Feminism

Feminism is a social and political movement and belief that advocates for the rights of women on the
grounds of equality of sexes. It does not deny the biological differences between the sexes but
demands equality in opportunities. It covers everything from social and political to economic arenas.
In fact, feminist campaigns have been a crucial part of history in women empowerment. 
Throughout most of Western history, women were confined to the domestic sphere, while public
life was reserved for men. In medieval Europe, women were denied the right to own property, to
study, or to participate in public life. At the end of the 19th century in France, they were still
compelled to cover their heads in public, and, in parts of Germany, a husband still had the right
to sell his wife. Even as late as the early 20th century, women could neither vote nor hold
elective office in Europe and in most of the United States (where several territories and states
granted women’s suffrage long before the federal government did so). Women were prevented
from conducting business without a male representative, be it father, brother, husband, legal
agent, or even son. Married women could not exercise control over their own children without
the permission of their husbands. Moreover, women had little or no access to education and were
barred from most professions. In some parts of the world, such restrictions on women continue
today.
The term “Sexism” is very often present in feminist literature as well as in the media and
everyday life, and it is an important concept in understanding feminism. Sexism means
perceiving and judging people only on the basis of their belonging to a particular sex or gender.
It also covers discrimination of a person on the same basis. It is important to note that sexism
applies to both men and women; however, women are more affected by sexism than men in all
areas of life. Everyday sexism takes different forms, sometimes not easily recognizable – for
example, telling jokes about girls, commenting on the female body (objectifying women),
reacting to the way women are dressed, and assigning women easier tasks in Internet games or
objectifying women in advertising. The literature mentions three types of sexism: Traditional
sexism: supporting traditional gender roles, treating women as worse than men, employing
traditional stereotypes which portray women as less competent than men. Modern
sexism: denying gender discrimination (‘it is not a problem anymore’), having a negative
attitude towards women’s rights, denying the validity of claims made by women. Neo-
sexism: This notion refers to ideologies that justify discrimination towards women on the basis
of competences – 'men are effectively better competent for some things' – for example in
managerial or leadership positions, and not on a direct discrimination of women. Defenders of
these ideas tend to ignore or deny the difficulties faced by women in society as having an
influence on 'competences'.
The concept of feminism reflects a history of different struggles, and the term has been
interpreted in fuller and more complex ways as understanding has developed. In general,
feminism can be seen as a movement to put an end to sexism, sexist exploitation, and
oppression and to achieve full gender equality in law and in practice. Feminism is reaching a
level of cultural relevance it hasn’t enjoyed in years. It’s now a major object of cultural discourse
— which has led to some very confusing conversations because not everyone is familiar with or
agrees on the basic terminology of feminism. And one of the most basic and most confusing
terms has to do with waves of feminism. But the wave metaphor is also probably the best tool we
have for understanding the history of feminism in the US, where it came from and how it
developed. And it’s become a fundamental part of how we talk about feminism — so even if we
end up deciding to discard it, it’s worth understanding exactly what we’re discarding. Here is an
overview of the waves of feminism in the US, from the suffragettes to #MeToo. This is a broad
overview, and it won’t capture every nuance of the movement in each era.
By the end of the 19th century, this had become a worldwide movement, and the words
‘feminism’ and ‘feminist movement’ started to be used from that point on. This first wave of
feminism activism included mass demonstrations, the publishing of newspapers, organized
debates, and the establishment of international women’s organizations. The fight for women’s
right to vote in elections is known as the ‘suffragette movement’. By the 1920s, women had won
the right to vote in most European countries and in North America. At around the same time,
women became more active in communist, socialist and social democratic parties because
increasing numbers of women began to work outside the home in factories and offices. Women
were first allowed to go to university in the early 20th century, having both a career and a family.
In certain countries, when fascist parties gained power the feminist movement was banned.
Women started organizing again after the end of the Second World War, and they soon gained
equal political rights in most European countries, with women’s emancipation becoming an
important aim and most women being allowed to take on full-time jobs, divorce their husbands
and go to university.
In Western Europe and the USA, the feminist movement was resurgent by the 1970s. Although
this second wave of feminism aimed to achieve ‘women’s liberation’, different groups had
different ideas about how this should be done. Liberal feminists wanted better equality laws and
reform of institutions such as schools, churches and the media. Radical feminists argued that the
root cause of women’s inequality is patriarchy: men, as a group, oppress women. They also
focused on violence against women by men and started to talk about violence in the family, and
rape. Socialist feminists argued that it is a combination of patriarchy and capitalism that causes
women’s oppression. The second wave of feminism also resulted in new areas of science:
women’s studies became a discipline to be studied at university, and books began to be published
about women’s achievements in literature, music and science, and recording women’s previously
unwritten history. Finally, the women’s movement played an important role in the drafting of
international documents about women’s rights, such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights 
The third wave of feminism mainly refers to the American movement in the 1990s, and was a
reaction to the backlash of conservative media and politicians announcing the end of feminism or
referring to ‘post-feminism’. The term ‘backlash’ was popularized by Susan Faludi in her
book Backlash. The Undeclared War against Women, published in 1991, and describing the
negative reaction of the patriarchal system towards women’s liberation. This was hardly a new
phenomenon: women’s movements had always been met with antagonism. However, in the
1980s, institutionalized forms of attacks on women’s rights grew stronger. The third wave of
feminism can be characterized by an increased awareness of overlapping categories, such as
race, class, gender, sexual orientation. More emphasis was also placed on racial issues, including
the status of women in other parts of the world (global feminism). This was also a moment
when a number of feminist non-governmental organizations were established, but focusing on
specific feminist issues, rather than claiming to represent general feminist ideas. Third wave
feminism actively uses media and pop culture to promote its ideas and to run activities, for
example by publishing blogs or e-zines. It focuses on bringing feminism closer to the people’s
daily lives. The main issues that third wave feminists are concerned about include: sexual
harassment, domestic violence, the pay gap between men and women, eating disorders and body
image, sexual and reproductive rights, honor crimes and female genital mutilation.
The term cyber feminism is used to describe the work of feminists interested in theorizing,
critiquing, and making use of the Internet, cyberspace, and new media technologies in general.
The term and movement grew out of 'third-wave' feminism. However, the exact meaning is still
unclear to some: even at the first meeting of cyber feminists The First Cyber feminist
International (FCI) in Kassel (Germany), participants found it hard to provide a definition, and as
a result of discussions, they proposed 100 anti-theses on what cyber feminism is not. These
included, for example, it is not an institution, it is not an ideology, and it is not an –ism. Cyber
feminism is considered to be a predecessor of ‘networked feminism’, which refers generally
to feminism on the Internet: for example, mobilizing people to take action against sexism,
misogyny or gender-based violence against women. One example is the online movement
#metoo in 2017, which was a response on social networks from women all over the world to the
case of Harvey Weinstein, a Hollywood producer who was accused of sexually harassing female
staff in the movie industry.
Many nationalist movements have used women as cultural representatives. As many feminists
have pointed out, women were constructed as ‘Mothers of the Nation’ and their biological role as
reproducers of the nation was highlighted to sustain structural disparities. It is for this reason that
gender and feminism become central to understanding religious nationalism especially in the
Muslim countries. Nationalism emerged in Pakistan as soon as it appeared as an independent
country at the partition of India in 1947. As this making of the country was based on the plea that
Muslims constituted a distinct Islamic ideology-based identity, so even before the country was
formed it had a strong element of Islamic Nationalism because religion was the basis of a
separate country for the Muslims of the subcontinent. Hence religion has always been the basis
of Nationalism debates in Pakistanis.

Broadly speaking, there are two dominant threads of feminist discourse in Pakistan: a modern
Islamic feminism and a secular feminism. Modern Islamic feminists such as Riffat Hassan,
Amina Wadud and Asma Barlas seek to further women’s rights by redefining Islamic views and
focusing on the female-centric laws Islam offers. This form of feminism appeals largely to the
lower, middle and upper-middle strata of society which looks to religion for answers. Secular
feminists like Shahnaz Rouse and Fouzia Saeed consider feminism as an extension of basic
human rights, regardless of any religious connotations. Once again, these women are labeled as
protagonists of western culture by those who misconstrue Islamic teachings to suit feed their
own, chauvinistic principles.

For decades and before, females in Pakistan have faced great inequality and injustice due to
living under a patriarchal society. Despite signatory to various international treaties and adoption
of global commitments - The Universal Declaration of Human rights, The Conventions on
Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, The Sustainable Development Goals etc. - and
its inclusiveness to our national policy framework on gender equality and women rights, the
Global Gender Gap Index report of 2020 ranked Pakistan lowest among 153 countries. For the
past few years, Pakistan has seen an overwhelming debate regarding women rights, feminism
and gender equality. It is quite evident through the famous peaceful, yet controversial, movement
‘Aurat March’. The Aurat March movement in Pakistan has been inspired by the global #MeToo
movements and is the spontaneous graduation of online call-outs against sexual harassment to
full scale street-level protests. The movement reflects as an annual advocacy campaign organized
on international Women's Day led by various feminist activist groups in the major cities of
Pakistan.

The rise of a feminist approach synced in a millennial mindset has shown its prominence across
various platforms, largely echoed in social media and among thought leaders. Growing
awareness on social issues and persisting inequalities in society has compelled our younger
generation to be more vocal and work with each other to establish equal opportunities for both
genders in the country. However, the concept of feminism in Pakistan has hit hard on some
groups such as conservatists individuals or civil society organizations who disagree with the
concept of this equality and feminism. For them, this particular concept is not only going against
the culture of Pakistan, but also against the religion of our community, Islam.

Practices such as honor killing, sexual harassment, domestic violence and the concept of glass
ceiling still haunt the females of modern day in the country. Such concepts lead to women
blaming the culture and religion on which Pakistan strives. Islam is one of the most peaceful
religions providing equal opportunities to both genders without discrimination. In fact, Islam was
the first religion to formally grant women a status they had not enjoyed before and taught moral,
spiritual and economic equality.  There are countless quotes from prominent Islamic scholars,
ahadith and the Quran itself, promulgating women’s rights regarding different of life, including
education, marriage and divorce. However, our religion is often confused and misperceived with
our male dominant culture, which not only pollutes the understanding of Islam on women rights,
but its social practices are often misread and misinterpreted leading to hate against the principles
of Islam.

To successfully imply feminism in Pakistan, it is essential to embed sensitivities of culture and

religion to make it broad based and acceptable at the grassroots. The concept of feminism and
gender equality is currently being applied and forced upon conservatism communities, mainly
perceived as a western concept. For gender equality to flourish and blossom in Pakistan, it is
essential to apply a cultural relativist approach. Cultural relativism is defined as an approach of
making laws and concepts in a geographical location according to their religion and culture,
hence believing that not every law or concept is universal. In 1948 the United Nations General
Assembly formed The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which stated the rights
of LGTBQ communities however, it goes against many religions around the world especially
Islam.

The United Nations believes in an idealistic approach meaning that their resolutions are universal
and should be applied in all countries. These are considered as the shortcomings of the United
Nations approach to international relations. They should have a more realistic approach by taking
in consideration that every nation or state has its own cultural and religious beliefs which they
have to abide by. The laws applied should be according to the culture and religion of the region
in order to achieve success. For example, in response to the UDHR, The Cairo Declaration on
Human Rights in Islam took place in 1990, rejecting certain points of the UDHR which went
against their religion. The same problem is resonating in the concept of feminism in Pakistan.
This concept is formed on the bases of western ideology rather than eastern ideology. The
western ideology is being claimed to be universal, however it is not compatible with non-western
states.

Women’s rights may be misunderstood, under-represented and disregarded in Pakistan but they
are by no means absent. Our people need to be informed that feminism does not mean being anti-
male or anti-Islamic. Those rallying for women rights need to be clearer and more united in their
stand and find a workable balance between what is right and what we know. The message of
feminism does not signify that women should in any way be superior, nor does it call for
immoral and anti-religious practices. It simply strives to make the lives of women across the
world a lot easier than they are used to. To reach gender equality through feminism, this concept
needs to be restricted according to the culture and religion of Pakistan rather than based on
western countries. The concept of feminism should have a cultural relativist approach in order to
achieve success in Pakistan, otherwise the western based concept of feminism which is being
currently applied may reach a certain amount of success but it will end up dividing the nation.

A broader change in gender mindsets is therefore imperative in Pakistan—and is a goal for

which the Aurat March has been mobilizing men and women since 2018. Critics of the
movement accuse it of serving a “western agenda” and of being “un-Islamic.” The criticism
against the Aurat March stems from a simplistic dichotomy that sees feminism and Islam as
irreconcilably opposed ideas. This false dichotomy has been cemented by mainstream
interpretations of Islam that use a patriarchal cultural lens and systematically exclude feminist
narratives available in Islamic traditions. The religious narrative in Pakistan has so fully
absorbed patriarchal cultural ideas that those who challenge patriarchy are accused of being
irreligious. Such allegations are hard to dismiss when they resonate with the majority of
Pakistanis, for whom religion is central to personal and collective identity. Women’s rights
movements like the Aurat March are, therefore, likely to remain polarizing, misunderstood and
ineffective unless they integrate feminism, modernity and Islam in their narrative, and engage
progressive religious scholars. A continued disconnect with religion will hamper the Aurat
March from creating a critical mass for gender justice in Pakistan. This disconnect applies not
only to social movements but also to wider advocacy and development efforts. USIP’s initial
roundtable discussion on gender inequality and violence also failed to explore religion as a
contributor to gender injustice, and more importantly, as a potential tool for reform.

An immediate next step in fostering gender justice in Pakistan is to build on the work of scholars
like Hassan and Barlas, and to publicize feminist narratives about Islam. The longer-term
challenge is to systematically address the ever-widening gap between those who understand
Islam but do not understand modernity and those who understand modernity but do not
understand Islam, as noted by Pakistani-American scholar Fazlur Rahman. Islamic feminism can
serve as a starting point by offering a common ground of engagement to both groups, and can
help propel the Islamic Republic of Pakistan on its journey to become more gender-equal and,
ultimately, peaceful for all.

The underprivileged women are not — however much feminists and educationists insist
otherwise— beneficiaries of education that is at best inching forward. Change is not around the
corner as is widely believed. So regressive is our education that its impact will be visible several
generations later. So massive is the size of the rapidly multiplying population to be addressed
and so entrenched is the barriers of sociocultural and ideological forces that the feeble efforts of
the agents of change cannot neutralize the powerful thrust of status quo. That is why there is the
need for a shift in the communication strategy. We need communicators to engage with women
on their own territory at street corner meetings and their homes rather than opt for noisy public
meetings which polarize the people. This approach has been successfully tried on a limited scale
by non-government bodies in the population sector. Activists, especially women, from different
organizations have also done well to visit women who have suffered violence to give them
support by showing solidarity. Theirs has, however, been a fire-fighting approach. They go into
action when a crisis occurs. This engagement should be a continuous and an ongoing process.