To what extent were the reasons for the

widespread collapse of democracy in inter-war

Europe and post-colonial Africa similar?

SESS0061 Summative Essay

SN:19009726
CN:KVNV4
Word count: 2491
Inter-war Europe from 1914-1918 and post-colonial Africa after the 1960s, are two of the most

frequently compared periods in the contemporary investigation of democratic collapse. This is

particularly so, after Huntington denoted both periods as the 1st and 2nd reverse-waves of

democratisation, characterised by a homoegenous backdrop of post-world war reconstruction

(Huntington, 1993). Despite V-Dem indicating a large discrepancy between the initial electoral

democracy vis-à-vis the two periods acknowledgeable from Figure 1 and 2, a plethora of

literature supports the existence of key democratic functions under Robert Dahl’s definition of

polyarchy, as democratic practices of effective participation and voting equality were initially

present (Young, 2004). Thus, incorporating the factors of fragile political institutions; role of the

ruling; impacts of policymaking; socio-economic frameworks; society and party relations; ethnic

issues; and different external influences, this essay believes there is a reasonable degree of

homogeneity between widespread democratic collapse in both periods, however, the way in

which each factor prevailed varied distinctively across the two periods.

The dilemma of democracies where a lack of legitimacy hinders its effectiveness, but without

effectiveness legitimacy can’t develop (Huntington, 2005). Illustrates the vicious cycle

commonly attributable to precedent political frameworks, where a history in democratic practices

is theorized to ensure favourable odds in democratic survival (Cornell et al. [CMS], 2017).

Particularly in the exploration of North-Western European countries relative to the rest of

Europe, the legacy of democratic practices have fostered a political culture with a strong

incorporation of democratic values. For instance, the discarded rights of the Danish King to

appoint the prime minister since 1901, and the introduction of universal suffrage to the

constitution in 1915, demonstrates Denmark’s inclusion of democratic practices prior to the

events of World War one (hereon WW1) (CMS, 2017). The institutionalized legitimacy of

democratic practices governs the mitigation of democracy-threatening crisis, similar to the defeat

of the fascist Rexist movement in France through electoral means (CMS, 2017). Counteracting

extremist forces within the boundaries of institutional practices, further develops people’s trust

towards the ruling, and gradually constructs social value through the successes of the political

process (Cardoso et al., 1979). Thus, this virtuous cycle enforces positive adaptation to

democratic initiatives, deterring hegemonic ambitions like those elicited in Weimar Germany

and fascist Italy.

Identically, the precedent political institutions left behind by Africa’s foreign colonialists, have

contributed immensely in shaping societal democratic values and culture. The constitutions and

political institutions of former imperialist-govenors, were enforced with the priority of assuring

obedience from the African demography; where power is centralised into the hands of a few

designated governor (Wunsch and Olowu, 1990). The European imperialists’ late introduction of

novel egalitarian practices before their exit, was ubiquitous across the continent. Ghanaian

parliament did not have universal suffrage until 1951, whilst Benin’s creation of its parliament in

1959 was only a year prior to gaining independence from France (Herbst, 2014). Comparative to

new Central and Eastern European democracies during the interwar period’s inception, these

institutions were established without proper time for it to mature. This is fundamental to the

nourishment of political culture within a polity, as credibility of political institutions accrues

through overcoming different difficulties. Without sufficient resources and time to hone and

nurture democratic operations, it is inevitable that elected leaders could only refer to the

oppressive system for governing ideations. It could be further argued that the tendency for
African leaders to take aspiration from successful socialist models from Russia and China

(Muekalia, 2004), was Africa’s failed attempt on maintaining egalitarian values. Which further

purports the constraints that past institutions have placed on present ones, carving path-

dependent outcomes on the antecedent conditions (North, 1990). Hence, the breadth of

implication indicates that past-institutional practices likewise prompts democratic fragility in

both periods, pertaining to its inseparable nature of influence on political culture.

Refuting the aforementioned theory on path-dependence, Robinson (1994) suggests that the role

of human agency has more explanatory merit in determining political regimes. This comment is

prevalent in the following discussions of policymaking, as the enactment of “right decisions”

could be crucial in circumventing political radicality (Capoccia, 2005). Despite the absence of

pre-WW1 democratic legacy for at least 10 years (CMS, 2017), both Finland and

Czechoslovakia (to 1938) were able to withstand extremist forces stemming from communists

and Nazi extremists. The Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia was where a diaspora of ethnic

Germans resided, after the drafted Treaty of Saint-German in 1919 was employed (Kukushkina,

2019). The growing threat of ethnonationalism emerged in Czechoslovakia as the largest

political party- German Homeland Front (SHF later known as the SdP). Nonetheless, unlike

Hindenburg’s vulnerable endeavour, in pacifying the NSDAP through the appointment of Hitler.

Malypetr consulted Masryk and relied on parliamentary mechanisms, over banning SdP

representation (Capoccia, 2005). The motto “to lead by example”, summarizes Malypetr’s

resilience in confining his policy measures to only legitimate institutional practices. Although the

SdP still won a majority within the parliament, the position of right-wing Agrarians were

correspondingly weakened (Capoccia, 2005). In same vein, the Finnish government has
hampered communist extremists, through manipulating different extremists groups to rally

against each other. Additionally, its’ indirect support of Social Democrats, especially in the 1929

Lapua right-wing movement; impeded the communists momentum at the expense of frugal yet

legal strategies (Capoccia, 2005). The dependence on legal procedures to mitigate anti-

democratic and extremist confrontations, attests to the positive reinforcement when democratic

values are circulated between the governing and the governed.

Conversely, the ambitious proposals of a pan-African supranational organisation by leaders from

Ghana-Nkrumah and Tanganyika-Nyerere, stemmed from the thought that the African states

needed to revamp institutions of unity to reaffirm its pre-colonial ‘old boundaries’ (Nyerere,

1967). Where the origin of policymaking in African polities stemmed from the need to unify the

African continent, and less so of extremist threats. The decisions to promote pan-African

organisations like the East African Federation (EAF), could perhaps warrant a more democracy-

inducing political organisation; where ethno-cultural differences are actually respected (Herbst,

2014). The establishment of federations like the EAF although might not guarantee democratic

resilience, could potentially provide a progressive impetus in remedying the centralisation of

power by leaders like Nkrumah’s. Especially, when competent leaders like Nyerere are in

charge, democratic legislations like the Arusha Declaration could alleviate collaborators from

anti-democratic motivations. Subsequently, the origination and typology of policy, drastically

differed between interwar Europe and post-colonial Africa, where consensus in assuring

democratic survival differed. To further elaborate the speculative nature of policymaking in

Africa, we could reference Berg-Schlosser’s (2009) investigation of factors that dispose

democratic failure. Albeit the examples of Finland and Czechoslovakia only fulfilling a
proportion of democratic prerequisites, both polities managed to preserve its democratic

qualities. Which highlights why Nyerere’s policymaking in post-colonial Tanganyika, has gained

considerable ground in democratic inclusion and modes of governance.

Apart from democratic values, policymaking also plays an imperative role in the establishment

of socio-economic frameworks. Building upon Lipset’s (1960) verdict on the positive correlation

between economic development and democracy, Muller (1995) elaborates on the idea that timing

is crucial, particularly in stages of economic development prone to democratic inclusivity.

Additionally, if economic development is introduced in stages of high income inequality and

exacerbated unemployment rates, the economic turmoil would most likely make the working-

class more susceptible to radical thought; provoking the formation of a bourgeoise and

aristocratic anti-democratic coalition (Muller, 1995). Foreshadowed by Keynes (1971), the

eventual harsh reparations attested by hyperinflation and an unparalleled unemployment rate in

the Weimar Republic, increased Nazi appeal depicted by an exponential increase in membership

(Galofré-Vilà et al., 2021). Despite the inherent anti-democratic values conveyed through the

party’s 25 point programme (Feder, 2019), the acceptance of radicalism guaranteed economic

security, given the Nazi party’s expansion in available ranks. Whilst Stresemann’s economic

prowess was regarded as Weimar’s Golden Era, the chronic infirmities have consequentially

disintegrated the socio-economic structures made to revitalize economies (Kennedy, 2011).

Attracting social strata to resort in political radicalism (e.g. Nazism, fascism and Irridentism),

and derailing society from entrusting democratic processes in stimulating growth.

The correlation between socio-economic development and democratic collapse in Africa, is

instead transpired through ineffective economic infrastructures and policymaking. WW1 has

stimulated sovereigns to honed better taxing capabilities (Bean, 1973), where improvements in

pooling nation-wide revenue necessitated the economic stipulations of the war (Herbst, 2014).

Nevertheless, given Africa’s low population density and abundance of hinterlands, unfair export

taxation practices since the colonial-era prevailed. This combined with increased foreign-liaised

infrastructure projects, made Nkrumah clandestine profits through misreporting official figures

(Davidson and Seidman, 2019). Subsequently, there is an innate difference in socio-economic

factors between post-colonial Africa and interwar Europe, where an embedded culture of

economic exploitation and the fragility of economic dependency respectively has perpetuated

anti-democratic values. European countries were uniformly driven by their urgencies to restore

their nation’s economy, but as the Great Depression unfolded, public frustration and radical

upsurge has voiced the futility in staying democratically obliged. Whereas African ‘system-

maintainers’ continued to supervise the framework of colonial exploitation (Jackson and

Rosberg, 1984), institutionally depriving economic growth and impairing the social fabrics that

constitutes democratic progress.

The interactions between civil society and political parties furthers the nuanced perspective of

political culture, where varying combination of associational interests and political party strength

could determine democratic survival (Ertman, 2011). The strong parties and associational

landscape prevents inroads of radicalism, where North-Western countries traditionally governed

by the conservative-elite parties, have taken swift adoptions to mass democracy (Ziblatt, 2017).

Interwar Spain exemplifies how strong party politics overshadows the weak associational life,
where associations are instigated via clientelist relations around ‘local bosses’ (Rokkan et al.,

1967). Nevertheless, when associational life dominates the political scene, weak political parties

would succumb to societal pressures spawning the Nazist and fascist upheavals (Ertman, 2011).

The traditional middle-class stance as the helm of democratic certainty (Sitaraman, 2017), was

discounted by Ertman (2011) for its limited role in advancing democratic practices relative to the

working-class. Yet, the elements of civil society and political party can also be interpreted as

political culture and established institutions, since political culture cultivates associational

practices and political institutions provide the legitimate facilitation of party mechanisms. This

perspective is imperative as interwar Denmark, Netherlands and Belgium, required the political

alliance of different social interest groups to accomplish democratic objectives. Where the lack

of it, either due to weak associational interests or weak political parties, could accentuate the

outcomes of vast polarisation and institutional distrust which erodes democratic political culture.

Diverting the attention to African states however, stresses social organisation in terms of

factionalism (Jackson and Rosberg, 1984). Applying the same framework, associational interests

are instead represented through vested powers in the Big Men (Cheeseman, 2015), rather than

interests groups observable in industrialised Europe. Nonetheless, a judgement could be made

regarding Africa’s combination of weak parties and civil societies after independence. Post-

colonial Nigeria, Liberia and Uganda demonstrating the same civil society stifling state power as

the Russian Republic (Moore and Kaluzny, 2005), identically shows how weak party

representation and associational organisation suppresses civil society into one-party regimes

(Neuberger, 1974). Although civil society and political parties bring an essential perspective to

assessing democratic durability, the limited political party legacy in Africa could mar the
verdicts made on political party influence. Thereby, the direct comparison of social intricacies in

African vertical relationships and European class structure might seem like a far-fetched

analogy.

The failed commitment to preserve collective security, makes the assessment of

intergovernmental organisations important. The League of Nations established after WW1 and

the United Nations after WW2, albeit symbolising the international community’s collective

effort to uphold peace and democratic practices. The events of Nazi’s Anschluss and fascist

annexation of Albania and post-Cold War dumping of armaments (Herbst, 2014), are the exact

opposite of what these supranational organisations promised to uphold. The appeasing of

extremists as a reflective redemption for WW1 impositions and United Nations overlook of

foreign intervention portrayed as ‘Truman’s doctrine’, highlights how different national-interest

overrides incentive to ensure democratic mechanisms (Luck, 2010). Elucidating the indirect

contribution of foreign powers in weakening the political order, as a result of unfettered

capitalistic intensions (Jones,1998). Although external intergovernmental interventions have

minimal relevance in maintaining the interwoven democratic values of domestic polities, its

failure to commit in safeguarding democracy underscores their priorities of self-interest. Where

the leniency of these intergovernmental organisations, have comparably provided leeway for

democracy underminers to navigate through.

Last but not least, the existence of ethnic problems in both reversal waves, incongruously

motivated democratic subversion in both periods. Interwar Europe saw not only the emergence

of anti-Semitism, but the emergence of ethnonationalism in ethnic Germans across the continent
(Smith, 2015). The diaspora of ethnic Germans after been scattered, alongside the formation of

novel nation-states post-WW1. Sought for reunification with their motherland, which gave the

Nazi party excuses for expansionist foreign policy. In accompany with the detrimental

reparations, the overemphasis of geo-strategic territory drawing, has pent-up ethnonationalist

frustration against the democratic endorsing League of Nations (Holzer and Münz, 2007). On the

other hand, anti-Semitism festered as Jews being former ruling group in the social stratum of

elites, have been used as scapegoats for the consequences WW1 (Brustein and King, 2004).

Thus, ethnonationalism was used by radical groups such as the Nazis and Fascist as political

propaganda, infatuating mass support through the creation of a mutual ethnic enemy.

In Contrast, ethnic issues revolved around identification and its threat to national unity, where

the cartography of colonial nation states have segregated ethnic identities from one another.

Albeit the design of nation-states serving similar reasons of pragmatic geo-strategic concerns,

communities did not associate themselves with it. Instead, ethnically identified themselves under

tribe-like organisations headed by Big Men (Cheeseman, 2015). These ethnic communities not

only stymied the ambitions of a unified nationalist movement, it was the most effective medium

for Africans to urge their demands towards colonial rulers (Cheeeseman, 2015). Where the

cultivated habit of mobilising through ethno-cultural identities, threatened the state’s ability to

govern through a central government (Herbst, 2014). As observable in procurement of Cold War

weaponry, the strong ethnic factionalism subverts the balance of power between the governing

and the governed. Thus, the political organisation of Big Men rule weakens the governments’

position to institutionalize democratic practices, particularly when citizens associate themselves

with ethnic communities as opposed to the state (Cheeseman, 2015). Anyhow, the strong ethnic
identity was pervasive in both post-colonial Africa and interwar Europe, it exhibits a different

form of threat to democratic survival. Whilst ethnonationalism and anti-Semitism promoted the

appeal of extremist appeal in interwar Europe, ethno-cultural identification in Africa inhibited

the scope of governance of political institutions.

In Conclusion, the widespread collapse of democracy between post-colonial Africa and interwar

Europe was similar to a large extent, where discrepancies exists in the disparate historical and

social legacies. Africa’s colonial history has place it under undemocratic oppression since the

19th century, whilst the introduction of constitutional monarchy documents the gradual

acceptance of a distribution in power. Nevertheless, the categorizable explanatory factors from

interwar Europe and post-colonial Africa, indicates the symbiosis of these two periods in

explaining democratic collapse.

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Figure 1

Figure 2