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Pratna Samiksha
A Journal of Archaeology

New Series

Volume 9

2018

CENTRE FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES & TRAINING

EASTERN INDIA • KOLKATA

Pratna Samiksha, New Series The responsibility of the facts stated, opinions expressed and conclu-
is an annual journal published by the sions reached are entirely those of the author of the respective article.
Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern India does not
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 Contents

EXPLORATIONS
Reconnaissance in Search of Sarutaru
Jitendra Kumar and Sukanya Sharma 1

EPIGRAPHY
Four More Gupta-period Copperplate Grants from Bengal
Arlo Griffiths 15
An Inscription of the Western Calukya King Vikramaditya VI Tribhuvanamalla
Nupur Dasgupta 59
Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha:
An Analysis of the Social Background of Donors and Issues of
Brahmanical-Buddhist Relations
Umakanta Mishra 69

SCULPTURE
New Sculptural Evidence from the Lower Ajay River Valley
(District Birbhum, West Bengal)
Shubha Majumder and Pampa Biswas 95
A Rock-cut Panel of Heruka-Nairatma and an Unrecorded Female Figure
from Unakoti, Tripura
Priyanku Chakraborty 103

ARCHAEOMETRY
Understanding Ancient Iron Technology of the Vidarbhan Megalithic:
An Archaeo-Metallurgical and Ethnographic Perspective
Oishi Roy and K. Krishnan 115

NOTE
An Inscribed Stone Sculpture of ‘Marici’ from Birbhum (West Bengal)
in the Gurusaday Museum (Kolkata)
Rajat Sanyal and Sharmila Saha 137
Few Recently Reported Sculptures from Pali (District Gaya, South Bihar)
Kumkum Bandyopadhyay 147

A Note on an Old Bridge of Pandua

Pratip Kumar Mitra 153
EPIGRAPHY

Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates

from Odisha: An Analysis of the Social Background of Donors and
Issues of Brahmanical-Buddhist Relations
UMAKANTA MISHRA
Department of History, Ravenshaw University, Cuttack

Abstract : The present paper reads and analyses some of the inscribed Buddhist images discovered in
different parts of Odisha during exploration. The analysis of the inscribed images as well as the copperplate
donation to Buddhism largely reveals rapaka, samanta (feudatory chiefs) and acaryas as major donors. The
increasing evidence of the names of acaryas in early mediaeval Buddhism signifies their increasing roles in
the Vajrayana tradition. On the other hand, the evidence on the inscribed images reveals that the rapaka and
samanta (feudatory subordinate chiefs) emerged as a major support group of Buddhism in early mediaeval
period. These subordinate chiefs were largely from the interior hilly area with substantive tribal populations,
and Buddhism while travelling to interior Odisha during the time of the mapdala polity (eighth-eleventh
century ce) found support from these subordinate chiefs of tribal origin. In the conflict between Brahamnical
religions and Buddhism in early mediaeval Odisha between ninth and twelfth century ce, the Brahmanical
religions targeted the tribal origin feudatory chiefs by showing them being trampled by Bhairavas.

Keywords : Inscribed images, rapaka, trampling Bhairava, support group.

Through an analysis of the epigraphic data, the
present paper attempts to analyse the social bases
of patronage to Buddhism in early mediaeval
Odisha and situate it in analysing the contours
of Buddhist-Brahmanical relationship in the
same. In this paper, I read and analyse some
of the inscribed Buddhist images discovered in
different parts of Odisha during explorations.
Some of these image inscriptions have been
noticed and read earlier by scholars but neither
photographs nor estampage of the inscriptions
were given by them (Chanda 1927; Donaldson
2001: 24). Two broad arguments have been
made in this paper on the basis of the present
reading of these image-inscriptions and
copperplates recording donations to the Buddhist
establishments of Odisha. The inscribed images
as well as the copperplate donations to Buddhism
contain largely the names of rapaka and samantas
(feudatory chiefs) of Odisha as donors; they also
refer to the names of the Buddhist preceptors
(acaryas). The increasing evidence of the
Pratna Samiksha, New Series 9, 2018. © Centre for Archaeological
Studies & Training, Eastern India, Kolkata, pp. 69–94.
names of acaryas in early mediaeval Buddhism
signifies their increasing roles in the Vajrayana
tradition. On the other hand, the evidence on
the inscribed images reveals that the rapaka and
samanta (feudatory subordinate chiefs) emerged as
a major support group of Buddhism in the early
mediaeval period. These subordinate chiefs were
largely from the interior hill area with substantive
tribal populations, and Buddhism, while travelling
to interior Odisha during the time of the mapdala
polity (eighth-eleventh centuries ce ), found
support from these subordinate chiefs of tribal
origin. The tribal origins of these subordinate
chiefs are not only evident from the epigraphic
records but also from the iconographic evidence
as well. On many Bhairava images from Odisha
dated to the eighth-eleventh centuries ce ,
Bhairava is depicted as trampling on figures who
either share the suncikesa hair style of Buddha
and have long elongated ears like Buddha or else
who are represented with hair and dress styles of
tribal chieftains wearing a crown. On the basis of
70 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
the epigraphic and iconography, the paper argues
that the Saiva Bhairava images trampling on the
corpse are representations of the crushing of
the Buddhist Rapakas who were firm supporters
of Buddhism. The early mediaeval period saw
animosities between Saivism and Buddhism
between ninth and eleventh centuries and the
Saivas targeted Buddhist Rapakas by depicting
them being trampled by Bhairavas.
The present paper is divided into three parts.
The first part describes the inscribed images
and their readings, including their palaeography
and iconography. The second part analyses
these inscribed images to search for social and
religious identities of these donors, including an
onomastic study of the names of the donors to
identify various layers. The third part deals with
the larger context of the role of the Acaryas in
Buddhism on the one hand as well as the broader
issue of the Saiva-Buddhist animosities and how
the iconography of Bhairavas depicts subordinate
chieftains who formed a solid support base of
Buddhism in early mediaeval period.
Dedicatory Inscriptions
on Sculptures
Buddhist dedicatory inscriptions have been
studied from the perspective of the patronage
of the various aspects of the Buddhist site and
geographical location of donors (Dehejia 1992:
35–50; Singh 1996: 1–35). Schopen’s work on
dedicatory inscriptions opens a new vista by
studying the onomastic changes of the donors
to understand the Buddhist and other layers
in the names of the donors over centuries
(Schopen 1984/2010: 382–94). More recently,
the study of dedicatory inscription on bronze
and stone sculptures of Kurkihar by Birendra
Nath Prasad (Prasad 2014) has further enriched
our understanding of the ways the inscribed
dedicatory images can be studied. A longitudinal
study of the inscribed images of Kurkihar over
three centuries made him argue that in the late
phase of Buddhism, donors very often did not
reveal their religious affiliation while making
donations of the Brahmanical images in a
‘Buddhist site’. He has shown that among the
Buddhist religious centres of Magadha, Kurkihar
consistently took the most active part in attempting
a subordinate integration of the Brahmanical
sculptures from persons without any expressed
Buddhist affiliation by accepting Brahmanical
sculptures inscribed with the names of donors.
Donors of these Brahmanical sculptures to the
Buddhist establishment of Kurkihar were persons
without expressed Buddhist identity. This risky
adventurism was bound to hasten a gradual
assimilation of Buddhism into the Brahmanical
religion (Prasad 2014: 116–52). Dedicatory
inscriptions on sculptures have also been studied
to analyse issues of the religious expectations of
donors (Kim 2012); the process of the integration
of a folk goddess cult to Buddhism (Prasad
2013a); and issues of Buddhist-Brahmanical
encounters (Prasad 2013). A similar study is yet
to be undertaken for early mediaeval Odisha.
Odisha is quite rich in its Buddhist
archaeological traces (Donaldson 2001; Mishra
2009; Sahu 1958). However, there are very few
inscriptions which record dedications of images
or donations to the Buddhist sites of Odisha.
This is in sharp contrast to the royal copperplate
grants to Brahmapas in early mediaeval Odisha,
on the basis of which it has been argued that
the making of early mediaeval Odisha was
made by land-grants to Brahmapasrahmapas
construction of temples and the growth of
Brahmanical pilgrimage (Chattopadhyaya 1994;
Kulke 1978: 125–37). These reconstructions,
however, generally assume that alternate modes
of legitimacy for the political formations were
not available. They indirectly argue that the
state-sponsored Brahmanisation was the only
available model, which remain uncontested and
unchallenged, because Buddhism was not an
element to reckon with in this complex matrix.
The present paper reads and analyses
inscribed Buddhist images of Odisha. These
image inscriptions exclude inscriptions
containing the Pratityasamutpada Sutta/dharapi
or Bodhigarbhalankaralakxa-dharapi (Dharapi of
the Hundred Thousand Ornaments of the Essence of
Awakening) inscribed on the backslab of various
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 71

images in the Buddhist sites of Odisha (Mishra
2016: 73–84). In fact the Pratityasamutpada Sutta/
dharapi regularly occupies the backslab of the
images from the Buddhist sites of Odisha from
at least seventh century ce onwards. One of
the inscriptions, now displayed in the Odisha
State Museum, states that if one deposits
the Bodhigarbhalankaralakxa-dharapi during the
consecration of a stupa, the donor gets the merit
of one hundred thousand caityas (Ghosh 1941–
2a: 171–4). In addition to these two dharapis,
there are mantras which were also inscribed on the
Buddhist images. Mention also may be made to
the Abhisambodhi Vairocana image containing
a mantra in two lines from Chapter 6 of the
Vairocana Sutra (Giebel 2005; Mishra 2016: 23–
35), and the image inscription containing mapdala
diagram and mantras on the back of a Jambhala
image from Ratnagiri (Mitra 1981 I: 230–2).
The section below describes the image
inscriptions along with their reading and
translation, followed by descriptions of
copperplate grants to the Buddhist establishments.
A total number of twelve inscribed images/slabs
and seven copperplates have been analysed in
the present paper and therefore, any conclusion
on the basis of such a limited set of evidence
remains tentative and preliminary. Except the
Lalitagiri Inscription, which belongs to early
historical period, all other inscriptions – be they
image inscriptions or copperplates – all belong
to the early mediaeval period and therefore, the
conclusion is only limited to early mediaeval
period.
Caityagrha pedestal inscription, Lalitagiri
(Pl. 1)
On the southern side of the pathway of the
caityagrha of Lalitagiri was found a square
pedestal (1.42 m by 1.42 m) containing a one-
line Prakrit inscription in the Brahmi script
of about the second century ad. It records the
completion of the seat (asana) of Adatadamana
by Vinaya, a resident of Vadhamana, and his
disciple Budhitini, a resident of Aggotisila (Indian
Archaeology – A Review [ IAR ] 1987: 90). This one
line Prakrt inscription is difficult to read from
the photograph, and the present paper uses the
earlier reading. Adatadamana was most likely a
monk in the Candraditya Mahavihara, the name
by which the Buddhist establishment of Lalitagiri
was known at that time (Patnaik 2017). The

Pl. 1: Caityagrha pedestal inscription, Lalitagiri, second century ce,

reproduced from IAR, 1987, p. 30
72 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A

two donors probably belonged to the monastic
establishments – one appears to be a bhikxu and
the other, his nun-disciple whose name was
Buddhitini. The Buddhist affiliation of the two
names is clear from their names.
Nataraja image inscription, Asanpat
(Pl. 2)
The Asanpat Nataraja image inscription is a
prasasti on the pedestal of a Nataraja image found
from Asantpat in Keonjhar district describing
the donation by a ruler named Satrubhañja.
Palaeographically, the inscription is in the
eastern variety of the north Indian alphabet of
the sixth century ce (Tripathy 1997 I: 171–2). In
line 9–10 of this 13-line inscription, it is stated
that the king, Satrubhañja of Naga kula, built
houses and monasteries for monks, who belonged
to different religious communities, such as the
brahmacarins, parivrajakas, the bhikxus and the

Pl. 2: Nataraja image inscription, Asanpat, Keonjhar district,

sixth century ce
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha
nirgranthakas. The inscription is quite significant
from many counts: First, it talks about the naga
kula of the ruler. Even though this ruler shares
the title Bhañja, his lineage is different from
the Bhañjas of Khijjiñgakotta or other Bhañjas
who have been described to have originated
from the mayurakula, not the Naga kula lineage of
the present ruler. However, we have a Buddhist
dedicatory inscription in Udayagiri stepwell
referring to Vajrapaga, the significance of this
kula is anlaysed in a later section. Secondly, the
Asanpat inscription refers to important centres
of pilgrimage where the donor-king, a devout
worshipper of Mahesvara, made donations.
These centres of pilgrimage included Pataliputra,
Gaya, Krimila, Dalavardhana, Pupdravardhana,
Gokkhati, Khadrapga, Tamralipti and Ubhaya
Tṓsali. Not that all the pilgrimage centres are
Brahmanical in nature. For example Yuan
Chwang mentioned Tamralipti as a major
centre of Buddhism. The Chinese traveller Fa
Hien, who visited Bengal during ad 411–12,
has written that there were 22 monasteries in
the Tamralipti region (present-day Tamluk and
its adjoining areas in Medinipur district). He
stayed there for a while to copy Buddhist texts.
More than 200 years later, the Chinese pilgrim
Xuanzang came to Bengal in ad 638 and noted
in his travelogue that the Tamralipta region had
10 monasteries and 1,000 monks. By the side of
the city, he also saw a stupa which was allegedly
built by Asokaraja (Beal 2008: 200).
Avalokitesvara image inscription: Udayagiri,
Jajpur district (Pls 3 and 4)
On the right side of the entrance to the Udayagiri
Buddhist site stands an Avalokitesvara image in
slightly flexed position. Made of khondalite,
this image on its backslab near the right elbow,
contains a three line inscription in proto-
Nagari of about eighth century ce character.
The reading was initially made by Chanda but
the author had not given the photograph or
estampage of the inscription (Chanda 1927: 10).
The image contains on the lower backslab an
image of Hayagriva on the left and on the right
the preta Sucimukha drinking the nectar flowing
73
from the hand of Avalokitesvara. Two devotees
with folded hands have been represented below
Sucimukha. The inscription reads thus:
1. deya dharmo=
2. Yam bhiksu- Su
3. bhaguptasya//
Thus, the record states that this image is a
pious dedication of the monk Subhagupta. Two
important points about the inscription may be
mentioned here. First, it was donated by a monk
and secondly, it was found near the entrance
gate of the monastery. We infer that this image
was deliberately installed near the entrance gate
of the monastery to make it visible to a larger
number of devotees.
Mañjusri image inscription on the southern
edge of Udayagiri
This inscription is found on the rock-cut image
on the top of the hill on the southern side of the
Udayagiri site, which I could not climb; therefore,
the reading is based on the basis of earlier
readings by N.K. Sahu and T. Donaldson. The
inscription records that this image (Mañjusri) was
a dedication (deyadharma) of Simyaka (Simyakasya)
(Donaldson 2001: 24; Sahu 1958).The social
background of Simyaka is not known.
Avalokitsvara image inscription, Khadipada,
Jajpur (Pls 5 and 6)
The 1940 excavation of a site in Khadipada
village, eight miles northwest of religious town
of Jajpur, revealed Buddhist antiquities, which
included an Avalokitesvara image with a one
line inscription on its left edge. The image was
transferred to the provincial Museum in Cuttack
(renamed as the Odisha State Museum (OSM);
Ghosh 1941–2b: 247–8). The Khadipada image
inscription in Jajpur town is palaeographically
dated to the seventh century ce (similar to the
Ganjam grant of Sasanka) early Siddhamatrka
character. The catalogue of the OSM has an
entry in the name of Avalokitesvara image from
Khadipada being displayed in the archaeological
section of the Museum. However, the label on
the image in the archaeological gallery has
74 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A

Pls 3 and 4: Avalokitesvara image and inscription, Udayagiri, seventh century ce

 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 75

Pls 5 and 6: Avalokitesvara image inscription, Khadipada, seventh century ce

wrongly specified the findspot of the image as
Patna. However, a comparison of the inscription
on the left edge of the image with the OSM
catalogue allows the image to be identified as the
Avalokitesvara image of Khadipada.
The text of the inscription runs thus:
Om Sri Subhakaradeva-rajye mahamapdalacarya-
paramaguru-Rahularucinam tasya de[ya]-dharmmo-
yam/utkirnnam Kudha sutradharenah
This can be translated as follows:
This is inscribed by Sutradhara (mason) Kudha
recording dedication (of the image) by
mahamapdalacari paramaguru Rahularuci in the
reign of Sri Subhakaradeva.
I nscribed image inscription in the Jagannath
temple compound of Jajpur (Pl. 7)
In the compound of the Jagannath temple of the
town of Jajpur in Odisha is affixed a khondalite
sculptural slab containing two rows of images of
Buddhas carved out in low relief (Mishra and
Acharya 2016: 23–34). On the pedestal of the
stone images is a two-line inscription of early
seventh century Siddhamatrka character. It
reads:
Line 1. Acarya Kesavasenasya/
Line 2. Utkirpa sutradhara Napena//
The inscription thus refers to the carving out
of the images by sutradhara (mason) Napa at the
order of Acarya Kesavasena.
76 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
Pl. 7: Two-line inscription on the pedestal of Buddha(s) image affixed in the compound of
Jagannath temple, Jajpur
The inscription is palaeographically dated to
the seventh century ce. It is slightly later than the
lintel inscriptions of Parsuramesvara temple at
Bhubaneswar, assigned to the seventh century ce.
The letter forms of pa, sa and ya and the medials
are indicative of its early seventh century date.
Tara image inscription, Jayarampur, Balasore
Jayarampur (21°62´36˝; 87°39´17˝) is situated
near the mouth of Subarnarekha in the Bhograi
block of Balasore district. It was an important
centre of Buddhism in fifth century ce. The
Jayarampur copperplate charter, discovered
during a digging of a mound in the village in
1960, records the gift of the village Svetabalika
to a Mahayana Arya Bhikxu Saogha for constructing
a vihara at Bodhipadraka where the presiding
deity was Arya Avalokitesvara (Das 1982: 47–87;
Tripathy 1997). The mound, locally known as
Ahutikupda, also yielded large quantities of old
bricks and a bronze image of Buddha in 1982.
The inscribed stone image of Jayarampur is that
of the Buddhist goddess Tara. The inscription is
incised on the pedestal and reads:
Sri Rapi Mulauccha
This inscription indicates that this image was
donated by the queen Malauccha. It is interesting
to note that the queen has not recorded the name
of her husband, making us infer that the donation
of this image was through her own initiative.
Udayagiri step well inscription (Pl. 8)
The rock-cut step well of Udayagiri is situated at
the base of the southern extremity of the terrace
of the hill. On the left of the well is a matha of
the nineteenth century ce. The rock between the
lowest step and the well has been cut into an arch
and on its face is the inscription in Nagari of the
tenth century which reads thus:
Om (symbol) Rapaka Sri Vajrapagasya Vapi.
Thus it records: ‘the well is by Rapaka Sri
Vajrapaga.’
The same inscription is also engraved in
two lines on the right side of the steps. On the
eastern wall of the stone terrace is an unfinished
inscription which reads: Sri Rapaka Ma, an
apparent decision not to inscribe the name
of another possible donor, who also held the
designation of Rapaka.
Ratnagiri pedestal image inscription
(Pl. 9)
As one wades through the narrow lane of
Ratnagiri village towards the archaeological site
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 77

Pl. 8: Step well inscription of Rapaka Vajrapaga, tenth century ce, Udayagiri

Pl. 9: Pedestal inscription, Ratnagiri, eleventh century ce

78 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
of Ratnagiri, one finds a simhasana pedestal. On
the bottom of this pedestal, one finds a one line
inscription which, on palaeographic grounds,
can be dated to tenth-eleventh century. It reads:
Danapritya (e) dharmahanta.
This can be roughly translated as ‘Violator of
Dharma for the pleasure of gifting’. The donor is
shown worshipping the image with folded hands
and sitting in a bended knee position. A dagger
and sword are shown suggesting that he forsook
the duty of fighting for the sake of the pleasure
derived out of giving gifts.
Architectural slab inscription, Ratnagiri
(Pl. 10)
Found near the core of the eastern stone
peripheral wall of Monastery I of Period II, the
architectural slab (29.2 cm high and 59.2 cm long)
is carved with ornamentation. The slab contains
an inscription in eighth century characters. It
reads thus:
Om Vudhi-sutradhara Devacandra sutradhara rupakaya
da ...
The inscription thus refers to engravers Vudhi
and Devacandra. The word Rupakaya may refer
to the name of the donor.
Two inscribed stelae from Ratnagiri
(Pl. 11)
Firmly fixed into the ground and almost touching
the peripheral wall of the eastern exterior side
of the Monastery I to its southeastern corner
Pl. 10. Architectural slab inscription, Ratnagiri, eighth century ce,
produced from Mitra 1981 I: Pl. CLXXXVII (A)
were two Khondalite steles with a conical top.
Inscription A (the first stele) inscription records a
donation by a kayastha (scribe) named Janananda
of Nalanda, who donated two pravarta (measures
of paddy) from each hala (measure of land)
from the village of Suriyapaka lying to the east
of Gobhali and joined with Asvarata village
which (may have been donated) to the monks at
Ratnagiri Mahavihara (Mitra 1981 I: 213–16).
Pedestal image inscription of Khaxarpapa
Lokesvara, Khiching, Mayurbhanj
(Pls 12 and 13)
In 1908 N.N. Vasu dug out from the mound of
Sankhurajgarh of Khiching area a broken image
of Khaxarpapa Lokesvara with the inscription in
proto-Nagari of tenth century character. The text
of the broken Avalokitesvara image inscription,
as read by R.P. Chanda (ASIAR 1922–3: 128) is
as follows:
Line 1: Om rajañyah Sri Raya bhañjasya Lokeso Bhagavan
ayam/
Line 2: Sri Dharapivarahepa saha Kirttya vinirmitah//
This can be translated thus: This image of Lord
Lokesa is a dedication by King Raya Bhañja
(Rajya Bhañja) at the request of Sri Dharapi
Varaha Devya.
Copperplate Grants from Odisha
In addition to these image inscriptions, there are
also some copperplate inscriptions recordings
grants to the Buddhist establishments of Odisha.
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 79

Pl. 11: Inscribed stelae from Ratnagiri, tenth century ce,

reproduced from Debala Mitra 1981 I: Pl. CLXIII

Pl. 12: Khaxarpapa image, Khiching, tenth-eleventh century ce

reproduced from Donaldson 2001, vol. 2, Fig. 202
80 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
Pl. 13: Sri Raya Bhañja’s dedicatory inscription on the pedestal of
Khaxarpapa Lokesvara image, Khiching, tenth-eleventh century ce
These inscriptions are poetic compositions
recording the genealogy of the royalties as
well as recording the donations to the religious
establishments. However, a large number of these
copperplates record donations to Brahmapas by
the royalty have formed the basis of arguments
about the expansion of agriculture and royal
legitimation through land-grants to Brahmapas
and temples. The large number of copperplate
grants is royal donations of lands to Brahmans
and Brahmanical temples but there are a few
which also record donations to the Buddhist
establishments as well as referring to Buddhist
deities, monasteries, cults, the donor’s affiliations
and designations, and their religious identities.
The earliest copperplate inscription recording
donation in favour of a Buddhist establishment
in Odisha is dated to the sixth century ce .
The Jayarampur plate of Maharajadhiraja
Gopacandra (sexth century ce ) records the
purchase and donation of the village Svetabalika
by Mahasamanta Maharaja Acyuta, a feudatory of
king Sri Gopacandra who obtained permission
from Gopacandra to donate the village to the
Buddhist monks for construction of a vihara at
the Bodhipadraka mahavihara. Further, it includes
provisions for supplying bali 1, caru 2, naivedya
(offering) for the worship of Avalokitesvara in
a monastic complex for providing for the havis
(oblation), pipda-patra (pots for offering oblation)
as well as for the sleeping and medicine and
other maintenance of the Arya-bhikxu-saogha
(Tripathy 1997: 174–8). Jayarampur is located
on the border of Medinipur of West Bengal
and Balasore district of Odisha and is located
on the bank of river Suvarnarekha in an alluvial
plain setting. It is however in a buffer zone to
the tribal interior. It is to be noted that the
donations wereby a feudatory chief of Maharaja
Gopacandra, namely the mahasamanta Acyuta.
The Bhaumakaras ruled directly over the
coastal Odisha and indirectly through their
Samantas (feudatory chiefs), Bhañjas and Sulkis
and Tuogas in the ninth-tenth centuries ce, over
northern Odisha in Mayurbhanj district and
undivided Dhenkanal districts respectively. Many
of the epigraphic records of the Bhaumakaras
describe the early rulers of the dynasty as the
ardent followers of Buddhism (paramasaugata).
The later Bhauma rulers assumed the titles
indicating their affiliation to Saivism (titles such
as paramamahesvarah) but they also made donations
to the Buddhist establishments. The Talcher plate
of Sivakaradeva Yr 149 (Sivakara III) describes
himself as Paramamahesvarah. The same plates
record the donation of a village, Kallaoi, to the
Jayasrama monastery in Talcher area which was
made at the request of Rapaka Vinitatuoga. The
Tuogas ruled over the Yamagarta mapdala in
ninth-tenth century ce. The Tuogas ruled as the
feudatory chiefs of the Bhaumakaras in an area
largely inhabited by tribal populations. The tribal
origin of the Tuogas and Sulkis has been attested
from their epithets, such as the lord of Eighteen
Gopdramas (axtadasa gopdrama adhipati; Singh
1994: 68). The grant was made as a permanent
endowment. The gift village has been divided
into three shares. One share is stated to have
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha
been allotted for providing perpetual offering of
ablution, sandal paste, flowers, incense, lamp, bali,
caru, and havis oblation to Lord Buddha enshrined
in the temple dedicated to Buddhabhattaraka
and built by Amubhatta. The allotment is also
made for the maintenance of the servitor of the
monastery; for supplying ten bhikxus along with
their attendants with garments, bowls for offering
oblation (pipda-patra), bedsteads and medicines.
The second share is intended for the repair of the
dilapidated temple and the third share is meant
for the maintenance of the family of the danapati
or the person in charge of receiving the royal
grants on behalf of the Jayasrama monastery.
The content of the second Talcher Grant of the
same king, Sivakaradeva, is the same except that
a different village, namely Surabhipura situated
in the division called Koratti-khapda, had been
granted to the same monastery (Tripathy 2000:
147–53). Similarly, the two donative copperplate
grants of the early Somavamsis (seventh and
eighth century ce) in the Bilaspur-Sirpur area
of present Chattisgarh state records donations
to a viharika (small monastery). The Mallar
copperplates of Sivagupta, Balarjuna, dated to
eighth century ce, refers to donation of land to
venerable bhikxus of caturdisa-arya bhikxu saogha
of Taradamsakaviharika constructed by Alaka,
wife of Koradeva (Mirashi and Pandeya 1935–6:
113–22). The Sirpur inscription of the time of
Sivagupta, Balarjuna, on the other, records a
land donation for the construction of a vihara by
a bhikxu named Anandaprabha during the reign
of King Balarjuna and for the establishment
of a sattra 3 after purchasing the house from the
Saogha by paying a price; a hut in the vihara
(viharakuti) and setika of white rice together with
appropriate quantity of vyañjana for each of the
monks per day (Dikshit 1955–6: 197–8).
There are two other copperplates of the
Somavamsis which record donations to the
Buddhist establishments in Odisha: namely
the Banpur/Achutarajpur Copperplate grants
of Indraratha dated to tenth century ce and
Ratnagiri Plates of King Karpa dated to
the eleventh-twelfth century ce . The former
copperplate records donation of the village
81
(grama) Laghukumbhi in the Kongada mapdala for
making provision of bali, caru, naivedya and dola
(swing) for the goddess Khadiravani Bhattarika.
Khadiravani Bhattarika has been identified
with the Khadiravani Tara, a beautiful image
of which has been found at Banpur. The same
Tara image is most likely referred to in the
Axtasahasrika-Prajñaparamita manuscript (1015
ce ) housed in the Cambridge University Library
(Mitra 1978: 27–8).
Four important facts merit attention from
these grants. It is to be noted that the space within
the monastery was sold out by the establishment
as was the case in the Sirpur inscriptions where
space for a sattra within the vihara was purchased
from the monastery. Second, there were instances
of monastery being constructed by the bhikxus,
as alluded to of the monk Anandaprabha in the
Sirpur inscription. Third, the temple constituted
an important component of the Buddhist
establishment. Both the Jayarampur grant of
Gopacandra as well as the two Talcher grants of
the Bhaumakara King Sivakara III attest to the
presence of temples; in the Jayarampur grant the
presiding deity of the temple was Avalokitesvara
whereas in the Talcher grant, the presiding deity
was the Buddha. Therefore, the temple was part
of the Buddhist establishment and not exclusive
to the Brahmanical religions alone. Further, it is
to be noted that in many of such temples, the daily
rituals resembled with that of the Brahmanical
religions. Rituals such as snapana (ablution),
naivedya (offering), etc. were also recorded in the
worship of the Buddhist deities as well. Many
of the donations were made by the king at the
request of feudatory chiefs.4 In one instance, as
in the Talcher Grant of Sivakaradeva III, it is
important to point out that the donated village
was not directly handed over to the monastery
for its management. The danapati was to collect
all revenues specified in the grant and distribute
the earning into three shares. Neither the Abbot
nor any bhikxu was authorised to manage the
rent-free grant.
82 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A

cult affiliation in the inscribed
image inscriptions and copperplates
The above inscriptions both on images as well
as on the copperplates also reveal the cult
popularity of various deities of Buddhism. The
table below represents the images on which
the inscription has been inscribed as well as
the cult images mentioned in the copperplates.
Except the Lalitagiri pedestal inscription which
belongs to the early historical period, other
votive inscriptions belong to the early mediaeval
period. As the table below shows, out of the 11
image inscriptions, two are on monastic slabs,
one on Nataraja Siva, one inscription is a stele,
one is on Buddha image, one is on step well and
three are on Avalokitesvara, two on Tara and
one on a Mañjusri image. This indicates that
Avalokitesvara and Tara were important and
popular Buddhist deities. The copperplate grants
such as Jayarampur copperplates as well as the
Banpur copperplates invoke Avalokitesvara
and Tara respectively, while the Mallar grants
refer to the Buddha Bhattaraka. These image
inscriptions and copperplates refer to Buddhas,
Avalokitesvara and Tara as most favoured deities
of donation. Only one image inscription, i.e. the
Asanpat inscription, refers to donation to the
sramapas by king Satrubhañja, who ruled over
Keonjhar district of Odisha.

table 1: Buddhist deities in the inscribed images and copperplates

and stone inscriptions of Odisha

Sl. Name of inscription Location of inscription Date Cultic identity of

no. image

1 Lalitagiri apsidal Caityagrha On the pedestal in the southern 2nd —

inscription pathway of Caityagrha century ce
2 Asanpat Nataraja inscription On the pedestal of the image of 6th Nataraja
Siva Nataraja century ce
3 Avalokitesvara image On the left backslab of the image 7th Avalokitesvara
inscription of Udayagiri near the entrance of Udayagiri century ce
4 Mañjusri rock-cut image On the backslab of the image 7th Mañjusri
inscription of Udayagiri century ce
5 Khadipada Avalokitesvara On the side edge of the image 7–8th Avalokitesvara
image inscription century ce
6 Inscribed image of Buddhas On the pedestal 7th Buddha in
in the Jagannath temple century ce dhyanamudra
compound, Jajpur
7 Architectural slab inscription in Outer wall of Monastery I, 8th —
Monastery I, Ratnagiri Ratnagiri century ce
8 Tara image inscription of On the pedestal of the image 8th Tara
Jayarampur century ce
9 Step well inscription of On the lintel of the step well 10th —
Udayagiri century ce
10 Ratnagiri stelae inscription On the conical top of the stelae 10–11th —
century ce
cont.
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 83

Sl. Name of inscription Location of inscription Date Cultic identity of

no. image

11 Ratnagiri pedestal image On the pedestal 11th —

inscription century ce
12 Avalokitesvara pedestal image On the pedestal 10th Khaxarpapa
inscription, Khiching century ce Lokesvara

Copperplates

13 Jayarampur plate of Maharaja — 6th Avalokitesvara

Gopacandra century ce
14 Talcher plate of Sivakaradeva — 9th Buddhabhattaraka
Yr 149 century ce
15 Talcher plate of Sivakaradeva — 9th Buddhabhattaraka
Yr 149 century ce
16 Mallar copperplates of — 7–8th Cult not men-
Sivagupta century ce tioned
17 Sirpur inscription of the time — 7–8th Cult not men-
of Sivagupta Balarjuna century ce tioned
18 Copperplate charter of Soma- — 11th Cult not men-
vamsi king Karpa century ce tioned
19 Achutarajpur copperplate of — 11th Khadiravani
the Somavamsi king Indraratha century ce Bhattarika

The popularity of the Buddha, frequency are various Buddhas, Avalokitesvara,

Pañcatathagatas, Tara and Avalokitesvara is also
attested from other sources. The popularity of
Tara is attested from votive stupas and terracotta
seals and sealings from Ratnagiri. The votive
stupas at this site attest to the cult preferences of
pilgrims who visited the sacred sites. Votive stupas
have been found in plenty from the excavation
of Ratnagiri, Udayagiri and Lalitagiri. In sheer
number the votive stupas of Ratnagiri rival Bodh
Gaya. At Ratnagiri, more than 700 monolithic
stupas have been exposed by excavation in the
maha-stupa area and area in front of Monastery 2
alone. The plain or decorated stupas with images
in their niches, numbering 270, constitute the
largest group among the monolithic votive stupas
of Ratnagiri (Diagram 1). Among the Buddhist
divinities in these niches, Tara outnumbers
others. The other deities in descending order of
Mañjusri and Marici. Among 46 stupas with
Buddha reliefs, 27 represent Buddha in
bhumisparsamudra, six in dhyanamudra, four in
varamudra and one in abhayamudra, with eight with
indistinct mudras. Many different forms of Tara
have been found in Odisha. The popularity of
the deity owed to the belief that she protects the
devotees from many perils.
Similarly, an analysis of the images found from
Ratnagiri (Diagram 2) reveals that apart from the
images of the Paocatathagatas, Avalokitesvara
and Tara are also predominant. In fact, a
further analysis of the chronological evolution
of these deities indicate that the Paocatathagatas
began to appear from eighth century ce; while
many wrathful deities belong to ninth-eleventh
century ce. This suggests that both caryatantra
texts like the Vairocana Sutra and Yogatantra text
84 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
diagram 1: Cult images in the votive stupas of Ratnagiri
Pl. 14: Terracotta Buddha image (Ratnagiri) as
pendant to be worn: loop in terracotta seals, sealing
and images suggest that they were worn as amulets
like the Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha appeared to
have moulded the iconographic programme of
the Buddhist sites of Odisha, including that of
Ratnagiri in seventh-eighth century ce. It is also
apparent that Anuttara-yogatantra texts influenced
iconographic programmes from the ninth to
twelfth centuries ce. The Tibetan texts attest to
Ratnagiri being a major centre of Kalacakrayana
in the tenth-eleventh centuries ce (Hock 1987;
Linrothe 1999; Mitra 1981 I: 21–3).
The substantive presence of Avalokitesvara
and Tara in both votive stupas as well as the
sculptural programme of Ratnagiri can be
attributed to the fact that Tara emerged as a
saviouress. Two Axtmahabhaya Tara images
datable to the eighth century ce have been
found at Ratnagiri. The popularity of Tara
cult is also attested from numerous terracotta
plaques seals and sealings from Ratnagiri. Some
of these plaques have loops in them, suggesting
that they were worn as amulets. The amulets as
objectification of charisma are shown to have
double presence: they embodied memories of
the past historical traditions of Buddha and his
disciples, and they were also linked, most likely,
with the monks of Ratnagiri who were in contact
with followers and disciples, to whom they
radiated their saintly virtue (Pl. 14).
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 85

diagram 2: Cult images from Ratnagiri N = 285

The table below represents the reported the seals and sealings from Ratnagiri.
table 2: Sealings from Ratnagiri (N = 1345)

Seals Description and Explanation

1. Seals having two-line letters (773 in no.) Inscription: Siddham (explained by a symbol) Tarabala. The
second line, Mararodhana. Palaeographically dated to eleventh
century. The excavator postulates that by stamping these
words on clay lumps the devotees aspired to resist Mara with
the blessing of Tara.
2. Cylindrical seals numbering 107 clay sealings The legend appears to be Cintamapi rakxita (protected by the
Cintamapi): apparently the name of an individual or may
be invoking the protection of Cintamapi Lokesvara. Some
sealings with seal impression contain the Cintamani rakxita line.
3. 97 clay sealings bearing two-line legend Sthavira Sararatrasya or Saracandrasya.
circular incense
4. Globular sealing: number 72 bearing six The sealings bear the name of an individual called Sri-
letters in two lines: palaeographically dates of Vimalacandra.
eleventh century ad
6. 18 globular sealings with a semi-circular These defaced sealings bear the legend Tarasraya (protection
incuse of Tara) as well as the seal impression of Ratnagiri
Mahavihara Aryabhikxu-Saoghasya.
86 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A

As the table above shows, the seals refer to
Tarasraya (Taking refuge in Tara): cintamapi
rakxita (protected by Cintamapi [Avalokitesvara]:
Tarabala (Tara’s power): Mararodhana (warding
off evil) and these seals were believed to protect
the carrier from evil and protect him/her. These
seals were used as sacred objects to be carried off
by the pilgrims. These sealings were found from
cell no. 17 of monastery 1, which seems to be the
store-room of the monastic establishment. These
seals/sealings of important monks of Ratnagiri
suggest that some monks of this monastery
attained great fame and popularity. The monastic
seals as well the sealings of important monks,
as of no. 2, 3 and 4, were produced by the
monastery and distributed among the devotees,
who took them as memorabilia. For instance, no.
2 and 3 sealings bearing the legend of Cintamapi
rakxita and Sthavira Sararatnasya Vimalacandra
respectively, were found in large number.
These types of sealings of important monks of
Ratnagiri, before being distributed among the
pilgrims and devotees, were impressed with the
monastic seal impression, indicating that there
was a conscious attempt on the part of the
monastic establishment to associate it with the
sealings of these important monks. Many of the
small structural stupas of Ratnagiri might belong
to these important monks and the sealings, so
large in number, were distributed as sediments
of power and efficacy among the devotees.
social background of donors
The study of early donations to the Buddhist
site of Sañci in Madhya Pradesh reveals that
as many as 40 per cent of the total reported
donations were made by monks and nuns in
Sañci Stupa I (Dehejia 1992). Bhikxu and Bhikxupi
continued to remain the donors to the Buddhist
establishments. Limited inscriptional data from
Odisha, as shown in Table 3 below, would show
that the bhikxus continued to be an important
category of donors in the image inscriptions
and copperplate donative grants to Buddhism
in Odisha. The table below represents the social
background of the donors.

table 3: Social background of donors to Buddhism in Orissa

Sl. Name of the inscription Time Donor Social background

no.

1 Lalitagiri apsidal Caityagrha 2nd Vinaya, a resident of Monk and Nun

inscription century ce Vadhamana and his nun-
disciple Buddhitini
2 Asanpat Nataraja inscription 6th Satrubhañja Maharaja as well assumed
century ce the title Devaputra
3 Avalokitesvara image 7th Subhagupta Bhikxu (monk)
inscription of Udayagiri century ce
4 Mañjusri rock-cut image 7th Simyaka ­—
­­­­

inscription, Udayagiri century ce

5 Khadipada Avalokitesvara 7–8th Rahularuci Mahamapdalacarya,
image inscription century ce paramaguru (a monk)
6 Inscribed image of Buddhas 7th Kesavasena Acarya
in the Jagannath temple century ce
compound: Jajpur
7 Architectural slab inscription 8th Vudhi, Devacandra Sutradhara (mason/
in Monastery I, Ratnagiri century ce engraver)
cont.
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 87

Sl. Name of the inscription Time Donor Social background

no.

8 Tara image inscription of 8th Mulauccha Sri Rapi (queen)

Jayarampur century ce
9 Step well inscription of 10th Vajraapga Rapaka
Udayagiri century ce
10 Ratnagiri stele inscription 10–11th Jayananda Kayastha (scribe)
century ce
11 Ratnagiri pedestal image 11th - (broken) —
inscription century ce
12 Khasarpapa Lokesvara 10th Dharapi Varaha Rapaka
pedestal image inscription of century ce
Khiching

Copperplates

13 Jayarampur plate of 6th Acyuta Mahasamanta

Maharaja Gopacandra century ce
14 Talcher plate of 9th Vinitatuoga Rapaka
Sivakaradeva Yr 149 century ce
15 Talcher plate of 9th Vinitatuoga Rapaka
Sivakaradeva Yr 149 century ce
16 Mallar copperplates of 8th Mahasivagupta Maharaja
Sivagupta century ce
17 Sirpur inscription of the time 8th Construction of a Vihara Bhikxu
of Sivagupta, Balarjuna century ce by a bhikxu named
Anandaprabha during the
reign of the king Balarjuna
18 Copperplate charter of 11th King Karpa King
Somavamsi king Karpa century ce
19 Achutarajpur copperplate 11th Indraratha King
of the Somavamsi king century ce
Indraratha

The above Table 3 reveals that the Inscriptions
nos 2, 8, 18 and 19 were donated by royalties
while Inscriptions nos 9, 12 13, 14 and 15 were
donated by feudatory chiefs assuming titles such
as rapaka and mahasamanta. Except the Inscription
no. 1, all other inscribed Buddhist donative
inscriptions of Odisha belonged to the early
mediaeval period. Inscription no. 1 belongs to
early historical period and it refers to the donor as
a bhikxu, whose name was Vinaya. He along with
his disciple, Budhitini (hailing from Vadhamana
and Aggotisila respectively) inscribed the
inscription describing the completion of anasana
of Adatamana, who was most likely an important
monk in Candraditya Mahavihara by which
name the monastic establishment of Lalitagiri
88 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
was known from fifth century ce onwards. The
donations by bhikxu and bhikxupi as two major social
groups donating to the Buddhist establishments
was a regular pattern in other early historical
Buddhist sites of India. The bhikxus continued to
make donations in early mediaeval period as is
revealed from the Sirpur inscription of the time
of Mahasivagupta, Balarjuna (Inscription no. 17)
and Avalokitesvara image inscription at Udayagiri
(Inscription no. 3). The Sirpur Copperplates
refer to the construction of a vihara by a bhikxu
named Anandaprabha during the reign of the
king Balarjuna, as well as of the establishment
of a sattra (free feeding house) for the monks after
purchasing the house from the Saogha by paying
a price, a hut in the vihara (viharakuti) and setika of
white rice together with appropriate quantity of
vyañjana for each of the monks per day. Similarly,
the Avalokitesvara image inscription refers to the
donor Subhagupta as a bhikxu.
Only three inscriptions refer to construction/
donation by women. Inscription no. 16 refer to
the construction of the Taradamsakaviharika by a
certain Alaka, the wife of Koradeva.
Along with bhikxu, another major social
category which inscribed their identity on the
images was the Acaryas. The emergence of the
Buddhist acarya as an adept Guru as well as the
emergence of Siddhacarya marked a major shift in
Vajrayana Buddhism from the earlier emphasis
on bhikxu. Integral to Vajrayana Buddhism was
the centrality of a Guru and a Yogini. Initiation into
Vajrayana, both for the laity and monks, required
rituals. A Guru, who is an accomplished one,
can do this. An accomplished one in Vajrayana
traditions requires various practices including the
need of a female partnership. The Acarya initiates
the seeker to the world of Vajrayana. The Sanskrit
word of initiation is abhixeka. The Acarya guides
the disciples and helps him enter into the world
of mantras/Vajrayana, The Guhyasamajatantra
states that the pledge (samaya) and vow (samvara)
said to be liberated from worldly conduct:
when protected by all the diamonds (vajra) is the
pronounced practice of mantra (Bhattacharyya
1967: 16–17). The passage thus indicates that
the seeker under the active guidance of Guru
enters the secretive world worked with vows
and pledges of his initiation. Alex Wayman,
quoting various Buddhist texts, refers to fourteen
pledges: one of the most important of which is to
refrain from disparaging one’s Acarya (Wayman
1973: 66–7). The abhixeka ritual starts with the
preparation of the disciples by the acarya for
visualisation of the deities (Sadhanas) (Sanderson
1995: 88).5 Many of the Vajrayana texts, such as
Hevajra-tantra and Cakrasamvaratantra, refer to the
process of visualisation. Cakrasamvara-tantra refers
to four progressively higher and more esoteric
visualisations of and identification with the deity
(Gellner 1996: 22).
The growing importance of the Acarya sin
the new ritual context of Vajrayana in Odisha is
evident from both the epigraphic and sculptural
sources. The Khadipada Avalokitesvara image
inscription (Inscription no. 5) refers to the donor
as Mahamapdalacari (who is adept in mapdalas) and
paramaguru Rahularuci (Ghosh 1941–2b: 247–8).
The former does sound like a self-assumed title
but seems to be an epithet of dignity conferred
to Rahularuci. The twin titles suggest that
Rahularuci was quite adept in the mapdala rituals
of Tantric Buddhism and he was a paramaguru,
suggesting that he initiated many of his students
to the world of mapdala rituals. Similarly, the
Inscription no. 6 also contains the name of
Acarya Kesavasena. There is iconographic and
architectural evidence of mapdalas in the Buddhist
sites of Odisha, indicating the role of Acaryas in
the initiation into mapdala in presence of these
mapdala deities.
rapakas as a support base of
buddhism : their tribal background
Table 3 shows that Inscription nos 9, 12, 13, 14
and 15 were donated by feudatory chiefs assuming
titles such as Rapaka and mahasamanta. Rapaka
Vinitatuoga, belonging to the Tuoga ruling
family of tenth century ce, requested his overlord
King Sivakara III of the Bhaumakara dynasty
to make a donation to Jayasrama Mahavihara in
Talcher area in the ninth century ce. This area
retains its tribal vestiges even now, and tribal
influences must have been considerably higher
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha
in the ninth century. The Tuogas ruled over
the Yamagarta mapdala identified with Talcher,
Anugul areas of undivided Dhenkanal district
and assumed the title of Axtadasa Gondarmas
(18 Gopdarmas), suggesting their affiliation with
the Gond tribe. Similarly, their tribal affiliation is
attested from their origin myth described in their
inscriptions in which they described themselves
as being born from eggs (apda jata). The presence
of a Buddhist monastery in a thick pocket of
tribal population as indicated by the donation
by the Tuogas to Jayasrama Mahavihara, raises
questions about the role of Buddhist monasteries
vis-à-vis the historiographical proposition about
land-grants to Brahmins as the only vehicle
of acculturation of the tribes. Similarly, the
Udayagiri step well inscriptions refer to Rapaka
Vajrapaga. Udayagiri is even today surrounded
by tribal Savara population. It is to be noted that
Vajrapaga carries a Buddhist affiliation with
Vajrayana. His name ends with naga, suggesting
his affiliation to Naga. Satrubhañja of Asanpat
Inscription refers himself as belonging to the
Naga lineage. This name of Vajrapaga indicates
an imposition of the Buddhist name on a tribal
background. On the other hand, the Khaxarpapa
image inscription of Khiching refers to Rapaka
Dharapi Varaha, who seems to have been related
to Bhañjas in some capacity. Udaya Varaha of
the Bonai plate bore the title Rapaka and traced
his origin from Mayura-vamsa. The Bhañjas, who
were the feudatories of the Bhaumakaras: also
traced their lineage to a peahen. According
to the account contained in most of the Adi-
Bhañja inscriptions, Gapadapda Virabhadra, the
progenitor of the Adi-Bhañja lineage emerged
from a peahen’s egg at the great penance grove
of Kotyasrama and reared by sage Vasixtha.
Thus both the Adi-Bhañjas of Khijiñgakotta
and Varahas claimed a common descent from
a peahen, indicating their relationship with the
Adi-Bhañjas of Khijiñgakotta (Khiching). In
the Khasarpapa image inscription of Dharapi
Varaha (Inscription no. 12) Dharapi Varaha
installed the image of Khasarpapa Lokesvara
in the reign of Rajya Bhañja of the Adi Bhañja
89
dynasty, indicating that the Varahas, even
though related through a common descent with
Bhañjas, also acknowledged the authority of
the Bhañjas as their overlord. Both the Bhañjas
and Varahas, both of whom acknowledged the
lordship of Bhaumakaras, were worshippers of
Siva but at the same time, they made donations
to Buddhism. The Bonai Copperplate of Udaya
Varaha describes him as a devout worshipper of
Saugata (Shastri 1920: 236–45). Thus, it seems
that the Bhaumakaras, who were ardent followers
of Buddhism, along with their feudatories such as
Bhañjas, Tuogas and Varahas, spread Buddhism
to the interior tracts of Odisha.
Brahmanical Opposition to the
Buddhist Rapakas: A Study of the
Bhairava Iconography
As shown in the previous section, the spread
of Buddhism to interior areas of Odisha was
patronised by Rapakas, many of whom, like the
Tuogas, Bhañjas and Varahas, had tribal origins.
This strong support by Rapakas to Buddhism led to
the targeting of the Rapakas by the Brahmanical
religions in the ensuing conflict with Buddhism.
The Brahmanical texts of Odisha referred to
the increasing conflict between the Buddhists
and the Saivas. The Ekamara Purapa, the Saiva
Sthalamahatmya on Bhubaneswar belonging to
thirteenth century ce, refers to a dreadful war
waged by Siva against asuras on the bank of
river Gandhavati for the control of Ekamra-
Bhubaneswar. The Gandhavati corresponds to
the modern Gangua stream which flows through
Bhubaneswar. Hirapyakxa, the demon king, was
advised by his Guru Sukracarya, had tried to stop
the Yajña that the gods wanted to perform on the
bank of river. At first, the asuras were successful
in defeating the gods. Only Siva’s intervention
caused the final defeat of Hirapyakxa (Ekamara
Purapa 1986: 25–42). K.C. Panigrahi, an
insightful historian of Odisha, observed that the
Devasurayuddha (war between demon and gods)
at Ekamaravana mirrored ‘a conflict between
the Saivas and the Buddhists’ and the text, as a
90 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A

Saiva work, liked to term the Buddhist as asuras

and the followers of Siva as gods. This process
merely reflects the Saiva attempt to dominate
Bhubaneswar at the expense of Buddhism. K.C.
Panigrahi alludes to many evidence of such
process at work. Bhaskaresvara lingam, according
to Panigrahi, is actually an Asokan pillar which
was converted to a Saiva linga in eighth-ninth
century ad (Panigrahi 1986: 310).
Some sculptures of this period also indicate
this conflict between Saivism and Buddhism.
One indirect example of this conflict is the
representation of the Buddha in the sacrificial
yupa just outside of the entrance of the Saiva
Kapalika Vaitala temple, datable to the eighth
century. Outside the temple, just in front of the
entrance to the Jagamohana (porch), there is a
much worn, reworked Buddhist sculpture serving
as the base of a Yupa (the socket on the top was
made to insert another stone on a wooden figure)
testifying to the sacrifices offered to the goddess
Camupda (Pl. 15). K.C. Panigrahi has shown
that the Camupda of the Vaitala Deul was a
shrine of the Kapalikas; its name is derived from Pl. 15: Sacrifical yupa of Vaitala temple with
the Vetalas or spirits with the help of which the represention of Buddha, eighth century ce
Kapalikas attained their siddhis (Panigrahi 1961:

Pl. 16: A corpse being trampled by Bhairava; the corpse wears tribal dress, eleventh century ce,
Devagrama, Balasore (Courtesy: S. Pattanaik, Photographer, Odisha Museum)
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha 91

234–5). This sacrificial yupa reflects the sacrifice
of the Buddha at the hands of Kapalikas, thus
representing the conflict between Saivism and
Buddhism.
Many of the Siva images in his Bhairava aspect
and goddess in her Camupda aspect have been
represented in Odishan sculptures standing/
sitting on a corpse. The corpse is peculiarly
represented as having elongated ear and curled
hair. The elongated ear and curled hair are
associated with the sculptures of the Buddha
in Odisha. Is there a connection between the
sacrificial yupa with Buddha representation and
Camupda or Bhairava standing on corpses, whose
hair and ears follow that of the representation of
the Buddha? The Ekamara Purapa assigns a role
to Parvati who in the Ekamravana kills demons—
Kirti and Vasa—who wanted to enjoy her person.
Parvati in her Camupda aspect and Siva in
Bhairava aspect emerged as the embodiment of
the battlefield. The Agni Purapa provides a number
of impressive innovations to address Camupda
in order to obtain victory in the battle, and in
the Kalika Purapa she is worshipped with bloody
rituals during the new moon night of autumn.
In another mode of representing the corpse,
the corpse is shown as a dead warrior: as shown
in certain cases by the short sword in the sheath
that he wears slipped into his waist belt. In some
cases, as in the late tenth century stele from
Devagrama in Balasore district, the dead man is
richly clothed personage wearing necklace and
bracelets, easily identifiable as a tribal chief (Pls
16 and 17). There are some steale from Odisha
where Bhairava was represented trampling on
shaven heads or the head of the Buddha. Verardi
interprets these in the sense that the period of
Saiva assertion in the period of Somavamsi from
the middle of the tenth century is matched by
Saivite opposition to not only the Buddhists but
against the Buddhist local chiefs of Odisha, who
protested against the Somavamsi persecution
of Buddhism as well as the political domination
of the Somavamsis (Verardi 2011: 286–7). The
arrival of Brahmapas as owners of agricultural
lands, as reflected in the Yayati tradition of 10,000
Brahmins brought from Kannauj to Jajpur, led
to clashes between the new Brahmin settlers and
the old local rajas who were owners of lands.
The Bhairava and Camupda sculptures, which

Pl. 17: Tribal Chieftains being trampled by Bhairava, tenth century ce,
Dhakulei Thakurani, Pratapnagari, Cuttack Sadr, tenth century ce
92 U M A K A N TA M I S H R A
represent these local rajas as well the Buddhists,
were indirect evidences of usurpation of land of
the Buddhist rajas and the status that Buddhism
enjoyed in the Bhaumakara period.
Conclusion
The paper argues that the Buddhist dedicatory
image inscriptions reveal that the tribal chieftains,
assuming the titles such as Rapakas and Samantas,
were a major social groups who supported the
Notes
1. In copperplate inscriptions recording
endowments in favour of Brahmanical temples, bali
referred to food offerings dedicated to the deity of
the temple. It was basically intended to appease or
propitiate the god to deter or control malevolent
agencies, especially evil spirits (Willis 2009: 103). It is
possible that the use of this term (bali) in copperplate
inscriptions recording endowments in favour of
Buddhist monasteries referred to similar food
offerings made to the presiding Buddhist deity of the
monastery.
2. In copperplate inscriptions recording
endowments in favour of Brahmanical temples, Caru
referred to a homa (‘burnt offering’) to the deity of the
temple (Willis 2009: 108). It is possible that the use of
this term (Caru) in copperplate inscriptions recording
endowments in favour of Buddhist monasteries
referred to similar food offerings made to the presiding
Buddhist deity of the monastery.
3. In some copperplate and stone inscriptions
recording endowments in favour of Brahmanical
temples in the Gupta and post-Gupta period northern
and eastern India, Sattra appears to be an institution
attached to the temples (Willis 2009: 96–108). It was
an institution providing free feeding and, at a later
date, medicines to Brahmins, wandering ascetics
and the destitute. This institution, thus, brought the
temple closer to the community. The institution of
Sattra was adopted by Buddhist monasteries also,
where free food was distributed to the poor and the
destitute. Sattras attached to the Nalanda Mahavihara
find mention in an inscribed terracotta seal referring
to Sri-Nalanda-Sattraka-Samvarika-bhikxunam (Prasad
2017: 305) as well as in Nalanda stone inscription of
the Reign of Yasovarmmadeva datable to the sixth
century ad (Prasad 2017: 310). It is apparent that
spread of Buddhism in the hilly interiors of
Odisha. These chiefs were targeted by some of
the protagonists of the Brahmanical religions.
These chiefs were depicted being trampled by
Camupda or Bhairava.
This paper also argued that the donative
image inscriptions are also helpful in knowing
onomastic layers in donor’s name. It is also
helpful in understanding the social backgrounds
of donors, the religious beliefs behind donations
and geographical background of the donors.
some Buddhist monastic centres of Odisha too had
Sattras attached to them, which performed similar
functions.
4. In many copperplate inscriptions recording
donations in favour of Buddhist monasteries of early
mediaeval Bengal, Birendra Nath Prasad (2017: 318–
35) has noticed a similar trend in early mediaeval
Bengal.
5. Alexis Sanderson (1995) describes the abhixeka
rituals while Gellner and Beyer document the process
in the context of Nepal and Tara worship in Tibet
(Gellner 1996; Beyer 1973). “The deities are first
installed and worshipped in a mapdala made of
coloured powders [rajomapdala). The initiands take
the Tantric vows [samvara] and then spends the night
sleeping in a room adjoining that in which the mapdala
has been prepared [sisyadhivasana]. The next morning
the initiator interprets the initiand’ dreams and takes
ritual measures to eliminate any obstacle to success
which they may reveal. He then goes to the mapdala
room, bestows on himself the first empowerment,
that of garlands [malabhiseka], and then imagines that
his guru is bestowing the rest. The initiands are then
blindfolded, led in by a female adept [Yogini] or a
male assistant [karmavajrin] and presented before the
mapdala. They are made to take an oath of absolute
secrecy [koxapana] and are then made by means of
mantras to become possessed by the mapdala deities
[avesavidhi] for the purpose of progostication. After
terminating the possesion by dismissing the deities the
gurus asks each initiand the colour of lights he saw
and interprets the colour as predicting special aptitude
for this or that Tantric accomplishments [siddhi]. Still
blindfolded he is given a flower. He is to identify
the flower, imagine that the deity if the mapdala is
 Inscribed Buddhist Images and Copperplates from Odisha
standing before him in the mapdala, mentally enter the
mapdala and throw the flower forward on to the deity.
The guru determines the Buddha family [kula] of the
initiand from the direction in relation to the centre
of the mapdala of the point on which the flower falls.
The flower is then attached to the initiand’s hair. This
is the garland-empowerment (malabhixeka). The blind
old is then removed and the initand is told the inner
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