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M2 R2 - (B) Queer Activism in India
M2 R2 - (B) Queer Activism in India
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to QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking
relationships, which aggravated the conflicts between feminist and queer groups.
Dave convincingly argues that although this crisscrossing of issues posed a
potential minefield for activist groups— often finding themselves at odds with
their own core beliefs and witnessing their own lines of solidarities and differ-
ences rapidly shift—it led to an eventual mobilization against Section . She
observes that this possible containment of radicalness signified by an engagement
with the law is, in fact, productive of new ethical engagements and thereby a
critical part of how activism unfolds.
Although Dave’s work is a valuable addition to scholarship on South Asian
queer formations, a key methodological absence is the lack of critical reflec-
tion on the transnational politics of her ethnography. For instance, the
author notes: “To my surprise, neither did my Indian origin advantage me
nor did my American birth seem to disadvantage me in the field” ().
Although this may be true, not theorizing racial and national belonging
becomes a glaring problem when contrasted against the experiences of Cath,
a British (white) lesbian living in New Delhi, who was not allowed (by
members of women’s groups) to attend a key meeting of the National
Conference of Women’s Movements on the grounds that she was not
“Indian.” Dave’s work could have benefitted by unpacking how racial
“belonging” structures Indian queer activism.
In addition, the law as the subject of queer and feminist activism brings up
the question of the place of law and the (postcolonial) nation-state in queer
liberation. Dave demonstrates that Indian queer activism has had to contend
with the nation-state in its quest for acceptance. But her analysis could have
been strengthened through an engagement with critiques of the law as the
central subject of queer activism, including homonormativity, which looks at
the norming of queer identities and activism through their synchronization
with heteronormative standards. Although the United States and India
inhabit radically different contexts that make any straightforward compari-
sons impossible, Dave notes that Indian queer activism has borrowed exten-
sively from transnational queer struggles. In this context, how can we make
sense of Indian queer investments in the law, given that the law has also
emerged as a major subject of Western queer struggles (as evidenced in the
debates over marriage equality)? In addition, what are the links between the
reading down of Section and the transnationalization of the Indian
economy, the latter being mired in liberal notions of freedom and equality?
Despite these issues, Dave’s work is a welcome addition to the burgeoning
scholarship on South Asian queer populations.
NOTES
Santhosh Chandrashekar
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque
USA