Indians in Fiji

Fiji Indians are Fijians whose ancestors came from India.[7] They number 313,798 (37.6%) (2007 census) out of a total of 827,900 people living in Fiji.[8] They are mostly descended fromindentured labourers , girmitiyas or girmit, brought to the islands by Fiji's British colonial rulers between 1879 and 1916 to work on Fiji's sugar cane plantations. These were complemented by the later arrival of Gujarati and Punjabi immigrants who arrived as free settlers in comparison to their counterparts who were brought under the indentured labour system. They have adapted to the new environment with changes to their dress, language and culinary habits, although they have maintained their distinct culture. The Fiji Indians have fought for equal rights, although with only limited success. Many have left Fiji in search of better living conditions and social justice and this exodus has gained pace with the series of coups starting in the late 1980s. Early ancestors of fijian indians [edit]First Indian in Fiji Main article: Lascars in Fiji Indians had been employed for a long time on the European ships trading in India and the East Indies. Many of the early voyages to the Pacific either started or terminated in India, and many of these ships were wrecked in the uncharted waters of the South Pacific. The first recorded presence of an Indian in Fiji was by Peter Dillon, a sandalwood trader in Fiji, of a lascar (Indian seaman) who survived a ship wreck and lived amongst the natives of Fiji in 1813.[9] [edit]First attempt to recruit Indian labourers Before Fiji was ceded to Great Britain, some planters had tried to obtain Indian labour and had approached the British Consul in Levuka, Fiji but were met with a negative response. In 1870 a direct request by a planter to the Government of India was also turned down and in 1872, an official request by the Cakobau Government was informed that British rule in Fiji was a pre-condition for Indian emigration to Fiji.[10] The early ancestors of Fijian Indians came from different regions and backgrounds from India and other neighbouring countries. However, most came from rural villages in eastern, northern and southern India. In January 1879, thirty-one Indians, who had originally been indentured labourers in Runion, were brought from New Caledonia to Fiji under contract to work on a plantation in Taveuni. These labourers demonstrated knowledge of the terms of the indenture agreement and were aware of their rights and refused to do the heavy work assigned to them. Their contract was terminated by mutual agreement between the labourers and their employers. In 1881, thirty-eight more Indians arrived from New

Caledonia and again most of them left but some stayed taking Indian wives or island women.[11] [edit]Arrival under the indentured system Main article: Indian indenture system The colonial authorities promoted the sugar cane industry, recognizing the need to establish a stable economic base for the colony, but were unwilling to exploit indigenous labour and threaten the Fijian way of life. The use of imported labour from the Solomon Islands and what is nowVanuatu generated protests in the United Kingdom, and the Governor Sir Arthur Hamilton-Gordon decided to implement the indentured labour scheme, which had existed in the British Empire since 1837. A recruiting office was set up especially around Calcutta and the South, West and North later, especially a lot in rural village areas in different farming regions, land and areas. The Leonidas, a labour transport vessel, disembarked at Levuka from Calcutta on 14 May 1879. The 463 indentured workers who disembarked were the first of over 61,000 to arrive from the South Asia and some from East Asia over the following 37 years. The majority were from the districts of eastern provinces mostly and a lot from the south that were later followed by, as well as some coming from the northern and few west regions, then later southern eastern countries, they originated mostly from different regions, villages, backgrounds and castes that later mingled or intermarried into one which hence the, "fijian indian" identity was created. The indentured slaves originated mostly from rural village background or were mostly dispossessed peasants. While the women on the other hand were either kidnapped, prostitutes or young widows. Some were even brought as kidnapped child labour.[12] [edit]Life during the indenture period The contracts of the indentured labourers, which they called girmit (agreements), required them to work in Fiji for a period of five years. Living conditions on the sugar cane plantations, on which most of the girmityas (indentured labourers) worked, were often squalid, degrading and brutal. Hovels known as "coolie lines" dotted the landscape. Women were often molested in the cane fields by both European overseers and Girmitya men who often managed the plantations. Illegitimate births were often high and suicide mostly among the women.[13] [edit]End of indenture Public outrage in the United Kingdom at such abuses was a factor in the decision to halt the scheme in 1916. All existing indenture was cancelled on 1 January 1920. [edit]Emergence of the Fiji Indian identity

After a further five years of work as an indentured labourer or as a khula (free labourer), they were given the choice of returning to India at their own expense, or remain in Fiji. The great majority opted to stay because they could not afford to return under the low pay (even in many instances they were denied paid wages) of the British government or were refused to be sent back. After the expiry of their girmits, many leased small plots of land from Fijians and developed their own sugarcane fields or cattle farmlets. Others went into business in the towns that were beginning to spring up. The indenture system had two positive effects on subsequent generations. Firstly the need for people of different castes to live work and eat together led to an end of the caste system. Furthermore, shortage of females resulted in many marrying outside their caste. Another positive was the development of a new koin language, known as Fiji Hindi that was formed from different languages and dialects of India. The speakers of these languages originated from different regions in India that supplied a lot of slave labourers. For the most part, these people came from in certain rural or village areas. The language was further heavily enriched by the inclusion of many Fijian and English words. The language is now the mother tongue of almost all Fiji Indians and is the lingua franca of not only all the Fiji Indians but also of all Fijian communities where ethnic Indians are in a majority. [edit]Free immigrants From the early 1900s, Indians started arriving in Fiji as free agents. Many of these paid their own way and had previously served in Fiji or other British colonies or had been born in Fiji. Amongst the early free migrants, there were religious teachers, missionaries and at least onelawyer. The government and other employers brought clerks, policemen, artisans, gardeners, experienced agricultural workers, a doctor and a school teacher. Punjabi farmers and Gujarati craftsmen also paid their own way to Fiji and in later year years formed an influential minority amongst the Fiji Indians.[14] [edit]The name debate Indians are defined by the constitution of Fiji as anybody who can trace, through either the male or the female line, their ancestry back to anywhere on the Indian subcontinent and all Government documents use this name,however, most Fijian indians have lost touch with the country or land their ancestors originated from or feel no connection with it, with the exception of Gujarati and Punjabi descent people who keep their caste traditions and direct contact, as well as keeping a separate identity and culture from the Fijian indian people or diaspora. However, a number of names have been proposed to distinguish Fiji-born citizens of Indian origin both from the indigenous inhabitants of Fijiand from India-born immigrants. Among the more popular proposals are Fiji Indian, Indian Fijian, and Indo-Fijian. All three labels have proved culturally and politically controversial, and finding a label of identification for the Indian community in Fiji has fuelled a debate that has continued for many decades. Other proposed names have been Fijian Indian and Fiji Born Indian.

[edit]Fijian Indians versus indigenous Fijians In the late 1960s the leader of the National Federation Party, A.D. Patel, who used the slogan, "One Country, One People, One Destiny" suggested that all Fiji's citizens should be called Fijians and to distinguish the original inhabitants from the rest, the name Taukei should be used for native Fijians. There was widespread opposition to this from the native Fijians who feared that any such move would deprive them of the special privileges they had enjoyed since cession in 1874. The Fiji Times started using Fiji Islander to describe all Fiji's citizens but this name did not catch on. The United States Department of State gives the nationality of Fiji citizens as "Fiji Islander" and states that, "the term "Fijian" has exclusively ethnic connotations and should not be used to describe any thing or person not of indigenous Fijian descent."[15] As the labels carry emotional and (according to some) politically loaded connotations, they are listed below in alphabetical order. [edit]Fiji Indian For a long time Fiji Indian was used to distinguish between Fiji citizens of Indian origin and Indians from India. The term was used by writers like K.L. Gillion and by the academic and politician, Ahmed Ali. The late President of Fiji, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, also used this term in his speeches and writings. The term was also used by the Methodist Church of Fiji and Rotuma, Fiji's largest Christian denomination, which had a Fiji-Indian division. [edit]Indian Fijian This term has been popularized by the academic and former politician Ganesh Chand [1], and a number of others. [edit]Indo-Fijian This term has been used by such writers as Adrian Mayer and Brij Lal. Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, Fiji's Vice-President from 2004 to 2006, also used it in his speeches. In 2006, Jone Navakamocea, Minister of State for National Planning in the Qarase government, called for the use of the term "Indo-Fijian" to be officially banned. He declared that the term was "unacceptable", and that Indo-Fijians should be referred to only as "Indians". TheHindustan Times reported Navakamocea had "alleged that the Indo-Fijian term was coined by Indian academics in Fiji to 'Fijianise' their Indian ethnicity", which, in Navakamocea's view, undermined the paramountcy of indigenous rights.[16] Navakamocea lost office in the 2006 military coup when the army accused the Qarase government of anti- Fijian Indian racism, and overthrew it. [edit]Political participation: early 20th century

The colonial rulers attempted to assuage Indian discontent by providing for one of their number to be nominated to the Legislative Councilfrom 1916 onwards. Badri Maharaj, a strong supporter of the British Empire but with little support among his own people, was appointed by the Governor in 1916. His appointment did little to redress the grievances of the Indian community. Buttressed by the Indian Imperial Association founded by Manilal Maganlal, a lawyer who had arrived in Fiji in 1912, the Indians continued to campaign for better work and living conditions, and for an extension of the municipal franchise; literacy tests disqualified most Indians from participation. A strike by Indian municipal workers and Public Works Department employees, which began on 15 January 1920, ended in a riot which was forcibly quelled on 12 February; Manilal, widely blamed for the unrest, was deported. Another strike, from January to July in 1921, led by Sadhu (priest) Vashist Muni, demanded higher rates of pay for workers of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR), the unconditional return of Manilal, and the release of imprisoned 1920 strikers. The authorities responded by deporting Muni from Fiji. Demands increased for direct representation in the legislature. In 1929, Indian immigrants and their descendants were authorised to elect three members to the Legislative Council on a communal roll. Vishnu Deo, James Ramchandar and Parmanand Singh were duly elected. Agitation continued for a common roll, which the colonial administrators rejected, citing the fears of European settlers and Fijian chiefs that a common electoral roll would lead to political domination by Indians, whose numbers were rapidly increasing. [edit]Religious and social divisions: 1920 - 1945 Two major Hindu movements attracted widespread support in the 1920s, and relationships between Hindus and Muslims also became increasingly strained. The Arya Samaj advocated purging Hinduism of what it saw as its superstitious elements and expensive rituals, opposed child marriage, and advocated the remarriage of widows, which orthodox Hinduism forbids. The Arya Samaj began by establishing schools and by using a newspaper of one of its supporters, the Fiji Samachar founded in 1923, to expound their views. The traditional Sanatan Dharma, was more orthodox than the Hindu-reformist Arya Samaj. It affirmed traditional Hindu rituals, and prayers. However, Fijian indians who practice Sanatan Dharam also do not have child marriages as it is unheard of not until the youths reach of maturity age or level. In some aspects interfaith, is also being practiced in many households of Fijian indian people from the result of interfaith weddings and intermarriage with other native island or Fijian indians of another faith. Divisions also arose between Indian immigrants and Fiji-born Indians, who later became known as Fiji Indians or Indo-Fijians. A.D. Patel, who later founded one of Fiji's first political parties, the National Federation Party, arrived in Fiji in 1928 and advocated unrestricted immigration. He was opposed by the Fiji-born legislator Parmanand Singh,

who argued that immigrants came with skills that gave them an economic advantage over the locally-born Indian community. Moreover, Gujarati and Punjabi immigrants often failed to assimilate with the Fiji-born Indians,even till this day they differentiate themselves from Fijian Indians and refuse to intermingle with them, view them with disdain or beneath them, and persisted with caste distinctions that had been largely forgotten by the now known Fijian Indian-born community. The onset of World War II in 1939 heightened divisions, not only between indigenous Fijians and Fiji Indians, but also between the Fijian Indian-born and the India born immigrants who came as free settlers (the Punjabis and Gujaratis). The Arya Samajinspired Kisan Sanghcane growers association wished to defer any strike action until the end of the war, but Patel and some supporters founded the more militantMaha Sangh in 1941. A strike organized by the Maha Sangh in 1943, while World War II was at its height, embittered relationships between the Fijian Indian community and the colonial government, and also the indigenous Fijian community. Forty-four years later, this strike was cited by supporters of the military coup which overthrew a largely Fiji Indian dominated government, as grounds for mistrusting the Fiji Indian community. Some claimed that the strike was politically motivated, with Patel seeing it as a means to strike at colonial rule. [edit]Developments since 1945 A post-war effort by European members of the Legislative Council to repatriate ethnic Indians to India, starting with sixteen-year-old males and fourteen-year-old females, was not successful, but reflected the tensions between Fiji's ethnic communities. Differences between ethnic Fijian taukeis and Fijian indians complicated preparations for Fijian independence, which the United Kingdom granted in 1970, and have continued to define Fijian politics since. Prior to independence, Indians sought a common electoral roll, based on the principle of "one man, one vote." Ethnic Fijian leaders opposed this, believing that it would favour urban voters who were mostly Indian; they sought a communal franchise instead, with different ethnic groups voting on separate electoral rolls. At a specially convened conference in London in April 1970, a compromise was worked out, under which parliamentary seats would be allocated by ethnicity, with ethnic Fijian taukeis and Fijian indians represented equally. In the House of Representatives, each ethnic group was allocated 22 seats, with 12 representing Communal constituencies (elected by voters registered as members of their particular ethnic group) and a further 10 representing National constituencies (distributed by ethnicity but elected by universal suffrage. A further 8 seats were reserved for ethnic minorities, 3 from "communal" and 5 from "national" constituencies. Ethnic Indians outnumbered indigenous Fijians from 1956 through the late 1980s this was due to the death of 1/3 of the indigenous population mainly male and children that died from small pox that they contracted when King Cakabau and other chief leaders while they returned from a trip from Australia in which they caught small pox, the Indigenous female population became higher due from the result of it, that the native

male population was scarce at one stage,[17] but by 2000 their share of the population had declined to 43.7%, because of a higher ethnic-Fijian birthrate and particularly because of the greater tendency of Fijian Indians to emigrate. Emigration accelerated following the coups of 1987 (which removed an Indian-supported government from power and, for a time, ushered in a constitution that discriminated against them in numerous ways) and of 2000 (which removed an Indian Prime Minister from office). Political differences between the two communities, rather than ideological differences, have characterized Fijian politics since independence, with the two communities generally voting for different political parties. The National Federation Party founded by A.D. Patel, was the party favoured overwhelmingly by the Indian community throughout most of the nation's history, but its support collapsed in the parliamentary election of 1999, when it lost all of its seats in the House of Representatives; its support fell further still in the 2001 election, when it received only 22% of the Indian vote, and in the 2006 election, when it dropped to an all-time low of 14%. The party currently favoured by Indians is theFiji Labour Party, led by Mahendra Chaudhry, which received about 75% of the Indian vote in 2001, and won all 19 seats reserved for Indians. Originally founded as a multi-racial party in the 1980s, it is now supported mostly by Indians. [edit]Impact of the Church and religious/ethnic politics The Church plays a major role in Fiji politics.[18] Often some leaders appeal to Fijians addressing them as "Christians", even though Hindus are 33% of the population in Fiji, compared with 52% Christians.[19] The 2000 Fijian coup d'tat that removed the elected PM Mahendra Chaudhry, was supported by the Methodist church.[20] Some Methodist Church authorities have continued to advocate the establishment of a Christian state. In a letter of support from the then head of the Methodist Church, Reverend Tomasi Kanilagi, to George Speight, the leader of the May 19, 2000, armed takeover of Parliament, Reverend Kanilagi publicly expressed his intention to use the Methodist Church as a forum under which to unite all ethnic Fijian political parties. [21] The Methodist church also supported forgiveness to those who plotted the coup in form of so called "Reconciliation, Tolerance, and Unity Bill". In 2005, Methodist church general secretary Reverend Ame Tugaue argued that practice of Hinduism and other religions should not be guaranteed in law: "Sodom and Gomorrah were only destroyed after the Lord removed the faithful from there and not because of a few would we allow God's wrath to befall the whole of Fiji. It was clearly stated in the 10 Commandments that God gave to Moses that Christians were not allowed to worship any other gods and not to worship idols. One thing other religions should be thankful for is that they are tolerated in Fiji as it's naturally a peaceful place but their right of worship should never be made into law."[22] Following the military coup which deposed the government of Laisenia Qarase (which was widely regarded as unsympathetic to Indian interests), Reverend Tuikilakila

Waqairatu of the Fiji Council of Churches and Assembly of Christian Churches has stated that the coup is "un-Christian" and is "manifestation of darkness and evil". He claimed that "52% of Fijians are Christian and the country's Christian values are being undermined."[23] [edit]Demographic factors Indo Fijians are concentrated in the so-called Sugar Belt and in cities and towns on the northern and western coasts of Viti Levu and Vanua Levu; their numbers are much scarcer in the south and inland areas. The majority of Fijian Indians converse in what is known as the Fiji Hindilanguage that has been koined from the eastern Hindi dialects mixed with native Fijian and English words,[24] with some minorities speakingGujarati, and Punjabi, among others. Almost all Indians are also fluent in English. According to the 1996 census (the latest available), 76.7% of Indians are Hindus and a further 15.9% are Muslims. Christians comprise 6.1% of the Indian population, while about 0.9% are members of the Sikh faith. The remaining 0.4% are mostly nonreligious. Hindus in Fiji belong mostly to the Santana Dharma sect (74.3% of all Hindus); a minority (3.7%) follow Arya Samaj. There are smaller sects, as well as numerous unspecified Hindus, comprising 22% of the Hindu population. Muslims are mostly Sunni (59.7%) or unspecified (36.7%); there is an Ahmadiya minority (3.6%). Indian Christians are a diverse body, with Methodists forming the largest group (26.2%), followed by the Assemblies of God (22.3%), Roman Catholics (17%), and Anglicans (5.8%). The remaining 28.7% belong to a medley of denominations. There is an Indian Division of the Methodist Church in Fiji. About 5000 Indians are Methodist. [25] They are part of the Methodist Church in Fiji and support the position of the Methodist Church in Fiji,[26] rather than the rights of Indians. [edit]Emigration Former Prime Minister Chaudhry has expressed alarm at the high rate of emigration from Fiji, especially of Fiji-Indians, and also of educated indigenous Fijians. "If the trend continues, Fiji will be left with a large pool of poorly educated, unskilled work force with disastrous consequences on our social and economic infrastructure and levels of investment," he said in a statement on 19 June 2005. He blamed the coups of 1987 for "brain drain" which has, he said, adversely affected the sugar industry, the standard of the education and health services, and the efficiency of the civil service. Health issues: Fiji Indians face major obstacles when it comes to health. They are often cited in research articles as a group that has a higher than normal prevalence rate of Type 2 diabetes.[27] Fiji Indians have high levels of insulin resistance, which in turn puts them at risk of Type 2 diabetes. Cardiovascular diseases are also high amongst Fiji Indians. [28] This is due to both a high fat diet, which is common amongst this group, and a very sedentary lifestyle.

Introduction
IN 1979 THE FIJI INDIANS celebrated the hundredth anniversary of their arrival in the islands. Through public displays, speeches, parades and publications, the contribution of the girmitiyas indentured labourers who came under an agreement or girmit in abbreviated and popular parlance - was discussed and appreciated by the people of Fiji. The surviving girmitiyas, now in the last stage of their journey through life, were sought out from all parts of the country and publicly decorated for their contribution to the development of a modern Fiji. It was the first time in their 100 years of existence in the islands that such an honour had been bestowed upon them. Now, a major Girmit Centre for Multicultural Studies is being established in Lautoka, on the western side of Vitilevu, in memory of the struggles and sacrifices of the girmitiyas, among whom my own grandfather was one. He had left India as a young man in search of wealth and glory, neither of which he achieved in his lifetime. He died in 1962. The celebrations raised consciousness amongst the descendants of the girmitiyas of the difficult circumstances of their ancestors: the long journey across the seas, the clockwork pace of plantation work under harsh discipline, the enormous difficulties of starting life afresh in the postgirmit period. But little was said (and is known) about the origins and backgrounds of the girmitiyas. This is a lacuna which one also finds in much of the published literature on the indenture system, in which there is much emphasis on the lives of the labourers after they had left their homeland. This study does not look at the lives of the girmitiyas once they had reached Fiji; instead it examines the circumstances which led to their departure from India. Various questions are discussed: the reasons for introducing indentured labourers into Fiji, the structure and operation of the recruitment system in India, the regional origins of the migrants, their social and economic background in India, and the migration of women and families. The picture which emerges goes against the grain of conventional wisdom about the girmitiyas. Contrary to the prevailing opinion, it shows that they were not invariably of low social origins but represented a fair cross-section of rural Indian population. It is suggested that the strata from which most of them originated were increasingly being subjected to unprecedented changes brought about by British penetration of Indian agrarian society. Migration offered one way of coping with these changes, the extent of which was reflected in the fact that a very large proportion of the girmitiyas had already left their homes before they were recruited for Fiji. Not only men but women, children and families also came and they, too, were a part of the uprooted mass. The important role that recruiters played cannot be denied, but it must be assessed in the context of the 'push' factors at work in Indian society. In short, this study attempts to demonstrate that Indian indentured migration was a more complex process than has sometimes been realized. Some 60,965 indentured labourers came to Fiji between 1879 when migration commenced and 1916 when it was finally stopped. Of these, 45,439 were from northern India, embarking at Calcutta. They form the subject of this study. The rest came from southern India after 1903 when recruitment was begun there. But it should be noted that much of the discussion on the north Indians applies in equal measure to those from the south, because the pattern of recruitment and the basic motivations for migrating were similar. It may be noted, too, that our discussion has relevance for many other Indian labour importing colonies, particularly the West Indies, which drew their supplies from the north. This study is based chiefly on a quantitative analysis of all 45,439 Emigration Passes of the Calcutta embarked migrants. The Pass is the only document that contains comprehensive data on the demographic character of the indentured labourers. The Pass contains the migrant's depot

number, sex, name, caste, father's name, age, district of origin and registration, besides the certification of the authorities in India about mental and physical fitness for manual labour in Fiji, and 'willingness to proceed to work for hire'. The Passes were sent to Fiji in the custody of the Surgeon Superintendent of the ship. After inspection and copying of important data about the migrants onto other relevant documents, the Passes were collated alphabetically by ship and deposited with the Department of Labour. Subsequently they were transferred to the National Archives of Fiji where a full set of 60,965 of the originals is available in some 240 large folios. The National Library of Australia has a copy of all the Passes on microfilm and these were used in my research.