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Tracer Study Philippines Web
Tracer study:
Measuring longer term impact
on children and families of
interventions against child labour
International
Programme
on the
Elimination
of Child Labour
(IPEC)
PHILIPPINES
Tracer study:
Measuring longer term impact
on children and families of
interventions against child labour
International
Programme on
the Elimination
of Child Labour
(IPEC)
Copyright © International Labour Organization 2012
First published 2012
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ILO‐IPEC
PHILIPPINES ‐ Tracer study: Measuring longer term impact on children and families of interventions against
child labour / International Labour Office, International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) ‐
Geneva: ILO, 2012.
ISBN: 978‐92‐2‐127223‐6 (Print); 978‐92‐2‐127224‐3 (Web PDF)
International Labour Office; ILO International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour
ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data
Acknowledgements
This study was part of a collection of six Tracer Studies conducted in 2010‐2011 as part of the project
"Impact Assessment Framework: Follow‐up to Tracer and Tracking Methodologies".
The research for the Tracer Study in the Philippines was carried out by the Psychosocial Support and
Children’s Rights Resource Centre. The overall management of the tracer study was carried out by Claudia
Ibarguen, Technical Specialist Impact Assessment, from the Evaluation and Impact Assessment section of
the International Programme for the Elimination of Child Labour of the International Labour Organization.
Funding for this ILO publication was provided by the United States Department of Labor (Project
GLO/06/51/USA). This publication does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the United States
Department of Labor, nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply
endorsement by the United States Government.
The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the
presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the
International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or
concerning the delimitation of its frontiers.
The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed articles, studies and other contributions rests solely with
their authors, and publication does not constitute an endorsement by the International Labour Office of the
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sign of disapproval.
ILO publications and electronic products can be obtained through major booksellers or ILO local offices in many
countries, or direct from ILO Publications, International Labour Office, CH‐1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland.
Catalogues or lists of new publications are available free of charge from the above address, or by email:
pubvente@ilo.org or visit our website: www.ilo.org/publns.
Visit our website: www.ilo.org/ipec
Available in PDF version only Photocomposed by IPEC Geneva
ii
Table of contents
Acronyms ............................................................................................................................. v
Introduction ....................................................................................................................... vii
Executive summary ............................................................................................................. ix
1. Overview ......................................................................................................................... 1
2. Scope of work and methodology ...................................................................................... 5
2.1 Areas of study .............................................................................................................. 6
2.2 Methodology ............................................................................................................... 8
2.3 Sampling of the survey .............................................................................................. 10
2.4 Research team and time frame ................................................................................. 12
2.5 Data processing ......................................................................................................... 13
2.6 Limitations of the study ............................................................................................. 13
2.7 Methodological considerations for future tracer studies ......................................... 15
3. Areas of impact among former beneficiaries .................................................................. 19
3.1 On work ..................................................................................................................... 19
3.2 On education ............................................................................................................. 23
3.3 On economic well‐being ............................................................................................ 26
3.4 On former beneficiaries’ attitude on child labour .................................................... 26
4. Areas of impact according to stakeholders ..................................................................... 29
4.1 On work ..................................................................................................................... 29
4.2 On education ............................................................................................................. 33
4.3 On economic well‐being ............................................................................................ 37
4.4 On health ................................................................................................................... 40
4.5 On knowledge, attitude and behaviour towards child labour .................................. 42
5. Life transition study ....................................................................................................... 45
5.1 On work ..................................................................................................................... 46
5.2 On education ............................................................................................................. 48
5.3 On economic well‐being ............................................................................................ 49
5.4 On respondents’ attitude on child labour ................................................................. 50
6. Conclusion and recommendations ................................................................................. 51
6.1 On work ..................................................................................................................... 51
6.2 On education ............................................................................................................. 52
6.3 On economic well‐being ............................................................................................ 53
6.4 On health ................................................................................................................... 54
6.5 On attitude towards child labour .............................................................................. 55
6.6 Issues, challenges and recommendations ................................................................ 56
Annex I: Definition of terms ............................................................................................... 59
Annex II: Changes in work, sugarcane sector ..................................................................... 60
Annex III: Changes in work, mining sector .......................................................................... 62
iii
Annex IV: Changes in education, sugarcane sector ............................................................. 64
Annex V: Changes in education, mining sector ................................................................... 65
Annex VI: Changes in well‐being of family, sugarcane sector ............................................. 66
Annex VII: Changes in well‐being of family, mining sector ................................................. 68
Tables
Table 1: Respondents per sector ......................................................................................... 5
Table 2: Implementing agencies by sector and province .................................................... 5
Table 3: Target number of Beneficiary Questionnaires (BQs) ........................................... 11
Table 4: Actual number of Beneficiary Questionnaires (BQs) ........................................... 12
Table 5: Total number of Relative/Friend Questionnaires (RFQs) ..................................... 12
Table 6: List of respondents ............................................................................................... 45
iv
Acronyms
ALS Alternative Learning System
BQ Beneficiary Questionnaire
CLMV Child Labour Monitoring Volunteers
DepEd Department of Education
ELF Education for Life Foundation, Inc.
FFW Federation of Free Workers
FGD Focus Group Discussion
IA Implementing Agency
ILO International Labour Organization
IPEC International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour
KII Key Informant Interview
LTS Life Transition Study
NGO Non‐government Organization
NIRD Negros Oriental Institute for Rural Development, Inc.
QK Quidan Kaisahan
RFQ Relative/Friend Questionnaire
SIFI Sugar Industry Foundation, Inc.
TBP Time Bound Program
v
Introduction
Since 2000 a strategic area of work for the ILO’s International Programme on the
Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) has centred on developing approaches to impact
assessment. Impact assessment is a key area that enhances the capacity of partners and IPEC
to build the knowledge base on which interventions work, how and why and, equally
important, in what context these interventions would be effective and ready for replication
and up‐scaling.
As part of this goal, IPEC has developed and refined a methodology for tracer
studies of child labour projects. A tracer study is a retrospective analysis taking a sample of
former beneficiaries of a child labour intervention and looking into the changes that
transpired in their lives and that of their families. Tracer studies take place one to eight years
after an intervention providing direct educational and livelihood services or benefits to
families and children have finished. The purpose is to explore changes for children and their
families and whether the intervention influenced these changes. The information from
tracer studies can help to document and understand the longer term impacts for former
beneficiaries and what services or type of services work better in the long run. Knowing
what seems to work better and in what circumstances is valuable in any future programme
planning, policy advice and decision making.
In 2002, the first global project “Measuring Longer Term Impact on Children and
Families through Tracer/Tracking Methodologies”, funded by the United States Department
of Labor (USDOL), supported the development of the first version of the tracer study
methodology. This was used to carry out six pilot tracer studies in locations where an IPEC
project had been implemented (Ecuador, Indonesia, Uganda, Tanzania, Sri Lanka and
Turkey). Individual feedback from each pilot study as well as input from a range of experts
and ILO colleagues allowed for a thorough review of the methodology.
One key goal of the tracer study process has been to develop a product that could
be used by others interested in finding out ex‐post about the contribution of their programs
on child labour. We invite interested organizations to take a look at the “Tracer Study
Manual” which includes a methodology manual, a training manual and model
questionnaires.
vii
In 2006 a new global project, “Impact Assessment Framework: Follow up to Tracer
and Tracking” also funded by by the United States Department of Labor (USDOL), carried out
six further tracer studies using the revised methodology. The six tracer studies were
implemented during a period of two years (2010‐2011) in the following locations and child
labour sectors:
1. Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi – Children formerly associated with
armed forces and armed groups.
2. Morocco – Agriculture and street work.
3. El Salvador – Agriculture and fishing.
4. Philippines – Agriculture (sugarcane) and mining
5. Paraguay –Commercial sexual exploitation of children and child domestic labour.
6. Kenya – Agriculture.
The manual of the methodology, reports, summary of the findings and the data sets
are available on the IPEC web‐site:
http://www.ilo.org/ipec/programme/Designandevaluation/ImpactAssessment/tracer‐
studies/lang‐‐en/index.htm.
viii
Executive summary
In 2001, the International Labour Organization’s International Programme on the
Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) began implementing comprehensive national time bound
programs (TBP) in a number of concerned countries. The IPEC TBP 1 had two approaches:
(a) strengthening the enabling environment for the elimination of the worst forms of child
labour, and (b) reducing the incidence of selected worst forms of child labour through direct
action for child labourers and their families. In the Philippines, focus was paid attention to
eliminating child labour by 75 per cent by 2015 in six priority sectors: sugarcane, mining and
quarrying, pyrotechnics, deep‐sea fishing, commercial sexual exploitation, and domestic
work. By 2007, there were a total of 33 Action Programmes being implemented by partners
of ILO‐IPEC. This includes educational opportunities, vocational training, and non‐education
interventions such as counselling, and health care. Awareness‐raising activities and income‐
generating opportunities for the families of the working children were also implemented.
After three years, ILO‐IPEC sought to look at the impact of the interventions to its
beneficiaries (working children and their families) through a Tracer Study. A Tracer Study
“takes a retrospective look at the evolution of the situation of a sample of children already
provided with or exposed to a specific intervention.”1 It identifies the changes in the lives of
the former beneficiaries who were withdrawn from hazardous work. It assesses life changes
in relation to work, education, economic well‐being, health, and attitude towards child
labour in three time periods – before project implementation, at the end of project
implementation, and at the current period.
In the Philippines, the Tracer Study focused on two sectors of the six worst forms of
child labour: sugarcane and mining. Former beneficiaries from the sugarcane sector were
traced in the provinces of Negros Occidental, Negros Oriental, and Iloilo while former
beneficiaries in the mining sector were traced in the provinces of Camarines Norte and
Compostela Valley. A total of 645 former beneficiaries were surveyed. To supplement the
quantitative data, key informant interviews (KII) and focus group discussions (FGD) with
community members were also conducted.
Moreover, the Life Transition Study (LTS) was pilot tested in the country. It is a tool
that focuses on significant and relevant life transitions. It is an important element in the
Tracer Study because it provides further information from the quantitative and qualitative
part of the study. A total of 12 former beneficiaries participated in the Life Transition Study.
The following are findings in relation to both sectors:
Majority of the former beneficiaries continue to work in the same sector but it is
interesting to note that there is movement towards less potentially hazardous work
such as domestic work and the service sector. This movement can be attributed to
interventions that are education‐related coupled with awareness‐raising programs and
support from various stakeholders including the parents of working children.
1
Tracer Study Methodology Manual, p.6.
ix
The number of former beneficiaries attending school declined from the time they
entered the program until the current period despite their participation in education‐
related interventions. For one, the provision of school supplies was not sustained,
allowing former beneficiaries to go back to hazardous work. Even if such intervention
was continued (at the current period), a different set of beneficiaries was chosen by the
Implementing Agencies. The Alternative Learning System (ALS), on the other hand,
encouraged working children to study outside the formal education system. However,
very little is known about its impact on bringing the former beneficiaries back to formal
school as many tend to drop‐out from the program or fail to pass its Accreditation and
Equivalency (A&E) exam. In addition, environmental conditions such as the accessibility
of secondary schools as well as limited scholarship opportunities hinder children to
continue their education. The decline may also be attributed to little economic
improvement of the household.
There was little economic improvement of the household because interventions were
mostly focused on the education of the child labourer. Little attention was paid to
address poverty in the household. If there was any, action programmes were
confronted with sustaining income generating projects or livelihood programs, and
poor parent associations. However, there were indications that credit programs have a
higher possibility of improving the economic condition of the household as well as in
withdrawing children from hazardous work.
There were fewer reports of former beneficiaries getting sick or injured due to work by
the end of the intervention and such reports declined at the time of the Tracer Study.
This may be attributed to health awareness‐raising programs of the Implementing
Agencies and the local government’s campaign to provide micronutrient supplements
and immunization to all children.
There are positive indications of attitude change towards child labour among former
beneficiaries. A majority of them believe that children below the age of 12 should not
be working at all except for light household chores. Teachers have become more
considerate and tolerant of the situation of working children as well. This positive
change is largely attributed to advocacy and child labour awareness raising programs
including information on child labour law. A change in parents’ attitude on child labour,
however, continues to be a challenge.
Issues, challenges and recommendations are presented to further improve ILO‐
IPEC’s approach in eliminating child labour. Education is indeed key to preventing child
labour, however this should be sustained. A one‐time provision of school supplies is not
enough. Short‐lived programs may yield short‐term impact on child labour. Aside from
education, there is still a need to focus on other dimensions in addressing child labour such
as economic opportunity, and community development and advocacy.
x
1. Overview
As a signatory to international conventions and treaties in relation to child labour,
the Government of the Philippines is putting up all its efforts to eradicate child labour in the
country.2 National legislations and regulations of work for persons below the age of 18 are in
place3 but the challenge continues especially when the survival of the household is at stake if
it does not expand its sources of income without the help of the children.4 Nevertheless, the
Government, in coordination with a number of local NGOs and international organizations,
persists to develop and implement programs and services that offer children safer and
better alternatives to work, and their family’s viable economic opportunities. Resources are
still needed to further improve and sustain child labour interventions.
The most noted and referred statistics on working children are the 1995 and 2001
National Survey on Children (NSC) administered by the National Statistics Office in 1994‐
1995 and 2000‐2001 respectively. “The 2001 NSC was carried out within the framework of
the Statistical Information and Monitoring Programme (SIMPOC) of the ILO’s International
Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. It was a nationwide survey that collected
information on the socio‐economic and demographic characteristics of working children
from 5 to 17 years of age.”5 Based on the 2001 NSC, the incidence of working children has
not changed in effect.6 Below are highlights of the results of the surveys and differences
between the 1995 and 2001 NSC:7
about 4 million children are economically active according to the 2001 NSC. This
constitutes 16.2 per cent of the total population of children between 5 to 17 years old;
“although the child labour incidence in 2001 was only marginally higher than in 1995,
the absolute number of child labourers grew by about 12 per cent over the 6‐year
period or about 2 per cent annually;”8
of the 4 million working children, roughly 2.5 million are boys, and 1.5 million are girls.
However, between the 1995 and 2001 survey, the number of female child workers is
growing at a faster rate at 3 per cent annually;
the most economically active children are found between the ages of 10‐17 for both
surveys;
2
The latter section of this chapter is adopted from the Terms of Reference.
3
1987 Constitution, Labour Code, Republic Act (RA) No. 7658, 1993; RA No. 679, 1952 as amended
by RA No. 1131 and Presidential Decree No. 148; Department Order No. 4 series of 1999; Section
139 (c) of the Labour Code.
4
Supporting the Time Bound Program on the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour in the
Republic of the Philippines, PHI/02/P50/USA. An Independent Final Expanded Evaluation, August
2007.
5
ILO‐IPEC Philippines Child Labour Data Country Brief, p. 3.
6
Aldaba, Fernando T., Lanzona, Leonardo, and Tamangan, Ronald, “A National Policy Study on Child
Labour and Development in the Philippines,” Discussion Paper Series No. 2004‐15, Philippine
Institute for Development Studies.
7
Ibid.
8
Op cit.
1
child labour in the rural areas grew from 1995 to 2001, and is growing at a faster rate
during the period;
children are found mostly working in the agriculture sector followed by services, and
then industry work;
child workers exposed to chemical, physical and biological hazards increased from 3.4
million to 3.6 million from 1995 to 2001. The figure is almost 90 per cent of the total
number of working children;
of the 4 million economically active children, around 30 per cent are not attending
school.
In compliance with international conventions and with support from ILO‐IPEC and
government agencies such as the Department of Labour and Employment, National Child
Labour Committee, and UNICEF, a Time Bound Program (TBP) on the Elimination of the
Worst Forms of Child Labour in 2002 was introduced. As a major component of the National
Program Against Child Labour (NPACL), the TBP aims at both local and national levels for the
elimination of the worst forms of child labour9 within a defined period of time.
In preparation for a more focused strategy, a number of rapid assessments and
baseline surveys were commissioned by ILO‐IPEC to obtain a better picture of the conditions
and problems of working children in priority regions or areas in the country. Information
from these assessments and surveys were used to improve the knowledge base of
stakeholders and determine the extent of interventions to be implemented.
The project entitled “Supporting the Time Bound Program (TBP) on the Elimination
of the Worst Forms of Child Labour” had two approaches: (a) strengthening the enabling
environment for the elimination of the worst forms of child labour, and (b) reducing the
incidence of selected worst forms of child labour through direct action for child labourers
and their families. Children in six worst forms of child labour were identified as priority
sectors in the hopes of eliminating child labour by 75 per cent by 2015. These priority
sectors were: sugarcane, mining and quarrying, pyrotechnics, deep‐sea fishing, domestic
work, and commercial sexual exploitation of children.
By 2007, a total of 33 Action Programmes by partners of ILO‐IPEC were
implemented. Action programmes ranged from education‐related interventions to non‐
education interventions such as counselling, health care, rehabilitation and reintegration
services. Awareness‐raising activities were also implemented to prevent and withdraw
children from working. Some ILO‐IPEC partners provided livelihood and income generating
training programs to parents of the working children. The project covered areas in 8
provinces: Bulacan, Metro Manila, Camarines Norte, Iloilo, Negros Occidental, Negros
Oriental, Cebu and Davao.
As part of its strategic framework, IPEC continues to strengthen its monitoring and
evaluation functions and from there expand organizational learning and accountability. ILO‐
9
Supporting the Time Bound Program on the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour in the
Republic of the Philippines, PHI/02/P50/USA. A Mid‐Term Evaluation, October/November 2005.
2
IPEC has been developing tools and building knowledge on the application of different types
of impact assessment of child labour interventions including a Tracer Study.
The purpose of carrying out a Tracer Study is manifold:
provide evidence on the long‐term impact on children and their families of
interventions;
make available case studies on individual children that could generate an improved
understanding on how IPEC’s (and others’) interventions work. Case studies of
individual (but representative) children can confirm or disconfirm project staff
member’s theories of change about their interventions. They can also generate new
ideas of how interventions work, and how can they be made more effective and
efficient, which can then influence the future design of strategies;
allow comparability between projects and models of intervention.
In the Philippines, the Tracer Study was carried out with former beneficiaries from
Action Programmes in the context of the project supporting the Time‐Bound Program on the
Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour which ended in August 2007.
3
2. Scope of work and methodology
Based on initial discussions with ILO Manila, the Study concentrated on tracing
former beneficiaries from two sectors: sugarcane and mining.
The Tracer Study was carried out in five (5) provinces: Negros Oriental, Negros
Occidental, Compostela Valley, Camarines Norte, and Iloilo. Iloilo was later included in the
Study in order to meet the target number of respondents in the sugarcane sector.10 These
areas were chosen due to specific interventions implemented in areas with high incidence of
child labour.11
Table 1: Respondents per sector
The respondents were located with the assistance of the following implementing
agencies (IA) and their partner organizations at the provincial level.
Table 2: Implementing agencies by sector and province
Sector Region and province Implementing agencies and their partner agencies
Sugar Industry Foundation, Inc. (SIFI)
Region VI – Negros Occidental
Education for Life Foundation, Inc. (ELF) with Quidan Kaisahan (QK)
Actuator for Socioeconomic Progress (Actuator) with Kabataang Gabay sa
Sugar Cane Region VI – Iloilo
Positibong Pamumuhay
Negros Oriental Institute for Rural Development, Inc. (NIRD)
Region VII – Negros Oriental
St. Ma. Goretti Development Education Foundation (Goretti Foundation)
Region V – Camarines Norte Department of Education – Bureau of Alternative Learning System (BALS)
Mining Region XI – Compostela Federation of Free Workers (FFW)
Valley Municipal Government of Monkayo
10
See section on Sampling for further discussion.
11
These were also chosen based on consultation with ILO Manila.
5
A master list from these IAs was obtained from ILO Manila. A sample of the
respondents was then randomly generated from the master list and was used as
respondents for both survey and Life Transition Study.
2.1 Areas of study
2.1.1 Sugarcane sector
Former beneficiaries of the ILO‐IPEC TBP 1 working in sugarcane plantations are
concentrated in Negros Oriental and Negros Occidental, and in some areas in Iloilo.
Located in the Central Visayas region, the province of Negros Oriental’s major
industry is agriculture. Its primary crops are coconut, corn, rice, vegetables, and fruits. It is
most noted for being one of the biggest producers of sugar in the country. In coastal areas,
fishing is the main source of income. The province is also known to have a high prevalence
of children working in sugarcane plantations. In a baseline survey conducted by Silliman
University in 2004 for ILO‐IPEC, a total of 1,755 children were identified to be working in
sugarcane fields. Much of the children’s work include hazardous tasks such as cutting the
canes, putting fertilizer on the fields, and carrying heavy loads of sugarcanes, all of which are
done under the scorching heat of the sun.
Two interventions were supported by ILO to combat child labour in Negros
Oriental. These were implemented by Goretti Foundation and Negros Oriental Institute for
Rural Development (NIRD). Both provided their beneficiaries with school supplies such as
notebooks and bags, and tutorial and remedial classes. Tutorial classes were held after
school hours. In the case of Goretti, tutorial classes were conducted for 30 minutes on
school days, while NIRD conducted them on weekends. The goal of these activities was to
attract parents and working children to return to school and/or to remain in school by
helping them improve the children’s academic performance.
Negros Occidental is another sugar industry province located in the Western
Visayas region. It produces more than half of the country’s sugar. It is sometimes known as
the “sugar bowl of the Philippine” because it is where 15 large sugar mills are located,
including the largest integrated sugar mill and refinery in the country. Reports mention that
the province imports its food from neighbouring provinces because most of the land is
converted into sugarcane plantations. However, due to a plunge in the price of sugar at the
world market in the 1980s, the province has ventured into other crops such as coffee, corn
and coconuts as well as prawn culture. Nonetheless, sugar remains its main agricultural
produce.
Similar to those in Negros Oriental, communities in Negros Occidental employ
children as farm workers engaged in weeding, ploughing, cane cutting, fertilizing and hauling
during harvest season. Two agencies were in charge of implementing IPEC projects.
Education for Life (ELF) provided education services through the Alternative Learning System
(ALS) – a national programme of the Department of Education (DepEd) that caters to
children or adults who are unable to avail themselves of formal schooling or have dropped
out of elementary/secondary schools due to poverty. It is a community‐based or at times
home‐based learning system conducted every Saturday for a period of 6 months.
6
Beneficiaries are expected to finish the programme so they can take the Accreditation and
Equivalency (A&E) exam. This exam certifies their learning achievement at the elementary,
secondary or tertiary level. The other IA, Sugar Industry Foundation Inc (SIFI), provided a 15‐
day vocational training to its beneficiaries.
Iloilo is another province located in the Western Visayas region. Its economy is
largely dependent on agricultural and fishery products. It exports sugar, seaweed, banana
chips and marine products. It hosts to one of the busiest seaports and trading centres of
neighbouring islands because of its strategic location. This province has been one of the
target areas of ILO Manila in addressing the growing number of working children particularly
in sugarcane farming and deep sea‐fishing. To address this problem, electrical and
automotive technical skills were provided by one of ILO’s partners, Actuator for
Socioeconomic Progress (Actuator).
2.1.2 Mining sector
Former beneficiaries of the ILO‐IPEC TBP 1 working in mining areas are
concentrated in Camarines Norte and Compostela Valley.
Camarines Norte is a province located in the Bicol Peninsula of Luzon. Its fertile
volcanic soil is suited for coconut, pineapple, abaca and root crops among others.
Commercial fishing is also a source of income in coastal communities. Some of its beaches
are fast becoming tourist havens especially for foreign surfing enthusiasts. The province is
also rich in mineral resources such as gold, iron, silver, lead, zinc, and limestone.
Gold production is concentrated in three municipalities: Jose Panganiban, Paracale
and Labo. Various mining firms operate in the province – large mining firms, medium‐scale
operators and small‐scale groups or family‐based groups. Despite producing large reserves
of gold, many families are still poor and have unstable sources of income. Children are thus
compelled to work in mining industries to help compensate the family’s economy. Children
are especially employed in small‐scale mining and are involved in various tasks, from mineral
extraction to processing. To address child labour in this sector in Camarines Norte, IPEC
worked with the Bureau of Alternative Learning System of the Department of Education
(DepEd‐BALS). Of course, they provided the Alternative Learning System.
Compostela Valley is also a province known to engage in large‐scale and small‐scale
gold mining in the Davao Region in the Southern part of the country, Mindanao. According
to the Department of Energy and Natural Resources (DENR), the largest gold deposit in the
country is found in Mount Diwata (also known as Mount Diwalwal) in the Municipality of
Monkayo. Because of its abundant gold deposits, many illegal small‐scale mining groups
operate in the area. In 2002, DENR legitimized the operation of these subsistence miners.
Nonetheless, there are still illegal miners operating. Its resource is also of interest to non‐
government armed groups such as the communist group New People’s Army. In 2003,
former President Gloria Macapagal‐Arroyo signed Executive Order 217 creating the National
Task Force Diwalwal to formulate policies and coordinate the implementation of measures
to address issues on peace and order, socioeconomic safety nets, legal, political, information
and environment in relation to mining activities in the area. Similar to Camarines Norte,
working children continues to be a social problem in Mt. Diwata.
7
To address child labour in mining, IPEC supported a number of direct action
programmes. Amongst them, the Federation of Free Workers (FFW) provided tutorial
classes and some school supplies to prevent students from dropping out of school. Tutorial
classes were held every Saturday. On the other hand, the Municipal Government of
Monkayo provided ALS to get children back into school. Both agencies pursued to eradicate
children working in the mining industry in the same barangay, Mt. Diwata.
2.2 Methodology
All of the methodological tools were adopted from ILO‐IPEC’s “Tracer Study
Methodology Manual: Tracer Methodology to Measure Longer Term Impacts on Children
and Families of Interventions against Child Labour.”
A Tracer Study has three primary goals:12
a) document the changes in the lives of former beneficiaries of child labour
intervention;
b) understand if and how an intervention contributed to these observed changes;
c) learn how the intervention could have been designed differently to enhance impact.
Eventually use this knowledge to improve decision‐making and the design of future
interventions.
It measures changes in the lives of former beneficiaries of child labour interventions
in five main variables: employment or work, education, economic well‐being, health, and
knowledge, attitude and behaviour (KAB). A Tracer Study looks into an estimate of these
changes in three time periods: (a) before intervention began, (b) at the end of the
intervention, and (c) present or current status of the former beneficiary (see the following
figure).
12
Tracer Study Methodology Manual, p. 21.
8
The Tracer Study in the Philippines used four tools to measure the impact of the
IPEC program to its former beneficiaries. These tools are survey, key informant interviews
(KII), focus group discussions (FGD), and life transition study (LTS). In addition to all these
four tools, the team gathered technical reports and other documents from the
Implementing Agencies. This section provides a brief description of the tools used.
2.2.1 Survey instruments
The study used two Tracer Study instruments: the Beneficiary Questionnaire (BQ),
and the Relative /Friend Questionnaire (RFQ). The Beneficiary Questionnaire (BQ) “gathers
information on what the former beneficiary is currently doing (what activities he/she is
engaged in) and what he/she was doing in the past.”13 It obtains information and covers the
five variables in three time periods at a quantitative level.
The BQ was modified to the Philippine context and in accordance to the
programmes and services that IAs had provided. Questions in the BQ were translated into
the Filipino language. There were some instances especially in Negros Occidental that the
questions were translated orally from Filipino to the local language, Bisaya, in front of the
respondent for better comprehension.
The BQ was pre‐tested in the province of Bulacan. The pre‐test was coordinated
with Lingap Pangkabataan, one of the IAs of ILO Manila during the TBP 1. Lingap
Pangkabataan’s target group was children working in the pyrotechnics industry in Bulacan.
This area was chosen because of its proximity to Manila and ease of getting respondents.
Pre‐testing was conducted in the Municipality of Guiguinto with ten (10) former
beneficiaries (from the withdrawn group) of Lingap Pangkabataan. As expected,
respondents had a hard time remembering the program they received. This was remedied
by giving the respondents more time to think about the programme. Based on the results of
the pre‐test, some instructions on the questionnaire were corrected and sequencing of
questions adjusted.
The RFQ, on the other hand, “gathers information when it is not possible to locate
the former beneficiary or any of his/her household members, but the researcher comes
across an individual(s) who can share an account of the whereabouts and current activities
of the former beneficiary.”14 The main questions of the RFQ were also translated in the
Filipino language.
2.2.2 Key informant interviews
The study conducted interviews with key people in the community as a supplement
to the quantitative data from the surveys. Key Informant Interview (KII) was carried out with
adults only. Two to three interviews were conducted per province. No interviews were
conducted in Iloilo due to lack of time and preparations. The informants were chosen based
on their knowledge of the IA’s interventions and child labour issues in the area. This was, of
course, coordinated with the IA staff. The interviews provided the research with contextual
13
Tracer Study Methodology Manual, p. 27.
14
Ibid, p. 29.
9
information about the barangay as well (i.e. historical, cultural, and socio‐economic). The
interview was guided by the Interview Model for Key Informants.
2.2.3 Focus group discussion (FGD)
FGDs were conducted with community members who also had knowledge about
the IA’s interventions and child labour issues in the area. A collective data about past and
recent changes in the community in relation to child labour, and why these occurred, were
obtained. Each FGD was composed of between 7 to 10 community members. Community
members range from public school teachers, barangay officials, barangay health workers,
parents of the beneficiaries, Instructional Managers, among others. The team planned to
conduct 2 FGDs per province that is one per IA, thus a total of 8 FGDs. A FGD was not held in
Iloilo due to lack of time and preparation. Iloilo was included at the latter part of the study
just to complete the target number of respondents for the sugar cane sector. The team used
the Guidelines for Focus Group Discussion in the Tracer Study Methodology Manual.
2.2.4 Life transition study (LTS)
Aside from the KII and FGD, the LTS is another qualitative tool used in the Study. It
measures the changes in the lives of children who were exposed to and participated in child
labour interventions. It allows an in‐depth understanding of the causes for the changes that
are observed from respondents of the Beneficiary Questionnaire. “It focuses on significant
(from the point of view of the former beneficiary) and relevant (from the point of view of the
Study) life transitions. The purpose is to better understand the reasons and causes that led
to selected life transitions and find out to what degree these are linked to their past
participation in the child labour intervention.”15
Since this tool is being tested in the context of life changes due to child labour
interventions, the research team conducted a total of 12 LTS, that is, 3 LTS per province. LTS
respondents came from respondents of the BQ. Enumerators were given instructions to
look out for typical respondents who had interesting life stories whether participation in the
programmes showed signs of success or failure at the end of project implementation. Since
there were more male children working in the sugar cane and mining sectors, the team
decided to conduct the LTS as much as possible to 2 males and 1 female (per province). The
Model Question for the LTS was used to start up the conversation with the respondents.
2.3 Sampling of the survey
Choosing the right IA to work with and trace beneficiaries was carefully studied.
The study took into consideration that only children withdrawn from exploitative work or
working children are covered. Second, Implementing Agencies with very large and very few
number of beneficiaries were disregarded from the study. Its high and low proportionate
share from the total number of beneficiaries in the sugar cane or mining sector could
possibly skew the results of the study. Finally, interventions in areas that were experiencing
military tension were also disregarded from the study for safety and security reasons.
15
Life Transition Study: A Concept, p. 2.
10
The sample size for each sector was derived from the master list of beneficiaries
provided by ILO Manila. The sample size for each sector was determined using Slovin’s
formula at 95 per cent confidence level. The number of respondents per area was estimated
proportional to the number of beneficiaries per area.
Target number of surveys
Below was the proposed target number of respondents per sector, per area and per IA.
Table 3: Target number of Beneficiary Questionnaires (BQs)
As mentioned earlier, a list of respondents to be traced was generated from the
master list of each IA. For instance, if the required number of respondents to be traced for
NIRD was 78, then a sample set twice the number was generated. This decision was taken as
experience has shown that on average about half of former beneficiaries can be successfully
traced. The research team tried to concentrate on locating the first 78 names on the list.
The remaining 78 were set aside as replacements. However, there were still unanticipated
problems with the list (more of this will be explained in the limitation section) and the
research team had to rely also on the master list of the IA in their field offices. The names
from this list acted as replacements. Concerns with the master list and other limitations of
the study reduced the total number of respondents from 705 to 645.
Actual number of surveys
Below is the actual number of respondents traced per province. Note that the
province of Iloilo was not included in the original target number of respondents. It was included
at the latter part of the study because of the desire to reach the target number of respondents
in the sugar cane sector. It was discovered that at the end of the field work in Negros Oriental
and Negros Occidental, the team was short of 37 respondents from the total target number.
Since there was an explicit interest in findings from the sugarcane sector the team decided to
expand the tracing to another geographical area. Taking into consideration the allotted time
and budget to complete the whole study, the team then looked for former beneficiaries in Iloilo.
11
Table 4: Actual number of Beneficiary Questionnaires (BQs)
In this particular study, “former beneficiary” refers to children or young adults who
were provided services by IPEC through an implementing agency. Their ages fall between
the ages of 14 and 24 years old. The age range was arrived at taking into account that
services were not offered to children below 9 and 2005 was the first year the intervention
was implemented. Therefore the youngest respondents, during the time of the study, were
14 or 15.
The study also used the “Where are they Now? List” (WNL) as an aid in the tracing
of beneficiaries. It is a reorganization of information found in the master lists that helps in
the actual process of tracing former beneficiaries.
Relative/friend questionnaire
There was no specific number to conduct the RFQ. This was used when the former
beneficiary has migrated and/or cannot be located at the time of the Tracer Study. It offers
a glimpse on those former beneficiaries that were not traced.
Enumerators were able to conduct 123 RFQs as follows:
Table 5: Total number of Relative/Friend Questionnaires (RFQs)
2.4 Research team and time frame
The research team was composed of six to seven enumerators and two
interviewers/researchers. The interviewers were in charge of the KII, LTS, and FGDs. The
study assured that the enumerators have had experience in conducting surveys and field
work and as much as possible one or two enumerators speak the local language. This is
12
important to build rapport among IA staff and local officials. In Negros Occidental, Quidan
Kaisahan (QK) was kind enough to accompany the enumerators with their staff who speak
the local language.
The same team conducted the field work in all provinces except in Iloilo where a
survey was conducted only by two enumerators and no interviews took place due to lack of
preparation. The field work schedules were arranged and coordinated with the IAs. In Iloilo,
the field work coincided with a pre‐scheduled training course of the staff from the IA’s
partner organization. There was no opportunity to reschedule the field work due to time
limitations.
Field work was conducted at a minimum of 11 days to a maximum of 13 days. The
days in the field were extended due to the volume of respondents to be traced especially in
the provinces of Negros Occidental and Camarines Norte. In Iloilo, field work was only
conducted for 5 days since the target number of respondents was very minimal. The entire
field work was carried out in five months.
2.5 Data processing
The raw data from the Beneficiary Questionnaire was encoded using the Census
and Survey Processing System (CSPro) and statistically analysed using the Statistical Package
for the Social Sciences (SPSS) Version 13. Marginal data and cross‐tabulations of variables
were generated. Some of the respondents did not provide answers to questions or their
responses were excluded from the analysis; thus, these were declared as “missing.”
The raw data from the Relative/Friend Questionnaire was encoded using only the
Statistical Package for the Social Sciences Version 13. Marginal data and cross‐tabulations of
variables were also generated.
Common themes were identified, categorized and contextually analysed from the
data from the qualitative tools (i.e. KII, FGD, LTS).
2.6 Limitations of the study
The following are some of the limitations this study encountered:
a) The master list lacks pertinent information, such as the house address and dates of
birth of the beneficiaries. Some of the master lists from the IAs did not have
complete addresses of the beneficiaries. The name of the municipality is often
indicated. This is understandable because barangays in rural areas in the provinces
are often subdivided into puroks or clusters of households where the houses do not
have numbers or street names. However, citing at least the names of the barangays
and puroks in the master list could have been useful in tracing the beneficiaries. It
could have been useful to at least assess the geographic location and distances of
the respondents. As for date of birth, this could have been useful in verifying the
age of the beneficiary at the current year. There were instances in Negros
Occidental where the beneficiaries from the sample set were beyond 25 years old
at the current year. This suggests that they were older than 17 at the time of the
intervention, which is not possible.
13
b) It has been years since the interventions were implemented and so, as expected, a
lot of the former beneficiaries migrated to other towns and cities, got married and
left their hometown. Some of the respondents from the original sample set could
not be located anymore and thus were replaced. Names of the replacements came
from the master list of the Implementing Agency at the field offices.
c) During the field work, the team encountered issues with the names on the master
list, such as former beneficiaries not having worked in sugar cane farms or in the
mines (or any other hazardous work), and beneficiaries not receiving any services or
attending any programs from the IA. Replacements were then sought through the
master list of the IAs at the field offices and their participation verified with IA staff.
d) As expected, the research team experienced difficulty in tracing the beneficiaries
due to bad weather (i.e. heavy rain), rough and steep terrain in mountainous areas,
former beneficiaries living in really far areas, and lack of public transportation in
remote areas. Despite using raincoats and hiring public motorcycles, some former
beneficiaries still could not be reached as safety of the enumerators was a main
concern. In addition, security problems in areas with military conflict hampered the
team to locate more beneficiaries. This was experienced in the Municipality of
Toboso (in Negros Occidental) where almost three‐fourths of former beneficiaries
come from. The conflict was very sudden and was not expected as initial
discussions with the IA indicated that the area was safe and secure for the research
team. This was also the case in Mount Diwata in Compostela Valley. Aside from the
area experiencing earthquakes and landslides, the presence of insurgent groups
such as the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (Islamic rebel organization), the New
People’s Army (Communist group), and tribal wars restricted the mobility of the
enumerators to secure and safe zones only.
e) The research team experienced some communication problems with IA staff which
delayed the tracing of former beneficiaries. For instance, the field work in Negros
Oriental coincided with the Barangay Elections. Most of the staff of NIRD was
running for a local government position and so were busy campaigning even though
they agreed that the field work could still be conducted on the schedule that the
research team proposed. In Compostela Valley, as mentioned earlier, there was
difficulty reaching the FFW field coordinator to ask for further assistance. In Iloilo,
Actuator’s partner agency Gabay had a pre‐scheduled training course. Nonetheless,
our research team was resourceful enough to seek the help of barangay officials
and staff in locating the former beneficiaries.
f) It was expected that ILO Manila would be able to provide the technical reports of
the concerned IAs. However, ILO Manila had difficulty retrieving the reports/files
since the concerned staff is no longer working with them. The team decided then
to gather these reports from the concerned Implementing Agencies themselves.
Out of the 7 IAs, only two were not able to share said reports. No reports were
requested from Actuator because the intention was to conduct surveys only in
Iloilo.
14
2.7 Methodological considerations for future tracer studies
2.7.1 Tracer study: on process and methodology
2.7.1.1 On the process of identifying respondents
Tracing former beneficiaries is indeed a challenge due to a number of
environmental factors. However, getting the right respondents based on the criteria set by
the Tracer Study Methodology could have been easier if important information such as
complete address and date of birth were gathered from the beneficiaries at the onset of the
Action Programmes. The date of birth is most especially important because it would be
more strategic in generating a sample list of the respondents. The master list provided the
age of the beneficiary probably at the time he or she entered the program. However, there
were a number of incidences where the former beneficiary is way too old for the study at
the time the enumerator conducted the survey. Of course, these respondents were
replaced. As much as the criteria were explained to the Implementing Agencies before field
work started, there were still occasions when enumerators encountered former
beneficiaries whose ages are beyond the scope of the study.
2.7.1.2 On the beneficiary questionnaire
The success of an intervention depends on a number of factors including the
participation of the beneficiary. It was observed that a number of the beneficiaries did not
complete the program or at some point in time dropped out from the program due to
various reasons. This was especially observed with beneficiaries under the Alternative
Learning System. During the survey, enumerators found out that some beneficiaries did not
finish the program. The survey, nevertheless, was continued because if these respondents
were disregarded from the study then there may be not enough representation to describe
the impact of the intervention. Selecting former beneficiaries who completed the program
(and may or may have not taken the A&E) from the IA’s master list was also unnecessary
since the IAs do not have full information of those who completed and did not complete the
program, nor would this comply with the sampling procedure of the Tracer Study. IAs knew
who passed the A&E because their numbers were very small. This issue could be addressed
in future Tracer Studies.
2.7.2 Life transition study (LTS): on process and methodology
2.7.2.1 On the process of identifying respondents
The LTS manual stated:
“The target population is the group selected for the Tracer Study. In other words,
the sample for the LTS will be extracted from those that will be participating in the Tracer
Study. However as one of the primary objectives of this Concept Note is to be the basis for
the testing of the LTS methodology, the suggestion is to also purposively sample a few cases
from the target population. This will allow testing if it is better to work with the same
individuals that will be responding to the Tracer Study questionnaire or alternatively with
individuals that are “fresh” to the combined Tracer LTS Study.”
15
The strategy for the tracer study for getting the LTS sample was that the LTS
interviewers would arrive three days after the surveyors. The survey team had five days to
meet the numbers that they need. The survey team was oriented beforehand to note down
possible participants for the LTS. They were told to take note of success stories and those
that were not. The implementing partner NGOs also suggests individuals whom they
believed would provide good data. Another strategy of the team was to seek the advice of
the Barangay or village officials and other contacts that helped in the tracer study. After
identification, the LTS interviews were conducted simultaneous with the survey team.
The system worked until the whole team moved on to the next village. This time,
no survey had been conducted yet, thus there was no sample where possible LTS
participants could be chosen from. Difficulties were encountered at this point in identifying
participants for the LTS. The LTS team interviewers coped by tagging along with the survey
team, asking partner NGOs if they had suggestions, and talking to village officials and local
social workers.
Though the implementing partners may suggest participants to the LTS, the final
decision was with the LTS interviewer. The partners might suggest participants that are all
success stories and thus the sample would be limited and fail to provide different situations.
2.7.2.2 On obtaining the consent of the LTS participants
Generally, consent was easy to obtain from the children and young people. There is
a cultural factor that comes into play here as the potential participants were beneficiaries
who feel that it would seem ungrateful if they did not agree to the interview. The LTS
interviewers, however, stressed that they are not from the implementing partner or from
ILO. Thus, they are free to say “no.”
For respondents who are children, the consent of the parents was also obtained.
However, there were instances where this did not happen. The situations where this
occurred were when the respondents of the survey needed to gather together for the survey
because their homes were inaccessible due to terrain or security issues. Contact persons or
the implementing organization would suggest that a child be interviewed right then and
there as it would be difficult for him/her to come back. The child’s consent was, of course,
obtained first.
2.7.2.3 On confidentiality and privacy
Most of the LTS interviews were conducted at the respondents’ homes. To ensure
privacy, LTS interviewers talk to the family members first about the objectives of the
interview and why privacy is important. Family members understood and went outside or to
another place in the house. The LTS interviewer again explained that his or her identity will
be protected so he or she is free to share his or her opinions and feelings. There were some
instances where the interview needed to be conducted in public places or at home but with
a family member within hearing distance. The LTS interviewers adjusted to the situation by
encouraging the respondents to speak softly during the interview.
16
2.7.2.4 On the LTS tool
Overall, the flow of the questions facilitated the respondents feeling relaxed
enough to “open up” at the parts when the questions are becoming more personal. It was
noted by the interviewers that most of the respondents had difficulty differentiating
“change” and “consequence.” This happened often with respondents who did not
experience major change in their lives. For those who did, “change” and “consequence” was
clear and distinct. Some respondents only received one‐shot support such as receiving
school supplies and a one‐time sponsorship for a skills training. These were the interviews
that proved to be difficult especially when asking about the changes and consequences. The
LTS interviewers had to be flexible enough to ask what questions were relevant to the child.
The respondents who experienced programmatic interventions such as alternative training,
training and advocacy sessions on children’s rights and child labour, and job placement could
easily answer the LTS questions.
The last part of the LTS questions tackled changes in attitude on child labour. This
was another tricky question to ask as the respondents’ answers were descriptions of
changes on the situation of child labour in their communities. Language plays a part in the
confusion as asking about one’s “attitude” (“pagtingin”) translates to asking about one’s
opinion or observation. Another complicating factor is that culturally, Filipinos relate more
to experience than reflection. Filipinos are more likely to recall experiences clearly. Changes
or consequences of a particular event on their lives or points of view are articulated only
when asked or probed. To help the respondents answer the question, the interviewers
asked about the situation of child labour “before” and “after” the interventions. Afterwards,
the interviewers asked about how the respondents felt about the situations they described.
There were topics which the questionnaire lacked which the research team
recommends to be included:
family history and attitude of parents about child labour – These are crucial influences
in the child’s own history and attitude towards child labour;
health – The survey asked about this in detail. The LTS should also tackle this;
recommendations for interventions on the issue of child labour – the LTS respondents
may provide insights on program development as they have gone through the process
of interventions from one or more NGOs.
17
3. Areas of impact among former beneficiaries
This chapter discusses the results of the survey of former beneficiaries. It describes
the situation of the child beneficiaries at the beginning of the project intervention (T0), at the
end of the project intervention (T1) and at the time of the tracer survey or the current time
(T2). Specifically, it tackles the working condition, schooling, economic well‐being, health
and attitude about child labour of the beneficiaries in the three time periods specified in the
study.
It traces the important changes in the lives of former beneficiaries across the three
time periods in two sectors, i.e., sugarcane and mining, covered by the study. Data was
further disaggregated by age group of former beneficiaries i.e., below 14 years old or
working below the minimum age (younger cohort) and 14 years old and above or working in
hazardous condition (older cohort). Of the 645 total number of respondents, 237 or 37 per
cent are females, and 408 or 63 per cent are males. See the Annexes section for related
tables.
3.1 On work
3.1.1 Sugarcane sector (Annex II)
The work situation of the children is one of the main interests of the study. The ILO
Convention No. 138 on the minimum age and the Convention No.182 on the worst forms of
child labour specify the work to be eliminated by member states of the Convention. It
emphasizes that “age‐appropriate tasks that are of lower risk and do not interfere with
child’s schooling and leisure time, can be normal part of growing up in a rural environment.”
However, unlike adults, work on the farm or plantation exposes children to higher level of
risks and hazards, which could result to lifelong disabilities and that could impinge on their
transition to adulthood. This study looks at the impact of program intervention in reducing
the risk of child labour, focusing on the changes in the beneficiaries’ lives.
In the survey, all respondents reported that they were working before the project
was implemented.
In the sugarcane sector, only 21.5 per cent of the younger cohort was completely
withdrawn from work. As expected, an even smaller proportion of those in the older cohort
(17.1 per cent) were completely withdrawn from work. At the time of the tracer study, the
proportion of those in worst forms of labour was further reduced. The proportion of
underage working children decreased by 31.5 (or reduced to 68.5 per cent); while, among
the older cohort, 28.5 per cent was prevented from working under hazardous conditions.
When asked about their reason for working at an early age, the main reason given
was to augment family income. Data reveal that before the initiation of the project, the
majority of the underage workers (65.6 per cent) mentioned that they were working to
supplement the family income. This is also true among the older children (14 years old and
above) registering a slightly higher proportion, at 83.8 per cent.
Most of them declared that they work in the plantation (98.4 per cent younger
cohort and 99.5 per cent older cohort) before the project started. A slight shift in the place
19
of work at the end of project implementation was reported, with 6.2 per cent of the
respondents in the younger cohort indicating that they moved to another work. This is also
true among the older cohort where 26.9 per cent moved to another type of work. They
mentioned the household, market and restaurant as places of work. At the time of the
tracer study, the proportion of those working in a plantation was further reduced to 86.3 per
cent and 77.2 per cent (younger cohort and older cohort respectively).
Data reveals that the main task of the child workers in the plantation diversified
through time. For instance, the main task of those in the younger cohort (below 14 years
old) were weeding and putting fertilizer but as they get older (when they reach age 16) they
were assigned other tasks in the plantation such as harvesting, planting, operating machines
and so on. This suggests that the tasks get more difficult as they get older.
Time is another important aspect of child work because it is linked to school
attendance. In some cases, work deprives children of the opportunity to attend school or
obliged them to leave school prematurely. It also exerts a heavy toll to education specifically
among those engaged in hazardous work.
When asked what time of the day they usually worked before the project started,
majority of the workers below age 14 reported that they either worked during daytime (41.2
per cent) or on the weekend (44.5 per cent). On the other hand, more than three‐fourths of
those in the older cohort (76.2 per cent) mentioned that they worked during daytime. There
were no significant changes across time periods.
Although majority of all respondents worked for 7‐8 hours, only 18.4 per cent
(younger cohort) and 13.4 per cent (older cohort) mentioned that they worked throughout
the year before the start of the project. As expected, those working on a regular basis
increase as they grow older. Those who worked throughout the year increased to 25.0 per
cent (younger cohort) and 28.4 per cent (older cohort) at the end of project implementation
and increased further to 36.4 per cent (younger cohort) and 38.3 (older cohort) at the time
of the tracer study.
Before the project implementation, a large majority of those in the younger cohort
mentioned that they only worked during cultivation and harvest time. Among those in the
younger cohort, 94.8 per cent mentioned that their work was seasonal and as expected,
higher proportion of those in the older cohort (97.9 per cent). In the succeeding time
periods, the proportion of those who reported seasonal work declined. Interestingly, the
proportion of those who work only during weekends and holidays increased (at the time of
the Tracer Study). This may be an indication of children getting other jobs other than
working in the fields and/or prioritizing school than work.
There was more than three quarters who reported having been sick due to work.
This condition improved slightly by the end of project implementation, with 71.8 per cent
and 71.6 per cent. It improved further at the time of the tracer study with 57.4 and 54.9 of
them reporting that they got sick.
The survey also inquired about the type of assistance given by the project. During
project implementation, about half of those in the younger cohort mentioned that they
received school supplies (50.0 per cent). Other assistance mentioned was: improving family
20
economy (22.2 per cent) and giving school allowance (9.3 per cent). On the other hand, the
older cohort mentioned improving the economic status of family (32.1 per cent) and
provision of school supplies (41.1 per cent).
3.1.2 Mining sector (Annex III)
Children working in the mining sector are exposed to myriad physical and
psychological risks. It is work that is dangerous to children in every way. It is physically
strenuous within unsafe environment situated in remote areas.
In the mining sector, at the end of project implementation, only one out of five
children from the younger cohort was completely withdrawn from work. As expected, an
even smaller proportion of those in the older cohort (14.5 per cent), were completely
withdrawn from work. At the time of the Tracer Study, a further decline in the proportion of
those in this worst form of labour was observed. The proportion of working children below
age 14 declined by 39.6 per cent (or reduced to 60.4 per cent), while 26.1 per cent of the
older cohort (or 73.9 per cent) stopped working.
When asked about their reasons for working at an early age, the main reason given
was to augment family income. Data reveal that before the initiation of the project, a large
majority of the workers below age 14 (85.5 per cent) mentioned that they are working to
supplement the family income. This is also true among the older children (14 years old and
above), with 82.2 per cent per cent. Other reasons given were: to earn own money and
could not afford school fees. During the project implementation, the main motivation to
work did not change. In fact, a higher proportion mentioned that they would like to
augment the family income (84.4 per cent and 90.3 per cent). An even higher proportion of
those reporting the motivation to supplement family income were observed at the time of
the tracer study, with 93.9 per cent and 86.7 per cent.
Before the project started, most of the former beneficiaries declared that they
worked in the mining and quarry site (94.5 per cent, younger cohort and 95.3 per cent, older
cohort). There was a slight shift in the workplace during project implementation whereby
88.9 per cent (younger cohort) and 78.6 per cent (older cohort) remained in the
mining/quarry site. There seems to have been movement towards less hazardous
workplaces. The interviewees mentioned the employer’s house, market and restaurant as
place of work during T1 (at the time of the end of the intervention). At the time of the tracer
study, the proportion of those working in the mining/quarry site was further reduced to 87.8
per cent and 79.3 per cent (younger cohort and older cohort, respectively).
Before the project started, data reveal that the main task of the child workers in the
mining sector did not differ by age group. A considerable number of children declared that
their main task is mining, 30.9 per cent among younger cohort and 58.3 per cent among the
older cohort. The others mentioned more specific tasks such as crushing and putting the
rocks in sacks, picking and straining mineral stones, carrying the sacks out of the tunnel.
There are also some who consider their work in the mining/quarrying site as “all around”
meaning they perform most of the tasks involved in mining.
The proportion of former beneficiaries below 14 years old who were involved in
mining increased from 30.9 per cent before the project started to 35.6 per cent at the end of
21
the project. On the other hand, among the older cohort, the proportion decreased from
58.3 per cent before the project started to 47.2 per cent after the project implementation.
At the time of the tracer study, the proportion of former beneficiaries below 14 years old
who were involved in mining further increased to 39.4 per cent. It likewise increased to 50.9
per cent among their older counterparts at the time of tracer survey. The figures indicate
that if school‐related interventions are not sustained then former beneficiaries return back
to mining.
Majority of the respondents worked on a full time basis and extended working
hours in the mines. In terms of days of work, the proportion increased through time. This is
expected since the children move towards legal working age. Before project
implementation, 34.2 per cent (younger cohort) and 49.9 per cent (older cohort) mentioned
that they worked for 5‐7 days. The proportion increased to 46.1 per cent (younger cohort)
and 69.1 per cent (older cohort) during project implementation. The proportion slightly
changed in the current period (44.8 per cent and 65.8 per cent, among younger workers and
the older cohort, respectively).
Although majority of them worked for 7‐8 hours, only 35.1 per cent (below 14 years
old) and 40.6 per cent (older cohort) mentioned that they worked throughout the year
before the project started. As expected, more of them will be working on a regular basis, as
they grow older. Those who worked throughout the day increased to 50.6 per cent (below
14 years old) and 51.6 per cent (older cohort) at the end of project implementation and
increased further to 64.2 per cent (below 14 years old) and 55.7 per cent (older cohort)
during the tracer study.
A large majority of the children mentioned that their work is seasonal. Before
project implementation, majority of them (67.5 per cent, younger cohort and 74.6 per cent,
older cohort) mentioned that their work is seasonal. In the succeeding time periods, the
proportion of those who reported seasonal work declined. Interestingly, at the end of the
intervention, more respondents reported working during weekdays. This is in spite of their
participation in the intervention.
Before the start of the project, 70.9 per cent among the younger workers and 72.9
per cent among the older cohort indicated that they experienced being sick or injured due to
work. There was more than three‐fourth report having been sick due to work. This
condition remained until the end of project implementation, with 71.8 per cent (younger
cohort) and 71.6 per cent (older cohort). It improved at the time of the tracer study with
57.4 per cent (younger cohort) and 54.9 per cent (older cohort) of them reporting that they
got sick.
The survey also inquired about the type of assistance given by the project. During
project implementation, 28.6 per cent of the younger cohort mentioned that they received
assistance in improving the economy of his/her household. About 32.9 per cent of the
respondents belonging to the older cohort reported that they received help to improve the
economic status of their household.
At the time of the Tracer Study, 30.0 per cent of the younger workers claimed that
they received help to improve their household economic status while 44.9 per cent of those
22
in the older cohort mentioned that they received the same assistance. The other assistance
mentioned were: provision of school supplies (25.0 per cent for younger workers and 14.3
per cent for older cohort).
3.1.3 Summary
In summary, data reveal an average of 30.0 per cent reduction in child labour to
those below 14 years old for sugarcane and mining sectors. Since the main motivation for
working is to augment family income, a majority continued work in the same sector. Those
who had left the sector worked in the service sector such as public market, restaurant or
worked as domestic helper.
The respondents claimed that their work is seasonal but many of them worked for
the whole day. They usually work during daytime but in the mining sector, work hours are
usually extended. There were many of them who mentioned that they work for more than 8
hours.
In terms of their health condition, there was no significant change in the incidence
of illness or injury due to work before the start of the project and right after project
implementation. However, a significant change was observed during the tracer study as
indicated by the 16.7 per cent reduction in the per centage of those who experienced being
sick/injured due to work.
When asked what kind of assistance they received from the program, the top
answers were: provision of school supplies, changing the parent’s perception about child
labour and improving the economy of their household.
While augmenting the family income figured as the main motivation to work, the
respondents thought that their family was also responsible in making them stop from
working.
3.2 On education
3.2.1 Sugarcane sector (Annex IV)
Before the project started, 89.9 per cent of the children in the younger cohort were
in school. The proportion was much lower among the older cohort, with only 41.7 per cent
enrolled in school. At the end of project implementation, 84.8 per cent of those in the
younger cohort were still in school. On the other hand, among the older cohort only 24.6
per cent remained in school.
When asked why they were not in school, all of those in the younger cohort
mentioned that they could not afford the expenses in schooling. Among the older cohort,
the main reason for not attending school was also financial constraints (71.6 per cent).
Other reasons mentioned were work (14.7 per cent) and lack of interest in school (3.4 per
cent).
The survey also asked those who were studying about being absent from school.
Before the project started, a large difference in the proportion of those who were often
23
absent in school by age group was observed. Being absent in school was more common
among the older cohort than the younger ones. About 70.5 per cent of those in the older
cohort and 37.3 per cent of the younger cohort reported that they were often absent from
school. At the end of project implementation, the proportion of those who were often
absent from school declined from 70.5 per cent to 39.1 per cent among the older cohort,
while that only changed slightly from 37.3 per cent to 31.3 per cent among the younger
ones. There was not much change observed at the time of the Tracer Study where 25.6 per
cent of the younger cohort and 33.3 per cent of the older cohort missed school frequently.
The decline of absences in school from T0 to T1 may suggest that the intervention was
effective enough to prevent children from dropping out from school, and it may have
continued until T2.
When asked if someone helped them stay in school. Most of them answered
affirmatively. The pattern across the three time periods is the same. As expected, slightly
higher proportion of those in the younger cohort who reported that someone helped them
stay in school than the older cohort.
3.2.2 Mining sector (Annex V)
Before the project started, a small per centage of the total number of former
beneficiaries in the mining sector attended school. Only 36.0 per cent of the children in the
younger cohort were in school. The proportion was much lower among the older cohort,
with only 23.9 per cent enrolled in school. At the end of project implementation, 36.9 per
cent of those in the younger cohort were still in school. On the other hand, among the older
cohort only 17.3 remained in school. The proportion significantly declined at the time of the
tracer study with 28.8 per cent in the younger cohort, and 3.4 per cent in the older cohort.
Note that only a small per centage of the beneficiaries attended school. Obviously,
majority of them (in both cohorts) were not attending school before the project started.
Most of these out‐of‐school children participated in the ALS (an intervention outside the
formal school system) during project implementation with the hopes of getting them back to
formal school. However, based on the figures above, that does not seem to be the intended
result.
When asked why they were not in school, the two major reasons were “they could
not afford school” or because they “worked.” Amongst the younger cohort, from T1 (at the
end of the project implementation) and until T2 (at the time of the Tracer Study) majority
mentioned that they were not in school because they were working (53.8 per cent at T1 and
42.4 per cent at T2). Among the older cohort, before they entered the program (T0)
respondents mentioned that they could not afford school fees. As the years passed (until
T2), there were lesser respondents stating this as a reason but more respondents stating that
it was due to work that they were not attending school (36.5 per cent at T1 and 36.0 per cent
at T2).
The survey also asked those who were studying about being absent from school.
Being absent in school is more common among the older cohort than the younger ones.
About 67.5 per cent of those in the younger cohort and 69.8 per cent in the older cohort
reported that they were often absent in school before project implementation. At the end
24
of the project implementation, the proportion of those who were often absent in school
declined from 67.5 per cent to 56.1 per cent in the younger cohort, and from 69.8 per cent
to 48.4 per cent in the older cohort. However, at the time of the Tracer Study, the
proportion of absenteeism among the older cohort dramatically increased to 66.7 per cent,
while it continued to decline in the younger cohort (40.6 per cent). This dramatic increase in
absenteeism suggests that even after getting exposed to education‐related interventions
(eg. provision of school supplies and ALS), children continued to do mining work while
attending school. This will be further elaborated on the next chapter.
When asked if someone helped them stay in school. Most of them answered
affirmatively. The pattern across the three time periods is the same regardless of the group.
There is an increasing support from other actors in helping the respondents stay in school.
3.2.2.1 Vocational education
In the survey, only 30 respondents were given vocational education. When asked if
the vocational training helped them get a job, half of those in the sugarcane sector who
belonged to the younger cohort answered “yes.” On the other hand, 63.6 per cent of those
in the older cohort thought the training helped them in getting a job. IPEC Programme (33.3
per cent, younger cohort and 54.5 per cent, older cohort), private sector (16.7 per cent,
younger cohort), (9.1 per cent, older cohort) and government (16.7 per cent, younger cohort
and 18.2 per cent, older cohort) offered vocational training.
Among those in the mining sector, 50 per cent of those in the younger cohort and
45.5 per cent reported that the vocational training helped them land a job. According to half
of the respondents, government offered them vocational education. The other half could
not remember who offered them the training.
3.2.2.2 Non‐formal education
Only five respondents were provided with non‐formal education. Those who had
non‐formal education were all males. Of the five who had non‐formal education, only one
mentioned that he received assistance from IPEC. In the sugarcane sector, majority of them
(75 per cent) mentioned that non‐formal education helped them return to regular school. In
the mining sector, they think that non‐formal education did not help them return to regular
school.
Those from the sugarcane sector reported that IPEC programme (33.3 per cent),
NGO (33.3 per cent) and private sector (33.3 per cent) offered them non‐formal education
courses. In the mining sector, only the private sector was mentioned.
3.2.2.3 Household chores
In the Philippines, it is common to find children helping their parents do the
household chores. As expected, most of the respondents mentioned that they do household
chores. There was very little change in proportions across all time periods. In the sugarcane
sector, majority of the respondents (64.2 per cent) reported that they only spend two hours
or less doing household chores during weekdays. The same is found in the mining sector
25
where 66.4 per cent work for two hours or less during weekdays. Most of them indicated
that they did not miss school because of household chores.
3.3 On economic well‐being
Tables 3a and 3b (see Annex VI and VII) summarize the indicators of family well‐
being. In terms of family well‐being, very slight positive changes across the three time
periods were observed.
In terms of the main source of income, majority reported farming (60.7 per cent,
younger cohort and 47.9 per cent, older cohort) in the sugarcane sector and mining (67.3 per
cent, younger cohort and 22.9 per cent, older cohort) in the mining sector. The father is the
household head and the main person contributing to household income. This status at
before the project started did not change significantly even in the succeeding periods T1 and
T2.
The type of house and source of drinking water did not also change significantly.
Data also revealed that there are slight improvements in terms of having sufficient food to
eat, paying for medical expenses and ownership of family animals.
3.4 On former beneficiaries’ attitude on child labour
A great majority of the respondents think that it is not appropriate for children less
than 15 years old to work. When asked if their views about child labour changed in the past
three years, majority (59.7 per cent) answered affirmatively.
In the survey, the respondents were also asked if children under 12 should not work
at all except for light household chores. Most of them (93.2 per cent) agreed that children
below 12 years old should not work at all except for light household chores.
26
What do relatives and friends know…
A total of 123 RFQs were conducted. Twenty-six per cent (26 per cent) of the respondents were mothers, 19 per cent were neighbours,
11 per cent were fathers, and the remaining 44 per cent were other relatives such as sisters, brothers, wife or husband, uncles or aunts,
grandparents, and friends. The following are some of the major results per province. Because the RFQs conducted per province is
small, the analysis is presented in actual count.
Negros Oriental – Out of the 9 respondents, 8 knew that the child received child labour intervention and only one was not aware
whether the child received any intervention. Five (5) of the respondents were aware that the beneficiary did not stop working despite the
intervention while two were known to have stopped working and the other two respondents were not sure.
Eight (8) of the respondents were aware that the beneficiary had worked before they left the village and only one respondent mentioned
that beneficiary did not work before. As expected, beneficiaries were known to have worked in sugarcane plantations: putting fertilizers
in the fields (4), clearing of the fields or weeding (2), planting and putting fertilizer (1). Other than this, one worked as a domestic helper
and the other as caretaker of a small convenient store.
When they left the village, 5 of the 9 are known to be employed and the remaining 4 are not working. Those currently at work are
employed as: household helpers (3), painter (1), and caretaker in a small convenient store (1).
Only 2 of the 9 beneficiaries are known to be presently studying.
Negros Occidental – Out of the 22 respondents, 21 knew that the child received child labour intervention and only one said that the
child did not get any. Twenty (20) of the respondents were aware that the beneficiary did not stop working despite their involvement in
the intervention while two were known to have stopped working.
Twenty (20) of the respondents knew that the beneficiary was working before she or he left the village, and only two said beneficiary
was not working before. Almost all of the twenty beneficiaries worked in sugar cane plantations: clearing of the field or weeding (8),
farming/planting (3), cutting and loading of sugarcane in trucks (3), all kinds of work in the field (3), cutting of sugar cane only (1), and
planting and putting fertilizer (1).
When they left the village, 18 of the former beneficiaries are known to be working while 4 are not currently working. Those currently
employed work as: construction workers (3), helpers in fishing vessels (2), household helpers (3), sugarcane cutter, baby sitter, factory
worker, waiter or waitress, sugarcane cutter and loading in trucks (2), helper in piggeries, farmer, driver, and delivery boy.
Only 4 of the 22 beneficiaries are known to be currently in school.
Camarines Norte – Out of the 69 respondents, 68 knew that the child received child labour intervention, and only one said that he or
she did not receive any. Sixty (60) of the respondents were aware that the beneficiary did not stop working despite the intervention (i.e.
ALS). Only 9 said that the beneficiary stopped working.
Before the beneficiaries left the village, 41 of the 69 were working in the mines and mine-related activities such as going inside tunnels of
mountains or rivers (9), begging for stones to search for gold (7), and gold panning (3). Eight (8) of the respondents had no information
on the type of work the other beneficiaries did.
When they left the village, 57 of the beneficiaries are known to be working, 8 are not working, 3 have no information, and 1 was known
to have died. Of those working, 20 are still working in the mines, 9 work as domestic helpers, 3 work in tunnels, 3 work as caretakers of
small stores, and the others as driver, factory worker, and service crew. Six (6) of the respondents had no idea on the type of work the
beneficiaries are presently involved in.
Only 3 of all 69 former beneficiaries are known to be currently attending school.
Compostela Valley – Out of the 5 respondents, 3 knew that the child received intervention and 2 knew that they did not receive any
support. All 5 of the respondents were aware that the beneficiary did not stop working despite the intervention.
Out of the 5, 3 of the respondents said that the beneficiary was not working before they left the village and 2 said that the beneficiary
worked in the mines.
Out of the 5, 4 are currently working as manicurist, household helper, delivery boy, and the other work in the mines.
Two (2) of them are currently in school and the 3 former beneficiaries are not.
Summary
Most of the beneficiaries did not stop working even though they participated in child labour interventions. According to relatives and
friends, many continued to work despite receiving educational support from the Implementing Agencies. Very few went back to finish
their education.
On the other hand, it seems that the number of former beneficiaries working in the fields and mines decreased since they left
the program and the village. Many are engaged in different jobs and not just related to sugar cane farming and mining such
as domestic work including taking care of convenient stores, factory work, and service crew (waiter or waitress) jobs.
27
4. Areas of impact according to stakeholders
The Tracer Study takes into consideration the perspective, observation and
opinions of community members about child labour interventions. This section presents
information from the focus group discussions and key informant interviews. It
contextualizes the information gathered from the survey, and points out changes in political,
economic, and social activities that may have an influence on the issue of working children in
the villages. As previously mentioned, participants at FGDs and KIIs are those who were
familiar with the intervention provided by the IA and had some knowledge about child
labour issues in their respective communities.
Profiles of the respondents
The research team conducted a total of 8 FGDs. The FGDs had a total of 54
participants: 25 from the sugar cane sector and 29 from the mining sector. Participants from
the sugar cane sector included parents (mostly mothers) of the former beneficiaries,
barangay health workers, purok officials, people working in sugar cane farms, teachers, and
former ‘child labour monitoring” volunteers (CLMV).16 Participants from the mining sector
also included parents of the former beneficiaries, barangay social workers, Instructional
Managers, barangay health workers, barangay officials (i.e. Chairperson and Secretary) and a
municipal social worker.
As for the key informants, a total of 13 people were interviewed.17 Most of those
interviewed were staff from the Implementing Agencies, and the rest were barangay
officials. The study made sure that informants interviewed did not participate in the FGDs.
4.1 On work
4.1.1 Observed changes in the number of working children depend on the nature of the
child labour intervention and support from other stakeholders or external actors
People associate a decrease in the number of working children if the intervention is
education‐related coupled with awareness raising programs and workshops with
stakeholders. An increase or no change in the number of working children is associated with
interventions that are purely educational and with limited awareness raising programmes or
support from stakeholders.
This experience is especially felt in the sugarcane sector. Community members,
who were involved in or aware of an IPEC‐supported intervention implemented by Goretti
16
Child Labour Monitoring Volunteer is a community‐based volunteer program composed of social
workers, barangay health workers, and day care workers in a number of barangays in the
Municipality of Mabinay, Negros Oriental. This was organized by Goretti Foundation months after
the ILO IPEC TBP 1 concluded. Volunteers monitor the academic performance and health condition
of the beneficiaries in school and at home, and report to Goretti and to the Barangay Council.
17
Three people were interviewed as a group.
29
Foundation, readily expressed a decrease in the number of working children.18 Even though
former beneficiaries were provided with school supplies and remedial or tutorial classes,
activities that involved educating various stakeholders such as parents, the local
government, and the business sector had an effect in addressing child labour.
Participants from Goretti Foundation further explained that thru awareness‐raising
programs and counselling sessions, they were able to advocate for responsible parenthood
and proper child development. They tapped church organizations and religious activities
such as weekly Bible Sharing sessions with parents to integrate child labour issues with Bible
passages or readings. This was an effective method to change the attitude of parents
towards their children, and parents’ responsibilities over the welfare of their children.
In IPEC project areas under QK/ELF (in Negros Occidental), staff believed that the
number of working children has been reduced. QK provided ALS to working children and this
was coupled with support from the local government and parents association. Through their
advocacy campaigns, QK managed to get the support of some barangay councils to allocate
funds for the education of the working children. QK also organized an ALS Parents
Association whereby parents of the ALS beneficiaries participated in knowledge about the
ALS, counselling workshop with parents on child labour, and training and credit
opportunities for livelihood. Working with the parents was a big step in changing their
18
Participants estimated that the number of full‐time child labourers dwindled from 700 to 100.
Child labour monitoring volunteers attested that there is a 40‐50 per cent reduction in child labour
participation in Barangay Paniabonan alone.
19
Bais City was one of the target areas of Goretti during the IPEC TBP 1.
30
attitude towards child labour. QK’s intervention included a mother‐to‐mother advocacy as a
strategy to correct misconceptions about child labour. At the time of the Tracer Study, QK
continued to work with parents and the barangay council in assisting more child workers
with funds from different sources.
On the other hand, an increase or no change in the number of working children was
felt in areas that have limited awareness‐raising activities and support from stakeholders.
Similar to Goretti Foundation, NIRD also provided school supplies and tutorial classes to its
beneficiaries. However, there was a lack of effort to bring the issue of child labour at the
forefront. According to FGD participants, only a slight change in attitude on child labour can
be seen among the community due to the efforts of local government officials. Child labour
was explained to them in relation to existing laws but a deeper understanding of the issue
and child rights were not introduced.
NIRD staff believe that the number of working children may have doubled.
Withdrawn children may have returned to working in sugarcane fields. Their siblings
(regardless of whether they participated in the intervention or not) may be working in the
plantations as well because, according to them, parents still require their children to work.
They added that some former beneficiaries went to Manila to work as domestic helpers
while others entered deep‐sea fishing labour. Parents in Basay20 would have their children
go work in fishing vessels during the fishing season (June to August) which is also the
planting season. Parents take the opportunity to obtain income from other sources while
they are waiting for the harvest season. Unfortunately, the fishing season is also the period
when school starts. These children thus do not go to school.
There was also hesitation among FGD participants, who live in areas covered by
NIRD, to talk about child labour. This signified that community members are not yet open to
discuss child labour.21 However, according to one brave soul, children ages 12 to 14 still join
sakadas and because sakadas are mobile by nature, these children seldom return home.22
The participant estimated that 25 per cent of the children in his barangay are still into
sakada work.
Participants from areas covered by SIFI (in Negros Occidental) clearly stated that
there was no reduction in the number of child labourers in their barangays.23 This
observation was due to the fact that the intervention was limited to vocational trainings for
a small number of working children and out‐of‐school youths. According to the participants,
the training was very short and there was no career placement. Job opportunities were very
limited so that the majority of the beneficiaries did not even land a job after the skills
training. Some practically returned to plantation work. Thus, participants felt that short‐
lived and small‐scale interventions would have no effect on reducing the number of working
children.
20
The municipality of Basay is one of the target areas of NIRD during the IPEC TBP 1.
21
Almost all of the participants in the FGD were parents of the child beneficiaries of NIRD.
22
Sakadas are usually groups of families looking for farm work.
23
FGD participants come from Barangay La Granha and Barangay Balabag in the Municipality of La
Carlota.
31
In the mining sector, efforts were made to ban the entry of minors in the mines or
inside tunnels in Barangay Mt. Diwata in Compostela Valley. Through the efforts of FFW and
the Barangay Council for the Protection of Children, mine owners and operators were called
on to prevent children from engaging in mining work especially from going inside tunnels.
Signs were put up near the entrance of tunnels and barangay social workers would visit and
monitor once in a while these mining firms. Participants believed that this may have
reduced the number of children working “inside” tunnels but it has not prevented children
from working “outside” the mines. Children continue to pound and crush ores brought
outside the mines, and carry sacks of ore or timber to be sold or processed.
4.1.2 Observed changes in the number of working children in the mining sector depend
on the nature of the mining industry
In Compostela Valley, people believed that the number of working children
decreased but not entirely due to the interventions of FFW and the LGU of Monkayo. The
decrease in children working in the mines is due to the physical transfer of families to mining
areas outside Barangay Mt. Diwata. Many small‐scale mining companies have been
established in other areas of the province in recent years.
In Camarines Norte, the number of working children seems to fluctuate as well
despite efforts of DepEd BALS. In one municipality, participants mentioned that child labour
has declined since the project was implemented but increased from 2008 until the current
period. A new set of child labourers has been pouring in with their immigrant families
especially during times of gold rush. Transient families usually come from surrounding poor
communities (usually fishing communities) and would have their children help out in the
mines.
Quite the opposite is happening in another barangay in Camarines Norte.
Participants from Barangay Luklukan Sur stated there is a fluctuation on the number of
working children in the barangay since 2006 due to the transient population. People would
flock to the barangay bringing their children along when income opportunity is high and
would later move out again when income opportunity is low. A health worker observed this
fluctuation as well in the 6‐month population survey.
The discovery of gold is not only for transient families but even permanent
residents grab the opportunity. Thus, the discovery of high grade ore usually sparks the start
of an intensive period of child labour.
4.1.3 Combining work and school continues to be a norm
32
In Barangay Lumbangan, another area covered by Goretti Foundation, there are
children who shifted work from sugar cane labour to domestic work. The latter includes
manning “sari‐sari” stores or small convenient stores and simple household chores. Children
are said to work on weekends. The money they earn is used as “baon” or school allowance
or to pay for other school expenses. According to participants from said barangay, domestic
work is far better than working in the fields.
Combining work and school in the mining sector is also observed especially when
high grade gold is discovered. Participants from the mining communities mentioned that
families would seize the opportunity to earn the most from the resource. During such time,
children would likely be absent from class but would later come back after the vein has been
exhausted. In fact, in Barangay Luklukan Sur (in Camarines Norte), it was typical for students
to casually inform their teachers of their pending absence as soon as high grade gold veins
are discovered. According to the community members, around 50 per cent of these
students went back to regular schooling.
4.2 On education
4.2.1 An observed increase in the number of working children attending school is
brought about by a series of various interventions that encourage these children
to stay in or go back to school
This was observed in both sugarcane and mining sectors.
In Negros Oriental, participants believe that seemingly “continuous” programs in
schools have a direct link to a decrease in school drop outs. Between 2004 and 2006, World
Vision provided school supplies, school bags, and uniforms to children working in sugarcane
plantations. Right after World Vision’s program ended ILO‐IPEC TBP1 (with Goretti
Foundation) arrived. Similarly, school supplies were provided with a new set of
beneficiaries.24 After the intervention, the Department of Education (DepEd) in Negros
Oriental then introduced its Free Rice Program and Free Noon Meal Program. The
illustration below best describes this:
DepEd’s programs acted as incentives to prevent children from working in the
fields. The programs, however, did not last very long due to budget constraints. Teachers
noticed that when the Free Rice Program ended, many children stopped attending school.
This was the same case when the Free Noon Meal ended in August of 2010. One of the
veteran teachers attested that in her Grade 5 class composed of 43 students, 5 were always
24
According to the participants, 5 per cent of ILO’s beneficiaries were former beneficiaries of World
Vision.
33
absent when they were not receiving noon meals anymore. Upon checking with her
students, they have been absent because they were doing farm work specifically weeding in
plantations to earn money for their family. According to the parents of the children, if they
would go to school and give up working, they would be attending classes with empty
stomachs.
A series of education related interventions was observed in mining communities as
well. In the Municipality of Paracale in Camarines Norte, according to community members,
former beneficiaries who participated in the ALS were encouraged to enter formal
education. Even though a large per centage of them did not pass the A&E, their experience
at ALS encouraged them to go back to school. When the ILO‐funded intervention concluded
in 2007, ERDA Foundation came in and provided school supplies and uniforms for students
to working children and out‐of‐school youths.25 The Barangay Council of Barangay Gumaus
also allotted seventy thousand pesos (PhP 70,000) or roughly $1,500 annually for the
purchase of school supplies for working children since 2007 until the current period.
Moreover, the Department of Education in Camarines Norte provided rice to students at the
elementary level as well as in‐school feeding of noodles. Community members overstressed
that feeding programs result to 100 per cent attendance.
Constant provision of free school supplies, uniforms, and bags as well as food or
meal privileges in school seemed to be successful in persuading the parents of working
children to let them attend school. Although it did not eliminate child labour; work was
suspended for some time. Sustaining these programmes is thus essential to keep children in
school.
4.2.2 Scholarship programs were developed to encourage working children to attend
school but have limited reach
This was experienced in mining communities. In Compostela Valley, the former
Barangay Captain of Mt. Diwata rewarded the first honour of each grade (elementary) and
year level (secondary) ten (10) grams of gold. The rationale behind the program was that if a
student consistently ranked top of his or her class and accumulated the gold price for that
matter, then the student could afford to get into higher education. Such reward was very
encouraging but limited to students who were intellectually capable and had the full support
of their parents. This program ended in 2010 due to a change in local political
administration.
As for ALS passers, the Barangay Council agreed to shoulder the tuition of students
pursuing college education. Note that in Mt. Diwata, there were two organizations providing
ALS to different groups of beneficiaries. Before the ILO‐supported ALS was implemented, a
series of ALS was funded by the Program Monitoring and Coordination Council (PMCC). This
Council is a monitoring and coordinating body under the National Task Force Diwalwal which
in turn was created through Executive Order 217 in 2003 under the Macapagal‐Arroyo
government. According to community members, the Barangay Council shouldered 50 per
25
ERDA Foundation is local non‐government organization that provides educational assistance to
children of poor families. They also run community‐based preschool classes, livelihood and health
programs, and continuing education program which provides values formation and leadership
training.
34
cent of the college tuition of passers from the ILO‐supported ALS while they shouldered 100
per cent of the tuition of passers from the PMCC‐supported ALS.
In Camarines Norte, the School Board of the municipal governments in Jose
Panganiban, Labo and Paracale also offered scholarship programs to ALS passers. The
program was offered since 2007.
The challenge of this scholarship program was that an ALS student has to pass the
Accreditation and Equivalency Examination (A&E) before getting rewarded. A lot of the
former beneficiaries did not complete the ALS sessions since most of them continued
working in the mines. Even if they completed the ALS, the fact is only very few passed the
A&E (about less than 5 per cent of the total number of beneficiaries).26
The scholarship program was also offered to ALS passers who wanted to pursue
college or tertiary education, and not for those wanting to go back to secondary education
or high school. Even if the beneficiaries passed the A&E just to get into the secondary
education, some passers did not proceed because of school fees. Such conditions (i.e.
passing the A&E and for college level) limit the reach of the program to IPEC beneficiaries
who took the ALS.
Interestingly enough, at the end of the project implementation, even if scholarship
programs were limited, community members believe that not all beneficiaries went back to
hazardous work. They believe that a large per centage is still into mining and sugarcane
work but they also believe that there are those who are now working in less hazardous
conditions. Community members pointed out that some of their beneficiaries are into
domestic work, work in pawnshops and water stations, and vending.
4.2.3 The accessibility of a school influences students’ decision to either study or work
Although most IPEC interventions targeted children to return to formal school,
environment factors such as distance of a secondary school from the community hampered
former beneficiaries to continue their education once they left the IPEC program.
In the mining communities of Barangay Luklukan Sur and Luklukan Norte in the
municipality of Jose Panganiban (Camarines Norte), the number of children going to school
has been increasing every year at a rate of 15‐20 per cent due to various factors. Because of
this, elementary schools doubled the number of its teachers. Additional classrooms were
also built and even libraries turned into classrooms. However, high school enrolees have
been decreasing. This is attributed to the lack of schools providing secondary education in
the barangays. Students have to go to the Jose Panganiban High School at the town centre
which is an hour away or to another school in another municipality. The lack of secondary
schools deters students to continue their studies due to distance and transportation cost.
This pushes them back to mining labour.
26
For instance, in Paracale, Camarines Norte, the ALS Coordinator mentioned that out of the 400
beneficiaries 53 took the A&E but only 13 passed it. She added that 91 of the 400 went back to
formal education (eventhough they did not pass the A&E). The rest went back to mining and other
labour work (i.e. vending, working in water stations and pawnshops), some married, while others
migrated.
35
On the other hand, community members noted that the implementation of an
“open” high school system at the Jose Panganiban High School somehow discouraged the
dropping out of students. The said system was designed by the local government to allow
high school students to come to school once a week and to do their homework and
schoolwork at home within the formal or regular school system. The system’s impact on
working children, however, has yet to be studied.
In Barangay Mt. Diwata (Compostela Valley), the Barangay Council established the
Mt. Diwata College of Arts, Science and Technology. This is a barangay‐run tertiary school
that is more accessible to students interested to pursue higher education. Most of the
colleges or universities are located 3‐5 hours away from the Municipality of Monkayo, and
that transportation cost is also too expensive. As of the moment, the college has few
enrolees and has yet to be accredited by the Commission on Higher Education.27
4.2.4 Interventions that are small‐scale, short‐term and lack advocacy programs may
have little impact on working children going back to school
Community members (in a sugarcane community) did not see any reduction in the
number of working children in sugarcane plantations since skills training was offered to a
small group of child labourers only. They do not see its relevance to children going back to
school. When the training program ended, there was very limited assistance to the
beneficiaries so a majority returned to plantation work.
In areas covered by NIRD (in Negros Oriental), participants mentioned that there
was only a very slight increase in enrolment of students at the elementary level. According
to the current President of the Parent‐Teacher Association at Nangka Public Elementary
School, in 2008 the total enrolment from Grades 1 to 6 was a bit below 600 but at present it
is 605. Participants gave no explanation why this is so. They claimed, however, that the
scenario for children involved in plantation work is the same before 2006 and today. The
young still work during harvest and (September and October) non‐harvest seasons (June and
July), thus incurring absences 2 to 3 days in a week. Note that there was a lack of advocacy
programs and support from stakeholders in areas covered by NIRD.
Little impact was also felt by parents from the mining community in Barangay Mt.
Diwata. Parents of FFW beneficiaries were not happy when the intervention ended. As one
of the parents in the FGD mentioned, “We were left hanging.” They felt that the provision of
school supplies and tutorial lessons did not have any contribution on the problem of child
labour. For one mother, the intervention gave them hope but when it ended, her children
went back to work in the mines. The beneficiaries were said to be expecting additional
support and even scholarships. (Scholarships were offered only to beneficiaries who passed
the ALS. ALS was implemented by the LGU of Monkayo).
27
Under the Office of the President, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) was created to
formulate and recommend development plans, priorities, and programs on higher education.
Among its functions is to set minimum standards for programs and institutions of higher learning
including the accreditation of these institutions. A college diploma may be considered invalid if the
college is not accredited by CHED.
36
4.2.5 An observed decrease in the number of drop‐outs in school is due to teacher’s
positive attitude towards working children
The participation of teachers in supporting the needs of working children was vital.
The situation of working children in plantations was an eye‐opener to teachers due to the
partnership of the schools with the IAs. Some teachers even participated in orientations
about child rights and child labour.
One of the veteran elementary teachers noticed that after learning about the plight
of working children, teachers became more accommodating when dealing with absences
incurred by these students. Unlike before, teachers would automatically drop their students
if they were absent for two consecutive weeks. These days, they would talk to the parents
to determine the reason for those absences. Teachers would also get mad at working
students who sleep in class, have no homework, or have poor hygiene. Because of the
interventions, teachers began to show respect when they see these children carrying school
bags with supplies, attending tutorial lessons, and wearing clean clothes.
4.3 On economic well‐being
4.3.1 Generally, community members believe that there is no improvement in the
economic well‐being of households
To some, the economic situation may have gotten worse. Factors such as
government programs and regulations as well as market economy affect household
economy. In the sugarcane sector, the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) has
not been an effective poverty alleviation program of the Philippine Government. Introduced
in 1988, CARP seeks to “empower the lives of agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs) through
equitable distribution and ownership of the land based on the principle of land to the tiller.
It likewise provides opportunities for a dignified and improved quality of life of the ARBs
through the provision of adequate support services for sound rural development and the
establishment of economic‐size farms.”28
Portions of land have indeed been turned over by land owners to its farmers but
safety nets and support services such as provision for capital, business and agricultural
technology trainings from the government are inadequate. Farmers still lack knowledge on
how to make the land productive. They are used to waiting for the harvest and getting paid
by the land owners. They are left with no option but to have their pieces of land rented or
sold to businessmen who have the resources to run a sugarcane farm or even a rice field.
Most farmers, however, did not sell their lands but are still in debt29 and cannot pay the
annual amortization plus government tax.30
28
Department of Agriculture website, http://www.dar.gov.ph/freqaqs.html#1.
29
Before the milling season, farmers are already in debt and so income from the harvests is reserved
for paying off debts.
30
Section 5 of Republic Act 9700 otherwise known as The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of
1933, as Amended states that “The intended beneficiary shall state under oath before the judge of
the city or municipal court that he/she is willing to work on the land to make it productive and to
assume the obligation of paying the amortization for the compensation of the land and the land
37
In the mining sector, the economic stability of the household depends on the
successful retrieval of gold ores. When high‐grade ore is discovered and extracted, the
economy goes up. However, the retrieval of gold ores does not necessarily mean that
income level of the household goes up as well. Miner’s income comes from shares and not
from regular salaries. The sharing system particularly in Barangay Mt. Diwata is usually 60‐
40 in favour of the financier or owner. Miners at times do not bring any cash at home due to
the sharing system.
When miners do not have enough cash, they buy goods from stores on credit at a
higher price or get loans from the financiers. Even if the price of gold has increased in
comparison to previous years, the income they gain from mining is often used to pay these
debts. During low season of gold extraction, they incur more debt due to unpaid debts or
loans. In Barangay Mt. Diwata, the demand for cash gets higher due to the rising needs
within the family.
In Camarines Norte, community members remarked that the amount of gold
retrieval has been decreasing. Miners have to make deeper and thus more dangerous
tunnels to find gold veins unlike before when surface gold was relatively abundant.
Nonetheless, there are small‐scale miners who can be “millionaires” in one day and then
become a “pauper” the next day because they do not know how to invest their money well.
A miner may earn well in one day and spend up all earnings after. There remains a chance
that he would not be able to earn well a whole year after.
Community members also remarked that during high season, miners invest on
improving their houses and other non‐essential items. In bad seasons, they barely have
enough money to spend on basic commodities. The price of commodity in both Camarines
Norte and Compostela Valley is also very high due to high cost in transportation. Miners
were also reputed to spend their money on alcohol and entertainment such as singing in
bars (“videoke”) rather than on their health and welfare.
The bad economic condition encourages child labour. When earning is low,
children look for and resort to all types of labour in mining areas. Stakeholders in Barangay
Mt. Diwata said that children are involved in the following tasks: (a) pounding and crushing
of ores (“dukdok”), (b) hitting and breaking of veins into pieces of ore done underground in
the tunnels (“tiltil”), (c) putting the pieces of ores into sacks (“saking”), (d) milling of ores in
ballmills (“giling”), and (e) general labour which includes transferring or carrying sacks of ore
(“leybor”). The rise in gold price is not necessarily seen as a factor in keeping children off
mining labour as the earnings depend on both the gold price as well as the quantity of gold
extracted.
4.3.2 A number of micro‐enterprise and livelihood programs were introduced to assist
families who have inadequate economic resources both in the sugar cane and
mining communities
Pockets of programs emerged from various organizations such as the Department
of Agriculture, Department of Labour and Employment, Community Economic Ventures,
taxes thereon.” Land amortization is paid annually for thirty (30) years at 6 per cent interest per
annum (Section 11).
38
Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM), Technical Education and Skills
Development Authority, and Pook Mirasol Center for Appropriate Technology, among
others. Livelihood training programs include jewellery‐making, hog fattening, food
processing, welding, pottery‐making, and massage therapy. Micro‐lending was also
introduced. Despite these, community members still see little economic contributions from
these trainings. The major problems are the lack of capital and resource to start and sustain
the business.
In their own experience, Goretti Foundation gathered the parents of former
beneficiaries (sugarcane sector) and provided them with livelihood activities such as food
processing and micro‐enterprise development.31 However, the activities were not sustained
due to budgetary constraints and lack of time to follow through the enterprises of the
parents. Even though parents received a number of seminars and trainings, Goretti
Foundation still had difficulty organizing the parents and getting resources for the livelihood
programs.
Organizing parents has also been a problem in communities in mining areas.
Microenterprise development was provided to families in Barangay Mt. Diwata but
problems in line with corruption among parents organization emerged. In Camarines Norte,
a women’s organization was established as a support group of the livelihood programs
introduced by PRRM. However, when PRRM concluded its program, the women’s
organization did not function anymore and its members began losing the enthusiasm.
On the other hand, according to QK staff, its credit program has somehow helped
the parents of their beneficiaries gain income. Parents can avail a loan provided that they
follow the conditions set by QK. Parents can avail 3 cycles of loan provided that at the end
of the third loan, their children should be fully withdrawn from farm work. As a result, there
was improvement in enrolment rates among QK’s former beneficiaries, fewer children were
working in hazardous conditions, and the work in the fields has become lighter. In addition,
there was an increase in barangay revenues from the issuance of residence certificates and
business permit fees. Local vegetable growers increased and products were traded. A
change in family income led the parents to earn and focus on the education of their children
rather than pushing their children to work in sugarcane farms.
31
This activity was part of their Action Programme.
39
4.3.3 Outside the free school supplies, the ALS and the vocational program
implemented by the IAs had no effect on the economic conditions of the families
Stakeholders said that these two did not contribute much to the economic situation
of families by making the beneficiaries eligible to better jobs. Vocational programs ended
without providing the beneficiaries any jobs. Only very few beneficiaries passed the A&E
and even if they passed it, there is little knowledge if they used their education to seek
better jobs.
There were some parents who did not mind losing the income that could have
earned by their children while they were in the program. There were parents who thought
otherwise. One mother shared that her family’s income lessened while the child was
attending the tutorial lessons. This child was her only child earning in the family.
4.4 On health
4.4.1 There are very few health interventions to monitor and treat the conditions of
working children
As previously mentioned, the Department of Education introduced Free Rice and
Free Noon Meal Programs in public elementary schools. Parents at times could not afford to
provide food or “baon” for their children to bring and eat in school. So instead of putting
their children to work to earn money for food, such programs have encouraged parents to
bring their children to school and get fed for free. Its effect on the health conditions of the
children, however, cannot be fully determined.
In sugarcane communities covered by Goretti Foundation, community members
believe that health services are more accessible than before. This could be attributed to
improved programs of the Barangay Health Centres particularly the immunization and
vitamin‐intake of working and at‐risk children (particularly malnourished children). (This
project was part of the Action Programme of Goretti Foundation.) Participants
mentioned that Barangay Health Workers (BHW) go from one house to another just to
give micronutrient supplements to these children. BHWs personally administered the
vitamins to ensure that children actually take it. Even CLMVs check on the health status
of the beneficiaries while they were in school and accompany them in health centres if
they need medical attention.32
32
Some of the CLMVs are Barangay Health Workers as well.
40
Instead of bringing their sick children to herbal doctors and hilot practitioners,33
most parents now go to rural health units or barangay health centres to seek medical
assistance. The people are not used to getting services from health centres. They are
ashamed because they do not have proper clothes to wear, do not have money, and are
afraid that they will be charged with a large medical fee. They are not aware that services
such as medical check‐up and some medicines in local health centres are free of charge.
In project areas covered by QK/ELF, the nutrition and weight of children improved
due to more aggressive health program implementation of the barangay. Similarly, health
workers conduct “house‐to‐house” nutrition and health campaigns.
In other sugarcane communities, addressing health issues among child workers and
their families is not readily felt. Participants from areas covered by NIRD (in Negros Oriental)
believe that there are more malnourished children since 2006 because the population
continues to grow. Participants from areas covered by SIFI pointed out that poverty and
population increase contribute to the increase in child labour. They mentioned that 3 to 4
years ago, condoms and contraceptive pills were available for free in health centres.
Couples were able to control the number of children in the household. Nowadays, these
birth control contraceptives are no longer available in health centres. Parents continue to
avail of immunization services and prenatal check‐ups in health centres though.
In the mining communities, proactive health monitoring of child labourers is
lacking. The use of mercury is an on‐going practice in mining processes. However
community members could not give more concrete observations on the ill effects of the said
practice that could indicate a trend. Few people also go to health centres for check‐ups. In
Barangay Mt. Diwata, social workers mentioned that tuberculosis has risen. Even if former
beneficiaries were taught health and hygiene in one of the sessions of the ALS, some
students continued on hazardous mining practices.
Mining‐related accidents were hidden from public eye to avoid investigations and
closure of operations. These accidents do not deter children from pulling out from work.
33
“Hilot” is a traditional Filipino practice of healing, commonly used to relax stressed muscles. In
rural areas, people go to Hilot practitioners to relieve any bodily ailments including fever, headache
and stomach aches. Hilot practitioners and herbal doctors are cheaper alternatives to getting
treated by a medical doctor.
41
4.5 On knowledge, attitude and behaviour towards child labour
4.5.1 Changing people’s attitude and behaviour towards working children continues to
be a challenge
Some community members believe that there have been some positive changes
but there are also those who believe that there are no changes at all. Advocacy or
awareness‐raising campaigns and programs have in a way increased people’s knowledge
about the hazards children face when they work. Coupled with education‐related
interventions, parents were encouraged to bring their children back to school. However,
when reality sets in and the survival of the family is threatened, there are parents who have
little choice but to put their children to work.
Advocacy and awareness‐raising programs had an effect in some communities in
the sugarcane as well as mining sectors. Community members covered by Goretti
Foundation pointed out that even if the project lasted only for less than a year, they were
enlightened to the fact that their children should not be working. This is due to the seminars
on children’s rights provided to them for the first time. They realized that children have
rights too.34
Participants also mentioned that parents view child labour as a violation of their
children’s rights and that they should be the one to provide for their children and not the
other way around. Because of this, some parents feared of being held accountable to the
law that they immediately had their children stop working. In relation to this, parents have
become more responsible to send their children to school. According to Goretti staff,
parents began to realize that they do not want their children to grow like them – one who
has not finished school or has no education at all. However, it is apparent that many
children with their parents’ support opted to combine work and school.
Participants from the mining communities in Camarines Norte also believe that the
level of awareness on child labour has increased since 2006. According to them, the
Department of Education including its ALS coordinators and IMs as well as barangay officials
conducted seminars on child rights and effects of mining on children to parents. The
seminars focused on the value of education and some laws in relation to child labour. In
addition to the seminars, there were a few television shows that negatively featured the use
of children in the mines.35
These campaigns led people and children to become more conscious and cautious
in letting children work. For example, people became aware that child labour is prohibited.
Children even feared that their parents might be imprisoned if they are caught by media
reporters. An adult child advocate mentioned that in the past children would not care if
they bumped into each other along the road or in the mines. After the advocacy programs,
child labourers would hide whey they saw her coming. This behaviour was also observed
among working children in Compostela Valley.
34
Participants admitted that free snacks provided during the seminars and orientations was a big
factor in parents’ attendance.
35
There was no discussion on the source of the television shows.
42
Changes in attitude and behaviour are not as evident when child labour
interventions lack awareness‐raising programs on a wide range of topics. Participants from
barangays covered by NIRD as well as their staff do not see any positive changes in
knowledge, attitude and behaviour towards child labour. Out of the 9 participants, only 2
believe that children should not engage in gainful work especially in farming. The rest still
adhere to the idea that it is good for children to work as long as they attend school (although
this does not seem to be a general case). Working contributes to their knowledge and
makes them responsible individuals, they added.
Similarly, participants from areas covered by SIFI do not see any changes in
attitude, behaviour and knowledge towards children working in sugarcane fields. They
admitted that the realities of poverty overcome any positive changes, if there is any. Life is
too hard that parents are forced to have their children re‐enter plantation work. Parents
often utter to their children, “Because we have nothing to eat, it’s better to work.”
Participants also stressed that even if parents attend seminars on child labour they would
still compel their children to work.
This is a similar outlook among parents in mining communities in Camarines Norte.
The people’s organization in Barangay Gumaus has been active in campaigning against child
labour even before the TBP was implemented. Members have been keener on sending
children to school. In spite of advocacy programs, there were still parents who would always
reason out in favour of child labour. One participant expressed that “a one day’s work
would instantly give a child Seventy Five Pesos (PhP 75) or approximately $1.75 while a
school grade of 75 would only be given at the end of the grading period.” Some families are
still against banning child labour as it reduces the income earners in the family.
4.5.2 A change on the behaviour of teachers towards working children was prominently
observed
This behaviour change seems to be common in sugarcane and mining communities.
Teachers had no patience and were not considerate towards the situation of working
children that they oftentimes give a failing grade to the student. Teachers scold them for
sleeping in class or failing to do their home works. Consequently, this leads to students
dropping out from school.
Nowadays, teachers treat these students better than before. They show patience
and understanding. They give special attention to these children by informing the principal
or talking to the parents if they miss school. Teachers continue to encourage the children to
attend the tutorial classes even if it needs more effort on the part of the working student.
Community members attribute such change in behaviour of the teachers to the partnership
of the school with the IAs and to seminars about child rights and child labour.
43
5. Life transition study
As previously mentioned, Life Transition Study is a tool that measures the changes
in the lives of children who were exposed to and participated in interventions, in this case
child labour interventions. It looks for reasons and causes for the changes observed and
decisions made by former beneficiaries in their lives after they have participated in
interventions. The LTS is an important element in the Tracer Study because it provides
further information from the quantitative and qualitative part of the study.
There were 12 LTS respondents that were identified through the process defined by
the LTS Concept Note, recommendations from IAs, and contacts from the communities. The
study looked for an equal number males and females as well as representatives from the
mining and sugarcane sectors. The youngest respondent was 15 years old while the oldest
was 22 years old. Two respondents were married. One respondent had three children and
the other respondent has a baby along the way during the interview.
Table 6: List of respondents
Eight of the respondents received support for enrolling with the Alternative
Learning System of the Department of Education. Three (3) received a one‐time assistance
in the form of school supplies. One (1) was supported by providing skills training on wielding
and tractor operation. Five (5) of the respondents from the mining sector availed of the ALS
program and one (1) received a one‐time provision of school supplies. Three (3) of the
respondents from the sugarcane sector were provided support when they enrolled in the
ALS and one of the three received school supplies. One (1) respondent received a skills
training scholarship on wielding and tractor operation. The fee for the qualifying exam of
45
the training was the counterpart of the respondent. Two (2) respondents received a one‐
time provision of school supplies.
5.1 On work
All of the respondents explained they worked because their families were poor.
Some did so because they felt obligated as first‐ or second‐born among their siblings. There
is a cultural practice where first‐borns share the burden of providing for younger siblings. If
the first born is female and the second born is male, then the boy is obligated to help his
older sister. Tomas, shared that as a second‐born male child, it was his responsibility to help
his elder sister finish school and in providing for their family.
Some parents did not approve of their children working, Eliza’s parents never asked
her to work nor did they approve of her decision to work at an eatery. However, the
children decided to work because they saw that their parents’ income could not answer all
their needs.
Three respondents from the sugarcane sector (Edwin, Maria, and Teresa) started
working in the fields since they were small children. Teresa and Edwin recalled that they
started working when they were eight years old. Corazon began working at the fields when
she was 11, Salvador when he was 15, and Raymond when he was 17 years old.
Their tasks included weeding and fertilizing. Fertilizing the fields involved using
their bare hands in manually applying it to the sugarcane seedlings. For male children who
were old and big enough, they also had to carry sack of fertilizer and seedlings. Their wages
ranged from P50 to P100 a day depending on the tasks that they did. Raymond was the only
one who shared he got paid a hundred pesos a day. All of them described the work as hard
and tiring. It was the heat of the sun that made the work doubly hard and that the
plantation guards keep an eye on them always so that they could not stop to get some rest.
Jose and Eliza from the mining sector started working when they were 10 years old.
Tomas started when he was 12, Linda when she was 14 years old and Jayjay when he was 13
years old. Boys in the mining sector are involved in compressor mining and in underground
mining as “breakers”36 and “muckers.”37 They can also work in setting up dynamites, carrying
loads, crushing stone for ores/gold, and ore processing. The girls in a mining community
work in sieving mud in the river for ore/gold, domestic workers, or as helpers in an eatery.
The boys work in the mines three to five times a week. Work hours are erratic especially
when working underground as they could spend more than a day in the tunnels straight. All
the boys noted that work was very difficult and it takes its toll on their bodies. However,
they noted that they also felt their bodies become physically stronger as they grew up. They
also said that they were aware of how dangerous their jobs were as deaths in the tunnels
are a common occurrence.
Girls who work as domestic workers or servers in eateries had to work everyday.
Upon arrangement with employers, they can have the weekend off. As domestic workers,
their tasks include washing clothes, other household chores, and taking care of children.
36
This refers to the task of breaking through a mineral vein.
37
This refers to shifting through debris from the tunnels (small rocks and muck) for ore/gold.
46
Those working at the eateries had to help with cooking, serving, washing dishes, and
cleaning up. The girls complained of exhaustion. Though the girls primarily worked at
homes and stores, they also sometimes work in sieving mud in the river or in ore processing.
Jobs at the sugarcane industry are hazardous to the children’s health as they are
made to apply fertilizer with no protection using only their hands. For weeding, they handle
sharp knives or sickles and there have been documented cases where the children cut
themselves seriously. As the mining industry is male‐dominated, there were more
opportunities for boys to work. However, most of the jobs are very hazardous. Tomas
noted that working in compressor mining was easier and required less time to earn money
than underground mining or ore processing.
5.1.1 Changes and consequences regarding their work
Changes in their work were primarily influenced by their families’ economic
conditions and the opportunities to work that became available. Linda went to Manila to
work as a domestic helper when she was 16 years old. She said that her job serving at a local
eatery in a mining community was not commensurate to the heavy work load as she earned
a measly PhP 100/day (approximately less than $3/day). In Manila, she earned PhP 1,800 a
month (or $40) and thus she was able to send money back to her family. When her
grandfather died, she went home and did not go back to Manila but resumed her job at the
eatery and helped her father in ore processing during weekends.
Tomas went where the jobs were. During the inactive season for compressor
mining, his uncle offered him a job in deep sea fishing from 2008‐2009. He stayed and
worked for his uncle for a year. He went back home to work in mining but would go to other
towns to find work. He switches from compressor mining and underground mining
depending on the season.
Another factor that resulted in changes in their work was being enrolled in formal
school. Jayjay worked less when he started studying in high school. He worked during the
weekends because his sister needed money for her schooling. Jose started out as the same
with Jayjay but he began to skip classes in order to work. Maria never stopped going to
school once she was enrolled as she made this the priority. Being part of an IAs ALS program
also resulted in the children spending less time working and more time studying. Linda
made sure that she had the weekends off from the eatery where she worked when she
enrolled in the ALS program. Teresa also prioritized the ALS over work.
All of the respondents, except for Maria from the sugarcane sector continued to
work even as they received support from the IA in the form of ALS scholarships, one‐time
skills training and one‐time provision of school supplies. Five of the respondents working in
the mining sector received ALS support but only three finished the course and passed the
exams. Linda and Eliza from the mining sector are in college. Three respondents from the
sugarcane sector received ALS support and all three finished the program. Teresa and
Corazon now work with the IAs that supported them. Those who received one‐time support
did not perceive any concrete consequences of the services they received. Thus,
interventions may be effective if beneficiaries receive additional support; one‐time support
proves to be less effective.
47
5.2 On education
All were enrolled in formal school except for Maria and Raymond, the respondents
all stopped going to school at one point because they had to work to support their family or
themselves. In the mining sector, the trend among the male respondents was the jobs that
they had were significant contributions to their families’ income. Jayjay was exceptional
because though he did stop going to school when he was in primary school, he received ALS
support when he was 15 years old in 2006. However, he did not finish the ALS course, the
experience inspired him to go back to formal school and not prioritize his work. He still
works during weekends to help his family. Tomas and Jose both stopped going to school
since both are breadwinners for their families.
The two of the female respondents from the mining sector also had to stop going to
school to help their families. Linda and Eliza both prioritized finishing their ALS program
because they were determined to study in college. Both are currently enrolled in college
courses. Rita had different life circumstances as she stopped going to school because she
ran away from home. She is now continuing her formal schooling with her adoptive family.
Rita shared that her teacher in the ALS, which she enrolled in before deciding to go back to
formal school, taught her how important education is and inspired her to continue her
formal schooling.
In the sugarcane sector, the formal education of five of the respondents was
interrupted. For four of them this was due to economic reasons as there was no money to
provide for their schooling and they needed to help supplement their families’ income. One
of the respondents, Corazon, stopped when she was 15 years old because she got married.
Salvador stopped going to school when he was 12 years old to become the primary
breadwinner of his family until 17 when he got married and entered the ALS program at the
same year. Corazon and Teresa both finished the ALS and are now working with the IAs that
supported them. The young women were considered to be “success stories” by the IAs.
They were also recommended by the IAs as LTS respondents. Teresa’s formal schooling was
interrupted when her parents told her to stop because they decided to prioritize her elder
brother’s schooling. However, when the brother graduated from high school, he could not
find work which should have supported Teresa in continuing her studies. Corazon stopped
going to school when she was 15 years old because she got married early.
Maria was different because her education was never interrupted as she and her
parents prioritized this. Edwin is also enrolled in formal school during the interview but his
school attendance is affected depending on the planting cycle. Raymond also finished his
formal schooling and he further received skills training from the IA.
5.2.1 Causes of change and consequences
The primary factor that affects the formal education of the respondents is the
economic condition of their families. Nine of the respondents identified this as the cause.
Maria and Raymond were not from well‐off families but both finished their formal schooling
because of parents who believed in the importance of education. Connected to this is the
birth order of Maria and Raymond – Maria was the youngest and Raymond was second to
the youngest. There is less pressure for them to help the family economically.
48
There were eight respondents who were beneficiaries of ALS support, five from the
mining sector and three from the sugarcane sector. Three out of the five in the mining
sector did not finish the course. Two of them are males – Tomas and Jayjay ‐ prioritized
working to help support their families. Linda and Eliza from the mining sector and Salvador,
Corazon and Teresa from the sugarcane sector all finished their ALS. Linda and Eliza were
determined to finish their ALS programmes as they believed that they will have a better
future with good education. This will hopefully translate to better jobs as having graduated
from high school will at least give them the basic skills in literacy and numeracy needed in
jobs in city centres or obtain further training for blue or white collar jobs.
There were also people who supported them or encouraged those that finished the
ALS or their formal schooling. Corazon felt that she had to stop going to school because she
got married and was pregnant. However, her wish to finish high school became evident
when she began blaming her husband for the fact that she had to drop out. It was her
husband who suggested that she avail of the IA’s program on ALS. She shared that her
neighbours were in fact discouraging her from finishing the ALS. They told her she will not
learn anything from the program. However, she was determined to finish the course.
Salvador who is also married said that his inspiration to finish his ALS course is his family. He
also said that there is no reason not to finish the ALS since everything is paid for such as
food, school supplies, and transportation allowance. Eliza shared that it was her high school
teacher that encouraged her to join the ALS program and finish it. The teacher talked to her
and asked her the reasons why she stopped and moreover, the teacher discussed with her
the consequences of quitting school. This was a wake‐up call for Eliza.
Scholarship from an IA (SIFI) supported Raymond throughout his secondary level.
He took an entrance exam for a college course but could not find resources or a scholarship.
As a consequence, he started working at 17 years old as a plantation worker.
Three of the respondents received a one‐time assistance of school supplies (Jose
from the mining sector and Maria and Edwin from the sugarcane sector). All three said
were/are in‐school when they received the support. They appreciated the assistance that
they received because they saved money when the assistance came. However, they said the
support did not influence any of their decisions in the long term or their education.
5.3 On economic well‐being
Generally, there were no significant changes in the respondents’ economic
situations except for those who were hired by the IAs, Teresa and Corazon. The events that
worsen economic conditions for both the mining and the sugarcane industry are a death of
the primary bread winner (usually the father) and serious illness of a family member. Three
of the respondents – Salvador, Jayjay and Jose ‐ had parents who died and they shared that
the loss was both emotional and economical. For the mining sector, the economic situation
of the respondents fluctuates depending if the miners find high grade ore or not. That is
why some of the respondents move from one site to another.
The sugarcane sector’s work cycle is more dependable compared with mining.
Families find additional income during off season in farming lands. Teresa and Maria’s
families had opportunities to till idle land where they plant rice or corn. Although their
49
families needed to give 20 per cent to half of the harvest to land owners, it helped in
supplementing the family’s food supply.
Another situation that is common is that economic situations change when a sibling
leaves to work or to marry. When siblings leave for whatever reason, there is less mouths to
feed. The economic situation might improve if the siblings who left sent money back home
such as the case of Salvador and Maria. If siblings left to marry, they usually do not send
support such as with Edwin who had a sister who left to marry.
The regular income of Teresa and Corazon from their jobs with the IAs helped
change their lives. Due to the distance of the IAs office, Corazon is only home with her
family during weekends. However, she earns enough that her husband didn’t have to work.
5.4 On respondents’ attitude on child labour
Seven out of the twelve respondents think that children should absolutely not
work. From the mining sector, Linda and Rita believe that children should be in school not
working in the mines. Five out of the six respondents from the sugarcane sector believe that
children should not work. All of the seven attribute a deeper understanding and awareness
of the issue of child labour because of the IA’s orientation that they needed to attend when
they became beneficiaries of the ALS program, skills training, or when they received their
one‐time provision of school supplies. Out of the seven, five shared that even before being
oriented on the issue of child labour they were already against children working. All of them
were from the sugarcane sector, namely, Salvador, Corazon, Raymond, Teresa, and Edwin.
Two of the respondents, Jose from the mining sector and Maria from the sugarcane
sector, believe that young children should not work. Jose believes that a child can begin
working when he or she is 15 years old and Maria believes that a 12 year old can begin
working to help his or her family. They believe that ideally children should not work but
because of poverty children must work in order for their families to survive or to be able to
go to school.
Three respondents: Salvador, Jayjay, and Eliza from the mining sector, believe that
if their families are poor then children must work. Salvador says he agree that children
should not work but they have to because of poverty. He said that a child can work and
study at the same time. He added that children who are working needed to understand the
importance of using what they earn wisely. Jayjay believes that as long as the parents are
poor and don’t receive help or support, children will need to work to help the family. Rita
shared that her views on child labour never changed. She felt sorry for children who work
and thinks that their time is wasted as they could be studying instead. However, children
are forced to work because of their families’ circumstances. She thinks it is alright for the
children to work if the money that they earn is put into good use.
50
6. Conclusion and recommendations
This section provides an analysis of data from both quantitative and qualitative
sources of information. It highlights some of the significant results and trends in relation to
the five indicators: work, education, economic well‐being, health, and attitude on child
labour. Remarks about the methodologies, Tracer Study and Life Transition Study, are as
well identified. From the information gathered, recommendations on how to improve child
labour interventions and methodologies to measure changes in the lives of former
beneficiaries are presented.
6.1 On work
6.1.1 Quantitative data reveal that there is movement towards less hazardous work
among former beneficiaries
Augmenting family income is the main reason why children continue to work.
Majority of those who were not withdrawn continue to work in the same sector but it is
interesting to note that there is movement towards less hazardous work. Those who left the
sugarcane and mining sectors continue to work but many are now involved in potentially
less hazardous sectors such as domestic work and the service sector or less hazardous
environments such as public markets and restaurants. Information from relatives and
friends validate such shift in work as well. Informants believe that former beneficiaries are
now working as helpers in convenient stores, factory workers (not in relation to sugarcane),
and as service crew.
6.1.2 Qualitative data show mixed observation on whether children were withdrawn
from work or not
A decrease in the number of working children is associated with interventions that
are education‐related coupled with awareness raising programs and support from various
stakeholders including parents. An increase or no change in the number of working children
is associated with interventions that are purely educational and with limited advocacy
programs and support from the community. The impact of the interventions is not readily
felt if the interventions are small‐scale and limited in scope.
6.1.3 Quantitative and qualitative data also reveal that child workers continue to take
on hazardous tasks in both sectors
The main task of child workers in the sugarcane sector diversified over time. As
child worker grows older their tasks have become more arduous ‐ from weeding and
applying fertilizer to planting and harvesting of crops, carrying of sugarcane, and operating
heavy machines. Based on field interviews and observations, it is usually the boys who as
they grow older take on more arduous tasks. No changes in tasks were observed among
beneficiaries from the mining sector. They continue to do various tasks related to mining
including crushing and putting of rocks in sacks and carrying these sacks, ore processing with
possible mercury contamination, and setting up dynamites, among others.
In addition, many of the former beneficiaries usually work the whole day (mostly
during daytime) but in the mining sector, work hours are usually extended. Based on field
51
experience and LTS respondents, work hours in the mines are sometimes erratic. There
were times that parents of former beneficiaries would often say to the enumerators that
their children go home at night only. They would at times be spending more than a day to a
week in the mines without returning to their families/homes.
6.2 On education
6.2.1 Quantitative data show that the number of former beneficiaries (in both cohorts)
attending school has declined from T0 to T2 in both sectors
At T0 or before they entered the program, majority of the former beneficiaries
mentioned that they were not attending school because they could not afford school
expenses. As the years passed (T2), there are less former beneficiaries stating this as a
reason. Former beneficiaries not attending school due to work is, on the other hand, slightly
increasing. Nonetheless, majority of them since T0 to T2 still could not afford attending
school.
Ironically, community members believe that there was an increase in the number of
working children attending school due to continuous education‐related interventions and a
change in attitude among teachers. Such observation may be more of a reflection on why
working children remain in school and may not be indicative of why working students leave
school.
The decline in the number of former beneficiaries attending school may be largely
attributed to little economic improvement since T0 to T2. Work opportunities aside from
farming and mining are very scarce. In relation to this, as the former beneficiary gets older,
he or she is inclined to work to supplement family income rather than go to school. Early
marriage is another factor that affects the education of the former beneficiaries. This was
observed among LTS respondents. Finally, the interventions are not sustainable, allowing
former beneficiaries to go back to hazardous work.
6.2.2 On the other hand, quantitative data show that school absenteeism in the
sugarcane sector declined from T0 to T2
Remarkably, the change is notably seen among the older cohort. A dramatic
decline of absenteeism in school is seen at the time the project ended and then slightly
improved at the current period. The main reason why former beneficiaries incur absences is
due to work: help family during cultivation and harvest, and work outside family business.
On a positive note, qualitative data provides information on why absenteeism may
have declined in the sugarcane sector. The provision of school supplies and participation in
ALS greatly encouraged working children to stay in school or go back to formal schooling.
The interventions somehow motivated them to spend more time in school or go back to
formal education, as in the case of ALS participants, and spend less time working. A series of
school‐related interventions (i.e. school supplies, free rice and meal) from various
stakeholders and advocacy programs from the IAs might have further influenced the parents
of working children for the latter to remain in school. Quantitative data also reveal that in
the sugarcane sector, the proportion of those who work during weekends only increased;
thus, minimizing absences on school days.
52
6.2.3 In the mining sector, quantitative data indicate that absenteeism fluctuates
especially among the older cohort
Before the project started, a big per centage of the former beneficiaries were often
absent due to illness and injury, and not having school allowance. At the end of the project,
absenteeism declined and then escalated again at the time of the tracer study. This time,
former beneficiaries mentioned that they are helping out in family business, i.e. mining, and
that they are still getting sick or injured.
Qualitative data suggest that children in the mining sector tend to incur absences in
school when high grade of gold is discovered. Even though they continued to receive school
supplies and other school‐related support from other organizations, the discovery of high
grade ore usually sparks the start of an intensive period of child labour. In such dynamic
industry, interventions may have very little capacity to change the lives of child labourers.
6.2.4 With regards to vocational education, quantitative data indicate that half of those
who participated in such interventions from both sugarcane and mining sectors
think that the training helped them get a different job
Although a small sample of former beneficiaries were surveyed in relation to
vocational education, there is strong belief from community members that such intervention
has little impact and change on the lives of working children. They believe that some may
have returned back to plantation and mining work because of limited assistance.
6.3 On economic well‐being
6.3.1 Quantitative and qualitative data reveal that there are no significant
improvements on the economic well‐being of families across the three time
periods in both sugarcane and mining sectors.
The family’s main source of income continues to be the same in both sectors ‐
farming and mining. Former beneficiaries reported slight improvements in terms of having
sufficient food to eat and ability to pay for medical expenses. (These two indicators will be
further explained at the next section.) The type of house and source of drinking water,
however, did not change significantly across the three time periods. Majority of the families
continue to live in houses made of wood and wattle and obtain drinking water from bore
holes (for sugarcane communities) and from pipes (for mining communities).
There was little economic improvement because interventions were mostly focused
on the education of the child labourer. Little attention was paid to address poverty in the
household. If there was any, there continues to be difficulty in sustaining income generating
projects or alternative livelihood for parents. This is felt in both sugarcane and mining
communities. Training them new skills is not much of a problem but organizing parents or
community groups, supervising them and their business ventures, as well as developing and
improving their capacity to focus on an alternative livelihood continues to be a challenge.
There is, however, indication that an economic intervention such as a credit
program has a higher possibility of success due to constant supervision and better
arrangement in withdrawing the child from hazardous work between the family of the child
53
labourer and the Implementing Agency. Even if parents are trained or provided with
alternative livelihood programs, a major concern in sustaining their livelihood is capital.
Credit programs, if managed well, thus, help sustain livelihood of the household.
6.4 On health
6.4.1 Quantitative data show that there are slight improvements on health‐related
indicators
A large per centage (above 80 per cent for both sugarcane and mining sectors) of
the former beneficiaries attests that they have sufficient food to eat even before the project
started and until at the time of the tracer study. The changes among the three time periods
slightly increased. Similarly, there was a slight improvement on families’ ability to pay for
medical expenses before the project started and at the time of the tracer study. However,
only between 40 to 50 per cent of beneficiaries from the sugarcane sector and 50 to 70 per
cent of beneficiaries from the mining sector are confident that they are capable of spending
for medical needs.
This level of confidence in former beneficiaries’ ability to pay for medical expenses
can be attributed to the nature of the industry. In the sugarcane sector, families find
additional income from tilling idle lands during non‐harvests season. This helps supplement
family income but they still have to give a share of the harvests from the land owners. On
top of this, income from sugarcane harvests is reserved for paying off debts and land
amortization tax to the government if applicable. Paying off debts and income sharing with
mining firms or financiers are also a concern of families in mining communities but unlike the
sugarcane sector, their level of confidence is a bit higher because mining is a year‐round
industry and that the price of gold is increasing. This level of confidence, however, does not
necessarily mean that health is a priority in the family.
6.4.2 Quantitative data also show that there are fewer reports of former beneficiaries
getting sick or injured due to work by the end of the intervention and such
reports further declined at the time of the Tracer Study
This quantitative trend was observed at both sugarcane and mining sectors. The
decline in the sugarcane sector may be likely attributed to the aggressive campaign of
barangay health centres in providing micronutrient supplements and immunization to all
children through house‐to‐house visits and school monitoring (especially during project
implementation). In addition, health awareness programs of IAs and the local government
resulted to people availing more of the free services in barangay health centres because its
value in the community was made more known.
The decline in the mining sector cannot be backed up by what community members
say. Qualitative data reveals that very few people and children go to health centres for
immunization and check‐ups. Communities in the sugarcane sector are more health
conscious than those in the mining sector.
54
6.4.3 It is evident that in both sectors there are still very few interventions to treat and
monitor specific health‐related diseases of working children
The provision of free rice and meals by the government in schools in sugarcane and
mining communities was an effective way of encouraging more children to stay in school and
to stop working but its effect on the physical well‐being of the working student cannot be
fully determined. In the mining community, tuberculosis is still on the rise as well as
mercury contamination but there is still a lack of proactive health monitoring of working
children.
6.5 On attitude towards child labour
6.5.1 Based on the quantitative and qualitative data, there is a change in former
beneficiaries’ attitude towards child labour
Majority of the survey respondents (59.7 per cent) as well as respondents from the
LTS (7 out of 12) believes that children should not be working. Majority of them as well
believe that children below the age of 12 should not work at all except for light household
chores. Such belief is exemplified when one of the LTS respondents remarked that a child
can begin to work at age 12 while another LTS respondent believe that one can begin to
work at age 15.
6.5.2 In the case of community members (i.e. mostly parents), there are still mixed
feelings and opinion about child labour
People residing in sugarcane and mining areas covered by the IAs are divided in
their attitude and views towards working children. Some believe that children should not be
working and that parents have a duty to send their children to school. On the other hand,
there are those who still adhere to the belief that it is good for children to work. Working
makes them responsible individuals and increases the number of earners in a family hoping
that it would increase household income. There are also those who favour combining both
study and work for their children.
6.5.3 Teachers have become more considerate and tolerant of the situation of working
children
This is noticeable on both the sugarcane and mining communities. They would
sometimes go beyond their duty of teaching and find time monitoring the level of
participation and performance of these students through home visits. Even Instructional
Managers from the ALS take time to conduct one‐on‐one sessions with working students if
they cannot attend the weekly schedule.
55
6.5.4 This positive change in attitude towards child labour is largely attributed to the
exposure of the former beneficiaries and community members including the
teachers to child labour interventions (i.e. provision of school supplies, vocational
training and ALS) as well as to advocacy and awareness‐raising programs about
child labour and child rights from the IAs
Strategies such as organizing parent groups, consultation workshops with various
stakeholders including land owners, government officials, the church; use of media, and
providing livelihood programs including loan assistance were effective in bringing the issue
of child labour at the forefront. It provided them knowledge and deeper understanding of
the issue as well as information on related laws that protect the rights of children. To some
it brought about caution or fear of the law but to others it made them realize that they have
greater responsibility in providing a future for their children which is through education.
6.5.5 The lack of change in attitude towards child labour is indisputably attributed to
the continuing poverty of the children and their families
Parents have little choice but to use available human resources including younger
children to seek basic necessities in order for the family to survive. Working children
contributes to the income of the household and banning child labour reduces the income
earners in the family; thus, thwarting families to overcome poverty. Even former
beneficiaries do understand that ideally children should not be working but because some
families are really poor and do not get any government support children, are obliged to work
for their survival including getting educated.
6.6 Issues, challenges and recommendations
1. Most of the interventions from the IAs and supported by ILO‐IPEC are education or
school‐related activities. Indeed, providing working children with education or
bringing them back to school is regarded by international child rights agencies as a
“powerful means of preventing child labour.” In the face of adverse circumstances,
education is key to improving the lives of these children. However, working
children’s access to education should be sustained. Community members stressed
that the one‐time provision of school supplies is not enough. Fortunately, a series
of school‐related interventions or activities from various stakeholders have
somehow encouraged families and their children to remain in or go back to formal
schooling. In addition, the direct services/interventions were implemented for less
than 12 months. Short‐lived programs may yield short‐term impact on child
labour.
2. Working on a programmatic and policy approach continues to be a challenge.
Access to education is only one of the many dimensions to address child labour.
There is still a need to focus on other dimensions such as alternative economic
opportunities, policy‐making and implementation, community development and
advocacy on the overall picture of child labour including child rights and child
protection. These elements should be interlinked to achieve long‐term or large‐
scale and strategic impact against child labour. As stressed by ILO in its report,
Accelerating Action against Child Labour (2010), the challenge is to strengthen
56
coherence between programmatic approach and policy approach. Having said this,
ILO‐IPEC should set minimum requirements in program design and implementation
with partner agencies in the future.
3. Monitoring and evaluation are important elements in program design. It would be
helpful for ILO‐IPEC and its Implementing Agencies or future partner organizations
to monitor the performance and participation of its beneficiaries during and after
program implementation. Based on field experience, IAs know how many they
have reached but lack pertinent data on how many of the children have stayed in
school or went back to school, how many have dropped out from the program, and
how many went back to hazardous work. Were the tutorial and ALS programs
effective in increasing the level of performance and participation of the
beneficiaries? It is recommended that ILO‐IPEC include Monitoring and Evaluation
in the program design of its partner organizations. This is on top of the mid‐term
and final evaluations of ILO‐IPEC. In fact, this would supplement data needed by
ILO. To harmonize data from IAs, ILO‐IPEC should establish a Monitoring and
Evaluation system (at the IA level) and at least provide minimum standards and
indicators.
4. Students working and studying at the same time is a concern that needs to be
further studied. Some Implementing Agencies believe that a number of child
labourers are in school and yet continue to engage in hazardous work. Such
practice may affect their performance and may lead them to drop‐out from school.
Although quantitative data shows a decline in school absenteeism in the sugarcane
sector, and fluctuation of absenteeism in the mining sector, it would still be
interesting to know more about the circumstances affecting such trends.
5. There are other child protection issues that needed to be addressed. One of them
is early marriage. A number of the former beneficiaries marry as early as 14 or 15.
The children marry early because they believe that they are economically capable
of bringing up their own family since they already have “work” experience. They
believe that studying is not a pre‐requisite for finding work since their experience
showed that jobs can be found even without an education. Thus, they see little
value in education. Early marriage results to early pregnancy and the child‐
mothers’ health may also be compromised.
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Annex I: Definition of terms
Alternative Learning System (ALS) Non‐formal education where beneficiaries are taught
by Instructional Managers (IM) on weekends. Children
discuss various subject matters including values
formation using a set of modules. Children between
the ages of 8 and 17 can attend ALS program. ALS is
implemented for 6 months. It prepares children for
the Accreditation and Equivalency Examination (A&E).
Once the child passes the A&E, he or she is said to
have graduated from either the elementary or
secondary level (depending upon the level at which he
or she dropped out from school or stopped attending
school).
Barangay Filipino term that refers to the smallest administrative
division in the Philippines. It is similar to a “village.” A
city or a municipality is composed of barangays.
Barangay Health Worker Health care provider that has undergone basic training
in primary health care employed at the Barangay level.
Barangay Social Worker Social worker employed at the Barangay level.
Hacienda Estate or plantation.
Haciendero Owner of a hacienda.
Purok Cluster of households in a barangay. A barangay may
be subdivided into purok.
Sakada Groups of people or families of farm workers that are
often recruited or transfer from one town to another
to work in sugarcane plantations. They work as
contractual employees.
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Annex II: Changes in work, sugarcane sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the Tracer
project implementation study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Per centage of children who are
100.0 100.0 78.5 82.9 68.4 71.5
working
Reasons for working
Supplement family income 65.6 83.8 75.3 89.0 73.8 91.3
Could not afford school fees 13.9 7.2 9.3 5.5 10.0 1.9
Earn money for myself 15.6 4.5 10.3 2.8 11.3 5.0
Help family business 4.1 2.3 4.1 2.2 3.8 1.9
Other 0.8 2.3 - 0.6 1.3 -
Place of work
Plantation/farm 98.4 99.5 93.8 83.1 86.3 77.2
Factory 1.6 - - 6.2 1.3 8.9
Family dwelling - 0.5 3.1 2.8 2.5 1.9
Market - - 3.1 2.8 8.8 6.3
Restaurant - - - 1.7 1.3 1.3
Construction site - - - 3.4 - 4.4
Main tasks
Weeding 7.4 9.0 5.2 4.4 3.8 4.3
Planting 19.7 16.2 21.6 8.8 15.2 10.6
Putting fertilizer 19.7 5.0 18.6 1.6 13.9 2.5
Weeding, watering and putting 28.7 7.7 26.8 5.5 24.1 3.1
fertilizer
Cutting sugarcane/harvesting 2.5 17.6 1.0 16.5 6.3 17.4
Planting, weeding, putting 22.1 43.2 19.6 34.6 20.3 27.3
fertilizer, harvesting
Other - 1.4 7.2 28.6 16.5 34.8
Time of work
Day 41.2 72.3 38.9 68.6 46.3 65.8
Night 0.8 - - 0.6 1.3 -
Day and night 5.9 12.6 4.2 19.5 10.0 20.6
On the weekend 44.5 11.7 42.1 7.7 33.8 10.3
Day and weekend 7.6 2.4 14.7 3.0 8.8 1.3
Other - 1.0 - 0.6 - 1.9
Hours of work
1-3 hours 21.6 7.7 11.6 3.1
10.6 3.3
4-6 hours 19.0 23.0 16.3 17.9
18.8 18.2
7-8 hours 51.9 53.9 53.8 55.8
52.6 55.9
More than 8 hours 7.5 15.4 18.3 23.2
Days of work per week
1 day 23.4 5.9 25.0 3.9 18.7 5.3
2 days 50.0 21.0 49.2 11.6 39.2 10.5
3-4 days 4.4 10.3 3.2 8.4 7.5 7.6
5-7days 22.2 62.9 17.0 76.1 34.5 76.6
Per centage who work throughout
the year 18.4 13.4 25.0 28.4 36.4 38.3
Time year working
Cultivation/Harvest time/Seasonal 94.8 97.9 60.6 82.3 58.0 84.5
Weekends - - - - 12.0 5.2
Cultivation/Harvest time, 1.0 0.5 19.7 1.5 24.0 3.1
during weekend and holiday
Public holiday 3.1 0.5 2.8 1.5 4.0 -
Weekdays - - 12.7 4.6 - -
When job is available - - 4.2 9.2 2.0 5.2
60
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the Tracer
project implementation study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Other 1.0 1.0 - 0.8 - 2.1
Per centage who experienced
being sick or injured due to work 74.1 78.0 71.8 71.6 57.4 54.9
Per centage who stopped working 55.7 45.2 42.7 31.6 34.3 20.3
Per centage who were helped to
stop working 77.3 66.7 80.4 68.8 56.5 35.3
Person who helped the child to
stop working
Father 40.0 28.4 34.3 25.0 54.5 55.6
Mother 27.3 19.4 22.9 20.0 27.3 14.3
Both Parents 10.9 13.4 5.7 10.0 9.1 -
Sister/Brother/Family 20.0 28.4 20.0 20.0 9.1 -
Friend - 4.5 - 2.5 - -
Husband - 3.0 - - - 14.3
IPEC Program - - 17.1 10.0 - 14.3
Other 1.8 3.0 - 12.5 - -
Assistance given
Provision of school supplies 50.0 41.1 63.6 41.2 36.4 57.1
Giving scholarship 1.9 1.8 - 2.9 - -
Changing the parents’ perception 1.9 - - 2.9 - -
about child labour
Improving economy of my 22.2 32.1 21.2 26.5 54.5 28.6
household
Giving school allowance 9.3 5.4 - 2.9 9.1 -
Medical assistance 5.6 3.6 3.0 8.8 - 14.3
Asked me to stop working since 3.7 5.4 6.1 2.9 - -
I’m still too young
Other 5.6 10.7 6.1 11.8 - -
61
Annex III: Changes in work, mining sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Per centage working 100.0 100.0 80.0 85.5 60.4 73.9
Reasons for working
Supplement family income 85.5 82.2 84.4 90.3 93.9 86.7
Could not afford school fees 3.6 1.7 6.7 - 3.0 -
Earn money for myself 5.5 11.9 8.9 8.2 3.0 11.5
Other 5.5 4.2 - 1.5 - 1.8
Place of work
Employer’s house - - - - - -
Mining/quarry site 94.5 95.3 88.9 78.6 87.9 79.3
Factory - 0.4 - 3.6 3.0 4.3
Pond/lake/river/sea 5.5 3.8 - - - -
Shop/market - - - 4.6 - 6.7
Other - 0.4 11.1 13.2 9.1 9.7
Main tasks
Miner 30.9 58.1 35.6 47.2 39.4 50.9
Crushing rocks, sacking rocks 25.5 10.2 13.3 7.1 12.1 6.1
Picking mineral stones 14.5 4.2 11.1 3.0 3.0 0.6
Carrying/bringing the rocks out
of the tunnel 5.5 3.8 - 4.1 3.0 4.8
Straining stones 3.6 6.8 4.4 5.1 - 1.8
Washing the sacks - 0.4 - 0.5 - 0.6
All around 10.9 4.2 17.8 4.1 18.2 3.6
Other 9.1 12.3 17.8 28.9 24.2 31.5
Time of work
Day 65.5 60.1 48.9 61.7 45.5 54.8
Night 3.6 2.1 4.4 - - 1.2
Day and night 20.0 33.9 35.6 36.7 45.5 41.6
On the weekend 10.9 3.0 11.1 1.0 6.1 1.8
Other - 0.9 - 0.5 3.0 0.6
Hours of work
1-3 hours 21.6 9.5 16.9 5.9 15.0 3.1
4-6 hours 22.5 21.7 17.0 16.5 16.4 14.3
7-8 hours 20.7 16.7 19.1 25.7 13.4 28.1
More than 8 hours 35.2 52.7 47.0 51.9 55.2 54.5
Days of work per week
1 day 7.2 6.1 4.5 2.0 4.5 3.0
2 days 19.8 14.4 15.7 5.9 11.9 3.8
3-4 days 38.7 29.5 33.7 23.0 38.8 27.3
5-7days 34.2 49.9 46.1 69.1 44.8 65.8
Per cent who work throughout the
year 35.1 40.6 50.6 51.6 64.2 55.7
Time year working
Cultivation/ Harvest time/ 67.5 74.6 33.3 61.8 33.3 62.3
Seasonal
Weekdays - - 25.0 9.0 - -
Cultivation/Harvest time and - - - - - -
during weekends
When job is available 20.0 6.5 12.5 12.4 22.2 11.6
Other 12.5 18.9 29.1 16.9 44.4 26.0
Per centage who experienced
being sick or injured due to work 70.9 72.9 71.8 71.6 57.4 54.9
62
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Per centage who stopped working 52.3 51.4 42.7 31.6 29.9 29.5
Per centage who were helped to
stop working 77.4 64.4 80.4 68.8 50.0 70.6
Person who helped the child to
stop working
Father 45.5 29.3 40.0 34.7 75.0 57.1
Mother 13.6 21.3 30.0 18.4 25.0 -
Both Parents 4.5 4.0 - 2.0 - -
Sister/Brother/Family 31.8 38.7 20.0 38.8 - 42.9
Other 4.5 6.7 10.0 6.1 - -
Assistance given
Provision of school supplies 19.0 8.6 - 4.1 25.0 14.3
Giving scholarship - 4.3 10.0 - - -
Changing the parents’ perception 14.3 10.0 - 16.3 - -
about child labour
Improving economy of my 28.6 32.9 30.0 44.9 75.0 71.4
household
Giving school allowance 9.5 5.7 10.0 - - -
Medical assistance 9.5 10.0 10.0 8.2 - -
Asked me to stop working since I
am still too young 9.5 10.0 - 4.1 - -
Helped find another job - - - - - -
Other 9.5 18.6 40.0 22.4 - 14.3
63
Annex IV: Changes in education, sugarcane sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Per centage who are in school 89.9 41.7 84.8 24.6 74.1 21.0
Reasons for not being in school
Could not afford schooling 100.0 71.6 50.0 49.3 57.1 44.5
Family did not allow schooling - 0.9 - 1.3 - -
I worked - 14.7 30.0 30.3 9.5 29.9
Was not interested in school - 3.4 10.0 4.6 14.3 3.7
Others - 9.5 10.0 14.5 19.0 22.0
Were you often absent from school?
Yes 37.3 70.5 31.3 39.1 25.6 33.3
No 62.7 29.5 67.9 60.9 74.4 66.7
Why were you absent often?
Work 27.5 16.2 9.4 7.1 12.0 -
I did not have school allowance 15.0 32.4 28.1 14.3 8.0 18.8
I had to help with
harvest/cultivation or family 25.0 30.9 15.6 28.6 28.0 12.5
business
Working outside family business 10.0 10.3 3.1 21.4 4.0 25.0
Illness/injury/disablement 5.0 4.4 25.0 7.1 44.0 12.5
Had to help at home with
household tasks 5.0 - 9.4 3.6 4.0 6.3
Others 12.5 5.9 9.4 17.9 - 25.0
In that period, did someone help you
stay in school?
Yes 91.5 88.5 94.0 89.1 96.6 87.2
No 8.5 11.5 6.0 10.9 3.4 12.8
Who helped you stay in school?
Parents 45.7 28.0 15.0 35.1 22.0
43.8
Father 17.0 29.0 23.3 26.8 18.0
26.7
Mother 14.9 11.2 15.0 11.3 20.0
8.6
My family/relative 19.1 24.3 35.0 19.6 26.0
21.0
IPEC Program - 1.9 5.0 - -
-
NGO 2.1 4.7 6.7 5.2 8.0
-
Community social worker - - - - -
-
Other 1.1 0.9 - 2.1 6.0
How did they help you stay in school?
Gave me school allowance
45.6 60.9 48.1 31.7 45.4 46.0
Gave me allowance and supplies
39.8 29.3 37.7 43.3 39.2 36.0
Gave me school supplies
11.7 8.7 12.3 8.3 8.2 4.0
Other
2.9 1.1 1.9 16.7 7.2 14.0
Are you considering dropping out of
school?
Yes 13.4 15.2
No 86.6 84.8
If yes, why are you considering
dropping out of school?
My parents/household do not have
enough money 66.7 25.0
I want to help my family financially 33.3 50.0
Lack of support - 25.0
64
Annex V: Changes in education, mining sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Per centage who are in school 36.0 23.9 36.9 17.3 28.8 3.4
Reasons for not being in school
Could not afford schooling 37.5 46.0 19.2 33.7 36.4 26.6
Family did not allow schooling 6.3 - 3.8 - - 1.5
I worked 31.3 25.9 53.8 36.5 42.4 36.0
Was not interested in school 12.5 16.7 3.8 14.0 3.0 10.3
Others 12.5 11.5 19.2 15.7 18.2 25.6
Were you often absent from school?
Yes
67.5 69.8 56.1 48.4 40.6 66.7
No
32.5 30.2 43.9 51.6 59.4 32.3
Why were you absent often?
Work 13.3 14.6 13.3 9.1 22.2 -
I did not have school allowance - 19.5 6.7 31.8 22.2 12.5
I had to help with harvest/ 13.3 7.3 13.3 9.1 - 25.0
cultivation or family business
Working outside family business 6.7 2.4 13.3 9.1 11.1 -
Illness/injury/disablement 40.0 19.5 26.7 9.1 33.3 25.0
Had to help at home with 6.7 9.8 6.7 13.6 11.1 12.5
household tasks
Others 20.0 26.8 20.0 18.2 - 25.0
In that period, did someone help you
stay in school?
Yes 77.5 74.4 82.5 74.2 90.6 100.0
No 22.5 25.6 17.5 25.8 9.4 -
Who helped you stay in school?
Parents 16.7 13.3 10.0 8.3 22.2 5.9
Father 22.2 17.8 45.0 30.6 22.2 58.8
Mother 38.9 17.8 40.0 11.1 22.2 5.9
My family/relative 16.7 51.1 5.0 30.6 27.8 23.5
IPEC Program - - - 11.1 - -
NGO - - - 2.8 - -
Other 5.6 - - 5.6 5.6 5.9
How did they help you stay in school?
Gave me school allowance
77.8 91.1 73.7 82.9 66.7 88.2
Gave me allowance and supplies
- 2.2 - 5.7 11.1 5.9
Gave me school supplies
16.7 4.4 26.3 5.7 16.7 5.9
Other
5.6 2.2 - 5.7 5.6 -
Are you considering dropping out of
school?
Yes 13.8 16.7
No 86.2 83.3
If yes, why are you considering
dropping out of school?
My parents/household do not
50.0
have enough money
100.0
I want to help my family
50.0
Financially
65
Annex VI: Changes in well‐being of family, sugarcane sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the Tracer
project implementation study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Main source of income
Farming 60.7 47.9 61.5 46.3 59.5 42.1
Salary 27.0 35.2 27.9 35.6 28.1 39.7
Small business/vending 8.2 5.0 6.6 6.9 6.6 6.1
Fishing 1.6 5.5 1.6 6.0 1.7 5.6
Others 2.4 6.4 2.4 5.1 4.2 6.6
Main person contributing
income
76.2 67.7 79.5 67.0 73.0 56.0
Father
10.7 10.0 9.8 11.3 12.3 11.0
Mother
5.7 15.5 4.9 10.0 7.4 7.8
Father and Mother
4.1 1.8 4.1 2.3 4.1 3.7
Siblings
0.8 0.9 - 4.1 0.8 9.2
Myself
2.5 4.1 1.6 5.4 2.5 12.4
Others
Household head
Father 82.0 77.3 82.6 77.0 80.3 65.8
Mother 11.5 16.8 13.2 15.8 14.8 16.4
Father and Mother 2.5 2.3 0.8 0.9 - 0.5
Siblings 1.6 1.4 0.8 0.5 2.5 1.8
Myself 0.8 0.5 - 0.9 - 6.4
Spouse (Husband/Wife) - 0.9 - 3.2 - 8.2
Others 1.6 0.9 2.5 1.8 2.5 0.9
Type of house
Wood and wattle (grass sheet
49.6 39.0 43.8 32.4 41.3 33.8
roof)
Wood and wattle (iron sheet
35.5 44.4 39.7 49.5 40.5 49.3
roof)
7.4 4.9 7.4 4.5 7.4 2.7
Recycled materials/shanties
4.1 10.8 5.8 12.6 7.4 13.7
Brick/concrete
3.3 0.9 3.3 0.9 3.3 0.5
Others
Main source of drinking water
Bore-hole/tubewell/poso 44.3 35.4 45.1 33.3 45.9 33.6
Well 41.0 33.6 39.3 33.8 37.7 32.7
Pipe-borne outside house 8.2 16.6 8.2 17.1 9.8 18.2
River/stream 4.1 1.3 4.1 1.4 3.3 1.4
Pipe-borne inside house - 10.8 - 12.2 - 11.8
Others 2.5 2.2 3.3 2.3 3.3 2.3
Family own land?
Yes 37.3
26.2 35.4 25.9 36.9 25.0
No 53.2
66.8 53.2 67.0 52.2 68.5
Yes but not enough 8.9
7.0 10.8 7.0 10.2 6.5
Others
Family has sufficient food to
eat?
89.2 80.6 91.8 82.6 93.6 91.2
Yes
3.2 1.1 3.2 4.3 1.9 3.3
No
7.6 18.3 5.1 13.0 4.5 5.5
Sometimes
Family able to buy school
uniforms/matls 52.5 43.3 53.8 40.4 54.1 36.3
Yes 15.8 18.7 8.9 21.3 7.6 18.1
No 30.4 28.3 32.9 23.5 29.9 20.9
Sometimes 1.3 9.6 4.4 14.8 8.3 24.7
66
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the Tracer
project implementation study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Nobody went to school
Family able to pay medical
expenses?
39.6
Yes 40.5 46.2 47.6 47.8 51.1
30.5
No 22.8 15.8 25.4 17.2 23.4
29.4
Sometimes 36.7 38.0 27.0 35.0 25.5
0.5
Don’t remember
Family own family animals?
Yes 77.2 62.0 76.4 60.5 70.8 59.6
No 22.8 38.0 23.6 39.5 29.2 40.4
67
Annex VII: Changes in well‐being of family, mining sector
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Main source of income
Mining/Quarrying 67.3 22.9 70.4 54.7 64.8 57.0
Salary 21.8 22.9 24.1 25.2 27.8 24.7
Small business/vending 7.3 5.9 3.7 6.0 3.7 4.7
Fishing 1.8 3.8 1.9 5.1 1.9 5.5
Self-employment - 5.9 - 5.6 1.9 4.7
Others 1.8 4.7 - 3.4 - 3.4
Main person contributing income
Father 80.0 74.4 80.0 69.4 67.3 46.0
Mother 9.1 9.8 5.5 8.5 10.9 6.4
Father and Mother 1.8 4.3 1.8 4.7 1.8 4.7
Siblings 1.8 1.7 3.6 0.9 3.6 0.9
Myself 1.8 4.7 3.6 7.2 9.1 22.1
Spouse (Husband) 1.8 2.1 1.8 5.1 3.6 17.0
Others 3.6 3.0 3.6 4.3 3.6 3.0
Household head
Father 83.3 76.5 83.6 72.3 72.7 52.8
Mother 11.1 16.2 10.9 16.2 18.2 12.3
Siblings 1.9 0.9 - 0.4 - 0.9
Myself - 3.8 - 5.5 1.8 17.9
Spouse (Husband/Wife) 1.9 1.7 1.8 4.3 3.6 15.3
Others 1.9 0.8 3.6 1.3 3.6 0.8
Type of house
Wood and wattle (grass sheet 34.5 45.3 32.7 44.3 30.9 39.3
roof)
Wood and wattle (iron sheet roof) 40.0 31.6 40.0 31.1 41.8 32.1
Recycled materials/shanties 10.9 5.6 9.1 4.3 9.1 4.3
Brick/concrete 9.1 15.8 12.7 18.3 12.7 22.2
Others 5.5 1.7 5.5 2.1 5.5 2.1
Main source of drinking water
Pipe-borne outside house 32.7 34.5 32.7 35.2 33.3 37.4
Pipe-borne inside house 21.8 15.7 25.5 16.5 25.9 17.0
Well 12.7 19.1 9.1 18.2 9.3 16.2
Bore-hole/tubewell/poso 9.1 10.2 9.1 9.3 9.3 8.9
River/stream 12.7 8.9 12.7 8.5 11.1 8.1
Dug out/pond 3.6 5.5 3.6 5.9 3.7 6.0
Others 7.3 6.0 7.3 6.4 7.4 6.4
Family own land?
Yes 26.8
27.9 27.9 26.1 27.9 24.6
No 69.8
68.5 68.5 70.6 67.6 71.5
Yes but not enough 3.4
3.6 3.6 3.3 4.5 3.9
Others
Family has sufficient food to eat?
Yes 87.4 90.4 90.1 93.3 93.7 95.0
No 4.5 2.3 4.5 1.7 3.6 1.7
Sometimes 8.1 7.3 5.4 5.0 2.7 3.4
Family able to buy school uniforms/
materials
41.4 56.4 45.9 49.4 43.2 39.7
Yes
12.6 8.9 9.9 7.2 9.0 6.1
No
35.1 25.7 33.3 26.7 29.7 18.4
Sometimes
10.8 8.9 10.8 16.7 18.0 35.8
Nobody went to school
68
Before the start of the At the end of project At the time of the
project implementation Tracer study
< 14 14 < 14 14 < 14 14
Family able to pay medical expenses?
Yes 57.9
52.3 54.1 63.3 58.6 67.0
No 11.8
13.5 11.7 8.3 9.9 7.3
Sometimes 30.3
34.2 34.2 28.3 31.5 25.7
Don’t remember
Family own family animals?
Yes 27.9 29.6 26.1 24.6 28.2 21.8
No 72.1 70.4 73.9 75.4 71.8 78.2
69
International Programme on
the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC)
ipec@ilo.org - www.ilo.org/ipec
9 789221 272236