THE PROCESS OF ISLAMISATION IN INDONESIA THROUGH

THE CHANNELS OF ARCHITECTURE AND DECORATIVE ART

Uka Tjandrasasmita*

The Coming of Islam

The theories describing the coming of Islam to Indonesia

differ primarily with regard to dates and countries of origin. A
Chinese source, the Hsin-T 'ang Shu, frequently associated with
the first arrival of Muslims in Indonesia, mentions the Ta-shih
people's plans to attack the kingdom of Ho-ling (Java), which
was ruled by queen Sima around A. D. 6 74 ( 1) •

Based on the interpretation of several experts, the

Ta-shih people belonged to the Arab tribes, and their settle-
ments were estimated to be along the coastal areas of West Su-
matra, thus giving rise to the assumption that by the seventh
century A.D. or the first century A.H., the Muslims had arriv-
ed and had settled in Indonesia. Hence it was also assumed that
Islam was directly brought in by Arab tribes from their country
of origin (2).

Sources referring to •the Ta-shih people, not only date

back from the seventh century A.D., but also from the follow-
ing centuries, e. g. a Japanese source of approximately A. D.
748. That source amongst others, mentions the substantial num-
ber of Po-sse and Ta-shih Kuo ships harbouring in Khanfu
(Canton). The source of Chau-ju-kua which was derived frorri
Chau-ku-fei also mentions Ta-shih tribe colonies in A.D. 1178.

Considering the various interpretations and placements of

the Ta-shih people in different periods, it seems difficult to
locate with certainty the actual settlements of the Mu.slims
around the seventh century A.D. Whereas Groeneveldt, assumes
that the Ta-shih people belongs to Arab tribes and that their
settlements were along the coastal areas of West Sumatra;
Wheatly assumes them to be at Kuala Brang, about 25 miles from
the river Trengganu (present-day Malaysia). Another assump-
tion is in South Sumatra. Rita Rose di Meglio's views are that

* Director for the Protect'1on and De~elopment of Historical and Archaeolo-

gical Heritage, Directorate General of Culture, Ministry of F.ducation and Cul-
ture of The Republic of Indonesia.
187
the Ta-shih people in the seventh or eighth century 'A.D. can
be considered as Arabs or Persians, but not as other Muslims
from India, whereas the Po-sse belonged to the Malayan race
(3).
Disregarding differences of opinion on the interpretation of
the Ta-shih and their locations, we may say that in the seventh
and eighth centuries, it was not impossible that the Muslims,
whether Arabs, Persians, Indians, had intensive relations with
Indonesians and the people from other Southeast Asian countries
and East Asia. Trade and sea communication between the east-
ern and western parts of Asia flourished mainly due to the rise
and development of three powerful dynasties: the Caliphate of
Umayah (660-749) in West Asia; in Southeast Asia, in the west-
ern part of Indonesia the Sriwijaya kingdom (7-14th century),
and in East Asia the Chinese T'ang dynasty (618-907).

In the tenth century the Straits of Malacca were an impor-

tant sea route in southeast Asia which in all probability were
still controlled by the Sriwijaya empire. Sea faring and trade
communication conducted by Muslims, passing the Malacca
Straits, gradually increased so that in the early thirteenth cen-
tury A.D. a Muslim settlement was established along the coast
of Malacca Straits about 15 km away from Lhokseumawe, the
present district of North Aceh. The discovery of a gravestone
of Sultan Malik as-Salih (A.D. 1297), (3) has proved that in
that area a Muslim-oriented government was formed. Reports
about Marco Polo arriving at Perlak in A.D. 1292 and chronicles
such as the story of the Pasai kings and the Malay History
have strengthened the assumption of such an Islamic-oriented
kingdom. Data from the thirteenth century are used by a num-
ber of experts as a basis for their views on the coming and
process of Islamisation in Indonesia. This view was held by
Snouck Hurgronje, Moquette and others (4). They related also
that Islam was not directly brought in from Mecca, but from
Persia and India, primarily from Gujrat. Those scholars based
their conclusions on the similarity of customs held by the
Shi' ah, Shafi 'i ( doctrine or school of Islamic law) adopted in
Indonesia and those found in Muslim chronicles in India ( 5) .

Moquette has supported this theory comparing the grave-

stones fuund in Cambay (Gujrat, India) to those in Samudra-
Pasai, and even to those in Gresik (Java) (6).

Such views cannot naturally be accepted as such, consid-

ering the fact that Muslim sea faring and trade in Southeast

188
Asian and Eastern countries as described above are evident as
from the seventh century A.D. and the following centuries be-
fore the thirteenth century A.D. Therefore, we would rather
consider the thirteenth century A.D. as the culmination of the
process of Islamisation and growth of the first Muslim-oriented
kingdom in Indonesia.

The coming of Islam and its process from the seventh to

the thirteenth century was limited to the area round the Malacca
Straits. The emergence of the Samudra-Pasai kingdom can be
related to the political condition of the Sriwijaya kingdom early
in the thirteenth century which was too weak to control the
region because of the political expansion of the Hindu-Javanese
kingdom of Singasari, ruled by Kertanegara. The political ex-
pansion of the Chinese empire under Kublai Khan in the thir-
teenth century could also have been one of the contributory
causes of the decline of Sriwijaya. This situation was made use
of by the Muslims, not only to form economic trade villages, but
also to form a governmental structure as well by appointing
Marah Silu, the chief of the Gampong Samudra, to become Sul-
tan Malik as-Salih (7).

The coming of Islam to other coastal areas in the Indone-

sian archipelago also passed by way of sea faring and trade. As
the result of communication between the Malacca Straits and
Samudra-Pasai is one of the port of call centres, Islam reached
a part of the Malay peninsula, i.e. Trengganu. Evidence about
the arrival and growth of a Muslim community in that region
cannot be denied (8).

Likewise Malacca in the fourteenth century emerged as a

Muslim sea faring and trade centre, and in the early fifteenth
century a Muslim-oriented kingdom was formed. In the thirteen-
th, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the sea routes between
eastern and western Asia were mainly under the control of Mus-
lim merchants and traders.

Muslim sea faring and trade through the Malacca Straits

with centres such as Samudra-Pasai and Malacca, were extended
to the coast of other islands. The gravestone from Leran in
Gresik, which mentioned the name of Fatimah binti Maimun bin
Hi bat Allah, who died in 1102, has proved that the northern
coast of East Java in the twelfth century had been visited by
Muslims (9). However, this does not indicate _the establishment
of kingdom, except for the possibility of a Muslim community
which at that time started to take up trade relations with the

189
Javanese people.

The constant coming stream of Muslims to the northern

coast of Java started in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
A.D. They came from Arabia, Persia, India and from Samudra-
Pasai, Malacca. But there were also traders from Java who were
visiting Malacca and also Samudra-Pasai. Communication of Mus-
lim traders from Samudra-Pasai, Malacca, was not only restrict-
ed to coastal ports at North Jc:.va, such as Tuban, Gresik, and
Seday, but also included coastal ports on the north of West
Java, such as Cirebon, Indramayu, Banten. Chronicles and
Portuguese accounts, and historical relics taking the forms of
gravestones from Troloyo, Trowulan and Gresik, all describe
the introduction and spreading process of Islam on the coast of
North Java, whose inhabitants were still subordinate to the
kingdom of Majapahit.

The coming of Islam and its spreading process along the

northern coast of East Java coincided with the drastic political
situation of Majapahit at that time, which showed signs of disin-
tegration as the result of power seizure by members of the roy-
al family. Tome'Pires in his Suma Oriental (1512-1515) writes:
"At the time, when there were heathens along the seacoast of
Java, many merchants used to visit, Arabs, Gujratese, Bengal-
ese, Malayans and other nationalities, among them many Moors.
They began to trade in the country and grew rich. They suc-
ceeded in building mosques, and mollahs-Muslim lords came from
abroad. Their numbers grew. The sons of these Moors were
already Javanese and rich, for they had been in these parts for
about seventy years. In some places the heathen Javanese lords
themselves wanted to become Mohammadan, and thus the mollahs
and merchant Moors took possession of these places. Some forti-
fied the places where they lived. They used their own people to
sail their junks and they killed the Javanese lords and made
themselves masters of the seacoast and took over trade and
power in Java" (10).

This account and an inscription of Jiu (1486) in East Java

show that the downfall of the capital of Majapahit was not only
the result of growing Muslim influence, but also mainly due to
attacks on the Hindu-_Indonesian kingdom by the dynasty of
Daha (Kediri). In 1478 the capital moved to Kediri which, ac-
cording to Tome'Pires, could be reached within two days of
steady travel. During the political chaos, some of the governors
of Majapahit, in the coastal regions, broke their political ties
with the central authorities and collaborated with the Muslims.

190
Local chronicles tell that Raden Patah, the son of Brawijaya,
the last king of Majapahit, established the Islamic kingdom of
Demak. Raden Patah has been identified by de Graaf as Pate
Rodim (Sr) mentioned in the account of Tome'Pires.

From the north coast of Java, Muslim traders also visited

trading centres in the eastern part of Indonesia, i.e. the Malu-
ku islands, well known for their spices. Local traditional sour-
ces relate that the Maluku region had been visited by Muslims
since the fourteenth century. The XIIth king of Ternate, named
Molomateya (1350-1357), was befriended by Arab Muslims who
gave guidance in ship building. During the reign of Mar hum in
Ternate, a man called Maulana Husein, who was from Java, visi-
ted that region. He revealed his skill in writing Arab texts and
reading the Qur'an, so that he attracted the attention of the
Maluku people ( 11) •

The Malukan king who was really considered to have pro-

fessed Islam, was king Zainal Abidin, who reigned from 1486 to
1500; he received Islam from Giri or Gresik, East Java. When in
Java, king Zainal Abidin's nickname was king Bulawa, which
means king of cloves, because he brought in cloves from Maluku
to offer them to his teacher in Giri. Upon his return from Java
he was accompanied by a preacher named Tuhubahahul. Accord-
ing to the story written by Rizali, Minister Jamilu from Hitu
accompanied king Zainal Abidin to Giri.

Other sources originating from Tome'Pires and Antonio

Galvao also mention the coming of Islam to the Maluku region.
Tome'Pires said that the owner of the ships from Gresik coming
to Maluku was Pate Cuguf. The king of Ternate who professed
Islam was Sultan Bom Acorala and only the king of Ternate
used the title of Sultan, whereas other were addressed as king.
He also said that Muslims had already been found in Banda,
Hitu, Haruku, Makian and Bacan. This shows that the arrival
at those areas occurred prior to the arrival of Tome'Pires and
Antonio Galvao. According to Tome'Pires (1512-1515) the king of
Maluku was converted to Islam for the first time around 50
ye~rs before, i.e. between 1460 and 1465 (12).

That account is similar to the report given by Antonio

·Galvao who was there around 1540-1545. He said that Islam en-
tered .the Maluku 80 or 90 years before, in other words 1460-
1465 (13).

The descriptions above indicate that the coming of Islam to

191
Maluku was not primarily from Muslim regions outside Indonesia,
but also from Giri in Java. Active communication in the past
between the kings from Maluku and Girl, however, were impor-
tant occasions and not to be disgarded, seen from the viewpoint
of the outcome of the coming of Islam and the Islamisation pro-
cess.

If we regard the arrival of Muslims in the Maluku region,

as related by local tradition, to start from the fourteenth cen-
tury, we may link it with their arrival at the Majapahit ports
from the early fourteenth century. After the establishment of a
well-known Muslim educational centre (pesantren) in Girl, there
were more frequent contacts.

The political situation in the Maluku region upon the com-

ing of Islam differed from that in Java. They did not face the
political confusion caused by the seizure of power by family
members of the ruling group.

The Muslims travelled from Malacca to Maluku for the first

time along the northern coast of Java and then through South
Kalimantan and South Sulawesi.

In the fifteenth century, sea faring and trading roads

from Malacca to the Philippines passed Brunei. The coming of
the Muslim to the South Kalimantan region as a result of an
agreement between Raden Samudra and the king of Demak in
the middle of the sixteenth century, may be deduced from the
story of Banjar. At that time Raden Samudra needed help in
making war against Prince Tumenggung who became the king of
Daha. Prince Tumenggung was related by blood to Prince
Samudra. Thus, the coming of Islam to the South Kalimantan
region also coincided with a power conflict between descendants
from the house of Nagara Dipa and that of Nagara Daha.

According to Cense, the Islamisation process in that region

occurred around 1550 (14). Although it was said previously that
the Muslims who helped the Banjar kingdom were from Demak, it
was not impossible, however, that among the Muslim traders
from Malacca who also intended to go to Maluku, there were also
some who called at Banjar and probably settled there.

We know about the coming of the Muslims to East Kallman-

tan from local folklore and the story of Kutai ( 15) . This story
does not describe the seizure of power by the royal family mem-
bers in Kutai.

192
 The kingdom of Kutai before the coming of Islam was
Hindu oriented, whereas in the hinterland there were several
dozens of tribes who adhered to animism and dynamism. It was
said that at that time, when Kutai was ruled by the Crown
Prince, two preachers came to see him. They were Tuan di
Ban dang and Tuan Tung gang Parangan. After a contest of su-
pernatural powers in which the king was defeated, they were
well received and permitted to preach Islam. They came from
Makasar, where several Makassarese had rejected Islam. The
Islamisation process in Kutai is estimated to have taken place
around 1575 (16). The major Islamisation of Muara Kaman and
other areas, according to the K utai story, was during the reign
of Aji di Langgar and his successors.

Muslim traders from Malacca, Sumatra and Java probably

arrived in South Sulawesi from the fifteenth to sixteenth centu-
ries. Tome'Pires relates that in Sulawesi there were around 50
kingdom whose kings and people worshipped images. Although
Muslim traders already visited South Sulawesi around the £if-·
teen th century, officially Islam was professed by the kings of
Goa and Tallo on 22 September, 1605. Islam spread from the
centre of the kingdom of Goa to the areas of Bone, Wajo,
Soppeng and others. Among the Muslim preachers and pioneers
who gave religious . lectures were Dato ri Bandang and Dato Su-
laiman. According to a Buginese story, Dato ri Ban dang came
from Minangkabau, and according to a Javanese story he was
Sunan Giri's pupil (17).

From the previous description it is clear that the coming of

Islam into various regions in the Indonesian archipelago faced
different political situations, namely those which experienced
seizures of political power and those which did not. There were
regions with a bureaucratic structure, a combination of Indone-
sian-Hindu regal character, and there were tribes headed by
tribal chiefs. In addition, the socio-cultural situation in the
regions visited by Muslims was also varied; some were pre-
Hindu and others Indonesia-Hindu oriented.

With regard to the periods of its coming into several re-

gions of the Indonesiah. archipelago, opinions differ as to the
seventh and eighth centuries; the eleventh, fourteenth, fifteen-
th and sixteenth centuries; or the succeeding centuries. The
frequency of Muslim influences shows, however, different forms
conforming to the socio-cultural structure of the community
visited.

193
 The people who brought Islam into the Indonesian archipel-
ago were not only Muslims from outside, such as Arabs, Per-
sians and Indians, but were also prominent figures from the
Indonesian regions themselves.

The Channels of the Process of Islamisation

The time span between the coming of Islam and the forma-
tion of the Muslim community, especially the emergence of the.
Muslim kingdoms, was a long process which took ages. The pro-
cess passed via various channels which naturally benefited both
parties, the Muslims who came to Indonesia as well as the peo-
ple who were converted into Islam. In broad lines the spreading
of Islam could have been via several channels, such as trade,
marriage, governmental bureaucracy, education (pesantren),
mysticism, art branches and others.

The introduction of Islam to the coasts of the Indonesian

archipelago followed the sea faring and trade routes. The initial
role of the Muslim traders from Arabia, Persia, India and others
was limited to trade; their next task was to transmit the Islamic
teachings directly.

Muslim traders arr1vmg at a trading location could not

possibly return home immediately. They waited until their prod-
ucts were sold so that they could purchase and bring back to
their country as well as local goods. Further, their return
sailing was dependent on the season. Therefore, in some in-
stances it took several months before they could depart.

The Muslim traders usually grouped in a village of their

own. Such a village was frequently referred to as Pakojan,
which means a village of Muslims coming from Persia, India,
Arabia, such as were found in ex-Muslim villages in Ban ten,
Jayakarta and others.

Gradually, a relationship between those groups and the

local Indonesian community was established. Thus, an Islamisa-
tion process occurred, the more so when a marriage took place
between the communities, so that a large Muslim family was
formed.

The desire among the local community members to initiate a

marriage with Muslim traders at that time was not surprising.
Seen from the economic viewpoint, the foreign Muslim traders
occupied a high rank. Therefore, it was most likely that the

194
nobility or kings would be favourably disposed towards a mar-
riage between their daughters and the Islamic merchants. In
Indonesian history notable intermarriages are mentioned, for
example in the Chronicle of Java the marriage between princess
Cempa and Brawijaya. Maulana Ishak married the daughter of
king Balambangan; the daughter · 1ater gave birth to Sunan Girl.
The marriage between Raden Rahmat or Sunan Ampel and Nyi
Gede Manila, princess Tumenggung Wila-Tikta (Majapahit) (18)
was also related. The Cirebon History relates the marriage of
princess Kawung Anten to Sunan Gunung Jati (19). In the
Tuban chronicle marriage between princess Raden Ayu Teja,
daughter of Aria Dikara, who had a child named Seh Jali, and a
Muslim Arab named Seh Ngabdurrahman was also mentioned
(20).
The result of the marriage between the Muslims and the
aristocratic community led to the acceleration of the spreading
process, because indirectly, in the local peoples viewpoint,
Muslim's social rank was elevated by the charismatic qualities of
the aristocracy. If their governors and nobles adopted a new
religion, they would readily follow as in their tradition of dif-
ferent designation or Sultans as God's representatives in this
world. This is a tradition still to be found in Indonesia, though
it has been influenced and modified by ·Western culture. The
cause of title like panembahan, susuhunan, sunan and pangeran
was, in fact, the people's acknowledgement of the divine power
of their sultans and kings.

Moreover, those traders, after their marriage to an aristo-

crat, or local adipati, were later often included in the bureau-
cratic royal system, as port officer, judge or other similar oc-
cupation.

The spread of Islam through trading channels and marriag-

es to aristocratic families clearly benefited both parties. The
Muslim traders felt their activities to be more productive, be-
cause in addition to obtaining trading licences easily, it also
facilitated the spread of Islamic teachings, both . among aristo-
crats as well as . among the people in general. For the aristo-
cratic group it was also beneficial because it facilitated the ex-
port of the country's products, and because in the fourteenth,
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the key to sea faring and sea
trade connection was largely in the hand of Muslim traders.

The wishes of the kings or governors to establish trade

relations with Muslim wholesale traders was accelerated when a

195
political, socio-economic and cultural disturbance occurred in
government centres. After they had proclaimed themselves as
Muslim kings, the spreading process to the people became more
rapid due to their charismatio qualities. Thus, the spreading
process of Islam did not only pass through the aristocracy, but
also through the people as a whole. In other words, Islam was
not exclusively for the aristocracy, but also for the people in
gener::-.1 (21).

The spreading of Islam also found its way through educa-

tional institutions, in Indonesia known as pesantrens; these are
often referred to in chronicles and historical accounts. In a
pesantren, scholars are educated, as well as teachers of Islam
(kyais) and religious leaders in the community. Upon completion
of their training in a pesantren, they were able to transmit
their religion to the people in the district, namely, by estab-
lishing pesantrens. The pesantren, as a Muslim educational cen-
tre, would assume a wider role and have a greater geographical
reach whenever their pupils (santris) originated from remote
regions.

According to chronicles there were well known pesantrens

in Java such as in Giri. As described above, pesantren Giri
could also be visited by people from Maluku, primarily the
Hitus. Upon completion of their education they returned to
Maluku to become religious teachers, mosque officials, muezzins,
or judges, receiving cloves for wages (22).

Raden Rahmat or Sunan Ampel is said to have also estab-

lished a pesantren in Ampel which gradually became well known
and more extensive in its influence.

Kyai Ageng Selo also created a pesantren. One of his pupil

endowed with supernatural powers was Jaka Tingkir. According
to the Cirebon chronicle, Sunan Gunung Jati who came for the
first time in Cirebon, established a pesantren in Gunung Jati.
Among the Muslim teachers there were those who taught mys-
ticism (tasawwun to selected pupils considered capable of un-
derstanding it. Tasawwuf is one of the most important factors
in the spread of Islam in Indonesia.

Tasawwuf played an important role in shaping the life in

the Indonesian community, leaving definite traces in the litera-
ture from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century A. D. The
specific nature of the tasawwuf facilitates its acceptance by
non-Islamic people (23).

196
 A description of tasawwuf experts and thei...· role is found
in historical accounts, chronicles and local folklore. In Aceh,
Hamzah Fansuri and Syamsudin are well knowns in Java, Seh
Lemah Abang or Siti Jenar. The tasawwuf experts who opposed
the teachings of Hamzah Fansuri, Seh Lemah Abang who ad-
hered to the realist doctrine, God I s protection, were in turn
opposed by Al-Raniri, Abdul Rauf from Singkel, Sunan Bonang
and others who knew the wahdatulwujud teachings, which stric-
tly separated the concept of the Creator and the Creation.

Since the Hindu-Indonesian people had a predilection for

mysticism, and since they already possessed a strong concept of
God, the pioneers of Islam used the vehicles of Sufism to intro-
duce their religion. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
sufis lived in cities and towns such as in Samudra-Pasai, Banda
Aceh, Banten, Cirebon and others. The kings teachings de-
pended on the power of their kings.

According to socio-cultural condition of the ethnic groups

at the time of the introduction and the spreading of Islam, the
spreading process passed through existing art branches.
Wayang (shadow play) stories and performances which had obvi-
ously existed long before Islam, continued, while the traditional
characters were gradually replaced by Muslim figures.

The terms considered to possess magic power such as the

kalima sada (arrow) were connected with the Islamic confession
phrase. So great was the role of the Wayang performance used
by Muslim pioneers as a medium for their teachings, that Sunan
Kali Jaga was considered the Wayang creator, replacing heroes
of the Mahabharata and Hindu-Javanese stories by heroes from
the Islamic world, such as Amir Hamzah, Ali and others. Sunan
Kali Jaga was one of the nine guardians (wa/is) or walisanga.

The process of Islamisation through the channels of sea

faring and trade, marriage, sufism, educational institution, lit-
erature as already described above cannot be separated from
the channels of architecture and decorative art. The old mos-
ques, mimbars, gates, tombstones, wood and stone carvings
etc. show us the importance of the process of Islamisation in
Indonesia through the Channels of architecture and decorative
art.

Although most_ of the old mosques from the 16th-18th cen-

turies have been restored several times, but their fundamental
styles are still visible having their own characteristics which

197
differ from those constructed in other Muslim countries. Distinct
characteristics of mosques in Indonesia are: (24)·

1. its ground plan is a square and massive;

2. it has a stepped roof, consisting of two, three, four, five

or even more stories, narrowing upwards;

3. it has a verandah either at the front or on the side, called

by the Javanese surambi or serambi, and by the Sunda-
nese tepas masjid;

4. The open space around the mosque is enclosed by a wall

with one entrance or more.

The example of the mosques with two stepped roofs are the
great mosque in the town of Cirebon (16th century) West Java,
the great mosque at Angke (18th century) in Jakarta, the small
mosque of Panjunan (16the century) in Cirebon, West Java
(25).

The old mosques with three stepped roofs are the mosque
at Mantingan (16th century) in Japara, Central Java, the great
mosque at Demak (the end of 15th century) in Central Java,
the mosque at Sendangduwur (16the century) in Lamongan-East
Java (26), the great mosque in Sunenep (17th century), Ma-
dura-Island, the great mosque in Palembang (18th century),
South Sumatra, the great mosque at Indrapattra (17th century)
in Aceh Besar (27). The old mosque having four stepped roofs
is the great mosque of Bait ar Rahman which was burnt (17th
century) in Banda Aceh (28). The old mosques having five or
more stepped roofs are the great mosque at Banten (16th centu-
ry) in West Java, the mosque in Ternate (17th century) in
Maluku, the mosque in Japara accounted by Nicolas de Graeff
and Abraham Mcgaert in the 17th century (29).

The mosques with the many stepped roofs remind us actu-

ally the period before the process of Islamisation in Java. In
East Java buildings with plural roofs were depicted on the re-
liefs of Suranwana, Jawi, Panataran and Kedaton (30). There
were two or three roof stories. On a relief of Chandi Jago (31)
and one of Chandi Jawi (32) there are even 11 stories which is
usually called "Meru" as it is still the case in Bali. Dr. Pijper
therefore thought that these buildings with plural roofs are
actually a survival of the meru buildings, while the massive
fundaments which are also high are survivals of the chandi

198
basements or fundaments. Considering these peculiar traits of
the ancient mosques in Indonesia, Pijper concludes that the
mosques in Java are of a type not known by the Islamic mis-
sionaries from abroad, but original types used by the followers
of Islam in this country (33). All of those mosques mentioned
above have a square and massive ground plan, and a verandah
(Javanese:surambi). It is interesting for us that some of them
such as the mosque at Sendangduwur, the great mosque at old
Banten, the great mosque at Demak, have low doors measuring
about 1.30 m -- 1.50 m. In this case we may regard that this
making of low or short doors as a deliberate attempt to force
people to bow their head upon entering the mosque which again
has the intention to educate people to be polite, and not con-
ceited or insolent on the spot (34).

The purity of a mosque can be related to the hadith. For

example, trade should not be discussed in a mosque, nor should
there be noise, shouting, spitting on the floor or soiling other
parts of the mosque (35). There are also certain parts of the
Qur'an which state that it is merit to clean the mosque, as is
said: "He only shall tend Allah I s sanctuaries, believeth in Allah
and the last day and observeth proper worship and payeth the
poor-due and feareth none save Allah. For such (only) is it
possible that they can be rightly guided. 11

Mahmud Yunus states that the word "tend" means religious

devotion, to restore the structure, to clean etc. ( 36) .

It is for this reason that many Muslims like to do volun-

tary work by cleaning the mosque, fill the water tank, wash
the mats etc. (37). The building of a mosque is often supported
by members of the Islamic community who gave their money or
manpower. It is also written in the hadith that "he who builds a
mosque because of God and hopes for his rewards, · God will
build him a home in heaven" (38). That is why perhaps the
teachings from the Qur'an or hadith are also absorbed by the
Islamic community in Indonesia. In addition to this is the na-
tional tradition that temples, sanctuaries and divine buildings or
spirit houses are sacred and have to be well kept in order to
get blessing.

Some of the doors of old mosques have an upper part

which a kala-makara arch decoration. The inner hall of the
mosque is divided in two parts; namely for the women at the
left side (southern part), and for the men at the right side
(northern part). In some of the ancient mosques the part for

199
the women is made separately and forming an additional building
attached to the main building of the mosque. This extra hall
which was for the prayer meeting of the women is called in
Javanese pawadonan or pawestren. This kind of extra hall was
known already centuries ago in the oldest Javanese mosques like
in the small mosque at Panjunan and the great mosque in Cire-
bon, the mosque at Giri-Gresik, the great mosque at Kanari and
Banten, in West Java, the mosque at Kuda Gede and Imogiri in
Jogyakarts (39).

In Demak this special hall for women was not attached to

the main building, but separated by a corridor. Based on this
significant fact, G.F. Pijper is of the opinion that in ancient
times in Java, the women participated in prayer meetings in the
mosques (40).

Regarding the mihrab or the place of the Imam in the an-

cient mosques, we can say that most of the mihrabs were not
oriented to the northwest (Qibla side), but to the west. This
might have been misunderstanding in the past that the Qibla is
to the west like the location of the mosque at the western side
of the square (Javanese-alun-alun) in the middle of the town.
The upper part of the mihrab is some times decorated by the
motif of kala-makara (kala-monsterous head, makara -- a kind
of aquatic animal).

The ancient mimbars found in certain mosques are interest-

ing, particularly with regard to their styles and decorative art.
Most of the ancient mimbars are made of teakwood and its form
is that of a high chair (41). The · front legs are higher than the
hind legs. They are square in form, except that the front legs
show also a variation between square and octagonal. The top of
these legs or pillars are connected with an arch with ends on
both sides in a curl which looks like a makara. The centre of
these arches has circle with rays, while inside an eye, nose
and mouth are carved. This remind us of the kala head combin-
ed with a halo as we know from certain statues or reliefs from
East Javanese art oJ the Hindu-Indonesian period ( 42) •

Parts of the ancient mimbar are richly decorated· by floral

motifs or lotus motifs which are m~de into scrolls. As examples
of ancient mimbar which are richly decorated by lotus motif and
some of kola makara motifs are the ancient mimbar of the great
mosque of Cirebon, the ancient mimbar of the mosque at Sen-
dangduwur, the ancient mimbar of the great mosque at Demak
etc. Based on their styles and decoration the ancient mimbar

200
not only gives the impression of a classical artistic Hindu-
Indonesian style, but also shows the conception of the artist in
showing heaven and earth according to Hindu-Indonesian tradi-
tion (43). The lotus is the symbol of life, forest and mountain.
The kola head symbolises the forest. In other words the style
and decoration of the ancient mimbar were created by the Indo-
nesian Muslims who already knew the artistic tradition and the
Hindu-Indonesian religious concepts.

It is possible that the Muslims from other countries only

introduced the terms and function but left the styles and forms
to the Muslims in Indonesia. Hence the Indonesians before the
process of Islamisation had indeed known the form of altars and
the form of thrones for gods they worshipped, namely the stone
chairs for their ancestors, suryasana or padmasana in Bali
which are regarded as the seat for their gods (44). The ancient
gates which were created in the period of the process of Islami-
sation will be found not only in the compound of the ancient
mosques, but also in the compound of the ancient palaces, an-
cient cemeteries, and in the other sites. There are two kinds of
styles of gates: the split gate and the close gate. The. first is
called by the Balinese as candibentar and the second as
paduraksa.

The split gates as well as the closed gates, particularly in

Java were built after the fall of the Hindu-Indonesian kingdoms,
namely in the period when Islamic influences were flourishing.
The Islamic monuments which have split gates (candi-bentar)
and closed gates (paduraksa 1 kori agung) are amongst others:
the mosque and cemetery at Mantingan (45), the compound of
mosque and cemetery at Sendangduwur (46), the cemetery of
Sunan Muria, at Colo north of Kudus (47), the compound of
mosque and cemetery of Sunan Kudus in Kudus (48), the ceme-
tery of Sunan Bonang in Tuban (49), the cemetery of the an-
cient regents of Gresik · at Gapura Wotan, Gresik; the cemetery
of Pandan Arang, in Klaten (50), the compound of the palaces
of Sultan Kasepuhan and Kanoman in Cirebon (51), the com-
pound of the palaces in Surakarta, Jogyakarta, and of Kaibon
at Ban ten, the compound of the cemeteries at Bangkalan, at
Madegan in Madura.

The split gates and the closed gates are very interesting
as these kind of styles were already known in the Hindu-Indo-
nesian art, particularly in East Java which might have emerged
in the Majapahit period. The split gates which are found among
the ruins of the city of Majapahit, the so called Jati Pasar or

201
Waringin Lawang and Bajang Ratu (52) can be considered as an
example of candi-bentar and paduraksa, from that period (53).
A split gate was also found at the compound of candi Jawi, East
Java. Though there are at present not many remains of these
gates, but we can still see them on the reliefs like those found
in Trowulan, on the Jawi temple, on the Jago temple, and on
the relief of candi Tegawangi (54). In Bali those gates are not
only built in the past but also at present where they serve as
the entrance gates to the temples (pura).

The gates which have a roof on top which we call padu-

raksa have a form which show signs of a new development in
gate architecture. There are two gates in the compound of
cemetery at Sendangduwur which have wings (Javanese-Jar).
The image of wings can be connected with . the symbol of sun
bird where in one of the Javanese literature i.e. in the Arjuna
Sasta-bahu the winged door or gate is compared with a garuda
bird flying in the air. W. F. Stutterheim is of the opinion that
the (55) winged gate can be related to the symbol of meru, the
holy mountain. If there is a close connection between the wing-
ed gate and the image of the garuda flying through the air,
this seems to be the case indeed for the winged gates at Sen-
dangduwur, as a relief depicting head and beak of the same
bird is found on the right corners between the wings and the
body of the gate. As we know, the story of Garudeya is in fact
a 'delivery story' depicted on the candi Kedaton in East Java.
The Garuda bird had in the Hindu-Indonesian period an impor-
tant role in sculpture and literature (56). It is therefore not
surprising that in the Hindu-Indonesian period, in the Islamic
period and later on, the bird myths took an important part in
the mind of the Indonesians.

The split gates and the closed gates have rich decorations
representing several motifs of flora and even fauna. There were
found too decoration or sculpture depicting the trees with many
branches, the kala-head and makara motifs, peacock, snakes,
and geometrical designs. The decoration which depicting a cer-
tain tree, by several scholars is regarded as the life tree, ce-
lestial tree, wishing tree which are also called kalpadruma,
kalpawrksa, kekayon or gununga.

This kind of tree is shown on several reliefs of temples of

the Hindu-Indonesian period. But this does not mean that this
tree motif was only known in that period, as the kekayon or
gunungan is an element showing the relation (57). It might
have been known in Indonesia even before the coming of the

202
Hindu-Budhist culture. It is very interesting since in Islamic
culture there is also the idea of an eternal tree, or shaiarat u/
chuldi. Stutterheim, Bergema and others had the opinion that
the kekayon is also related to the idea of the meru and the life
on Paradise, as is also the case with the winged gate, garuda
bird or sun bird.

The motifs of kekayon or life trees are also to be seen on

several tombs and grave-stones from the Islamic cemeteries
namely of Sunan Gunung Jati in Cirebon, Sunan Bonang, in
Tuban, of Sunan Giri in Gresik, of Sunan Sendang, of Sunan
Derajat.

The tombstones of Ratu Kalinyamat, the tombstone of Ratu

Ibu at Aer Mata in Bengkalan, Madegan and others in Madura.
The gravestones of kings Cakraningrat at Aer Mata are very
interesting as not ·only the decoration but also the styles show
similarities with the kekayon or gunungan of the shadow play.
The use of these styles and symbols in fact coincided with the
religious concept of eternity.

The tombs of the kings, the royal families and the noble-
men were usually built in the form of stepped construction.
Some of those tombs were located on the top of the hills i.e.
the cemeteries of Sunan Sendang, of Ratu Ibu and of the kings
of Cakraningrat, of Sultan Agung Hanyokro Kusumo at Imogiri.
Therefore Rouffaer is of the opinion that the way of making and
locating such kind of cemeteries, reminds us of the stepped
buildings of the Hindu-Indonesian period (58). If we look fur-
ther back in history we see that the idea of making stepped
buildings was in fact already known before there was any Hindu
influence as is shown by the monuments from the megalithic
period (59). In South Sulawesi these megalithic elements were
predominant, blended with the Islamic one. The styles of the
tombs of kings at Watan Lamuru in the regency of Bone, and
especially the tombs of kings at Jera Lompoe in the regency of
Soppeng, look like sarcophagus and menhir of the megalithic
culture. Some of their gravestones are representing the form of
daggers or the head of the keris. It is interesting to note that
on certain tombs of kings at Jene Ponto, we find statues of the
dead on the tombs. The decorative motifs of tombstones are
mostly the lotus flowers and leaves. Several decorated wooden
panels of the tomb of Sunan Sendang give the impression that
they are shown similarities with those of the decoration panels
from Mantingan. The difference is only found in the use of the
materials whereas the panels of the tombs at Mantingan used

203
white stone. The decorative panels are in the forms of medal-
lion, acculade, square, looking very much like relief at several
candis, specially at candi Naga, Panataran from the 14th centu-
ry. A. Steinman has studied the motifs of flora on the reliefs of
Mantingan, such as 'Lagenaris Lucanta Rushy or kukuh (Sunda-
nese) waluh kendi (Javanese), waluh labu aer (Malay) (60).

The Arabic script and language were also introduced by

the pioneers of Islam to the Indonesian people during the pro-
cess of Islamisation. There is no doubt that the introduction of
the Arabic script as well as the language occurred gradually.
There were two types of Arabic scripts which can be found on
the tombstone. The first type was the Kufic and the second
type was the Ta'liq or Nasta'liq.

Although Ta'liq or Nasta'liq never gained great favour with

the Arabs, it became the native calligraphic style among the
Persian, Indian and Turkish Muslims (61). The use of Nasta'liq
scripts on the tombstone as well as the manuscripts in Indonesia
were more popular among the Muslim societies.

In most of the tombstones in Indonesia were used Nasta'liq

styles, while the Kufic scripts were only used in certain cases
i.e. the words Allah, Muhammad, Bismillah. A gravestone found
at Leran, in Gresik with the name of Fatimah binti Maimun bin
Hibatallah dated in 495 A.H. (1102 A. D.) was written in Kufic
style (62).

The inscriptions on the tombstone of Malik Ibrahim at Gre-

sik (822 A.H. 1419 A.D), and on the same types of tombstones
in Samudra-Pasai, were written in Nasta'liq styles.

Islamic calligraphy was not only used for writing some

ayat, surat of the Qur'an on the tombstones but it was used
also for making sculptures and drawings. The examples can be
found in the collection of the palaces in Cirebon, Jogyakarta
and others of the sculptures and drawings in calligraphic form
depicting human, animals and flora.

Besides we may refer to the fact that a tombstone in Aceh

from the cemetery of Teungku Peuet Ploh Peuet' gampong Minye
Tujoh, Meunasa Min ye Tujoh, Mukim Ara Keumidi, had Arabic
script on one side and Old Javanese script on the other side.
According to Dr. F. D. K. Bosch the form of this Old Javanese
script is a continuation of the same script in East Java. In the
Arabic inscription it is said that a princess died on Friday 14

204
Zulhijah 791 H. or Saturday December 4, 1389 A.D. In South
Sulawesi; namely on one of the gravestone of kings of Watan
Lamuru we can read two kinds of scripts, Baginese and Arabic.
On the other hand some of the tombstol).es found at Trowulan
were decorated with the 'sun' of Majapahit and with the Java-
nese figures dating from A.J. 1379 (1457 A.D.).

Conclusions

1. Islam came in Indonesia through sea faring and trade. It

came at different times depending on the political, cultural
and social conditions and situations of the regions concern-
ed.

2. When Islam came, several regions in Indonesia had already

their own socio-cultural structure. Some of them were in-
fluenced by Hindu- Budhism culture and some remained free
from any foreign culture.

3. The process of Islamisation occurred through many chan-

nels namely . sea faring and trade, marriage, government
bureaucracy, sufism, educational institution, literature. etc.
The process took place gradually and smoothly without
causing any political or cultural shocks.

4. Architecture and decorative art played an important role in

the process of Islamisation. Buildings such as Old mos-
ques, palaces, gates, cemeteries, and other building cons-
tructions are the result of continuity of architecture and
decorative art from the period before Islam came in Indo-
nesia, These arts have significant meaning for those who
accept and spread Islam.

5. In some regions where their cultures are influenced by

Hindu-Budhist norms the architecture and decorative art
blended together with the Islamic elements. This also oc-
curred at places where the cultures were not or little in-
fluenced by out side in which the megalithic blended to-
gether with the Islamic elements.

6. If among the Muslim communities in some regions in Indo-

nesia, similarities are to be found in the Islamic architec-
ture and · decorative art, it is assumed that there were
socio-cultural mobilities in the process of Islamisation.

205
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Monumenten uit Hindoestan', N.B.G. LIV, 1912, pp. 536-553; Ibid, Fabriek-
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1913, pp. 1- 12 S.Q. Fatimi, based on Tome 'Pires' report, was of the opin-
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206
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10. H.J. de Graaf, •Tome' Pires', 'Suma Oriental' en het Tijdperk van Gods-
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11. H.J. de Graaf,'Tome' Pires, South East Asian Islam to the Eighteenth Centu-
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12. Armando Cortesao, The Suma Oriental of Tome'Pires', an account of the east
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13. Hubert Th. Th. M. and S.J. Jacobs, Source and Studies for the History of
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14. AA. Cense, De Kroniek van Banjarmasin (Diss). Leiden, 1928, pp. 107, 109.

15. The story was studied by C.A. Mees, and the result was his dissertation. De
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16. C.A. Mees, ibid, pp. 90-33.

17. J. Noorduyn, Een Achttiende Eeuwse Kroniek van Wajo (Diss). Leiden, 1955,
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18. W.L. Olthof, Poenika Serat Babad Tanah Jawi Wiwit Saking Nabi Adam Doemoegi
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noten, N.B.G., LIX. 1911, p. 93.

20. H.J. de Graaf, op. cit., 1952, p. 144.

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to the lower ·. part of society (Indonesian trade and society, The Hague-
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22. H.J. de Graaf, op. cit, Vol. 2, 1970, p. 135; B. Schrieke, op. cit., Part
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207
23. A.H. Johns, 'Sufism as a Category in Indonesian Literature and History'
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98.

26. O. V. 1930; R. Soedjana Tirtakoesoemas "De Besaran ter Regentschaps boofd-

plaats Demak." Djawa 17e jrg, 1937, p. 133-136.

27. The Great Mosque of Palembang was founded in 1740 A.D. Masjid dan Makam
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28. Denys Lombards, Le Sul tanat D'Atjeb Ae Temps D' Iskandar Muda 1607-1636,
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29. The Great Mosque of Banten was founded by Prince Jusup around 1580 A.D.,
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Masjid dan Makam Dunia Islam, issued by Balai Poestaka, Weltevrenden 1926,
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30. Th. P. Galestin: "Houtbouw op Oost-Javaansche tempelreliefs." Diss. Leiden

1936, p. 26.

31. Ibid. p. 139; Dr. J.L.A. Brandes in the Tjandi Djago monographie, Batavia
1904, p. 59, Pl. 147.

32. Dr. W.F. Stutterbeim: "Tjandi Djawi op een Relief?" T.B.G. 81, 1941, p.
1-25.

33. Dr. G.F. Pijper. "The Minaret in Java" in India Antiqua, Leiden E.J. Brill
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Bandung-Jakarta 1951, p. 171.

37. Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje: "De Islam in Nederlandsch Indie VG IV, Kurt
Schroeder/Bonn und Leipzig 1924, p. 366.

208
38. Mahmud Junus: op. cit. p. 171.

39. Uka Tjandrasasmita: op. cit. p. 39.

40. Dr. G.F. Pijpers: "Pragmenta Islamica" p. 38-40., Ibid, p. 48-49., Ibid p.
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41. H.A.R. Gibb and Kramers: op. cit. p. 343.

42. Dr. W.F. Stutterheim: ''De dateering van eenige Oost-Javaansche beeldeng-
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43. "Rede van den Heer P.A.J. Moojen ter gelegenbeid van de opening der bout-
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44. Dr. A.J. Bernet Kempers: Bali Purbakala, Penerbitan dan Balai Buku Indone-
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45. o.v. 1930, Pl. 13 a., Jakarta 1959, Pl. 8.

46. Uka Tjandrasasmita: p. 45-49.

47. Dr. J.F.G. Brumund: V.B.G. XXXIII, 1868, p. 172.

48. Ibid. p. 170-171, 178.

49. Ibid. p. 178, Ibid. p. 184; P.J. Veth: "Java" I, p. 229.

so. Dr. D.A. Rinkes: De heiligen van Java IV, Ki Pandan Arang te Tembayat,
T.B.G. part LIII, 1868, p. 172.

51. P.J. Perquin ''Rapport omtrent de kraton "Kasepoeban" te Cberibon" o.v.

1928.

52. Th. St. Raffles: op. cit. p. 134, Pl. Gate of Jati Pasar.

53. Van Hoevell: op. cit. p. 174-175.

54. Dr. W.F. Stutterheim: Tjandi Djago monograpbie Pl. 27, 35, 39.

55. Dr. W.F. Stutterheim: "Oost Java en de Hemelberg". p. 346.

56. P.J. Perquin: op. cit. o.v. 1928, 3e en 4e kw. Biljlage K.p. 132-133, Pl. 8
a, b.;

209
57. Laporan Tabunan Dinas Purbakala 1950, p. 14; Laporan Tahunan 1951-1952, p.
7, Pl. 1, 2.

58, H.R. van Heekern: "The Bronze-Iron Age of Indonesia". V.K.I. XXII, 195~, p.
52, 69.

59. Dr. J.F.G. Brumund: "Bijdragen tot de kennis van bet Hindoeisme op Java"
~ - XXXIII, 1868, p. 172.

60. Dr. A. Steinman; "Enkele opmerkingen betreffende de Plant-ornamenten van

Mantingan". Djawa 14 e jrg. 1934, p. 95, Pl. 70.

61. I.H. Safadi; Islamic calligraphy, Thomas and Hudson Limited, London, 1978,
p. 27.

62. N.A. Baluch; Advent of Islam in Indonesia. Produced under the Institute's
Fifteenth century Hijra Publication Programme First edition 1980, p. 29-30.

210