DANCEHALL AND HIP-HOP:
YOUTH PERCEPTIONS OF SEXUALITY AND
VIOLENCE
W Marc Jackman
Background
(HJ-, ~,.;, Trim'" ~d Tooogo
and Jamaica have brought the debate
about the merits or demerits of hip-
hop and dancehall music back into the public
space. A situation surrounding the performance
of a top female hip-hop artist of Trinidadian
heritage, Nicki Minaj (real name, Onika Tanya
Maraj), created a public furor between the
country's government and opposition in the
Trinidad parliament (Lord 2010). The
brouhaha developed over the appropriateness
of a song she sang in which it was alleged that
she used expletives to an audience that included
minors (Douglas 20 I 0). The Parliamentary
opposition also charged the govemment minister
concerned with a 'misuse of public funds 'in
sponso ring the event because the values
communicated in the songs were not healthy in
the that they promoted alcohol abuse and sexual
laxity (Alexander 20 J0).
At the end of the heated debate, the
Opposition charged that the govemmentminister
responsible for the show had misled parliament
concerning Ms. Minaj 's use ofobscene language
and called for the minister concerned to be
brought before the Privilege's committee of
Parliament for the offense. The Speaker of the
House of Parliament upheld the charge and the
minister was sent before the said committee to
defend himself (Douglas 20 10). These events
serve to demonstrate the far-reaching impact of
hip-hop music in Trinidad. Additionally, there
has been a significant and worrisome increase in
the murder rate in Trinidad in the last decade.
The large majority of victims are those identified
as Afro-Trinidadian youth from ghetto areas
who subscribe to the gangland culture and
lifestyle promoted by hip-hop and more recently
some Dancehall music. This has also gotten the
attention of the authorities and numerous
attempts have been made to lure these youth
away from this culture of illicit drugs, modified
cars, multiple sex partners, bling, violence and
guns (Newsday, December 2, 2010; Taylor &
Taylor 2007). However, the efforts of the State
have had minimal effect in assuaging the assaults
on young Afro-Trinidadian youth.
In exasperation and anxiety, the government
of Trinidad and Tobago has recently tabled a
Bill in parliament to make gangs and gang
membership illegal (Newsday, December 2,
2010). There are also attempts afoot to set up
courts to deal exclusively with arms and arms-
related offenses that have become so regular and
commonplace that they threaten to overwhelm
an already pressurized judicial system.
These genres of music have manifested
even greater import since most of their creators
-
come from the very socioeconomic bracket and
subcultures of their most loyal fans. As a result,
these fans identify with their songs as reflecting
who they are, where they live, and the oppression
and disenfranchise-ment they feel (Nuttal2009).
Relatedly, Peterson et aJ. (2007, 1158) argue
that the "prevalent social themes in rap music
videos include economic deprivation, racial
injustice, social isolation, dysfunctional families,
violence, hopelessness, pain and struggle for
survival." In addition, they also see this music
as a kind of empowerment or re-
enfranchisement via complex relations with
drugs, sex, money and guns (Iwamoto, Creswell
& Caldwell 2007; Orlando 2002).
[n Jamaica, songs by the two famed
Dancehall artistes (Vybz Kartel and Movado)
have triggered turf wars and borderlines between
members of one community identified as Gaza
and the other as Gully (Boyne 2009). This was
not confined to Jamaica as Trinidadian youth who
followed these artistes and identified with one
or the other entered into violent confrontations
among themselves. The situation between two
neighbouring schools became so bad that the
Ministry ofEducation in Trinidad had to intervene
and provide police escorts and special buses to
get students to and from school safely.
Previously these two secondary schools had
coexisted side by side for years without violent
confrontations. But since some students of one
school identified themselves as Gaza and the
other school as Gully- any student from the
neighboring school was identified as an enemy
and vice versa.
Many youth identify with the artistes, many
of whom rose from the ranks of poverty and
ghetto lifestyles or those of the underprivileged
to virtual stardom ([wamoto, Creswell &
Caldwell 2007). [n essence, they view these
artistes as role models or prophets who license
..
and liberate them and their behaviours via their
music (Baker & Bor 2008,285). In that context,
the attitudes, values and behaviours of these
artistes are closely watched and imitated. These
include sexual behaviours or messages about
sexuality, dress, lifestyles and fashion as well as
attitudes toward alcohol and illegal drug use and
turf or status related violence (Primack et al.
2007). These issues bring into the discourse
the underlying principles of the psychology of
adolescence such as identity development, media
influences, values ideation, modeling and risk-
taking behaviours. The extent to which deviant
behaviours are facilitated, reinforced or inspired
by Dancehall and Hip-hop music is worthy of
investigation and deliberation ([wamoto,
Creswell & Caldwell 2007). Such queries are
not farfetched given the importance of music in
the life of developing adolescent and the role it
plays in shaping their values and perceptions of
life and living (Baker and Bor 2008).
Thus, main purpose of this paper is to
attempt to assess the impact of dancehall and
hip-hop music on the behaviour and perceptions
of adolescent and youth. More specifically, the
paper will seek to determine the extent to which
Trinidadian adolescents endorse dancehall and
hip-hop music as favorites and the consequences
of such endorsements- in particular sexuality and
violent perceptions and behaviours.
Literature Review
Dancehall and Hip-hop music are two of
the most popular genres of contemporary music
among adolescent and young adults today
(Primack, Gold, Schwarz & Dalton 2008).
Dancehall, which boasts a synergy of Jamaican
reggae and American rap music, originated in
Jamaica and is the number one preference among
many Caribbean youth. Hip-hop, or rap music
as it is popularly called, is deemed to have roots
in the African oral traditions of storytelling,
rhyme and rhythmical music manifestations. The
latter with its catchy lyrics and infectious
rhythms is just as popular among youth around
the world today (Iwamoto, Creswell & Caldwell
2007; Primack et al. 2008). Notwithstanding
their extensive global popularity, these two music
genres elicit mix reactions from members of any
given society where they have gained socio
cultural footholds (Iwamoto, Creswell &
Caldwell 2007). There are those who absolutely
love and swear by them and then there are those
who view them as malfeasance on the airwaves
and wish them banned.
Musical Preference and Adolescent Identity
Development
According to Primack, Gold, Schwarz and
Dalton (2008 , 594), " music is well known to
connect deeply with adolescents and to influence
their identity development, perhaps more so than
any other entertainment medium." Further, Cobb
(2007, 141) argues that according to Erik
Erikson, finding one's identity is the single most
important task of adolescence. Researchers
have also recognized that during their quest
for identity, youth are allowed more choice,
privilege and privacy (Cobb 2007, 133-135).
These privileges and choices include musical
preferences which are themselves privately
contextualized given the many electronic gadgets
available to adolescents. These gadgets include
but are not limited to mp3 and mp4 players,
IPods, Personal DVD and CD players and cell
pbones that play recorded or downloadable
music (Baker and Bor 2008). Thus, it is no
longer surprising to see adolescents in public or
private spaces with earphones on listening to
music or viewing music videos as a personal and
private activity (Steinberg 2008).
Notwithstanding the freedom oflistening
choice and privacy that parents give, in many
cases, parents would cringe if they knew the
lyrics of the more popular dancehall and hip-
hop songs. Since adolescents typically choose
the songs that tbey like and ones that are most
popular among their peers then hip-hop and
dancehall music become instinctive preferences
because they mirror youthful life, sexuality, risk-
taking and other themes that resonate with
contemporary youth (Steinberg 2008).
Research shows that adolescents listen to
an average of at least 16 hours of music per week
(primack etal. 2008, 597). Thus, choice of music
becomes a signal of identity development as
adolescents exercise autonomy and strive for
individuation (Cobb 2007). Bridging the gap
between identity development and musical
preference, Lincoln (2005, 402) recognizes "the
young person as essentially active in the
construction of their identity, with music being
one of the most prominent cultural art forms
through which this is achieved."
In some households, the same songs are
enjoyed by both parent and adolescent. This is
especially so in cases where parents are closer
in age to their offspring and generally come from
lower socioeconomic backgrounds. In the
typical ghetto community, dancehall and hip-hop
music are the order of the day and are Ilsually
played at such high volumes in order to canvass
listeners far and wide or to gain the status of
owning tbe most powerful music system in the
neighbourhood. In some places in Jamaica, such
playing might occur every night until dawn the
following day. These rituals have become the
norm and the music so unavoidable that the
adolescent psyche is willingly or unwillingly
bombarded with the lyrics of these genres of
..
music. Thus, the messages carried in these songs
have the potential to inform adolescents as they
make value-laden choices in identity formation
processes. Linceln (2005, 40 I) cites adolescent
researcher De Nora who points out that "music
is highly relevant in the construction ofselfin
the everyday lives of young people."
Alternatively, Steinberg (2008,260) posits
that responses to sexual and other values in music
and media can be influenced by the personal
values that existed prior to exposure. In other
words, some adolescents choose music that
reflects their value preferences. In these cases,
the negative value ideations of at-risk youth are
reinforced and behaviours become entrenched
and stereotypical (Miranda, Morizot &
Gaudreut 20 I 0, 290). De Nora asserts that
"young people 's engagement with music is by
no means temporary, but is part oftheir evolving
cultural histories and biographies, a medium
through which identities can be expressed and
transformed. Having established that dancehall
and hip-hop music are critical to identity
formation in youth who are avid fans, we can
now explore the link between these genres and
two sub-plots of identity development. These
identity development sub-plots are adolescents'
perceptions of sexuality and violent behaviour.
Hip-Hop and Dancehall Music and
Adolescents Sexuality Perceptions
Research has already established a clear
link between media influences and the
development of adolescent perceptions of
sexuality (Peterson et. al 2007). In fact,
researchers Primack, et al. (2008, 594) advance
that "current popular music contains more
references to sexual activity that any other
entertainment medium." And more specifically,
adolescents are primed to develop specific
gender role stereotypes and ideas concerning
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romance, intimacy and appropriate or
inappropriate sexual behaviour through music and
media images, innuendo and messages
(Steinberg 2008). In this vein, Dancehall and
Hip-hop music are deemed to have an incredible
impact on adolescent perception of sexuality and
sexual behaviour because the lyrical centent and
music videos associated with these music genres
are highly sexualized in nature (Peterson et al.
2007). In addition, the artistes themselves are
portrayed as powerful sex symbols.
Portrayals of Sexuality in Dancehall and
Hip-hop Music Genres
The general consensus is that hip-hop and
dance hall music represent youth sexuality and
sexual expression in negative and banal ways
(peterson et al. 2007). Researchers Primack et
al. (2008) who conducted content analyses of
hip-hop found that this genre was filled with
degrading sexual overtones. As such, females
are objectified and portrayed as ' things' for
sexual pleasure and manipulation. Males are
categorized as sexual powerhouses, with
insatiable sexual appetites, and controllers of
crude sexual forays with the females at their
disposal (Primack et al2008; Zhang, Miller &
Harrison 2008). Researchers have also found
that compared to other music genres, Hip-hop
and dancehall music videos "contain more
description and depictions of ... sexuality,
eroticism ... and inappropriate touching"
(Peterson et al. 2007, 1158). Researchers have
also noted that these music videos showcase
African American females as "hypersexual,
materialistic, and amoral." In most videos these
females dance in sexually provocative ways and
are portrayed as decorative objects with highly
sexaulised physiques (peterson et al. 2007).
The situation got so bad in Jamaica that
certain songs were banned from the a irways
because they promoted "daggering" - a dance
simulating sexual intimacy in crude and explicit
ways (Cooke 2010). Politicians and other
responsible citizens raised their voices against
this maelstrom. Their voices were heard
(Jamaican Observer, February 9, 2009). The
songs did not die and found a new status with
their followers. Any casual entry of the subject
in YouTube would reveal over five hundred
videos with millions of hits. The related dances
became more lewd in expression and there also
appears to be competitions among females in
these explicit demonstrations (Daggering Fi Di
Gal Oem 2009). Even Female Hip-hop artistes
like Nicki Minaj and Lil Kim are not exempt, in
fact they boast about their sexual exploits just
as the men.
Impact of Sexual Portrayals in Hip-hop
and Dancehall Music on Youth
Primack, Gold, Schwarz and Dalton (2008,
597) posit that "young people often model
themselves in terms of dress, behaviour and
identity after musical figures. Thus, it is not
surprising that, given the widespread exposure
of youth to these Dancehall and Hip-hop lyrics
and videos, critical associations have already
been made among adolescents' identity
development, sexual expression and related
sexual experiences and the stereotypical sexual
imagery carried in the said songs and music
videos (Peterson et al 2007). Author Nelson
George is also quoted as saying that hip-hop
music has broken from its ghetto roots to
assertively influence American sexuality and
social policy (Ebony 2004). In correlational
studies, adolescents exposed to these music
genres showed a proclivity to endorse these
negative sexual stereotypes (Peterson et al.
2007; Primack et al. 2008). As the world's
premiere video sharing website, YouTube is
littered with hundreds or possibly thousands of
young women dancing sexually to songs from
the dancehall and hip-hop genre (Zhang, Miller
& Harrison 2008).
The dance portrayals that youth and their
peers create and upload to YouTube are almost
always imitations of the female dance routines
as portrayed in the official videos with personal
embellishments. Many are censored because
of the 'adult content' displayed. These
hypersexual dance routines are also taped on
cell phone and passed on from friend to friend
or posted on Face book. This has even
prompted concerned political activists to lobby
the US congress for legislation to control the
medium because of its potential deleterious
effects on developing teens. In this context,
Peterson et al (2007, 1158) report that positive
associations have been found between greater
exposure to rap music videos and multiple sexual
partners, being SID positive and abuse of drugs
and alcohol. In other words, adolescents
exposed to Hip-hop and Dancehall music are
more likely to be associated with the negative
sexual and other behaviours depicted in these
songs. In one telling incident, the choreographer
of a dance company in Jamaica reports that
during a break in rehearsals, the DJ put on a
' daggering ' song and immediately the young
ladies were on the floor and the men on top of
them (Cooke 20 10).
Primack et al. (2008, 594) argue that the
principles of vicarious learning are at work as
adolescents see these behaviours being modeled
and rewarded in the music that they love. Albert
Bandura (1977) posits that models are more
likely to be imitated if the observer identifies with
the model and see the model's behaviour being
rewarded two points that have been established
earlier. Researchers also argue that exposure
to these hypersexual behaviours encourage early
sexual initiation in females and earlier
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experimentation in general (Primack et al. 2008,
594). Among males it was found that listening
and viewing music with strong sexual content
such as Dancehall and hip-hop were associated
with reinforcement of male machismo and sex
role stereotypes, recreational dating and having
sexually promiscuous male counterparts (Zhang,
Miller & Hamson 2008).
Some researchers view the exposure to
these music genres as having the potential to
dwarf counter messages about positive and
healthy sexual behaviour and expression among
youth (Primack et al. 2008, 597). It is not
difficult to accept this deduction given the number
of hours that adolescents are inunersed in these
music genres compared with the amount of time
they spend receiving information or counseling
on developing healthy identities and persona.
Portrayals of Violence in Danceball and
Hip-hop Music Genres
Interestingly, researchers Primack et al.
(2008) found that songs with degrading sexual
references tended to have more references to
weapon carrying and violence. For example,
Jamaican Dancehal l artiste Movado sings in the
chorus of a song entitled- Squeeze Breast, "She
say she wan me squeeze her breast dem like the
trigger of my gWl." Relatedly, some of the
violence projected in thi s genre included
misogynistic themes. On the latter point,
researcbers found that university students who
viewed or listened to music with such themes
were more likely to choose an assaultive story
to show to a female peer (Baker & Bor 2008).
This revealed that the participants who were
exposed to sexually explicit content with violent
under or overtones were primed to behave in a
certain way. The study did not reveal the extent
to which participants felt that their choices were
conscious or unconscious ones. In this vein,
..
Fuller & Damico (2008) fOWld that although
youth would readily admit that the songs were
violent in tone and content they were quite naIve
to the potential harm on their individual psyche
and behaviour. Generally, they succumbed to
the thirdperson effect -the idea the music would
impact others negatively and not them
Developing adolescents also see
themselves as 'invincible' and ' immune' to
physical harm and danger- psychological
positions which make them more vulnerable to
the said dangers (Cobb 2007). In the song,
Badda Dan Dem, another Jamaican Dancehall
artist, Vybz Kartel writes: "GWl shot mek yuh
fall like the bridge ova London, when it kick yuh
like Vandam." Baker and Bor(2008) argue that
rap music is associated with antisocial behaviour,
anger and violence. However, given their stage
of cognitive development, adolescents listening
to such lyrics would more likely believe that
others would die at their hands and not the other
way around (Steinberg 2008). Due to this way
of thinking , they succumb to what develop-
mental psychologists call the personal fable
where they feel that nothing bad or fatal could
befall them (Cobb 2007). Such lyrics and violent
demonstrations only serve to reinforce the view
that they are invincible and especially so when
in possession of a gWl (Taylor & Taylor 2007).
Famed American Gangsta rap artist, Fifty Cent
(real name: Curtis James Jackson III) writes:
"Fo' I blowout your brains, Shells hit your
chest go out your back mayn (back mayn)" in
the song" Blood Hound. In the same song he
says in the chorus: "I love to pump crack, love
to stay strapped, Love to sq ueeze gats but you
don't hear me though, I love to hit the block, I
love my two Glocks, Love to bust shots but you
don't hear me though." In this chorus, he boasts
about drug use and having a silencer on his guns.
This is yet another example of the violence that
is glorified in songs of the Hip hop or Gangsta
rap genre (Taylor & Taylor 2007).
Impact of Violence in Danceball and Hip-
bop Music on Youtb
Fifty Cent also has pictures of two large
guns on his twitter page: one with a silencer and
the other without. This famed rapper has 3.8
million followers on twitter (Whitehouse 20 11).
In effect he links his image and fame with guns -
it is therefore not too difficult to perceive that he
is trying to represent guns as cool, effective and
essential. By the same token, he makes no bones
about the fact that he is an ex-drug pusher who
has swvived multiple gunshot wounds. The latter
claim makes him an instant hero among minority
groups and youth from depressed areas who
identify such experiences as heroic in nature.
Fifty Cent, became famed for what is termed
gangsta rap- a strain of rap music that dealt with
violence, thuggery, gang life and the uncut day
to day experiences of the dispossessed (Taylor
& Taylor 2007). Similarly, the kings of Dance-
hall music might also be perceived as instigators
of violence through their music lyrics and
unagery.
In Trinidad, there have been large numbers
of murders that are gang-related. Most gangs
fashioned their lives by the lyrics of some
Dancehall or Gangstar rap artistes who glorifies
illegal gun use and possession. Some artistes
even chronicle murders in their songs and
promote violence as the path to power and the
cure for disaffection in any form (Southe 2008).
One gang even went by the name G-Unit (short
for Gorrilla Unit) after the clothing brand of
megastar Gangsta rapper Fifty-Cent. Writing in
the Newsday, December 22, 2008, Indarjit
Seuraj reports that the year 2008 was one of
the bloodiest years in the Trinidad's history with
over 500 murders 70% of which were identified
as gang related. Seuraj noted that gang rivalry
had reached fever pitch after the killing of
notorious "G-Unit" leader Kerwin "Fresh"
Phillip over a year prior to publication of
the article (Newsday, December 22,2008).
Others gangs in Trinidad portrayed
themselves as either Gaza or Gully (rival
territories in Jamaica) with mottos such as,
"Gangsta for life." Identification with either Gaza
or Gully means that anyone belonging to the other
gang is your mortal enemy to be annihilated at
any given opportunity. This mentality has led to
inter and intra-community borderlines in both
Trinidad and Tobago. Borderlines have even
been drawn within and between schools along
the Gaza and Gully distinctions as explained
earlier. Wittingly or unwittingly crossing over into
'enemy territory ' can lead to beatings and in
many cases have led to fatalities (Seuraj 2008).
Boyne (2009) captures the sanle issues in
telling detail showing that when it comes to
violence and murders among lower SES groups
Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago mirror each
other. Boyne (2009) argues that while middle
and upper class Jamaican youth enjoy the music
of both artistes, youth in the depressed areas
fi ght, maim and murder each other-fuelled by
the Gaza and Gully distinctions. Although Boyne
(2009) labelled such dancehall music as 'negative
dancehall music," he further argues that the
artistes Vybz Kartel (Gaza) and Movado (Gully)
promote and legitimize a subculture so violence
and aggression through their music. Boyne
(2009) also views Kartel and Mavado as the
"reigning kings ofbadmanism and gangsterism."
These kings have very loyal subjects who not
only view the world through their lyrics but also
strive to live by them.
According to Bakagiannis and Tarrant
(2006, 139), several studies have established
that musical preferences are an important part
of social identity and the "basis for social
comparison and self-evaluation." Pete Nuttall
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(2009) further argues that the consumption of
music can lead not only to identification but also
empowerment or social inclusion within the
adolescent peer group. Thus, the manner in
which these genres of music canvass the masses
of the underprivileged and others is indicative of
peer group identity formation and bonding
(Bakagiannis & Tarrant 2006; Nurta1l2009).
Methodology
Participants
The sample was selected from school-aged
students in east and in central Trinidad. These
fi fih and sixth form students were asked to
participate voluntarily in the study. Participants
were informed about the confidentiality oftheir
responses and asked to sign written consent
forms. Sixty students consented to take part
in the study. However, only fifty-five
questionnaires were completed as required,
(incomplete questionnaires were discarded).
Thus, there were thirty (30) male and twenty-
five (25) female participants. Ofthe fifty-five
(55) participants: 23.6 % identified themselves
as being were ofAfrican descent, 32.7% of East
Indian descent, 41.8% were mixed and 1.8%
of Asian descent. The age ranges of participants
were 15-17(n=50) and 18 - 20 years (n=5).
Instrument
All participants were required to complete
a questionnaire about their preferences for
dancehall and or hip-hop music and issues related
to those choices. Some of these issues included:
the frequency oflistening to music; choice of
equipment (re: radio, television, iPod, etc);
favourite of the two genres; favourite artiste;
influence of music on sexual perceptions;
involvement in violent behaviour and frequency;
use of obscene language and frequency of use
..
and song that best characterized their personality.
A trained research assistant administered the
questionnaire.
Results
Since this study was largely exploratory in
nature, analyses of frequency distributions were
chiefly used. These analyses included overall
gender and ethnicity differences in frequency of
engagement with the genres ofmusic in the study;
preference for one music type or both; each
music genre's influence on perception of sexual
behaviour; each music genre's influence on actual
sexual behaviour; participants involvement in
violent behaviour (fighting) and the frequency of
this behaviour as well as the use of obscene
language.
Choice of Music Genre and Frequency of
Listening
General findings revealed that Dancehall
music was the preferred choice between the two
genres (see table 1). In fact, participants were
twice as likely to choose Dancehall music over
Hip-hop. This finding is probably due to the
fact that Dancehall music is more Caribbean
based and therefore has greater resonance with
youths in the region.
Gender differences in musical preference
revealed that males (63.3%) showed a greater
preference for Dancehall music than females (44
%), whereas a greater percentage of females
(20%) appear to endorse liking both genres
compared to males (3%) (see table. 2). These
findings also revealed that they both appeared
to favour hip-hop almost equally (26.7% males
vs 28% females).
 Table 1. Musical Preferences Table 3. Influence on Sexual Ideation

Type of Music No. % Influence No. %

Dancehall 30 54.5 Yes 14 25 .5

Hip-hop 15 27.3 No 37 67.3
Both 6 10.9 No response 4 7.2
Neither 4 7.3
Total 55 100
Total 55 100

Table 4. Influence on Sexual Ideation,

Table 2. Musical Preferences, by Gender by Gender

Male Female
Type of Male Female Influence
Music No. % No. %
No. % No. %
Yes 10 33.3 04 16
No 17 56.7 20 80
Dancehall 19 63.3 11 44 No response 3 30 1 1
Hip-hop 8 26.7 7 28
Both 1 3.3 5 20 Total 30 100 25 100
Neither 2 6.7 2 8

Total 30 100 25 100

Influence of Music on Sexual Ideation
A far greater percentage of students felt that
neither music genre had any influence on their
ideations about sexuality (see table 3). This
fmding suggests that the na'ive hypothesis about
the danger of exposure to music with such lyrics
to be true for youth in the Caribbean region as
well. It speaks therefore to the universality of
adolescent mindsets and cognitive processes
associated therewith.
However, it is to be noted that twice as
many male as females (33% vs 16%) felt that
these genres affected their perception of sex. On
the other hand, 1.5 times the number of females
as males (80% vs 56%) felt that it did not affect
their perception of sexual intimacy (see table.
4).
Influence of Music Genres on Types of
Sexual Ideations
It is interesting to note that while sixty-five
percent of the participants reported that they did
not think that the music had an impact upon them,
sixty-four percent actually reported various
effects (see tables 5 & 6). These effects ranged
from being motivated to experiment with or to
try sex to feeling disgusted about it. Of these
effects a similar percentage reported that after
listening to these songs, they felt disgust about
sex compared with those who felt that the songs
were instructive and informative about how to
have sex.
Whereas the majority of females (40%) felt
these genres had no impact, the majority of males
(40% also) felt these music genres made them
want to experiment in sexual intimacy (J 6.7%)
and/or also taught them how to engage (23.3%).

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Interestingly, nearly twice as many females as
males (24% vs 13%) felt disgusted about sex
after hearing these songs suggesting an apparent
gender difference in the perception ofthe impact
of these music genres.
Table 5. Types of Sexual Ideation
fighting and a similar percentage reported
varying levels offrequency (see tables 7 & 8).
However, the large majority of those who
reported engagement in fighting also reported
low levels offrequency. As expected more males
were involved in fights than their female
counterpar1s (87% vs. 68%).

Sexual Ideation No. % Table 7. Involvement in Violent Behaviour

Desire to Experiment 6 10.9 Involvement No. %

Felt Disgust 10 18.2
Learnt How to have sex 9 16.4 Yes 43 78.2
Other 8 14.5 No 11 20
None 17 30.9 No response 1 1.8
No Response 5 9.1
Total 55 100
Total 55 100

Table 8. Involvement in
Table 6. Types of Sexual Ideation, by Violent Behaviour, by Gender
Gender
Male Female
Sexual Male Female
Involve-
Ideation
No. % No. % ment No. % No. %

Desire to Yes 26 86.7 17 68

Experiment 5 16.7 1 4 No 04 13.3 07 28
No response 00 00 1 4
Felt Disgust 4 13.3 6 24
Total 30 100 25 100
Learnt How to
have Sex 7 23.3 2 8

Other 3 10 5 20 Differences in Associated Use of

None 7 23.3 10 40 Expletives and Frequency

No Response 4 13.3 1 4 The large majority of students actually

Total 30 100 25 100
reported using obscene language but not at
consistently high levels of frequency (see tables
9 & 10). There was therefore no real
discrepancy between the use of expletives and
Differences in Associated Violent regularity of use.
Behaviour and Frequency
Almost the same percentage of males
Seventy-eight point two percent of (83.3%) as well as females (80%) reported that
participants (78.2%) reported engaging in they use obscene language. However, when it

..
came to regularity of use, there were more It would not be far-fetched to see how these
females (28%) at the highest level of occurrence fmdings, though limited in scope by the sample
(very often) compared with the males at the same size, might be applicable to adolescents in other
level (3%). While this was not expected, this Caribbean islands. We have statistics to show
probably suggests that females have a tendency that two major scourges facing the Caribbean
to use more expletives because they may are violence and sexual promiscuity. We face
manifest violence in more verbal ways com- this evidence on a daily basis with increases in
pared to males who employ more physical crime against the person both in Trinidad &
manifestations. The issue of modeling also Tobago and Jamaica. These two countries also
comes into focus since male artistes tend to have extremely high murder rates and are
project more physical or gun violence in their among the most populous in the region. Thus,
songs while female artistes vent greater' verbal the impact on the Caribbean can be deleterious.
or lyrical violence." Adolescent sexuality manifests itself in the
same ways we see in the lyrics and videos of the
popular Dancehall and Hip-hop songs. There
Table 9. Use of Obscene language (Ol) are large numbers of unwanted pregnancies and
abortions and high levels of sexually transmitted
Use 0 l No. %
diseases. These are not factors that the
Yes 45 81.8 Caribbean as a region can be proud about. This
No 08 14.5 study did not assess the impact of soca music
No response 02 36 which drives sexuality around the carnival season
in Trinidad.
Total 55 100
It is heartening to know that at least some
adolescents do not favour Dancehall or Hip-hop
Table 10. Use of Obscene language, by of the banal variety identified in this study. It is a
Gender reality and a dilemma, as was seen in the study,
that adolescents do not see the dangers in what
Male Female they enjoy as music. Such a situation creates an
UseOl
No. % No. %
imperative for us to find ways to motivate our
artistes to use these art-forms in more healthy
Yes 25 83.3 20 80 and instructive ways. There must be incentives
No 04 13.3 04 16 on a local and regional level to reverse the
No response 01 3.4 1 4 negative impacts of these genres of music on the
Total 30 100 25 100
developing psyche and identity of adolescents.
Censorship can only go so far in curbing effects
that are already insidious and pervasive. We
Discussion also know that when such sub-cultures are
forced underground they are appear more edgy
Oi ven the findings of this study, we can and exciting to the youthful mind that is already
confirm the powerful effect ofdancehall and hip- bent on developing countercultures and opposing
hop music on youth perceptions of sexuality and the norms and mores of the adult society.
an association with violent behaviour in Trinidad.

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 If marginalized youths feel a sense of
deliverance from artistes who in many ways sing
songs that do not advance their lives or causes,
then Caribbean societies need to take a sterner
look at themselves. Why do the oppressed feel
liberated by imbibing the very pain and moral
decadence in which they live? Can we fmd truly
meaning full and permanent ways to change
youthful mind sets and motivate them to seek
inspiration from that which is healthy and
wholesome? Finding the answers to these
questions are probably the greatest challenges
that we face. To immunize the next generation
against the deepening moral decay and apathy
is probably the most urgent need we have as a
region.
According to Iwamoto, Creswell and
Caldwell (2007), Rap is seen as a powerful hook
to assist young African American males and by
..
extension those in the African Diaspora, to
rethink and redefine their conceptualization of
masculinity which for the most part is linked to
sexual prowess and machismo, materialism,
wealth by any means and power-related
violence. In-depth discussion and analysis of rap
music may lead to neutralizing the possible
negative effects of the music. Music fans can
write down what they agree or disagree with in
the music as a means of experiencing a
therapeutic catharsis.
The music can be a non-threatening
medium to discuss societal issues facing the
underprivileged and minority group in question-
re: racism, violence, identity, and gender issues
pervasive in the music (Iwamoto, Creswell and
Caldwell 2007). We must pursue initiatives
such as these.
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