Critic|all IV International Conference on Architectural Design and Criticism

Abandoned places transformed into Art venues.

Two Cases: MoMA-PS1 (New York, US, 1976), and MACAO (Milan, IT, 2012)

Macedo, Wesley1
1. The Architecture and Urbanism College, University of Sao Paulo, Architectural Design PhD Program, São Paulo, Brazil,
w.macedo@usp.br

Abstract

This paper brings into discussion the movement of alternative art spaces. Although circumscribe
retrofit, buildings re-conversion, it also relates to gentrification. The trend of recycling abandoned
buildings into artsy venues is observed, here, from the 1970s in New York, US.
A noticeable case is the former 13-year abandoned building of the Public School nº 1 - PS1, launched
as the PS1 Institute for Contemporary Art, with the Installation and site-specific artworks, named
Rooms, in 1976. In 2010, after renovations, PS1 merged with MoMA, since when is named MoMA-
PS1.
As a comparison, another case comes from Milan, Italy. That is about the MACAO, an art collective
heading a contemporary experimental arts center. Nowadays, the group is settled in the former
building for livestock auctions, in the complex of the old Municipal Market, to the city east area.
Recently, the place was housing for artistic production, exhibition, and other cultural activities.
Abandoned places can create new relations and dynamics in the city, while is also potential objects for
urban transformations. New meanings, purposes, uses, and functions within abandoned architecture
seem to contribute to its urban reincorporation and rehabilitation of those places. Art activisms seek a
contemporary positioning with a look at the context in which it develops and in which it wants to
involve. This subject reflects and can contribute to a debate that seeks alternatives to the use and
preservation of urban voids and its inherent link to gentrification and capitalism accumulation in
contemporary cities. So, it extends our social-historical and architectural memories.
After all, as would say the artist Paul Klee: “Art does not reproduce the visible; it makes it visible”.
(2007, p.35).

Key words: urban void, abandoned architecture, gentrification, alternative art spaces.
1. Introduction.

Abandonment generates waste.

(Kevin Lynch)

Here, to start a dialogue about the issue of abandonment in architecture and urban voids, this text
searches for some common understandings on topics that look forward to guiding the readers within
the point of view here presented.

Post-industrial cities have seen an increase of derelict urban spaces, built-up structures and buildings
became obsolete due to its original functions turned into either unimportant or lost. While new
constructions arise to fill the demands and trends of a contemporary city, the urban sprawl contributes
to growing those urban and architectural voids in the city. According to Ignasi de Solà-Morales (1995,
p. 120), these strange urban spaces are spaces of freedom - an alternative to the late capitalist city.

Here, focusing on two cases: PS1 / MoMA-PS1 (New York, 1976 / 2010) and MACAO (Milan, IT,
2012), this paper talks about them, considering architecture re-conversions in former empty buildings
used by artists as a venue for encountering trends and new protocols for the contemporary society.

As a consequence, those previously abandoned buildings - then located not in the central city, nor
even in the most wanted areas - become shelters interesting for artists. Soon, after quite a few
renovations and some new activities in that buildings, now occupied with art exhibitions, site-specific
artworks, musical parties, and other programmings, using (or re-using), the architecture of their
previously abandoned empty buildings is transformed.

Resounding within the urban voids that circumscribed them, it is considered very necessary to talk
about gentrification; and how it makes the claiming from the streets an obligation for the critical view of
contemporary cities, an even stronger argument now. That is an important start point of what it follows.

1.1. Gentrification.

Gentry also means low-level nobles.

Gentrification, thus, relates to the changes of a popular neighborhood into a more bourgeois area.

The author David Harvey, a reader of Karl Marx, as well as Friedrich Engels and Henri Lefebvre, is an
important reference here. Not only because elucidates the issue, but also for his great understanding
of the theories and practices that engender and gentrify contemporary cities.

From the 1970s, the suburbanization with new projects as a way to grow capitalism – putting the
surplus label and surplus capital to work together (Harvey, 2014) – helped to expel the working class
from the city centers. In that context, the hectic moment of an undesirable Vietnam War, and all the
social revolutions, mainly from and for the black, women and what called minorities. The claiming from
the streets was a high voice. But, by the other side, higher forceful powers began to control the right of
the city (Lefebvre, 1970; 1996).
Henri Lefebvre’s argument was as path-breaking as it was prescient. According to him, the imperative
role of urbanism in general, and production of urban space in particular, is in capitalist relations, and
its reproductions. The author went further and argued that capitalism survived in the 20th century, not
by simply organizing production in space but by orchestrating the production of space (Lefebvre, 1970,
1996), which underscores his call, at the end of the 1960s, for a struggle over shaping the very
processes that produce capitalist urbanism, which denies the right to the city to most of its inhabitants.

The right to the city, in Lefebvre’s framework, does not only imply a right to urban space but also
envisions a city where its inhabitants could properly participate in urban political life. This emphasis on
the city as a space of politics and an arena of full political participation is most visible in the specific
way Lefebvre frames the right to the city. It manifests itself as a superior form of rights: the right to
freedom, to individualization in socialization, to habitat, and to inhabit. The right to the oeuvre,
participation, and appropriation (clearly distinct from the right to property) is implied in the right to the
city. (Lefebvre, 1996, p. 173-174).

Expelling the working class from the center of the city, creating new boulevards for the bourgeois, is
part of the strategy of capital accumulation, actually seizing hold of the city as meaning to resolve its
problems of growth, making room for more profits with urbanization. In the USA, building new cities
and expanding constructed urban areas had put capital and work class together, mainly after the big
depression and Wars. Creating highways for metropolitan areas, big cities like Dallas or Los Angeles
were not any longer those original small places from the 1940s.

Capitalism was doing well during the 1950s and 1960s, but a large number of the population was not
doing well, at all. That involved a great deal of discontent of the population. As to mention, 120 USA
cities were up to political struggles, on the occasion of Martin Luther King's assassin. One perceptive
answer to calm down the society nerves, was to give them credit as money. Soon, the urban rental
market appeared as attractive to the economy as for those who can afford to pay.

1.2. Urbanization as Gentrification.

Re-urbanization has demonstrated a way for capital to produce profits. Nowadays, the urban rental
market is very active, in many cities around the world. And as a consequence, if a citizen has not its
economic ways to pay and support their living in their place of living, they are forced to go somewhere
else. Higher costs of living in gentrified areas feed the profits of renting properties and investing
buildings that are not occupied by its proper owners, but with renters. Here, it could be explained a
reason some local people, mainly the poorer inhabitants there before, is expelled.

In this situation, Harvey (2014) questions whether there will be an urban alternative to the conditions
that affect the ideals of urban identity, citizenship, and belonging, to a coherent policy. These ideas of
identity, threatened by the malaise of individualistic neoliberal ethics, become much more difficult to
maintain. (p. 49) Being clearer, in his words:

‘The question of the type of city we want cannot be separated from the issue of the type of people we
want to be, what types of social relationships we seek, that relationships with nature satisfy us the
most, what lifestyle we want to lead, what are our aesthetic values. The right to the city is therefore
much more than a right of individual or group access to the resources that the city incorporates: it is a
right to change and reinvent our deepest desires. Moreover, it is a more collective right than an
individual, one that reinterprets the city inevitably depends on the exercise of a collective power over
the urbanization process.’ (Harvey, 2014. p. 28)
1.3. Facing it.

The Italian author Giovanni Semi, in his book Gentrification. Tutte le città come
Disneyland? or Gentrification. All cities like Disneyland? (Italy, ed. Mulino, 2015), looks for answering
questions such as: Is gentrification a positive or negative phenomenon, and from which point of view?
Also: Must gentrification be fought? Can it be triggered and/or controlled by appropriate urban policy
choices? What is the public role in supporting or arguing it?

Despite it looks non-answers, Semi brings the view of degraded central areas in contemporary cities
as desirable places. Although he observes they catalyze certain authenticity and seems to be
perceived in the collective imagination as something with a new and more dynamic image, the author
wants to reinforce the needs of consumers of the bourgeoisie. Also, defends the need for changes and
transformations, in the way it goes better for capital profits. He says that urban changes have been
happening in many cities, as marks San Francisco as a previously important center for the left political
thinking people, the black panthers as well as for the funk music. And now, local where tech
millionaires from Silicon Valley are settling residence.

A similar situation happens in New York City, where new riches are gradually occupying the Brooklyn
neighborhoods, as Bed-Stuy, Clinton Hill, Fort-Greene, and Williamsburg. On the other hand, there is
a relevant part of society, not miserable nor downsizing, looking for a simpler way of life. They are
aware of gentrification processes and would not like to move away from where they like to live.
Frequently where they were born and raised, as well as for the neighborhood inhabitants, and its
relations.

One should not consider piling the cities only with real-estate speculators for anxious oligarchs to park
their money, concentrating an immense wealth in a tiny minority. Otherwise, we may also have,
among other things, an artistic and cultural hyper-gentrification, a cleaned-up underground scenery.
An outcoming question: Is it an interesting fact for a social environment city?

Friedrich Engels said about the poorest and their social expulsion when noted that ‘filthy alleys
disappear, for the great joy of the bourgeoisie, that self-congratulates for contributing to the huge
success of transformations, but everything reappears immediately elsewhere.’ Engels emphasizes
that the poorest ‘are simply transferred to another place! The same economic need that produced
them at previous times, returns to produce them elsewhere.’ (Engels, 1935, in Harvey, 2014, p. 51)

Thus, gentrification is not any longer a new issue. It is part of urban changes, observed from a serious
of changes, struggles, resistance, fights, and all sort of those slogans of protest (Agier, 2011, p. 172):
a substantial space onto reflection.

2. Abandoned places, or these strange urban spaces.

Under the meaning of Solà-Morales (2002), these places manifest and present themselves as spaces
of freedom, an alternative for the cities of late capitalism.

The author will say that ‘these strange urban spaces’ have ‘their edges lacking an effective
incorporation’ and thus ‘are out of urban dynamics.’ In his words, they are ‘un-inhabited, in-safe, im-
productive areas, foreign places to the urban system, mental exteriors in the physical interior of the
city that appear as a counter-image of the city, both in the sense of its criticism and in the sense of its
possible alternative.’ (Solà-Morales, 2002, p.120) Seemingly forgotten places, where the memory of
the past seems to prevail over that of the present; therefore, become obsolete and outside the
effective, and affective, city circuits.

The identification that is with the place does not result from its functions, but from the appropriation of
these places by a group of people who can decide what to do with that space, giving it new meanings
and attributes.

We can observe that urban transformations, growing in the history of cities, have left many built
structures in a state of abandonment. Today, the information society sees constructions of the
industrial society of yesteryear. Thus, the city of the past leaves us a cultural heritage on which
alternatives to the preservation and memory of these places must be projected.

Breaks between the historic city and the modern city generate an anti-historical sense to the new city
core and a historical character only to the ancient core. While the modern city grows without
qualitative concerns, the historic city becomes closed, stagnant. The Italian architect Aldo Rossi (1966)
noted that urban facts are artistic facts because they are both products of humanity. The author
elucidates:

‘How are urban facts relates to works of art? All the great manifestations of social life have in common
with the work of art the fact of being born from unconscious life, this level is collective in the first case
and, individual in the second, but the difference is secondary because some are produced by the
public, the others for the public, but it is precisely the public that provides them with a common
denominator.’ (Rossi, 1966, p. 19).

Another relevant study that addresses abandoned places is presented by Stephen Cairns and Jane
Jacobs, authors of Buildings Must Die (2014). The authors recall that buildings are ‘assigned objects
of superior qualities of humanity.’ And in this way, many architects, ‘from John Ruskin to Aldo Rossi
and Charles Moore, have believed in architecture’s ability to hold and disseminate ‘memory’.’ (p. 11)

‘Sensitivity to a building’s end and an understanding of the conditions that attach to such an end —
wasting, obsolescence, decay, decrepitude, ruination — is less developed in architecture.’ (Cairns and
Jacobs, 2014, p.15). Therefore, they observe that ‘the positive and negative states of architecture are
carried out by two interrelated conditions” (p.31), namely: matter and importance.

Cairns & Jacobs observes that building’s durability depends upon a series of post-construction actions
that will offset or incorporate such facts. This might include maintenance regimes that ensure things
hold together as they were intended to, or it might entail symbolic or aesthetic work that reclaims a
disorderly building as a picturesque ruin, and there are other possibilities. (p.32).

Negative aspects of abandonment create possibilities for architecture to better live with the malformed
and deforming facts of its existence. Thus, they reflect on the decline and destruction of buildings not
as a death sentence for architecture, but rather a path to new reflections on being in the world.

3. The alternative art spaces movement. New York City, 1970´s.

It is possible to observe that one of the trends to occupy abandoned places, architectural voids in the
city, comes from the 1960-1970s in New York, USA. The city has had seen an uprising of social
movements, especially influenced by the counterculture context. Due to a few and expressive urban
policy changes circumscribed in a certain economic crisis, a growing number of abandoned places in
New York City called attention, in particular to artists and art-related professionals.

Against the standard white cube in the modern art system (O´Doherty, 1995), artists started to
consider the city, and its problems, as a substantial part of the art thinking. Thus, new artworks such
as site-specific installations and interventions, happenings and performances, also looked for derelict
urban spaces and buildings in the city as ideal places for those new forms and ways of producing art.
Soon, a relevant movement for alternative art spaces began.

Among the North American cultural scene, besides the series of socio-political-economic movements,
new artistic aspects emerged, as the Conceptual Art. At that time, many artists in New York City
began to act, through their ideas, postures, actions, works, and interventions, increasingly against
institutions and the installed power, especially in the ideological assumption of museums, and their
modern art system agents.

Artists sought new forms and ways for the project and carrying out their work - whether through
criticism, either through their interventions in the city. Thus, contributed to a new thought in the art that
opened alternative paths to the conventional standards. New artistic languages decomposed the
traditional image of art like paintings or sculptures. They went forward over other possibilities, where
the concept, the idea of the artistic work was the most important.

Victoria Newhouse (1998) cites that ‘happenings of artists in lofts and other non-institutional places
proliferated in the 1960s, as well as other forms of art.’ (p. 189) The author reminds us, for example, of
site-specific installations, minimalism, arte povera, and earthworks and the deconstructed buildings of
artists such as Gordon Matta-Clark.

Jay Sanders and J. Hoberman (2013), regarding the movement of alternative art spaces, published
Rituals of Rented Island, concomitant to the homonym exhibit organized in Whitney Museum of
American Art, in 2013. The authors addressed some artwork, with emphasis on the happenings and
performances in underutilized real estate, then converted into alternative art spaces, thanks to urban
policies that allowed their occupation by artists. Among such policies, the National Endowment for the
Arts (NEA) is the one in the lead.

In the regions of the Lower East Side and Soho, there was a significant set of empty industrial
buildings. Associated with urban policies that enable the occupation of these spaces from the young
artists in production, these neighborhoods have been confined to places in the meeting and
communion of those social groups attached to the counterculture.

The shift of factories and industrial sheets of Manhattan to other regions and cities and the attraction
of an increasing number of artists for these areas made that increasingly integer buildings were
converted into lofts, ateliers, and artistic creation studios. In them, Happenings and performances
occurred frequently.

4. PS1, 1976 / MoMA-PS1, New York.

The PS1 Institute for Contemporary Art Center has launched with the art exhibition named Rooms, in
the summer of 1976. The show with site-specific Installations occupied a former 13-year abandoned
building. Originally built in 1890, the building architecture reminds us the romanic revivalism, and it
was place for the Public School n.1 - PS1, located in borough Long Island City, district of Queens,
New York City.

The School had been deactivated in the early 1960s and was left in the state of abandonment.
Someway, it was used as a shelter for the construction materials for the subway expansions, like a
warehouse City Hall. (Fig. 1)

Fig. 1
From the alternative art spaces movement, Alana Heiss had led the IAUR - Institute for Art and Urban
Resources, as an department looking for those empty places that could be set to artist studios, artist-
run galleries, and lofts to live; once they would be cheaper and more accessible to artists - here, those
artists from conceptualism contemporary art, site-specific, Installation, happenings and performances.
The counterculture and underground scenery was up to those places, mainly warehouse and big
spaces, sometimes and frequently located at the nowadays very expensive Soho.

The IAUR had known the existence of the empty former Public School building and started to gather
ways to promote an occupation in place with an avant-garde idea of creating what later one could
classify as an anti-museum (as Alana Heiss did herself). Brenda Gill, Heiss´s colleague in this work
also mentioned that PS1 represented a new contemporary art platform (Gill apud Reiss, 1999, 113).

For the occasion of PS1 Institute for Contemporary Art Center inauguration with the Rooms exhibition,
the Artforum magazine dedicated its 1976 October edition (Foote, 1976, 29). According to the
pubilcation, Alanna Heiss by the IAUR had got a subside of $150mil from the NEA - National
Endowment for the Arts (by that time directed by the artist and art critic Brian O´Doherty, author of
Inside the White Cube). That amount was only sufficient for some basic repairs in instalations, leaving
the building with its abandoned aspect. Nevertheless, a sort of surprise and new invitation for the
public - to see new art forms in new art places, with new ideas.

As said the artist Joseph Beuys, it is better to exhibit in a factory than in a brand new museum (in
Montaner, 1995, 89). Within this ideal, Nancy Foote (1976, 29) described that the majority of artists
realized their artworks from the suggestions and the nature of the place, circumscribing the site-
specific Installations exhibited by 75 new artists. The author also classifies it as an act of renovation, a
reaffirmation that their art scene was thriving, differently from the 1960s.

The visitors of Rooms entered the builging of that old school in the same way and place the students
used to. From the entrance, corridors articulates the rooms where artists made their works. Not only
inside the building - from the basement to the attics, from stairs to bathrooms - , but also to the open
spaces were occupied. (Macedo, 2015)

In 1998, PS1 was reopened after the Frederik Fisher architectural design renovation, which gave PS1
new open exhibition spaces and its entrance was put into the back of the building, easier and closer to
access from a subway station, one block away. (Fig. 2)
Fig. 2

By the end of the 1990s, 20 years after PS1 inauguration, Alanna Heiss and Glenn Lowry, then the
director of MoMA-NY, started to talk about ways and alternatives to consolidate the existence of PS1,
with more resources. That is when the fusion with MoMA had started and was oficially named MoMA-
PS1, in 2010. Would it be necessary to say that nowadays this is a trend and gentrified area?

5. The Case of Milano: MACAO.

By the end of the 1990s, Italy has started to see a national uprising movement claiming for more
accessible culture centers in townships. Thus, it has led to the occupation of abandoned public spaces,
architectural voids, and empty buildings. A notorious squat comes from Milano, when the art-collective
named MACAO occupied the Torre Galfa in May 2012. (Fig. 3)

Built by the end of the 1950s, Torre Galfa was the headquarters of an oil company until the 1980’s -
SAROM (Società anonima raffinazione olii minerali) -, and of a bank until 2000 - BPM (Banco
Popolare di Milano). For more than 10 years, that central well-located building remained abandoned,
unoccupied until MACAO activists, through self-organized teams, squatted the building.

Artists, architects, and other cultural professionals gathered into meetings promoted by MACAO. Torre
Galfa placed not only those encounters but also artistic expressions, throughout the construction.
Their action brought into discussion new ways of creating a museum of art, built by citizenship. The
art-collective defends their manifesto as a product born from local communities, from day-to-day
struggle, from pure political action. In their words:

‘Avoiding the creative industry paradigm, and trying to innovate the old idea of cultural institutions, the
main goal is to consider art production as a viable process for rethinking social change, elaborating
independent political critique, and as a space for innovative governance and production models.

The research concerns the labor conditions in the creative industry and the cultural sector, the right
to the city, and new forms of organization and technological solutions for cultural production.’ 1
Fig. 3

MACAO had claimed, with experts of the Italian Constitution, that a political movement of citizens has
the right to take charge of private property, in case of misuse of the space. Although the art-collective
notorious efforts, the Torre Galfa occupation last only for ten days. On 2012, May 15th, the group was
forced to dis-occupy the building. Groups with more political influences got it back and put it into the
real-estate market; recently sold by millions of euros.

Now, MACAO is in the former slaughterhouse of the Fruit and Vegetables Market, ex-Mercati Generali
di Milano, in the city east border (Fig. 4). A place for self-organized funding raising events, such as
concerts, theatre performances, art exhibitions, and other cultural experiences. This case of a non-
institutional, yet a notorious self institution, brings out an alternative form of participatory welfare self-
management, from the bottom. Some way, a place where to imagine a future for our lives. It is eco-
design research with community and people, facing the forms of expropriation due to gentrification; an
association by new testing and experimental financial instruments.

Looking to map these welfare experiments helps us to think about social spaces where young people,
independent and underground culture, through collective self-production practices, can have a place in
our contemporary urban life. In the MACAO manifesto, the innovation capability of this experience can
inspire similar laboratories in the future. 2

Fig. 4
Fig. 5

6. Conclusion

Similarities between the original PS1 Institute for Contemporary Art, from the alternative art spaces
movement in the 1970s, New York, and the recent case of MACAO art-collective occupations in Milan,
Italy can arise, now.

Both cases emerge from contradicts contexts. If, for the first case was the New York counterculture
effervescence scenery, for the second case is the contemporary culture looking for alternatives to our
neoliberal capitalism that gentrifies cities, like urban places into the auction stocks.

For the permanence of PS1, MoMA-NY found an ideal place for feeding new young artists and art
consumers, yet with architectural competitions for ephemeral structures, built for the summer parties
when music and outside experiences take place. Around the MoMA-PS1, new demolitions and new
expellings happened and happens. It is a case where gentrification through art movements is clear.

MACAO, already expelled from their primary occupations - where the urban costs could get higher
without them, therefore: gentrification - , is still in the ex-Mercati Generalli di Milano. Yet no central, but
already focus of many interventions and political struggles trying to take their activities out of there.
This is about an enormous area of land in the city of Milan, where events and fashion trends go fast.

From the first case, relating to what we could expect for the second case, it is seen how different point
of views can cause, and its consequences. It is good for the capital and the ones who will make
profits, but the sense of community and local places with its inhabitants, culture and the routine life
relations and interactions got lost; and seems to get faster.

These two cases bring us new purposes and meanings. Reusing built structures is a way cities can
grow with some sustainability, avoiding much more costs of production and commuting. This article
dialogues with the possibility of helping local communities around those new venues with art
experiences in the contemporary city, with urban policies, supporting for the urban cost fees of life not
get higher so rapid for the older renters inhabitants. Thus, an alternative for us to develop our sense of
community and urban culture. If it is a critic of reality, how to live together in the contemporary world?
Notes

1. Macao, Nuovo Centro per le Arti, la Cultura e la Ricerca. Excerpts from: [http://www.macaomilano.org/spip.php?rubrique44]
Sep,,2020

2. idem

Image Captions

Fig. 1. Exterior view of P.S.1. Photograph by Jonathan Dent, 1976 [VIII.I.8] . Source: In
[https://www.moma.org/interactives/exhibitions/2012/artistinplace/]

Fig. 2. 1998 Reopening of PS1. Frederik Fisher Architects. Source: In: [https://lobsintl.com/project/moma-ps1].

Fig. 3. Torre Galfa occupied by MACAO, May, 2012. Source: In [http://cdn.blogosfere.it/mondodonna/images/torre-galfa-macao-

gandalf-anteprima-600x900-665936.jpg].
Fig. 4. View of the former Fruit and Vegetables Market, ex-Mercati Generali, at Via Molise, in the east border of Milan.
Picture by Wesley Macedo, Apr.,2017.
Fig. 05. View of the entrance of MACAO, a former building of the Slaughterhouse of ex-Mercati Generali di Milano.
Picture by Wesley Macedo, Apr.,2017.

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Biography

Wesley Macedo, architect researcher and Ph.D. student of Architectural Design at FAU USP, the Architecture and Urbanism
College, the University of Sao Paulo, where also had his master´s and undergraduate degrees. His researches come from
museums of contemporary art expansions, and art occupations, like in the case of PS1 / MoMA-PS1: the theme of his master´s
dissertation. Had worked in architectural offices in Sao Paulo, New York, and Milan, where he joint a survey that included the
case of MACAO, presented. As a teacher, had also lectured on architectural design, history, and urban studies.