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Shapiro - An Argument Against The Social Fact Thesis (And Some Additional Preliminary Steps Towards A New Conception of Legal Positivism) (2008)
Shapiro - An Argument Against The Social Fact Thesis (And Some Additional Preliminary Steps Towards A New Conception of Legal Positivism) (2008)
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Philosophy
KEVIN TOH
I. INTRODUCTION
* The first, and very different, incarnation of this material was presented at
the 22nd World Congress of Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy which
took place in Granada, Spain in May 2005. I learned from the discussion
following my presentation, and from subsequent correspondence with Matt
Kramer, Andrei Marmor, and Jerry Postema. More recently, I have benefited
from conversations with or comments from Steve Darwall, Adam Leite,
Brian Leiter, David McCarty, Scott Shapiro, David Velleman, and an
anonymous referee for this journal. I am most indebted to Gary Ebbs who,
during three separate conversations, was willing to be a sounding board and
also tried to improve my thinking on many issues discussed herein.
3 There are interesting parallels between this article and two recent arti
cles that reach conclusions similar to mine: G.A. Cohen's Tacts and Prin
ciples' (2003), and Mark Greenberg's 'How Facts Make Law' (2004). I
became aware of these articles only after writing initial drafts of this article,
and delving into the similarities and differences would have made this
already long article even longer. For these reasons, I will not here discuss the
arguments of these articles. I hope to have opportunities to get into the
comparisons on later occasions. Let me here note only a few obvious
differences. Cohen's article is not about jurisprudential matters, but is
formulated as a criticism of constructivism in political philosophy. But more
importantly, whereas he pointedly does not rely on the is-ought gap to argue
The social fact thesis, and its alleged status as the central thesis of
legal positivism, have been articulated in a variety of ways by a
number of legal philosophers over the years. According to
Dworkin, "[l]egal positivism has many different forms, but they
all have in common the idea that law exists only in virtue of some
human act or decision" (1977a, p. 70). Similarly, Joseph Raz
states: "In the most general terms the positivist social thesis is that
what is law and what is not is a matter of social fact (that is, the
variety of social theses supported by positivists are various
refinements and elaborations of this crude formulation)" (1979b,
p. 37). And Gerald Postema: "Law is a social fact; what is and
what is not to count as law is a matter of fact about human social
behavior and institutions ..." (1982, p. 165). David Lyons says:
"Laws are seen [by legal positivists] as brute social facts. To
determine the existence of a law and what it requires or allows is
to engage in an inquiry into the relevant facts ..." (1984, p. 37;
cf. p. 54). More recently, Jules Coleman has said: "Positivism
claims that the possibility of legal authority is to be explained ...
in terms of certain social facts. Call this the 'social fact thesis'; no
claim is more central to legal positivism" (2001, p. 75).
By "social facts" and similar expressions, these writers
mean the facts about human psychology and behavior, and
they intend to exclude what could be called "normative
facts". For example, Dworkin's statement was meant to be a
Footnote continued
for the need for appeals to norms or principles, I do rely on that gap. As for
Greenberg's article, which is on jurisprudential matters, the most obvious difference
is that whereas he takes the need to appeal to norms or principles as a consideration
against legal positivism, I see it as a consideration in favor of abandoning the re
cently prevalent conception of legal positivism and devising another conception. In
addition, Greenberg's is a metaphysical argument to show that "legal facts" are
partly constituted by "value facts". He in effects construes the "in virtue of or some
such relationship between contents of laws and their normative grounds or deter
minants as a metaphysical relationship. Whether there is some such metaphysical
relationship is something that I mostly bracket in this article because positing such a
relationship may prejudge some meta-normative matters. The best meta-normative
construal of legal and other normative or evaluative claims may be some form of
nonfactualism. For this reason, I have chosen to speak of the relationship between
legal claims and their normative grounds as a normative one.
6 Once again, in this paragraph and the next, I am setting aside the line
of philosophical thinking about the normative nature of psychological
attributions. See ? II supra.
7 It is not clear that all recent legal posivists are social factualists. Andrei
Marmor seems to support only the external version of the social fact thesis
in Marmor (2001), though he seems to me to muddy the waters when he
says: "The explanatory task [of a philosophical account of the normativity
of law] consists of an attempt to explain how rules or conventions can give
rise to reasons for action, and what kinds of reasons are involved" (32).
I take it that the "reasons" that Marmor is talking about here are strictly
motivating reasons, and not justificatory reasons. See Frankena (1958);
Smith (1994, pp. 94-98); Darwall (2005).
8 I actually believe that the grounds of all normative claims, including all
internal legal claims, must include some normative considerations. This is
another reason for thinking that the distinction between the two kinds of
legal positivism do not matter for my purposes. But I will not be arguing in
this article for a universal claim about the grounds of all normative claims.
Instead, I will be arguing that all normative claims that are conclusions of
deductive inferences have to have some normative grounds as well as factual
Footnote continued
ones. It follows that even if I were completely successful in my argument, I would
leave open the possibility that internal legal claims that are conclusions of nonde
ductive inferences have only factual grounds. But it should be borne in mind that an
inclusive legal postivist is extremely unlikely to think that two distinctions?namely,
(i) the distinction between internal legal claims that have only factual grounds and
those that have some normative grounds, and (ii) the distinction between internal
legal claims that are conclusions of nondeductive inferences and those that are
conclusions of deductive inferences?correspond exactly. And given the implausi
bility of such a correspondence, even my limited argument undermines the prevalent
conception of inclusive legal positivism as well as that of its exclusive counterpart.
9 An observer may take the external point of view towards some com
munity's mores as well as of its laws. But for simplicity's sake, by "moral
statement" in the text, I shall invariably mean internal moral statements.
10 This is one plausible way of construing the upshot of G.E. Moore's
famous open question argument. See Moore (1903/93, ch. 1); cf. Mackie
(1977, p. 40); Darwall et al. (1992, pp. 116-118); Gibbard (2003, ch. 2).
12 I will be arguing later in this article that the case for Hart's commit
ment to the social fact thesis (or more specifically, the sources thesis) is not
as obvious as Raz makes it out in this passage. Also, in reading this passage,
what should be firmly kept in mind is that while Hart argued against
reductionist analyses of internal legal statements, he was perfectly happy
with reductionist analyses of external legal statements. External legal
statements are what Raz in the above passage calls "theoretical statements".
See Hart (1961/94: 291 p. 86); cf. Baker (1977, p. 39); Bulygin (1981, ? II).
Coleman says things about Hart's anti-reductionism and the reductionism
of older legal positivists that are similar to what Raz says. See Coleman
(1998, p. 116; 2001, pp. 76-77). These are indications, additional to the ones
that I mention in the text hereinafter, that Coleman too is committed to a
normative conception of internal legal statements.
13 In addition to Raz's writings on the topic, see Baker (1977, pp. 41^42);
Finnis (1980, pp. 234-236). I discuss detached legal statements at length in
Toh (2007). As I argue there, it seems best to classify detached legal state
ments as a species of internal legal statements, but to distinguish them from
committed internal legal statements. But Raz's official position is that de
tached statements are distinct from what Hart conceived as internal legal
statements, and that the phenomenon of detached legal statements vitiates
the distinction between internal and external legal statements. I argue in Toh
(2007) that that is not the right lesson to take away.
14 Of course, the inquiry need not be a joint one. It could be a solitary one
in which one person inquires as to what to do, or as to what the grounds are
for a particular normative position or decision.
17 Shapiro rejects what has until recently been the favored social factualist
view that conceives the relevant convention as consisting of practices
developed to solve recurring coordination problems. He along with Cole
man proposes that the convention be conceived instead as consisting of
shared cooperative activities along the lines that Michael Bratman has
proposed. See Shapiro (2002); Coleman (2001, lecture 7); cf. Bratman
(1992).
18 Shapiro may actually be doing that in ? XI of his article, but I am not
sure. He there says that people's psychological attitudes that partially make
up a shared cooperative activity generate duties and rights "in virtue of their
capacity to organize the behavior of the participants" (2002, p. 438). We can
read what Shapiro says here as an appeal to a norm that makes the existence
of certain social facts relevant to existence of some reasons and obligations.
Plausibility of such a norm can of course become an issue. Bratman seems to
express some doubts. See Bratman (2002, p. 517).
sense 22
of justification; whereas the latter is the nongenetic
sense.
I take the social fact thesis as a thesis about the genetic
grounds of internal legal statements. Social factualists see the
social fact thesis as a competitor to the natural law view,
according to which the standards of morality that legal
norms satisfy are ultimately responsible for generating the
reasons and obligations for action that those legal norms
purport to proffer. And social factualists have accordingly
appealed to the kind of social facts?e.g. explicit decisions,
coordination conventions, and cooperative activities among
27 Wilfrid Seilars and his followers call the latter "material inferences".
See Brandom (1994, pp. 97-98). Thanks to Gary Ebbs for alerting me to the
inaccuracy of my labels "deductive" and "nondeductive", and for the ref
erence. I have nevertheless retained the inaccurate labels for want of better
ones ("a priori" and "a posteriori" are even less serviceable), and in rec
ognition of other philosophers' uses of the same.
8 As Nicholas Sturgeon has suggested, the fact that nondeductive
inferences are not as well understood as deductive inferences partly explains
the fact that it is more difficult to diagnose what is wrong with contravening
the is-ought gap for nondeductive inferences. See Sturgeon (2002, p. 192
n.20). Sturgeon himself believes that the is-ought gap exists for nondeductive
as well as for deductive inferences, and explains the existence of the gap in
terms of the theory-dependance of evidence-assessments in general, and the
resulting mutual autonomies of various disciplines (201-203). But what this
reasoning supports is not so much the is-ought gap as numerous is-is gaps, as
I think Sturgeon will happily admit. Cf. Brink (1989, p. 167).
Social factualists may point out that the social fact thesis says
that sound legal reasoning ends with appeals to some social
facts. In other words, they may take the view that although my
arguments thus far may be correct about intermediate grounds
of internal legal conclusions, it is incorrect about their ultimate
grounds.
Such a view is sometimes articulated in discussions of
what Hart calls "the rule of recognition" of a legal sys
tem?the highest-order norm of a legal system that specifies
the criteria of legal validity for other norms of that legal
system. Although there is some consensus among legal phi
losophers that internal legal statements in general are nor
mative statements, my impression is that there is no such
consensus about internal statements asserting the content of
a rule of recognition (or any part thereof)?or what I
35 See also Coleman and Leiter (1996, p. 248). Raz's argument for the
sources thesis, briefly referred to in ? II above, also seems to appeal
implicitly to the desirability of the public ascertainability of existence and
contents of laws. Some legal positivists are quite clear-sighted about the
need for such appeals to normative grounds. See Green (1999, p. 38);
Marmor (2001, pp. 26-28)
Either way, a reading of Hart that does not commit him to the
social fact thesis can be seen to point us towards a new con
ception of legal positivism.
Social factualists see their positions as following or further
developing Hart's (see Postema 1982, pp. 169-171; cf. Green
1999, pp. 37-39). And there certainly are important passages in
Hart's The Concept of Law that seem to lend support to the
social fact thesis. One such passage is from chapter 6 of The
Concept of Law:
[W]hereas a subordinate rule of a [legal] system may be valid and in that
sense 'exist' even if it is generally disregarded, the rule of recognition exists
only as a complex, but normally concordant, practice of the courts, officials,
and private persons in identifying the law by reference to certain criteria. Its
existence is a matter of fact. (1961/94, p. 110)
Here, and in similar passages (see e.g. Hart 1965, p. 359), Hart
seems to suggest that only sociological questions about whether
a rule of recognition prevails in a community can be answered
by marshalling social facts alone. On the other hand, normative
questions or challenges cannot be so answered. Normative
questions and challenges about the non-legal satisfactoriness of
following the rule of recognition presumably will have to be
answered by appeals to non-legal norms and principles of
morality, prudence, etc. Legal questions and challenges, in
which what is demanded are some higher legal grounds,
according to Hart, cannot be raised about the rule of recogni
tion since all questions of legal validity are answered by appeals
to that rule of recognition itself.38 Neither sort of normative
questions and challenges can be answered by marshalling social
facts only. And that means, according to this reading, that Hart
is not committed to the internal version of the social fact thesis.
38 Hart even says, at one point, that to talk about the legal validity of a rule
of recognition is akin to talking about the accuracy of the standard meter bar
in Paris. See Hart (1961/94, p. 109); cf. Waismann (1965/97, pp. 144^145).
39 Coleman says that appeals to social facts are meant to show how "any
particular law [can] secure its claim to govern conduct as law", and he
distinguishes that particular task from that of specifying "the conditions, if
any, under which the reasons the law purports to create are moral reasons"
(2001, pp. 70, 72). Similarly, Shapiro says that although the psychological
attitudes involved in the cooperative practices that ground rules of recog
nition generate rights and obligations, these rights and obligations are
"internal to legal practice", and such attitudes do not necessarily amount to
"morally legitimate authority structures" (2002, p. 438). I am inferring from
these remarks that, as Coleman and Shapiro see it, the appeals to social facts
are not meant to show that the relevant norms meet some extralegal stan
dards such as those of morality. That seems to indicate that they see such
appeals as meant to answer questions of legal validity. But I am very far
from certain that that interpretation is right. Another possible interpretation
is that appeals to social facts are meant to show that such facts generate only
pro tanto reasons that may be overridden by other weightier or more
stringent reasons such as those of morality. But Coleman and Shapiro's
emphases that the reasons generated by social facts are those of the deontic
variety seem to cast doubt on this particular interpretation.
40 Raz's talk of multiple rules of recognition and a hierarchy among them
is explained by his view that Hart was wrong to assume that a legal system
can have only one rule of recognition. See Raz (1971, pp. 95-96).
I realize that (6) is far from ordinary legal cant, in part because the
concept "rule of recognition" is hardly part of ordinary lawyers'
conceptual repertoire. But certain legal statements that ordinary
lawyers make could be regimented as (6) without distortion.
Now, according to the view (which Hart may have held) that
recognitional statements have to be external statements of fact,
(6) would have to be translated as:
(7) We actually treat R as the ultimate criterion of legal validity in
this legal system.
(8) and (9) are meant to be straight analyses of (6). In effect, as I see
it, in internal recognitional statements like (6), the concept "rule of
recognition" is a normative rather than a descriptive concept.
Another lawyer may disagree with the first lawyer, and
respond by uttering:
(10) R' is the rule of recognition of this legal system.
Again, (11) and (12) are straight analyses of (10). There are a
number of things I want to point out about this example.
45 They do not resemble two speakers who are talking at cross purposes
because they mean different things by "bank". See Dworkin (1986, p. 44).
46 I should point out that the just-sketched way in which certain low
order legal judgments could constitute nongenetic grounds of internal rec
ognitional statements is quite different from the way that Raz seems to think
that social facts could constitute "identifying criteria" of a rule of recog
nition. For one, whereas Raz thinks that all undiscriminated social facts can
constitute the identifying criteria of a rule of recognition, I believe that only
the individual legal judgments in which we have some confidence can con
stitute nongenetic grounds. For another, even when the focus is narrowed to
the low-order legal judgments in which we have some confidence, it is not
just the fact that we make such judgments, or that fact plus the fact that we
Footnote continued
have some confidence in those particular judgments, that constitute nongenetic
grounds for any internal recognitional statements. The contents of the relevant low
order legal judgments are normative, and constitute normative nongenetic grounds
of the relevant recognitional statements. Also appealed to are various epistemic
norms, including the norm recommending inference to the best justification of low
order normative judgments in which we have some confidence. In sum, contrary to
the sources thesis, the particular version of the social fact thesis that Raz advocates,
the genetic and nongenetic grounds of any internal legal statements, including
internal recognitional statements, would have to include normative grounds.
48 Some may think that it does not make sense to try to distinguish
"morality as it is" from "morality as it ought to be", because either the two
are synonymous or the second is just nonsense. But such a position is
untenable because its adoption would make it impossible to make sense of a
critic who judges from a nonmoral normative standpoint that morality
ought to be quite different from what it is. Nietzsche and Bernard Williams
were radical critics who considered morality beyond repair, and conse
quently that we ought to abandon it outright in favor of something else
entirely. But we can think of less radical critics who would advocate mod
ifications to morality in light of other nonmoral normative considerations.
XVI. CONCLUSION
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Department of Philosophy
Indiana University
026 Sycamore Hall, 1033 E. Third Street
Bloomington, IN 47405-7005
USA
E-mail: ktoh@indiana.edu