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Article 3 Section 4 Notes
Article 3 Section 4 Notes
too-liberal stance the cases of New York Times Co. v. Sullivan and Garrison v.
Louisiana. These cases, however, are ground breaking in importance for they
expanded the protection given to freedom of speech and of the press. New York
Times restricted the award of damages in favor of public officials incivil suits
for damages arising out of libel precisely because of their chilling effects on the
public official concerned was imposed a very difficult, if not impossible, burden
of proof. He was required to prove that the defamatory statement was not only
false but was made with "actual malice." This means he has to prove that the
disregard for the truth." On the other hand, Garrison did not only reiterate but
even extended the New York Times rule to apply to criminal cases. In reversing
the Supreme Court of Louisiana, the United States Federal Supreme Court, thru
Mr. Justice Brennan, held that the "New York Times rule under which the
damages for a false statement made with actual malice, that is, with knowledge
that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not,
likewise limits state power to impose criminal sanctions for criticism of the
Louisiana statute which permitted punishment of false statements made with ill
will, even though they are not made with knowledge of their falsity or in
reckless disregard of whether they are true or not. It further held that lack of
reasonable belief in the truth of the statements is not the equivalent of reckless
disregard of truth. To quote exactly the ruling: ". . . Even where the utterance is
false, the great principles of the Constitution which secure freedom of
the knowing or reckless falsehood. . . . The public official rule protects the
public officials, their servants. To this end, anything which might touch on an
official's fitness for office is relevant. Few personal attributes are more
motivation . . . ."
BENCH. — The majority opinion in the case at bench certainly did not follow the
New York Times rule which was reiterated and even expanded inGarrison. The
majority halted after finding that the respondent's columns are false or slanted.
As aforestated, the affidavits of Messrs. Samson, Garcia, Jr., and Veto and Mrs.
de la Paz merely condemned as false respondent's report but did not prove
that respondent wrote his report with knowing or reckless disregard of truth.
Yet, the majority was satisfied that this was enough evidence to punish
respondent for contempt. It ruled: "That categorical denial logically and justly
placed on Jurado the burden of proving the truth of his grave accusation, or
showing that it had been made through some honest mistake or error
either of these things, to offer to atone for the harm caused." The shift in the
violates the New York Times rule. The New York Times rule fixed this burden of
proof on complainants against newsmen. If the New York Times rule has any
value to freedom of speech and of the press, it is because it made the burden
10. ID.; ID.; ID.; PRESS IS THE AGENT OF THE PEOPLE WHEN IT
GATHERS NEWS. — Again, with due respect, I submit that the majority
society. The Constitution did not conceive the press to act as the cheer leader
of government, including the judiciary. Rather, the press is the agent of the
people when it gathers news, especially news derogatory to those who hold the
reins of government. The agency is necessary because the people must have
all available information before they exercise their sovereign judgment. As well
safe to say, have shed and continue to shed, more light on the public and
business affairs of the nation than any other instrument of publicity; and since
informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon misgovernment
be regarded otherwise than with grave concern." As agent of the people, the
most important function of the press in a free society is to inform and it cannot
information of the press dry up, for then the press will end up printing "praise"
releases and that is no way for the people to know the truth.
finding body as its ordained duty is "to ascertain the truth" respecting reports
is less compared with the same power of Congress while making laws or the
power of the courts when litigating actual controversies. Jurisprudence holds
that the power to compel testimony inheres in the power to legislate for "a
or change." Case law similarly holds that courts can compel newsmen to testify
12. ID.; JUDICIARY; CAN PURGE ITS RANKS WITHOUT COMPELLING THE
INVOLVEMENT OF THE PRESS. — I submit that the press is not an adjunct of the
judiciary, any more than is it an annex of the two (2) other branches of
use of the press will compel it to compromise its role as critic of government.
investigate and reform itself. It can purge its ranks without compelling the
gave respondent an "option" and did not compel him to reveal the sources of
his information. Indeed, he was not compelled but he paid a high price for not
revealing the sources of his information. It was held that he failed to disprove
the falsity and slant of his column, hence, was liable for contempt. My thesis is
that the affidavits on the PLDT affair and Atty. Veto's party may have proved
the falsity or slant of respondent's columns. But mere proof of falsity or slant is
not proof that the falsehood or slant was made knowingly or with reckless
disregard of truth, to use the New York Times test. Likewise, proof that
respondent did not verify his facts from the PLDT and travel agency officials
and from Atty. Veto is not proof that he did no verification at all. Indeed, the
evidence does not show that Messrs. Samson, Garcia, and Veto and Mrs. de la
Paz wrote to respondent to give him an opportunity to correct his errors. In the
truth, he should not have even been called upon to disprove the falsity or slant
of his columns. He need not have been given the so-called "option" to reveal or