
Reiss & Miller (1979) propose an extension of the permissiveness
model to marital and extramarital sexuality. They suggest that people
have standards that influence (a) the type and frequency of their marital
sexual activity, and (b) whether and under what circumstances extramari-
tal activity is acceptable. The other major variable in this model is auton-
omy in dyadic heterosexual interactions, the degree to which the individ-
ual is free from external social controls. They suggest linkages between
these two variables and a variety of others, including community norms,
familial role, sexual orientation, and parents' and peers' sexual standards.
One of the strengths of this model is the inclusion of the individual's
orientation toward sexuality.
Reiss & Miller emphasize attitudes and the individual's immediate so-
cial environment as determinants of sexual expression. Gagnon & Simon
(1973) also present a general model, which has attracted relatively less
attention. They emphasize the individual and a broad range of influences
on him/her, including not only family and peers, but also media, gender
roles and identity, and social statuses. They believe that these affect the

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
individual's experience, and that particular sexual activities are the out-
come of the experiences each brings to the encounter, coordinated via
sexual scripts.
IN SEARCH OF INTEGRATION The other major weakness is the lack of in-

tegration among studies on premarital, marital, extramarital, and other
aspects of sexual expression (Clayton & Bokemeier 1980). Research and
conceptualization have concentrated on one or the other without adequate
attention to how it is linked to other stages in the sexual life cycle. Sev-
eral authors have recently recognized the need for a developmental, life-
cycle perspective, including Gagnon & Simon (1973), Laws & Schwartz
(1977), and DeLamater & MacCorquodale (1979).
In part, the lack of integration reflects the absence of a general per-
spective. However, the problem is partly methodological as well. The typi-
cal survey or observational study is best suited to obtaining data about
contemporary attitudes and behavior. To obtain information about atti-
tudes and behavior over time, which is most relevant to a life-cycle per-
spective, greater emphasis must be placed on gathering retrospective data
from respondents. While errors due to faulty memory are cause for con-
cern, there are methodological techniques that can reduce or eliminate
them, such as asking for the same information twice (see DeLamater &
MacCorquodale 1979: Appendix II). A second strategy, which has been
more common in the study of childhood and adolescent development is to
study different age groups cross-sectionally. Ideally, of course, we need
more longitudinal studies. Walsh et al (1976) and Ferrell et al (1977)
report the results of one of the very few such studies conducted to date.
We hope the next few years will witness a marked increase in the number
of empirical studies using these techniques.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Patricia MacCorquodale and Ira Reiss made detailed and very useful
comments on a draft of this article. Richard Clayton and Kathleen
McKinney (Rehfeldt) also made helpful comments.
Literature Cited
Abelson, H., Cohen, R., Heaton, E., Suder, den. 298 pp.
C. 1971. National survey of public atti- Bell, R. R., Chaskes, J. 1970. Premarital
tudes toward and experience with erotic sexual experience among co-eds, 1958
materials. In Technical Report of the and 1968. J. Marr. Fam. 32:81-84
Commission on Obscenity and Pornog- Bell, R. R., Coughey, K. 1980. Premarital
raphy, Vol. 6:1-137. Washington DC: sexual experience among college females,
USGPO 1958, 1968 and 1978. Fam. Rels. 29:
Athanasiou, R., Shaver, P., Tavris, C. 1970. 353-57
Sex. Psychol. Today July:39-52 Bell, R. R., Turner, S., Rosen, L. 1975. A
Bartell, G. D. 1971. Group Sex. NY: Wy- multivariate analysis of female extramari-

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
288 DELAMATER
tal coitus. J. Marr. Fam. 37:375-84 havior in and out of marriage: an assess-
Berndt, T. J. 1979. Developmental changes ment of correlates. J. Marr. Fam. 38:
in conformity to peers and parents. Devel. 73-81
Psychol. 15:608-16 Ehrmann, W. 1959. Premarital Dating Be-
Berscheid, E., Walster, E. H. 1978. In- havior. NY: Holt. 316 pp.
terpersonal Attraction. Reading, Mass: Estep, R. E., Burt, M. R., Milligan, H. J.
Addison-Wesley. 231 pp. 2nd ed. 1977. The socialization of sexual identity.
Bower, D. W., Christopherson, V. A. 1977. J. Marr. Fam. 39:99-112
University student cohabitation: A re- Feldman, R. A. 1972. Normative integra-
gional comparison of selected attitudes tion, alienation and conformity in adoles-
and behavior. J. Marr. Fam. 39:447-53 cent groups. Adolescence 7:327-43
Brady, J. P., Levitt, E. E. 1965. The scal- Ferrell, M. Z., Tolone, W. L., Walsh, R. H.
ability of sexual experience. Psychol. Rec. 1977. Maturational and societal changes
15:275-79 in the sexual double-standard: a panel
Broderick, C. B. 1972. Children's romances. analysis (1967-1971; 1970-1974). J.
Sex. Behav. 2:16-21 Marr. Fam. 39:255-71
Carns, D. E. 1973. Talking about sex: notes Fisher, S. 1973. The Female Orgasm. NY:
on first coitus and the double sexual stan- Basic Books. 533 pp.
dard. J. Marr. Fam. 35:677-88 Fisher, W. A., Byrne, D. 1978. Sex differ-
Charon, J. 1979. Symbolic Interactionism. ences in response to erotica? Love versus
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. lust. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 36:117-25
193 pp. Floyd, H. H. Jr., South, D. R. 1972. Di-
Christensen, H. T., Johnson, L. B. 1978. lemma of youth: the choice of parents or
Premarital coitus and the southern black: peers as a frame of reference for behavior.
a comparative view. J. Marr. Fam. 40: J. Marr. Fam. 34:627-34
721-32 Fox, G. L., Inazu, J. K. 1980. Patterns and
Clayton, R. R. 1972. Premarital sexual in- outcomes of mother-daughter communi-
tercourse: A substantive test of the con- cation about sexuality. J. Soc. Iss. 36(1):
tingent consistency model. J. Marr. Fam. 7-29
34:273-81 Gagnon, J. H. 1973. Scripts and the coordi-
Clayton, R. R., Bokemeier, J. L. 1980. Pre- nation of sexual conduct. In Nebraska
marital sex in the seventies. J. Marr. Symposium on Motivation 1973, Vol. 21,
Fam. 42:759-75 ed. J. K. Cole, R. Dienstbier, pp. 27-59.
Clayton, R. R., Voss, H. L. 1977. Shacking Lincoln: Univ. Nebraska Press. 323 pp.
up: cohabitation in the 1970s. J. Marr. Gagnon, J. H., Simon, W. 1973. Sexual
Fam. 39:273-83 Conduct: The Social Sources of Human
Coleman, J. C. 1979. Who leads who Sexuality. Chicago: Aldine. 316 pp.
astray? Causes of anti-social behavior in Glass, S. P., Wright, T. L. 1977. The rela-
adolescence. J. Adoles. 2:179-85 tionship of extramarital sex, length of
Comfort, A. 1973. Sexuality in a zero marriage, and sex differences in marital
growth society. Current 148:29-34 satisfaction and romanticism: Athana-
Davenport, W. 1977. Sex in cross-cultural siou's data reanalyzed. J. Marr. Fam. 39:
perspective. In Human Sexuality in Four 691-703
Perspectives, ed. F. Beach, pp. 115-63. Hardy, K. R. 1964. An appetitional theory
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press. of sexual motivation. Psychol. Rev. 71:
330 pp. 1-18
Davidson, J. K. Sr., Leslie, G. R. 1977. Harrison, D. E., Bennett, W. H., Globetti,
Premarital sexual intercourse: an applica- G., Alsikafi, M. 1974. Premarital sexual
tion of axiomatic theory construction. J. standards of rural youth. J. Sex Res.
Marr. Fam. 39:15-25 10:266-77
Davis, J. D. 1978. When boy meets girl: sex Henze, L. F., Hudson, J. W. 1974. Personal
roles and the negotiation of intimacy in and family characteristics of cohabiting
an acquaintance exercise. J. Pers. Soc. and noncohabiting college students. J.
Psychol. 36:684-92 Marr. Fam. 36:722-27
Davis, K. 1976. Sexual behavior. In Con- Hopkins, J. R. 1977. Sexual behavior in ad-
temporary Social Problems, ed. R. K. olescence. J. Soc. Iss. 33(2):67-85
Merton, R. Nisbet, pp. 219-61. NY: Har- Hornick, J. P. 1978. Premarital sexual atti-
court Brace Jovanovich. 782 pp. 4th ed. tudes and behavior. Sociol. Q. 19:534-44
DeLamater, J., MacCorquodale, P. 1979. Hunt, M. 1974. Sexual Behavior in the
Premarital Sexuality: Attitudes, Rela- 1970s. Chicago: Playboy Press. 395 pp.
tionships, Behavior. Madison: Univ. Wis- Jedlicka, D. 1975. Sequential analysis of
consin Press. 277 pp. perceived commitment to partners in pre-
Edwards, J. N., Booth, A. 1976. Sexual be- marital coitus. J. Marr. Fam. 37:385-90

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
King, K., Balswick, J. O., Robinson, I. E. Sexual intimacy in dating relationsips.

1977. The continuing premarital sexual J. Soc. Iss. 33(2):86-109
revolution among college females. J. Peterman, D. J., Ridley, C. A., Anderson,
Marr. Fam. 39:455-59 S. M. 1974. A comparison of cohabiting
Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., Martin, and noncohabiting college students. J.
C. E. 1948. Sexual Behavior in the Hu- Marr. Fam. 36:344-54
man Male. Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders. Prouix, C. 1973. Sex as athletics in the sin-
804 pp. gles complex. Sat. Rev. Soc. 1(4):61-66
Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., Martin, Reiss, I. L. 1960. Premarital Sexual Stan-
C. E., Gebhard, P. H. 1953. Sexual Be- dards in America. NY: Free Press. 286
havior in the Human Female. Philadel- PP.
phia: W. B. Saunders. 842 pp. Reiss, I. L. 1967. The Social Context of
Kobrin, F. E. 1976. The primary individual Premarital Sexual Permissiveness. NY:
and the family: changes in living arrange- Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 256 pp.
ments in the United States since 1940. J. Reiss, I. L. 1980. Family Systems in Amer-
Marr. Fam. 38:233-39 ica. NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Kutner, N. G., Brogan, D. 1974. An investi- 546 pp. 3rd ed.
gation of sex-related slang vocabulary and Reiss, I. L., Anderson, R., Sponaugle, G. C.
sex-role orientation among male and fe- 1980. A multivariate model of the deter-
male university students. J. Marr. Fam. minants of extramarital sexual permis-
36:474-84 siveness. J. Marr. Fam. 42:395-410
Lantz, H. R., Keyes, J., Schultz, M. 1975. Reiss, I. L., Miller, B. C. 1979. Heterosex-
The American family in the preindus- ual permissiveness: a theoretical analysis.
trial period: from base lines in history to In Contemporary Theories About the
change. Am. Sociol. Rev. 40:21-36 Family: Vol. 1, Research Based Theories,
Lantz, H. R., Schultz, M., O'Hara, M. ed. W. R. Burr, R. Hill, F. I. Nye,
1977. The changing American family I. L. Reiss, pp. 57-100. NY: Free Press.
from the preindustrial to the industrial 668 pp.
period: a final report. Am. Sociol. Rev. Rook, K. S., Hammen, C. L. 1977. A cogni-
42:406-21 tive perspective on the experience of sex-
Laws, J. L., Schwartz, P. 1977. Sexual ual arousal. J. Soc. Iss. 33(2):7-29
Scripts: The Social Construction of Fe- Schmidt, G., Sigusch, V. 1970. Sex differ-
male Sexuality. Hinsdale, Ill: Dryden. ences in responses to psycho-sexual stimu-
243 pp. lation by films and slides. J. Sex Res.
Libby, R. W., Gray, L., White, M. 1978. A 6:268-83
test and reformulation of reference groupSchultz, B., Bohrnstedt, G., Borgatta, E.,
and role correlates of premarital sexual Evans, R. 1977. Explaining premarital
permissiveness theory. J. Marr. Fam. 40: sexual intercourse among college stu-
79-92 dents: A causal model. Soc. Forces 56:
Lo Piccolo, J. Heiman, J. 1977. Cultural 148-65
values and the therapeutic definition of Shah, D., with L. Donasky. 1979. Best little
sexual function and dysfunction. J. Soc. dance hall. Newsweek Jan. 22, 1979:81
Iss. 33(2):166-83 Simmons, R., Blyth, D., Van Cleave, E.,
Macklin, E. 1974. Cohabitation in college: Bush, D. 1979. Entry into early adoles-
going very steady. Psychol. Today 8(6): cence: the impact of school structure, pu-
53-59 berty and early dating on self-esteem.
Miller, P. Y., Simon, W. 1974. Adolescent Am. Sociol. Rev. 44:948-67
sexual behavior: context and change. Soc. Singh, B. K. 1980. Trends in attitudes
Probl. 22:58-76 toward premarital sexual relations. J.
Morton, T. L. 1978. Intimacy and reciproc- Marr. Fam. 42:387-93
ity of exchange: a comparison of spouses Singh, B. K., Walton, B., Williams, J. S.
and strangers. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 36: 1976. Extramarital sexual permissiveness:
72-81 conditions and contingencies. J. Marr.
Newcomb, P. R. 1979. Cohabitation in Fam. 38:701-12
America: an assessment of consequences. Slater, P. E. 1973. Sexual adequacy in
J. Marr. Fam. 41:597-603 America. Intell. Dig. 4(3): 17-20
Paige, K. E. 1977. Sexual pollution: repro- Sorensen, R. C. 1972. Adolescent Sexuality
ductive sex taboos in American society. in Contemporary America. NY: World.
J. Soc. Iss. 33(2):144-65 549 pp.
Peplau, L. A., Hammen, C. L. 1977. Social Staples, R. 1978. Race, liberalism-conser-
psychological issues in sexual behavior: an vatism and premarital sexual permissive-
overview. J. Soc. Iss. 33(2):1-6 ness: a bi-racial comparison. J. Marr.
Peplau, L. A., Rubin, Z., Hill, C. T. 1977. Fam. 40:733-42

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC
290 DELAMATER
Sweet, J. A. 1979. Estimates of levels, 1976. Selection of reference group, per-

trends, and characteristics of the "living ceived reference group permissiveness,
together" population from the current and personal permissiveness attitudes and
population survey. Madison, Wis: Cent. behavior: a study of two consecutive
Demog. Ecol. Work. Pap. 79-49 panels (1967-1971; 1970-1974). J. Marr.
Tavris, C., Sadd, S. 1978. The Redbook Fam. 38:495-507
Report on Female Sexuality. NY: Dell. Walster, E., Walster, G. W., Traupmann, J.
252 pp. 1978. Equity and premarital sex. J. Pers.
Udry, J. R., Bauman, K. E., Morris, N. Soc. Psychol. 36:82-92
1975. Changes in premarital coital exper- Weinberg, M. S., Williams, C. J. 1980. Sex-
ience of recent decade-of-birth cohorts of ual embourgeoisment? Social class and
urban American women. J. Marr. Fam. sexual activity: 1938-1970. Am. Sociol.
37:783-87 Rev. 45:33-48
Vener, A. M., Stewart, C. S. 1974. Adoles- Zelnick, M., Kantner, J. 1977. Sexual and
cent sexual behavior in middle America contraceptive experience of young unmar-
revisited: 1970-1973. J. Marr. Fam. 36: ried women in the United States, 1976
728-35 and 1971. Fam. Plan. Persp. 9:55-71
Walsh, R. H., Ferrell, M. Z., Tolone, W. L.

136.158.31.225 on Tue, 20 Sep 2022 20:19:38 UTC

2946031

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

2946031

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Social Control of Sexuality

Author(s): John DeLamater

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2946031

This content downloaded from

THE SOCIAL CONTROL *10611

Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin 53706

While the potential for sexual behavior is provided by human biology,

This content downloaded from

Several analysts have stressed the impact of social institutions on sexual

This content downloaded from

institutions influence sexual expression, they reinforce the impact of reli-

Institutions are the sources of both general perspectives and specific

This content downloaded from

Every society has a "folk theory" (Davenport 1977) or "commonsense

PROCREATIONAL ORIENTATION This orientation emphasizes the repro-

RELATIONAL ORIENTATION Reiss (1960) described a second perspective,

RECREATIONAL ORIENTATION Reiss (1960) terms this perspective "body-

This content downloaded from

partner who is similarly inclined. No particular social or emotional rela-

This content downloaded from

twelve questions, each asking whether a particular premarital behavior

This content downloaded from

How a person expresses sexuality is a consequence (a) of the processes of

This content downloaded from

Another common occurrence is play in which the child explores and

This content downloaded from

SEXUAL IDENTITY Perhaps the major developmental issue in early ado-

This content downloaded from

involvement in these activities. More generally, s/he needs to develop a

This content downloaded from

PEER INFLUENCE During adolescence, peers become an important influ-

This content downloaded from

This content downloaded from

behavior. Gagnon (1973) suggests that powerful motives encourage sex-

Young Adult/Premarital Sexuality

SEXUAL STANDARDS Numerous empirical studies have been based on the

This content downloaded from

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR During adolescence and young adulthood the individ-

This content downloaded from

Many specific acts are involved in petting, genital stimulation, and

HETEROSEXUAL RELATIONSHIPS Like behavior, relationships are the re-

PREMARITAL SEXUAL EXPRESSION Ehrmann (1959) suggested a distinc-

Emotional intimacy The emotional intimacy of the relationship is a

This content downloaded from

Religiosity Frequency of attendance at services (Christensen & Johnson

Peer group Measures of peers' sexual attitudes or behavior are also

This content downloaded from

parent-to-peer pattern from T, to T2. Those who

COHABITATION There has been considerable interest in cohabitation as

This content downloaded from

Recent studies of cohabitation among college student samples find few

This content downloaded from

in 1969-70 from a sample of 385 white adults, Weinberg & Williams

This content downloaded from

The most consistently reported relationship is a negative one between

This content downloaded from

Bartell (1971) reported that participants were generally middle-class,

Sexual Expression and Social Controls: A Summary

The findings reviewed attest to the importance of social controls on sexu-

This content downloaded from

Changes in Sexual Expression

INCREASED PREMARITAL PERMISSIVENESS Considerable evidence indicates

This content downloaded from

DECLINE OF THE DOUBLE STANDARD Reiss (1960) identified the "double