NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief

Report on the February-April 2011 campaign in the Cul de Sac area, St. Eustatius
Including SE 93: Benners plantation complex

By Ruud Stelten

Principal Investigator R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D. Director of the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research Rosemary Lane, St. Eustatius Tel.: +599 318 0066 info@secar.org Author and Site Director Ruud Stelten, MA Archaeologist Tel.: +31 6 23571278 ruudstelten@hotmail.com Initiator NuStar Terminals NV Tumble Down Dick Bay P.O. Box 70 St. Eustatius Tel.: +599 318 2300 Date: 20 April 2011

Acknowledgements
Many people have made an effort to bring this project to a successful end. Special thanks are due to R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D., Island Archaeologist and Director of the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research, for his support and expert advice. Many people at NuStar have also been very helpful in providing assistance whenever needed, most notably Richard Prisock, Tony Durby, and Denis Richardson. SECAR intern Stafford Smith has been of assistance by preparing many maps used during the project.

Table of Contents

List of figures 1. Introduction 2. Historical background 3. Research methodology 4. Research results Site 1: Benners well (SE 93) Sites 2 & 3: the Benners plantation complex (SE 93) Sites 4, 5 & 10: possible slave cemeteries Site 6: undetermined Site 7: dry laid stone wall Site 8: Benners plantation cemetery (SE 93) Site 9: dry laid stone wall Site 11: burial ground Site 12: dry laid stone wall Site 13: Benners plantation slave quarters (SE 93) Site 14: possible slave quarters Site 15: cistern and structure 5. Conclusions and recommendations Bibliography Appendix: maps and GPS data Specification of Demands

1 3 7 14 16 16 18 28 40 42 43 52 54 55 56 58 59 62 63

List of figures
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. The proposed NuStar development plan. The research area for the March-April 2011 watching brief. The excavator clearing the vegetation. The hand clearing crew removing vegetation on Site 15. Havisers 1981 sketch of Benners well. The mound of glass and ceramics dumped on top of Benners well looking east. A sample of ceramic and glass artifacts found in the mound. The plantation complex as depicted on Fahlbergs watercolour. Schotsenhoek plantation can be seen in the background. The red arrow indicates Site 15. Interior of a boiling house on Antigua, 1823, made by William Clark. John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. The fire holes on the outside of the boiling house. The additional curing house, as seen from the southeast. A gumbo limbo tree (Bursera Simaruba) has destroyed part of the wall completely. Masonry work for one of the kettles. Rum distillery flue. The southeastern wall of the curing house (left), with the wall of the additional curing house built against it (right). Partly buried northeastern wall of the curing house. The cistern on the southwestern corner of the complex. The hole through which the molasses reached the cistern. Lime mortar lining on the inside of the cistern. Part of the milling areas wall. The well-preserved southeastern wall of the big house. Overview of Site 3. The small cistern at the southern end of the big house. The small cistern as seen from above. Stone pile of the additional small structure to the north, on which oil terminal rubbish has been dumped. Site 5, burial 2. Site 5, burial 14. Site 5, burial 22. Site 5, burial 26. Site 5, burial 33. Site 5, burial 63. Site 4, burial 1.

32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

Site 4, burial 10. Site 10, burial 3. Site 6 looking north (left) and south. Possible burial on Site 6, with a brick present amongst the stones. Stones with bricks in between. A large stone that appears to be worked. Stone wall running along the old road. Overview of Site 8 looking west. The only part of the fence around the burials that is still standing. Part of a tombstone encountered outside the fenced area and hit during clearing. Grave of Johannes Salomons Gibbes. Grave of Lucas Benner. Grave of Abraham Ravene. Grave of Jan Jacob Creutzer. Grave of Joseph Linde Bayoutsyn. Grave of Joannes Heyliger. Grave of Johannes Benner. The boundary wall looking SSW. Part of the 1781 map. The boundary wall is indicated by the red arrow. To the south is Benners plantation, at the time owned by Governor De Graaff. The Benners plantation cemetery (Site 8) is indicated by the yellow arrow.

51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

Previously unknown burial on Site 11. Part of the gravestone that has broken off can be seen in the background. Stone wall of Site 12. Site 13 as seen from the Benners boiling house. The slave quarters as shown on the 1781 P.F. Martin map, indicated by the red arrow. Coral, stone, and ceramic and glass artifacts found on the surface. The location of Site 14, indicated by the red arrow. Part of the 1742 Ottens map, showing the relatively small structure which may be Site 15 (red arrow), and surrounding plantations Benners (blue arrow) and Schotsenhoek (yellow arrow).

58. 59. 60. 61.

The cistern as seen from the west. The depth of the cistern. Concentration of stones and bricks indicating a structure to the east of the cistern. The concentration of stones and bricks in relation to the cistern.

1. Introduction
St. Eustatius, commonly referred to as Statia, is a small island located in the inner, active volcanic arc of the Leeward Islands. Formerly part of the Netherlands Antilles, as of 10 October 2010 its status has changed to being a municipality of the Netherlands. Relatively unknown to the general public today, Statia was home to an Amerindian population at least as early as 600 AD, and became one of the busiest ports in the world during the late eighteenth century. It had a population equaling contemporary New York and the magnitude of trade occurring on the island surpassed any port in the Atlantic World. The island changed hands no less than 22 times during its turbulent history. St. Eustatius supplied the North American rebels with huge quantities of arms and ammunition during the American War of Independence, and according to British Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney who invaded the island in 1781, St. Eustatius did England more harm than the arms of her most potent enemies, and alone supported this infamous rebellion. After an economic collapse in the early nineteenth century, the island lost its significance in world trade. Today, St. Eustatius is on the map of global trade yet again, due to the presence of Statia Terminals, a storage and transshipment center for crude oil and petroleum products owned by NuStar Energy L.P. The facility can handle the worlds largest oil tankers (up to 520,000 DWT), and its 56 tanks have a capacity of over thirteen million barrels. NuStar is planning to expand its facility on Statia by building an additional 40 tanks on its property in the Cul de Sac area, locally known as the Farm (Figure 1). This proposed work will take up over 278,000 square meters of space. Prior to building the tanks, the entire area needs to be leveled to 20 m. AMSL. The northeastern part of the Farm is situated well above this, while the southwestern part is located beneath. Substantial site preparation in the form of excavation and grading will have to be conducted to construct this level area. Soil from the higher parts will thus have to be moved to fill up the lower parts, meaning that all archaeological remains in the area situated higher than 20 m. AMSL will be destroyed, while all archaeological sites lower than this level will be covered up and possibly damaged and destroyed. Since 1992, when the Netherlands signed the Malta Treaty, it is required by Dutch law to have archaeological research carried out prior to disturbing the soil. This Treaty was fully implemented in the Dutch Wet op de archeologische monumentenzorg in 2007. The Malta Treaty stipulates in situ preservation is the preferred option for archaeological remains. When in situ preservation is not an option, it is required that the person/organization planning to disturb the soil will pay for all archaeological research that is deemed necessary. At the time of writing, the situation regarding archaeological- and monument laws on Statia is not exactly clear. As St. Eustatius is now part of the Netherlands, it is officially subjected to the Malta Treaty. However, the Treaty only becomes enforceable after it is implemented by local 3

law. At the moment, these laws do not yet exist. Nevertheless, prior to full implementation of the Treaty in the Netherlands in 2007, the Dutch government had already acted as if the Treaty was implemented for fifteen years. However the situation on Statia at the moment may be, an archaeological watching brief was deemed necessary and conducted. The area of the Farm was already surveyed by archaeologist Jay Haviser in the 1980s, and several archaeological sites were known to exist prior to the start of the project. Given the fact that Statia has the largest concentration of archaeological sites of any area of comparable size in the Americas, it was expected there were more unknown sites present in the area, and an archaeological watching brief was carried out on the Farm in February April 2011. The research area (Figure 2) is located on the so-called Cultuurvlakte, a plain between the dormant Quill volcano in the south and a cluster of five extinct coalesced older volcanoes comprising the northern hills. The soil in the area consists of a layer of top soil of varying thickness with volcanic deposits underneath. Originally, St. Eustatius was likely covered by an evergreen seasonal forest (Stelten 2010:9). Due to human activity this has largely disappeared, and the research area was for the most part covered in thick vegetation, comprised of acacias (acacia macracantha), cacti (acanthocereus tetragonus), tamarind trees (tamarindus indica), manchineel trees (hippomane mancinella), coralita vines (Antigonon leptopus), and calabash trees (lagenaria sicenaria) among others. Furthermore, parts of the research area were littered with rubbish left behind by the oil terminal over the years. Animals living in the area include the Lesser Antillean iguana (iguana delicatissima), land crabs (gecarcinus lateralis), hermit crabs (coenobita clypeata), and red bellied racer snakes (Alsophis rufiventris). Cattle and goats also roam freely through the area. A total of fifteen archaeological sites have been found during this two-month campaign. The following chapters contain a short background history on St. Eustatius and an inventory and interpretation of the sites uncovered. Maps of discovered archaeological sites are added as an appendix. At the end of the report, a Specification of Demands (Dutch: Programma van Eisen or PvE) is added that outlines the recommended archaeological work and research questions that need to be addressed should be decided an archaeological investigation needs to be carried out.

Figure 1. The proposed NuStar development plan. To the north is the so-called Horseshoe formation, to the northeast the airport runway, and to the south Oranjestad.

Figure 2. The research area for the February April 2011 watching brief.

2. Historical background
St. Eustatius Europeans first settled on St. Eustatius when the French established a palisaded fort at the present location of Fort Oranje in 1627. Prior to this time the island was used a supply station by privateers raiding the Spanish treasure fleets and colonies. The Dutch replaced the French in 1636 when the first Dutch West India Company established a fort on the remains of an old French bastion overlooking Oranje Bay on the southern leeward shore. Initially, the island grew tobacco and cotton developing as yet another plantation economy. These endeavours proved unprofitable in the later seventeenth century and the Dutch turned to their more commercial instincts and began building a trading entrept instead. Along with Curaao, St. Eustatius became a successful slave trading post during the early 18th century. Slave ships brought their cargo to Statia to be auctioned to buyers from the surrounding islands. Fort Amsterdam, at Oranje Bays northern end, hosted slave auctions and served to store slaves. Initially the main building was only one storey, however it was expanded to two in 1742 to accommodate additional slaves. Although slavers would periodically come directly from Africa, the majority of slaves were part of the inter-island trade termed the Kleine Vaart. Dutch merchants on St. Eustatius built a unique plantation community differing from those found on other islands during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Merchants primarily lived in the Upper Town which overlooked the harbour formed by Oranje Bay and amongst the two hundred warehouses located there. The urban vs. rural contexts were reflected in social and economic roles assigned to each place that were unique to St. Eustatius. Documentary evidence suggests that plantations were viewed as "country estates" whose economic significance was secondary to the trade occurring along the shore. Plantations were important as expressions of social status and in the role they played in transforming sugar from a raw product into a more liquid commodity (rum). Sugar planters from other islands (especially Jamaica, St. Kitts and Nevis) utilised this as a means to contravene high taxes on their islands. In fact, in 1753 English sugar refiners complained to Parliament that sugar exports from Jamaica would not satisfy consumer demand; this was due to the illegal Jamaican trans-shipment of sugar to Statia where they could make higher profits. For example, in 1779, St. Eustatius plantations produced a grand total of 13,610 pounds of sugar but exported an incredible 25 million pounds! The economic role of the Lower Town for pan-Caribbean trade is quite clear from both documentary and archaeological evidence. Trade grew even more after the American War of Independence reaching its apogee in the 1790s. Taxes under French and English occupation (1795-1816) and the severe decline of trade on the island after the 1820s (due to a substantial shift in commerce from the Caribbean 7

to the United States) resulted in a massive reduction in population and general urban decay for the next 150 years on St. Eustatius. Oranjestad During the past 375 years, Oranjestad on St. Eustatius has passed through multiple phases of development. Outwardly, the islands economy was tied to trading in sugar, however it was more a combination of tax policy and the diverse array of commodities offered for sale that provided the most significant influences on urban development on Statia. During the Colonial period these conditions resulted in the mixing of various cultures through commerce on the island that cannot be found at many other places in the region. Dutch, Spanish, French, English, Swedish, Italian, and Jewish (both Ashkenazi and Sephardic) merchants participating in commerce on a massive scale formed this community. Eighteenth-century trade was so great that the island was nicknamed the Golden Rock and it became the busiest trading port in the world by the 1770s with over 3,500 ships per year landing here. Most labour was provided by enslaved Africans in the harbour, warehouses, plantations and they also frequently crewed canoes, boats and ships across the Caribbean in trading for their masters and for themselves. Areas associated with each of these sub-communities provide insights into economic and social relations in this intense business environment. Above the Lower Town, the Boven Dorp or Upper Town of Oranjestad was developing further as well. Religious buildings, urban plantations, merchant's residences and military sites formed the urban core. The first Dutch Reformed Church was built in the 1630s, where the largest cemetery on the island is located today. The church was probably destroyed by the French in 1689 and a new one was consecrated close to the cliff edge just behind Fort Oranje by 1755. Adjacent to the old Dutch Reformed Church cemetery was the Jewish cemetery serving the considerable population of Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews. The Jewish synagogue, Honen Dalim, was built directly in the middle of Oranjestad. It was the centre of Jewish life on the island serving both Spanish and central European Jewish populations. As mentioned previously, Fort Oranje was built on the site of the original French fort. During the early 18th century a more substantial structure was built out of brick and stone. The final design that is manifest in the existing structure was constructed in the mid-18th century, very much along the lines of Vauban. The original plan incorporated four bastions, one of which eventually collapsed along the cliff edge. Drawings dating to 1765 clearly depict the current three-bastion design. Enclosed within Fort Oranje were magazines and barracks. A distinction can be made between those who owned and operated plantations and those who were merchants and resided in town. However, the available evidence suggest that Oranjestad was similar to some other colonial towns in the Americas in that wealthy individuals would establish urban plantations containing all of the architectural elements of 8

a typical rural plantation including outbuildings and sometimes even small plots where crops were grown, just on a reduced scale. The Peyton Randolph House in Williamsburg, Virginia illustrates this perfectly. A large kitchen separated the main house from the other outbuildings that included a carpentry shop and even a windmill. Beyond these structures, animals were penned and small agricultural plots containing not just vegetables but also corn and wheat. This situation was in complete contrast to other ostentatious displays of wealth such as formal gardens found behind the Governor's Mansion or the St. George Tucker House. On St. Eustatius, one such home was constructed by one of the wealthiest merchants, Simon Doncker. He built on a substantial lot in very close proximity to the town centre. Towards the rear of the property he grew crops and outbuildings were built between these and the main house. Other smaller homes such as the one known as the Godet property were condensed even further. Still standing on this property are the kitchen, hurricane house, cistern and outhouse all built of hewn stone and imported yellow Dutch brick. During the early to mid-18th century the extent of Oranjestad was largely confined to the streets immediately surrounding the buildings just described including the Dutch Reformed Church, Honem Dalim, Fort Oranje and the Governor's Offices. However, with the advent of the Seven Years War and then the American War of Independence, the trade on St. Eustatius increased dramatically. Concomitant with this expansion was a substantial growth in merchant dwellings in the Upper Town. It was during this period that an area owned by the Dutch West India Company was laid out in lots approximately 0.1 hectares in size. Lot numbers are depicted on a map drawn by George Groebe, the island secretary in the early-19th century and are also mentioned in advertisements found in the St. Eustatius Gazette as well as wills and deeds dating to the period. Finally, the existing wills, deeds, inventories and mortgages for plantation owners/merchants clearly delineate both urban and plantation properties that reflect their dueling economic and social responsibilities. For example, in the last will of Madam Judith Stewart, she not only owned Fair Play plantation but also: nineteen rental properties, four houses in the Lower Town, and one in the Upper Town. Upon his death, the widow of Jacubus Seys, Senior, owned two plantations (Zorg en Rust and Vlugt) and also a house in town. Abraham Heyliger also owned two plantations (Golden Rock and one at White Wall) and also a domestic house in the Lower Town that included outbuildings. These are just few examples illustrating that wealthy Statian residents owned both country and town residential properties. It was along the shore in the Lower Town that the most substantial changes occurred during this time. With the rapid expansion of the illicit trade in guns, gunpowder and naval stores provided to the French military and the American rebels, hundreds of additional warehouses were constructed along Oranje Bay. The Dutch even filled in sections of the bay in order to build warehouses. In total, it is estimated that over 600 warehouses once stood along this shore. When British Admiral Sir George Brydges Rodney sacked St. Eustatius in 1781, the island had just suffered a devastating hurricane only a couple of years previously. 9

There was no sign of the damage as it was all repaired rapidly to allow the lucrative trade to continue. Over 3500 ships a year landed on the island during the 1780s in contrast with only 1419 for New York and 356 for Bristol at their peak during the eighteenth century. When Rodney landed, the yearly rent on the warehouses totaled 1,200,000. Over 3,000,000 was realised from goods that were auctioned from the warehouses in what the 1783 Annual Register described as one of the greatest auctions that ever was opened in the universe. In addition to this sum, over 4,000,000 in bullion was confiscated from island residents. All of these figures are in eighteenth-century terms. They represent the largest single booty taken in time of war by any nation during the eighteenth century. It has been generally accepted that with the British occupation, trade on St. Eustatius suffered a blow from which it did not ever recover. For example, in addition to the damage done by the auctions, the entire male Jewish population was rounded up and deported to other islands such as St. Croix. The Jews returned to St. Eustatius and re-established their trade networks. Trade was in fact greater during the 1790s, a decade after the end of the American Revolution, than ever before. It has also been a complete misstatement of the facts that there is no documentary evidence to complement archaeological work on the island. Secondary sources and amateur historians have somehow been given the impression that the majority of documents have been destroyed. Although a large number have been lost, as noted above, substantial documentary evidence may be found in the Netherlands. Enough documentation exists that it is possible to reconstruct chains of title for a majority of plantations and merchant homes as well as inventories for these properties. These documents also give some indication of where slaves, free blacks and Jews were residing during the eighteenth century. Slaves lived both in and around the merchants homes as various inventories indicate that slave dwellings were part of these properties in addition to other outbuildings. There is also strong evidence that a large number of free blacks lived in areas at the periphery of Oranjestad. Jewish merchants lived unsegregated from gentiles in the Upper Town. Merchants and slaves also dwelled among the warehouses on Oranje Bay. In fact, some of the more ostentatious homes were located along the shore. As noted previously, the French came to control St. Eustatius in 1795. It was at this point that Statia's trade began to decline. The French policies governing trade inhibited the free transactions that built the island's wealth. By the time Statia returned to permanent Dutch control in 1816, irreversible damage had already been done. Trade had moved away from the West Indies to North America and especially the United States. This decline is reflected in the auction records for the first twenty years of the nineteenth century. Over and over the same plantations and urban properties can be seen whereas previously they only changed hands through inheritance or only after several years. One property, the Glassbottle Plantation, illustrates the rapid decline in land value on Statia. In less than one month, between 17 March 1818 and 25 March 1818, the value of this plantation declined from $3800 to $3000. Speculators purchased properties at these auctions, rapidly consolidating 10

ownership within Oranjestad. Auction records mention abandoned or fallen houses where previously there had been densely packed homes and businesses. The size of Oranjestad rapidly decreased along with the population density. By the 1830s, Statia was a mere shadow of its old self. The warehouses along Oranje bay were in ruins except for the scale house and the pier. With emancipation in 1863, freed slaves were left to eke out a meager existence from the arid soil by growing cotton, yams, sweet potatoes and animal husbandry. People of European descent had largely abandoned the island by the 1890s. Statia would stay in this state until the turn of the century. The evolution of many Caribbean colonial landscapes was inexorably tied to the economic cycles associated with agricultural production. Plantation monoculture provided the wealth, both urban and rural, through which all levels of society were able to fund landscape modifications. On St. Eustatius, although there were many plantations, they contributed little to the economic position of the islands inhabitants. Instead, the largest trading network in the world centered on Statia in the latter quarter of the eighteenth century. Each level of society, from the ultra-wealthy merchant/planter elite to slaves, was affected. The result was a society set apart from all others in the colonial Caribbean. Merchant/planters built a communal system designed to make their wealth grow through personal contacts reinforced by social structures centered on entertainment and ostentatious displays of wealth. At the other end of the spectrum, although slaves and free blacks were kept at the physical periphery of Oranjestad, they were intimately involved in keeping the trading activities there running smoothly for their owners while at the same time improving their own physical conditions. In the end, the very Nation that St. Eustatius helped form spelled an end to the prodigious wealth once generated on the islandthe United States of America. Plantations on St. Eustatius As on other islands, slaves provided the labour to run plantations where they would plant, harvest and process sugar, tobacco and cotton. On Statia, they may have played a significantly different role; they would have aided and abetted the processing of illegally imported raw sugar into refined products including rum. The physical space that slaves occupied on some plantations was different from that found on other Caribbean islands. On other islands, slaves' work and resting places were separated. They were housed in buildings set apart from the sugar processing facilities. The social and economic roles that these slaves occupied may have been significantly different than those from plantations on other islands. Life for Dutch slaves varied according to the economic conditions found in each colony. In Suriname, few areas of plantations were set aside for slaves to produce their own provisions. In this sugar colony, special plantations were developed that grew provisions for slaves working on the sugar plantations. A similar situation developed in Curaao, where plantations 11

were dedicated to cattle raising and provision growing in addition to cash crops. Differences are evident between these colonies in Dutch concepts of social space and power relations as reflected in housing forms. Housing organisation was more regimented in Suriname as dictated by Dutch perceptions of a labour force in a cash-crop economy. However, in Curaao, slaves were permitted to organise villages according to their own spatial concepts. The architecture used in these villages was also more reflective of specific West African (possibly Ibo) ideals than European architectural forms. Thus, in Curaao slaves were permitted more freedom of choice and expressions of ethnicity/identity. This concept is further reinforced by recent linguistic studies regarding the development of Papiamentu. The fact that an atmosphere existed in which a new Creole language (and identity) could develop based upon Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch and a number of African languages parallels the freedoms in architectural expression enjoyed by enslaved Africans on Curaao. Although slave owners on St. Eustatius hailed from a variety of nations, those that owned and operated plantations on the island had a similar outlook regarding slavery and one that was unique to Statia (and thus one that could not necessarily be called Dutch). On Statia, plantations were designed for two primary purposes. First, to process illegal sugar for re-export and second, to grow provisions for re-supplying ships and for slaves on other islands. Although some sugar was grown on the island, those slaves living and working on St. Eustatius plantations led much different lives to those on other islands and on the American mainland. Most slaves were housed in close proximity to the sugar processing and distillation facilities on the plantations. It is likely that many of these slaves were actually involved in transporting raw sugar from the port to the plantation and then rum back down to Oranjestad harbour. Plantations used for provisioning also had a different daily routine and one that was substantially less arduous than that found on the sugar estates of say, St. Domingue, Jamaica or Suriname. The percentage of plantations dedicated to provisioning was much higher on St. Eustatius than other locations, further reinforcing the different lifestyle of Statian slaves. Documentary and photographic evidence indicates that a variety of construction techniques were utilised for slave housing in the Dutch Antilles. On both Bonaire and Curaao, slavehousing design derived from a blend of several European and West African antecedents. In contrast, on St. Eustatius, it seems that everything from grass huts to substantial wooden structures were used to house slaves. It is probable that the way slaves were housed was directly reflective of the economic status of their owners. Social structure of the island was geared towards ostentatious displays of wealth whenever possible, whether it was through ballrooms with silk wallpaper and chandeliers or wooden slave houses with cedar shingles. The economic position of Statia is also reflected in how people of African descent lived after emancipation. In contrast to other islands, with the collapse of the economy (in this case a primarily merchant economy), former slaves rapidly moved to urban residences abandoned by white owners when they left the island. In other economies, former slaves were restricted in their movements as they were still tied to the land either as tenant farmers or due to their 12

reliance on a subsistence economy. On other islands then, rural architecture remained relatively intact until the post-World War II era and has been clearly documented in the photographic record. On St. Eustatius, very little if any rural architecture survived past the emancipation period. Former slave homes were abandoned in favour of the more substantial housing of Oranjestad. However, Dutch views on slavery did dictate where slaves lived in relation to slave owners. As found in other colonies, slaves working in the agricultural realm lived in separate housing in closer proximity to the industrial areas of the plantation than to the plantation owner. This is illustrated at both the Pleasures Estate and English Quarter where the slaves were in fact housed on the opposite side of the industrial works. This also provides an insight into slave owner perceptions of power and control. With the industrial complex lying between owner residences and slave homes, surveillance of the slaves home lives was more limited. Owners could have, as was found elsewhere, placed slave housing in an area that was more easily observed so as to take advantage of the power over body derived from Benthams and Foucaults panopticism. However, the owners may have felt no need to constantly watch their slaves due to the size of Statia. Even today, crime is very low due solely to the fact that everyone on the island knows everyone else and that little can occur without someone observing what is happening. In the eighteenth century, with a population that was at least triple that of the current population, the social environment would have been very much like living in a goldfish bowl. As a result, slaves probably enjoyed a much different physical and social environment that those living on other islands. On Statia, slaves moved between the plantations and throughout the trading district with relative ease. Laws regulated trade by slaves but did not prohibit it and a slave only needed a pass to move about at night not necessarily during the day as in other slave societies.

13

3. Research methodology
The watching brief consisted of removing the vegetation in the research area in order to map and identify all archaeological remains visible on the surface. A tracked excavator with a 2 m. wide smooth bucket was used to push the vegetation aside, whilst leaving the largest trees intact. In addition, a D10 bulldozer was used on the first day to create a road through the research area. An archaeologist was constantly present to make sure no archaeological remains were destroyed. In this way, various archaeological sites were discovered. Whenever an archaeological site was encountered, its (approximate) extent was determined and the vegetation on the site left intact, later to be cleared by hand with chainsaws and machetes to minimize damage to any archaeological remains present. Due to time- and budget constraints, not all sites could be cleared by hand completely. After clearing, all discovered sites were photographed and their extents determined and recorded with a handheld Magellan SporTrak Map GPS unit. The outlines of sites as well as all burials were marked with flags.

Figure 3. The excavator clearing the vegetation.

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Figure 4. The hand clearing crew removing vegetation on Site 15.

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4. Research results
On St. Eustatius, each archaeological site is assigned a site number (SE #). The site number of the Benners plantation complex is SE 93. The newly discovered sites outside this complex have not yet been assigned a site number.

Site 1: Benners well (SE 93)

One of the first sites encountered during the project was indicated by a mound of glass, ceramic, and metal artifacts. We were informed by Bongo, a resident of Statia and former employee of the oil terminal that these materials were used to fill up a large well in 1979, and that they originally came from an area in the vicinity of the Kings Well Resort. Benners well, part of the Benners plantation complex (Sites 2 and 3), was described by Haviser in 1981: Modern trash piled all around well, looks to be full of artifacts, possibly well was dredged. He also made a sketch of the well. It is possible the bulldozer used on the first day moved part of the mound on the well. A variety of artifacts can be found in this mound, ranging from eighteenth-century ceramics to modern day Heineken bottles.

Figure 5. Havisers 1981 sketch of Benners well.

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Figure 6. The mound of glass and ceramics dumped on top of Benners well looking east. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 7. A sample of ceramic and glass artifacts found in the mound. Scales: 50 cm.

17

Sites 2 & 3: The Benners plantation complex (SE 93)

The Benners plantation complex, surveyed by Haviser in 1981, includes the industrial buildings (Site 2) and a big house and additional structure (Site 3). Cartographic evidence provides a rough timeline for the period when this plantation complex was in use. The earliest known map of St. Eustatius, made by Reinier Ottens, dates to 1742, and the complex in question is indicated as being owned by Widow Lindesaij. At this time, the Benners family owned a plantation further south and a small building to the right of the complex in question. In 1775, this plantation was owned by Lucas Jacobsen Benners as shown on an updated Ottens map. Six years later, in 1781, the plantation had passed on to Governor De Graaff. The 1781 map made by P.F. Martin shows the complex to have two large and two small buildings, a mill, and slave quarters. A 1795 map made by William Faden depicts the plantation without any additional information. The next map known to exist, made shortly after 1800 by Blanken, shows the plantation to have two buildings and being owned by Venetio Fabio. This is the last known information available about the owners of the plantation. A map made by Samuel Fahlberg in 1829 depicts two buildings in the complex. Between 1829 and 1839 the plantation fell out of use, as the Bisschop Grevelink map and later maps do not depict any buildings in this location. Fahlberg also made two watercolours of the island, on which the plantation in question is depicted. This is the only depiction of the complex known to exist, and dates to the 1820s (Figure 8). The two buildings on the left of the complex are the big house and additional structure, the building to the right is the industrial complex. A brief overview of the process of sugar production in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is necessary to place these buildings into context. There were five general steps used in the processing of sugar: 1. Milling or extracting juice from the cane in a wind or animal powered mill. When pressed through a roller, the juice of the cane would flow into a gutter which would carry the juice to the processing area of the factory; 2. Clarification of the juice. The juice would flow through the gutter and a sieve into a cistern. In this way, coarse impurities would be separated from the juice; 3. Boiling or evaporation in order to crystallize the juice. The clarified juice was next ladled into the boiling area, called the boiling house, which usually contained a series of copper kettles of varying sizes mounted in a furnace. The juice would be ladled through all the kettles as it evaporated, the smallest kettle being the hottest. Constant skimming and evaporation caused the juice to become thick and ropey. The syrup was tempered with lime to promote granulation. When the sugar was on the point of crystallization, it was ladled into coolers; 4. Cooling the crystallized mass. The sugar was cooled in coolers made of wood or copper for several hours (usually about half a day) while being stirred; 5. Drying, packing, and draining the sugar. After cooling, the sugar was cut and shoveled into buckets, and poured into hogsheads. A curing house or area would be built on two levels, the top holding the draining 18

hogsheads on beams. A cistern, lined with lime plaster, would be located underneath. The molasses would drip into the cistern, awaiting storage for shipment or distillation as rum. Draining required three to four weeks, and when finished, an average of 40 to 45 gallons had drained from each hogshead (Barka 1998:27). The industrial area, measuring approximately 9 x 35 m., is the westernmost building of the complex. There are four trees growing in the structure that could not be removed without damaging the remains. The structure consists of a milling area at the northwestern end, and moving southeast are located a boiling house, curing house, and an additional curing house and cistern. The milling area is largely buried, and not many remains are visible from the surface. The southwestern wall belonging to the boiling house, with the fire holes, is still relatively intact, as is the upper southeastern wall belonging to the original curing house. A tree is growing in the lower southeastern wall of the additional curing house, which has broken down part of it. Many stones that have fallen out of the walls are scattered all around and inside the ruins. Some large pieces of wall have fallen off the southwestern part of the curing house. The inside of the walls is made up of mortar mixed with small stones, pebbles, bricks, and pieces of roof tiles. The outside of the walls consists of faced stones. This building technique is known as Ashlar construction. The northwestern wall is for the most part buried, as are some other parts of the building. Many artifacts can be found on the surface all around the site, including ceramics, glass, bones, bricks, and roof tiles. The Benners boiling house has a so-called Spanish train: a separate furnace for each kettle, instead of one furnace that heated all kettles. This system greatly accelerated the concentration of the juice, but required enormous expenditures of fuel. The kettles were set in a solid body of masonry, of which some parts are still relatively well preserved. There are no indications of a northeastern wall in the sugar train area, indicating that part of the structure was probably made of wood. The cistern for molasses can be found on the southwestern corner of the building. The original complex is in a much better state of preservation than the additional curing house. The big house of the plantation comprises Site 3. The total site measures approximately 26 x 25 m. This was the house of the plantation owners. It is located to the northeast of the industrial complex. Although some parts of the ruins are in a bad state of repair, most of it seems to be in a good state of preservation, especially the southeastern wall. However, large parts of the structure are buried. The main building is square shaped, inside which are a number of walls running parallel to each other on which the floor would have rested. Not many bricks were used in the construction of the foundations of this building compared to the industrial complex. The inside of the wall consists of mortar mixed up with small stones, while the outside of the walls is made up of faced stones. On the southern end of the site an oval cistern of 1.7 m. in diameter can be found, while in the northern corner there seems to be an additional structure, comprised of masonry work and stone piles. There are many artifacts on the surface. Ten large manchineel trees are growing on the site; it was 19

decided to leave these in place for now so as not to damage the ruins. The northeastern extremity of the site is covered by rubbish left behind by the oil terminal.

Figure 8. The plantation complex as depicted on Fahlbergs watercolour. Schotsenhoek plantation can be seen in the background. The red arrow indicates Site 15.

Figure 9. Interior of a boiling house on Antigua, 1823, made by William Clark. John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. 20

Figure 10. The fire holes on the outside of the boiling house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 11. The additional curing house, as seen from the southeast. A gumbo limbo tree (Bursera Simaruba) has destroyed part of the wall completely. 21

Figure 12. Masonry work for one of the kettles. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 13. Rum distillery flue. Scale: 0.5 m.

Figure 14. The southeastern wall of the curing house (left), with the wall of the additional curing house built against it (right). Scale: 1 m.

22

Figure 15. Partly buried northeastern wall of the curing house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 16. The cistern on the southwestern corner of the complex. Scale: 1 m.

23

Figure 17. The hole through which the molas- Figure 18. Lime mortar lining on the inside of ses reached the cistern. Scale: 1 m. the cistern. Scale: 50 cm.

Figure 19. Part of the milling areas wall. Scale: 1 m.

24

Figure 20. The well-preserved southeastern wall of the big house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 21. Overview of Site 3.

25

Figure 22. The small cistern at the southern end of the big house. Scale: 1 m.

Figure 23. The small cistern as seen from above. Scale: 1 m. 26

Figure 24. Stone pile of the additional small structure to the north, on which oil terminal rubbish has been dumped. Scale: 1 m.

27

Sites 4, 5 & 10: Possible slave cemeteries

The identification of sites 4, 5, and 10 is less straightforward than that of the previous three. The most likely interpretation for these sites is slave cemeteries. However, no features interpreted as burials have been excavated during this stage of the project, so it has been impossible to verify this. Nevertheless, there are many indications pointing to the aforementioned identification. Since this is the most likely interpretation so far, in the rest of this chapter it is presumed these sites are indeed slave cemeteries. Until now, it was unknown any slave burials were present in these locations. Haviser did not make any mention of them during his 1981 survey of the area. On the first day of the project a bulldozer was used to create a road so that machines could move more easily through the research area. On the sides of this road, many stones, pieces of coral, and artifacts were found in subsequent days, indicating that the markers on a number of burials from Site 5 may have been destroyed by the bulldozer. It is necessary to conduct a geophysical survey of the whole extent of the road on which artifacts, stones, and pieces of coral can be found on the sides (Area A, see Appendix), in order to determine where these possible burials are located. The cemetery may contain an estimated 80 120 burials. Six burials of Site 5 were documented during this stage of the project. On the seventh day another slave cemetery (Site 10) was discovered slightly to the north of the Benners plantation burial ground (Site 8) and immediately northeast of the boundary wall (Site 9), consisting of an as yet undetermined number of burials (time constraints prevented the entire area to be cleared by hand). It is advised a geophysical survey be conducted on the southeastern edge of the burial ground (Area B, see Appendix), as a small number of grave markers might have been removed by the excavator. One burial of Site 10 has been documented during this stage of the project. On the nineteenth day, a third slave cemetery, containing approximately ten burials, was discovered underneath a large tamarind tree in the northwestern corner of the research area (Site 4). Two burials on this site have been documented. A small gully runs through the area, and some stones may have been deposited here by water. Therefore it is hard to see exactly how many burials are present in this location. It should be noted that not all marked burials are necessarily single interments, meaning that there may be more individuals than there are graves buried here. Many large, old manchineel trees can be found on Sites 4 and 5, with the burials frequently located in close proximity. The roots of these trees have pushed the stones marking the graves out of their original positions in many instances. Most burials at least their markers seem to be oriented east-west, a practice observed for skeletons on slave cemeteries on Barbados, Montserrat, Jamaica, and in Suriname. This might suggest an east-west orientation for the skeletons on the Statia cemeteries as well, although no stones were used to mark graves on 28

either of the cemeteries in the other regions. On a small hill right next to the road constructed by the bulldozer (part of Site 5), a large concentration of burials was found, indicating a high likelihood of disturbance of earlier burials by the intrusion of subsequent interments. Most burials in the western part of Site 5 are marked with relatively large stones, placed in an oval pattern. Different burial practices were observed at Site 10, where the burials were a little harder to identify than the ones in the western part of Site 5, as the stones marking them are smaller and fewer. Furthermore, a number of burials seem to be marked by small mounds. Site 4 seems to be an intermediate, as some graves here are marked by small stones and some by larger stones. One burial on Site 4 only had one cut stone placed on top. In between the stones of the burials on Site 5 many pieces of coral can frequently be found. Furthermore, in all burials documented so far artifacts have been found during cleaning, including ceramic (European and Afro-Caribbean), glass, metal, and bone artifacts Some differences in the burials can be noted on Site 5. In the eastern section of the cemetery, more bricks, pipes, shells, coral, and small (mortared) stones were put on the graves, while in the western part of the site most graves have larger stones and ceramics and glass on top. One interpretation for the difference in burial practices in different parts of Site 5 could be the materials available to mark the graves. In the western part of the site, slaves could have used the stones from the wall that previously connected the walls comprising sites 7 and 12, while in the eastern part, slaves most likely stripped the nearby cistern and structure comprising Site 15 to construct their burials. An interesting comparison can be found on St. Maarten, where a slave cemetery was documented at Bishop Hill on Belvedere plantation in 1991. This cemetery is the closest parallel to sites 4 and 5 discovered in the Caribbean thus far. The graves on this burial ground are marked with stones in a similar way to the graves on sites 4 and 5. As on Statia, the majority of grave makers are oriented east-west. Interestingly, instead of the coral found on many of the Statia burials, the ones on St. Maarten have shells placed in between the stones, indicating different burial practices between slaves on these islands. In the 1970s, 92 skeletons were excavated at a slave cemetery on Newton plantation, Barbados, which is the largest slave cemetery excavated in the Caribbean to date. This investigation provides important comparative material. On Barbados, slaves were usually buried on the estates of the plantations to which they belonged, either on communal burial grounds or under houses in the slave villages (Handler & Lange 1978:173). At least the former also seems to be the case on the burial grounds found during the current investigation. On Newton plantation, the main burial area contained several low mounds, some of which were barely visible (Handler & Lange 1978:105). As noted above, small mounds also mark several graves on Site 10. Archaeological investigations on Newton cemetery and elsewhere on Barbados suggest that grave markers or gravestones were not erected or placed over slave burials in plantation burial grounds, which stands in stark contrast to the cemeteries discovered on Statia and St. Maarten. In Barbados, many skeletons were located close to the 29

surface, which might also be the case on Statia. Historical sources and archaeological evidence agree that slaves were buried in freshly excavated graves the universal practice among West African peoples and not, for example, in surface or above-surface sites. Figures 25 33 show photographs and drawings of several burials on the three different sites. The black dot in each drawing represents a nail put in for later mapping.

30

Figure 25. Site 5, burial 2: documented on 17-3-2011; many pieces of coral and several ceramic and glass artifacts were recovered during cleaning; this burial is located right next to a large manchineel tree.

31

Figure 26. Site 5, burial 14: documented on 17-3-2011; many small pieces of coral and several glass, ceramic, and bone artifacts were recovered during cleaning; there appears to be another burial directly to the southeast. 32

Figure 27. Site 5, burial 22: documented on 17-3-2011; no coral was found in between the stones; a brick fragment sticking out of the ground was recovered during cleaning; the stones marking this burial are relatively small, but appear to be in their original position as there are no large roots in close vicinity. 33

Figure 28. Site 5, burial 26: documented on 17-3-2011; a few pieces of coral and glass and metal artifacts were recovered during cleaning, most notably an iron alloy cylindrical artifact that appears to be a metal pipe; roots may have pushed the easternmost stones out of their original position; the northwestern side of the burial is sitting on a layer of volcanic deposits.

34

Figure 29. Site 5, burial 33: documented on 17-3-2011; a few pieces of coral and part of a base of a case bottle were recovered during cleaning; some stones may have been moved by the roots of a large manchineel tree which is situated right next to the burial.

35

Figure 30. Site 5, burial 63: documented on 6-4-2011; this burial is located right next to the stone wall comprising Site 12. Many pieces of coral and a mortared brick were found amongst the stones during cleaning. 36

Figure 31. Site 4, burial 1: documented on 31-3-2011; one piece of ceramic was recovered during cleaning; the burial is located right next to a large tree.

37

Figure 32. Site 4, burial 10: documented on 31-3-2011; one piece of ceramic was recovered during cleaning. 38

Figure 33. Site 10, burial 3: documented on 14-4-2011; a concentration of animal bones and a brick were found during cleaning in the northern part of the burial. 39

Site 6 undetermined
The nature of the site has not yet been determined. It consists of a concentration of stones on small mounds, running along the road. Some bricks can be found in between the stones, but no other artifacts were noted. There is possibly another burial on this site as well, right next to a tree. Due to time and budget constraints this site was not cleared by hand.

Figure 34. Site 6 looking north (left) and south. Due to heavy coralita growth the site could not be investigated any further.

40

Figure 35. Possible burial on Site 6, with a brick present amongst the stones. Scale: 50 cm.

Figure 36. Stones with bricks in between. Scale: 50 cm.

Figure 37. A large stone that appears to be worked. Scale: 50 cm.

41

Site 7: dry laid stone wall

The concentration of stones found underneath the tree continues underneath the coralita heading south. It is a dry laid stone wall, and runs along the old road present on historical maps. The orientation of the wall is such that it cannot be the boundary wall between Godet and Benners. This wall might be a continuation of the wall found on Site 12. No artifacts were found on the surface.

Figure 38. Stone wall running along the old road.

42

Site 8: Benners plantation cemetery (SE 93)

This site is located immediately next to the wall comprising Site 9. Haviser identified thirteen graves during his 1981 survey. A fence was later erected around these graves by people from the oil terminal. There are, however, more graves present in the area, as one tombstone was hit several meters outside the fenced area by the excavator during clearing. The cemetery is indicated on the 1781 P.F. Martin map by three trees (Figure 50). Even though this site is referred to as the Benners plantation cemetery, only two Benners are indicated on the gravestones. Other last names found on the slabs are Heyliger, Gibbes, Creutzer, and Bayoutsyn. Of particular interest are Johannes Salomons Gibbes, a former Governor of the Dutch part of St. Maarten, Johannes Heyliger, a former Governor of St. Eustatius, and Abraham Ravene, grandfather of the commanding officer of Fort Oranje at the time of the First Salute. In 1742, Abraham Heyliger Jr. owned a plantation close to Benners. This cemetery might thus have been used by several plantation owners in the vicinity. It can also be that the Benners in-laws were buried here, as the Benners and Heyliger families frequently intermarried. Genealogical research is needed in order to determine the exact relationships between the people buried here. Figures 42 48 show a number of tombstones found on the site including a transcription of their inscriptions. Due to a beehive in one of the tombstones, one inscription could not be recorded.

Figure 39. Overview of Site 8 looking west. 43

Figure 40. The only part of the fence around the burials that is still standing.

Figure 41. Part of a tombstone encountered outside the fenced area and hit during clearing. Scale: 0.5 m. 44

Figure 42. Scale: 0.5 m. BENEATH This modest Marble are reposited the Relics of the Hon. JOHANNES SALOMONS GIBBES Esq. formerly Governor of the Dutch Part of the Island St. Martin. He served in the several public capacities of Ensign Lieutenant & Captain of the BURGHERY. Prior to his taking the reins of administration in which different capacities he afforded equal and universal satisfaction to all the unprejudiced Members of the community. He was a loving and affectionate Husband, a tender & loving indulgent Parent, a sincere Friend, a devout Christian, a useful and valuable member of society, a respectable Character, and a good man. He was born in the Island St. Eustatius on the 22nd day of May 1733 and departed this life in the said Island on the 21 st day of April A.D. 1802, universally and justly regretted by all who had the happiness of being acquainted with his virtues. And his remains were interred with Military Honors by a party of the British Garrison who then commanded the Island. This monumentary Testimony of filial affection most respectfully dedicated to his Memory by his dutiful Sons WILLIAM STOKVIS & HENRY GIBBES Stop pensive passenger these lines peruse, tis virtue summons and you cant refuse, then pay where due, the tribute of a tear, for merit, candour, truth concentre here. Alive reverd now dead his worth applaud, here tranquil rests The noblest work of GOD.

45

Figure 43. Scale: 0.5 m. hier legt begraven Lucas Benner zijnde 28 jaren is in den heere ontslapen den 21 iuny 1728 Eustatius

46

Figure 44. Scale: 0.5 m. Hier rust van Lynen arbeyd het Lichaam van Abraham Ravene overleeden op S. Eustatius den 12 Augustus A 1733 .. jaar zyns ouderdom .. o bon Jesus sait toy Mercy Lame .. Le Corps .. toy 47

Figure 45. Scale: 0.5 m. hier legt begraven Ian Iacob Creutzer geboren op St. Thomas den 27 september 1715 en is in den heere ontslapen den 26 november 1739 op St. Eustatius 48

Figure 46. Scale: 0.5 m. hier legt begraven Ioseph Linde Bayoutsyn de 45 jaaren is in den heere ontslapen den 30 october 1728 St. Eustatius 49

Figure 47. Scale: 0.5 m. Ioannes Heyliger Obyt 3 april 1736

50

Figure 48. Scale: 0.5 m. hier leyt begraven Johannes Benner ov Zynde 62 jaren den 7 aug heden . A 1769

51

Site 9: dry laid stone wall

This dry laid stone wall marked the boundary between the Benners and Schotsenhoek plantations. It corresponds exactly with the boundary indicated on the 1781 P.F. Martin map (Figure 50). The wall is oriented NNW SSE, and extends NNW from the Benners plantation burial ground (Site 8) for approximately 70 meters.

Figure 49. The boundary wall looking SSW. Scale: 1 m.

52

Figure 50. Part of the 1781 map. The boundary wall is indicated by the red arrow. To the south is Benners plantation, at the time owned by Governor De Graaff. The Benners plantation cemetery (Site 8) is indicated by the yellow arrow.

53

Site 11: burial ground

Three previously unknown burials were found underneath a large tamarind tree in the area of Site 5. These might be graves of high-status slaves, although it is more likely that free people are buried here. If the latter is the case, they probably predate the slave burials, as evidence from other island colonies indicates that, in general, free people did not want to be buried amongst slaves. One grave still has a broken vaulted gravestone on top, while of the other two only the stone bases remain. These burials might be related to the features found on Site 15.

Figure 51. Previously unknown burial on Site 11. Part of the gravestone that has broken off can be seen in the background.

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Site 12: dry laid stone wall

A dry laid stone wall running next to the tamarind tree under which the burials of Site 11 are located comprises Site 12. At the western end the wall stops at a large manchineel tree, the area behind which contains a large concentration of slave burials of Site 5. Some slave burials can be found along the wall as well. The wall extends to the east for 90 meters from its western extremity. It might be part of the same wall as the one found on Site 7.

Figure 52. Stone wall of Site 12.

55

Site 13: Benners plantation slave quarters (SE 93)

Just west of the Benners industrial complex a large concentration of artifacts can be found on the slope of a hill. This location exactly matches the slave quarters indicated on the 1781 P.F. Martin map. Artifacts found on the surface include European ceramics, Afro-Caribbean Ware, worked pieces of coral and stone, bricks, and roof tiles.

Figure 53. Site 13 as seen from the Benners boiling house.

Figure 54. The slave quarters as shown on the 1781 P.F. Martin map, indicated by the red arrow. 56

Figure 55. Coral, stone, and ceramic and glass artifacts found on the surface. Scales: 50 cm.

57

Site 14: possible slave quarters

In the northwestern part of the research area, on the slope of a hill, a concentration of artifacts can be found on the surface, including ceramics, glass, and shells. Nothing is depicted on historical maps in this area, but this site might be the location of another slave quarters.

Figure 56. The location of Site 14, indicated by the red arrow.

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Site 15: cistern and structure

About 9 m. south of the wall comprising Site 12, a large cistern was found, measuring approximately 8 m. in length, 2 m. in width, and 1.8 m. in depth (approximately 29.000 liters). The vault, which was made of bricks, is completely gone, and the southwestern corner of the wall has partly fallen off. The rest of the cistern is in a good state of preservation. It is made of bricks and stones mixed with mortar, and exhibits lime mortar lining on the inside. To the east of the cistern is a concentration of stones and bricks, approximately 7 x 9 m. in size. Several stones seem to be lined up so as to form a wall. This was probably the structure the cistern belonged to. The burials comprising Site 11 may be part of this complex, as they are located very close. The 1742 Ottens map shows a small structure in between Benners (then Lindesaij) and Schotsenhoek (then Doecke Groebe) plantations, which belonged to the Benners family, who at the time owned a plantation several hundred meters to the south. On the 1775 updated Ottens map this building is shown as being owned by Lucas Jacobsen Benners. Even though these maps are not very accurate, the location of the small building in between the plantations seems to coincide with the location of Site 15, which may thus very well be the building depicted on the map. It is also found on the Fahlberg watercolour (Figure 8).

Figure 57. Part of the 1742 Ottens map, showing the relatively small structure which may be Site 15 (red arrow), and surrounding plantations Benners (blue arrow) and Schotsenhoek (yellow arrow). 59

Figure 58. The cistern as seen from the west.

Figure 59. The depth of the cistern. Scale: 1 m. 60

Figure 60. Concentration of stones and bricks indicating a structure to the east of the cistern.

Figure 61. The concentration of stones and bricks in relation to the cistern. 61

5. Conclusions and recommendations

Fifteen sites have been uncovered during the February April watching brief on the Farm. A variety of historic period sites have been uncovered, including a plantation complex, three possible slave cemeteries, two plantation cemeteries, two possible slave villages, and three dry laid stone walls. The function and nature of several of these sites has been identified, while some still remain elusive. The Benners plantation ruins and adjacent sites represent at least a century of Statian history, and bear testimony to the days of sugar and slavery, two concepts which have been enormously influential in Caribbean history and the legacy of which can be found all over the Caribbean today. No prehistoric remains have been found, but given the fact that the research area is surrounded by prehistoric sites to the west (Billys Gut shell midden), east (Golden Rock and several other sites), and south (Smoke Alley), it is expected evidence of prehistoric activity is present in the research area as well. Prehistoric sites are not often visible on the surface, as they are buried by centuries of soil deposition. Given the important historical value of the archaeological sites discovered during this campaign, it is recommended they are left in situ and preserved for posterity wherever possible as recommended by the Malta Treaty. This is particularly the case for sites 4, 5, and 10, which are interpreted as slave cemeteries. Site 5 may be one of the largest slave cemeteries ever found in the Caribbean. Site 8 is of great historical value as well, as a former Governor of St. Maarten, a former Governor of St. Eustatius, a grandfather of Abraham Ravene, and several planters were buried here. Descendants of these people should be contacted and asked what they prefer should happen to their ancestors remains. Should be decided to level the area in the future according to the aforementioned plans, a Specification of Demands is attached to this report that outlines the recommended archaeological work necessary and the research questions that need to be addressed.

62

Bibliography
Barka, Norman F. 1998 Archaeology of Belvedere Plantation: The Boiling House. St. Maarten Archaeological Research Series, No. 4. Gilmore III, Richard Grant 2006 All the documents are destroyed! Documenting slavery for St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. In African Re-Genesis: confronting social issues in the Diaspora, edited by Jay B. Haviser and Kevin C. MacDonald, chapter 8. UCL press. Gilmore III, Richard Grant 2008 Geophysics and Volcanic Islands: Resistivity and Gradiometry on St. Eustatius. In Archaeology and Geoinformatics: Case Studies from the Caribbean, edited by Basil A. Reid, p. 170-183. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2008. Gilmore, Richard Grant III 2004 The Archaeology of New World Slave Societies: A Comparative Analysis with Particular Reference to St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Archaeology, University College London. Handler, Jerome S. and Lange, Frederick W. 1978 Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation. Harvard University Press. Hartog, Johan 1976 History of St. Eustatius. De Witt Stores N.V., Aruba. Stelten, Ruud 2010 Relics of a Forgotten Colony: The Cannon and Anchors of St. Eustatius. Unpublished MA Thesis, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University. Watters, David R. 1994 Mortuary Patterns at the Harney Site Slave Cemetery, Montserrat, in Caribbean Perspective. Historical Archaeology, 28(3):56-73.

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Appendix
Maps and GPS data

Site coordinates and areas

All coordinates are UTM Zone 20N projection. Site 1 22 m2 500955E 1933583N 500961E 1933588N 500962E 1933581N Site 2 455 m2 500925E 1933588N 500908E 500920E 500938E 1933619N 1933623N 1933591N

Site 3 721 m2 500942E 1933600N 500932E 1933625N 500952E 1933638N 500967E 1933613N Site 4 150 m2 500724E 1933906N 500728E 1933889N 500719E 1933889N 500714E 1933901N Site 5 3106 m2 501053E 1933609N 501041E 1933589N 501019E 1933573N 501014E 1933557N 500996E 1933551N 500986E 1933555N 500942E 1933559N 500960E 1933580N 500985E 1933600N

Site 6 644 m2 500776E 1933669N 500832E 1933605N 500829E 1933600N 500768E 1933665N Site 7 65 m2 500900E 1933568N 500863E 1933570N Site 8 496 m2 501090E 1933628N 501066E 501069E 501080E 1933624N 1933654N 1933654N

Site 9 174 m2 501097E 1933630N 501063E 1933690N Site 10 724 m2 501121E 1933728N 501114E 501118E 501148E 1933705N 1933685N 1933709N

Site 11 70 m2 501019E 1933592N 501024E 1933588N 501015E 1933580N 501013E 1933590N Site 12 182 m2 501015E 1933575N 501031E 1933576N 501051E 1933588N 501073E 1933595N 501101E 1933605N

Site 13 815 m2 500904E 1933610N 500874E 1933609N 500860E 1933586N 500907E 1933591N Site 14 509 m2 500762E 1933812N 500764E 1933787N 500783E 1933787N 500785E 1933811N Site 15 90 m2 501022E 1933569N 501024E 501040E 501039E 1933568N 1933565N 1933574N

SPECIFICATION OF DEMANDS
ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE CUL DE SAC AREA, ST. EUSTATIUS, DUTCH CARIBBEAN

Island Area Toponym Initiator Competent authority

St. Eustatius Cul de Sac The Farm NuStar Terminals NV St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research

Name Author Approval competent authority Ruud Stelten, MA R. Grant Gilmore III, Ph.D.

Date 19-4-2011 20-4-2011

Signature

Introduction NuStar Terminals NV is planning to expand its facility on St. Eustatius by building 40 storage tanks in the area known as the Cul de Sac. The area that is going to be affected by phase 1 of these plans has a total area of 278,255 m, and is located in the midwestern part of St. Eustatius, in between Oranjestad, the airport, the northern hills, and Oranje Bay. In the early 1980s, archaeologist Jay Haviser conducted a survey of the area and found several archaeological sites. In March-April 2011 a watching brief was carried out when NuStar decided to clear all the vegetation in the Cul de Sac area. Additional archaeological sites were discovered during this campaign. Currently, there are fifteen known archaeological sites in the area, all dating to the historic period. However, it is expected prehistoric sites are present as well, as several have been discovered in close vicinity to the research area. Prior to the start of the development of the area, it is necessary to conduct an archaeological investigation in two stages. First, test trenches need to be excavated in order to determine the nature and extent of any prehistoric remains that might be present in the area. Second, the historic period sites need to be documented and studied. This Specification of Demands will outline the fieldwork strategies necessary and the research questions that need to be answered during archaeological investigations in the Cul de Sac area.

1 Preliminary investigation 1.1 Desk-based- and exploratory investigations Execution In February April 2011 a desk-based and exploratory investigation was carried out in the research area by the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. Historical documents, maps, and artworks were studied in order to determine the location, nature, and extent of archaeological remains present in the area. A watching brief was carried out over the course of 7 weeks during which the research area was cleared of all vegetation except for large trees. Fifteen archaeological sites were uncovered during this campaign. Publication Stelten, Ruud 2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief: Report on the February April 2011 campaign in the Cul de Sac area, St. Eustatius. St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research.

2 Environmental data Environmental context and geomorphology The research area is located in the northwestern corner of the Cultuurvlakte, in the area called the Cul de Sac. It is situated on a plain between the dormant Quill volcano in the south and the horseshoe formation, a heavily eroded extinct volcano to the north. The research area comprises the former Benners and Schotsenhoek sugar plantations. Soil type The top soil consists of sandy loam, 30 60 cm in depth. This overlies a sandy volcanic ash layer, 20 50 cm in depth. Sterile subsoil is reached at a depth of 50 110 cm. The top 50 cm of soil can be considered a ploughzone layer. Current use of the land For the most part, the land is not used. Some parts are used by NuStar to dump rubbish. Goats and cattle roam freely through the area. Recent and past alterations to the landscape Originally, much of St. Eustatius was probably covered by an evergreen seasonal forest. Due to human activity, this has been replaced by thorny woodland, including acacia shrubs (acacia macracantha) mixed with West Indian cherry (malpighia emarginata), blackberry (randia aculeate), sugar apple (annona squamosa), and cacti (acanthocereus tetragonus). The research area contains numerous manchineel- (hippomane mancinella) and several tamarind trees (tamarindus indica) , and large areas are covered by coralita vines (antigonon leptopus) . From at least as early as the early eighteenth century until the 1970s the area was used as farmland. From the 1980s onwards, bulldozing, excavations, and the dumping of rubbish by the oil terminal have altered parts of the landscape and destroyed archaeological remains. Cultural elements in the landscape topography The research area exhibits a gentle downward slope from east to west. The eastern part is relatively flat, while the western and northern parts are quite hilly. Besides the impact on vegetation, no major human alterations to the landscape topography in historic and prehistoric times seem to have taken place.

3 Archaeological data Known archaeological sites During the February April 2011 watching brief, fifteen archaeological sites were discovered, including plantation ruins, boundary walls, plantation cemeteries, slave quarters, and possible slave cemeteries. No indications of prehistoric activity have been

uncovered in the research area thus far. Finds at the various archaeological sites consist of European and Afro-Caribbean ceramics, architectural ceramics, glass, stone, organic, and metal artifacts. Expected archaeological finds Given the fact that the research area is surrounded by prehistoric sites to the west (Billys Gut shell midden), east (Golden Rock and several other sites), and south (Smoke Alley), it is expected to find evidence of prehistoric activity in the research area as well. Expected preservation The archaeological preservation conditions on St. Eustatius are generally outstanding. The xeric environment enhances organic and metal preservation relative to other areas in the Caribbean region. The research area is bisected by an erosion gully that empties into Billys Gut located at the northern end of Oranje Bay. The drainage area includes a large percentage of the Cultuurvlakte or agricultural plain in the center of the island. Nature and extent of threat to archaeological remains Prior to building the tanks, the top soil will be removed in the entire research area. In situ conservation of archaeological remains present in the top soil is therefore not an option.

4 Reason and conditions for further investigation 4.1 Reason for further investigation The direct reason for further archaeological research on the property called the Farm is the planned leveling of the area to 20 m. AMSL. Because of the discovery of many ruins and archaeological sites related to the Benners plantation complex, a full archaeological investigation needs to be conducted to document its extant remains. Given the fact that there is a high expectation of Amerindian sites in the research area as they can be found directly to the south, east, and west of the terrain, but none have been discovered thus far, test trenches will need to be excavated to determine the nature and extent of any prehistoric remains which may be found in the research area. 4.2 End product The end product is a report according to SECAR specifications based on KNA-specifications OS 1215. 4.3 Planning Planning of fieldwork and composing the report will have to be arranged in consultation with the initiator before commencing said activities. Within two years after completion of the project, the report should be completed and finds need to be accommodated in a permanent storage facility according to the guidelines of the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research (SECAR). 4.4 Quality control

The competent authority is the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. SECAR will examine the execution of fieldwork and the end product of the investigation and compare this to the program of demands before declaring the obligation to conduct a proper archaeological investigation has been fulfilled. The provider of archaeological services will then submit the final report and the required documentation together with proof of transfer of the finds. The provider of archaeological services needs to be an organisation that possesses relevant expertise and qualified personnel to conduct archaeological research on historic and prehistoric sites in the Caribbean. The project leader of the said provider needs to be a senior archaeologist or equivalent, and needs to have a relevant advanced degree (Ph.D.) with demonstrable expertise and experience in post-medieval colonial archaeology (the archaeology of the European expansion), preferably in the Caribbean. Expertise in prehistoric Caribbean archaeology is highly desirable. The day-to-day activities should be directed by a medior archaeologist or equivalent with demonstrable expertise and experience in post-medieval colonial archaeology (the archaeology of the European expansion) and preferably prehistoric Caribbean archaeology. 4.5 Decision- and evaluation moments Prior to commencing the research a meeting between the initiator, the competent authority, and the provider of archaeological services should take place to confirm the work schedule and procedures. During fieldwork, meetings can take place whenever problems arise or adjustments to procedures need to be made. The competent authority needs to be involved in these meetings in case deviations from the Specification of Demands are deemed necessary. Within 8 weeks after completion of fieldwork a report on the preliminary findings needs to be submitted to the initiator. This report should contain a short summary of executed activities, a short summary of the results of fieldwork, and an advice for preservation of unaffected parts of the archaeological sites.

5 Research questions 5.1 Introduction The research questions are tailored to both the archaeological research on the discovered sites as well as test trenches to determine whether or not any remains of prehistoric activity are present in the research area. 5.2 General research questions 5.2.1 Landscape and soil This part of the investigation comprises the study of the landscape: geology, geomorphology, the soil, past and present vegetation, and past and present alterations to the landscape. This leads to the following questions: 1. How have certain geological and geomorphological processes shaped the landscape? 2. What is the composition of the soil, how is it structured, and how has this been altered by

human activities? How has the natural topography been altered by human activities? 3. What did the biotic and abiotic landscape look like in historic and prehistoric times? 4. What do the ways archaeological remains are situated in the landscape say about human choices of location and the past uses of the landscape? 5.2.2 Conservation This part of the investigation comprises the evaluation of the nature and degree of conservation of archaeological features and artifacts. Questions that need to be answered are: 1. What is the degree of conservation of the archaeological sites, features, and artifacts? 2. Which factors determine the differences in degrees of conservation (soil type, erosion, sedimentation, use of the land, resettlement) 3. At what depths can features be seen in the soil and how well defined are they in light of the above factors? 5.2.3 Cultural characteristics and dating This part of the investigation focuses on the nature, age, extent, and other archaeological characteristics of the different sites. Research questions for this part of the investigation are the following: 1. What is the spatial distribution of archaeological remains and how do they relate to one another? 2. What is the nature and extent of the sites? Are there any distinct areas lacking cultural remains? Are the sites made up of multiple components? 3. Each archaeological component should be defined using the following research points: location geological characteristics and soil type extent type and function composition of archaeological remains (features and artifacts) density of features and artifacts stratigraphy age

4. What periods do the features date to? 5. What periods do the artifacts date to? What types are they and which categories do they belong to? In the case of burials: 6. Is the composition of the burials recognisable? 7. Which way are they oriented? 8. What kinds of activities were carried out in the area? 9. What can be said about mortuary practices, and how do these compare to burials in other parts of St. Eustatius, the Caribbean region, and in the case of slave burials, other parts of the Atlantic World? 10. To what cultural traditions can the features and archaeological material be attributed and

why? 11. What can be said about age, sex, conditions of life, genetic relations (DNA), and diet and mobility (C, N, and Sr isotopes) on the basis of encountered human remains? 5.3 Specific research questions 1. Are sites 4, 5, and 10 as indicated in the watching brief report (Stelten 2011) indeed slave cemeteries? If not, what are these sites? 2. How does the Benners plantation complex compare to other archaeologically investigated plantations on St. Eustatius (English Quarter, Pleasures, Schotsenhoek) and on other Caribbean islands? 3. How do slave quarter construction and landscape placement compare to other plantations on St. Eustatius and in the Caribbean region in general? 4. What is the relationship between the buildings on the plantation landscape as well as the island landscape? 5. What were the relationships between the people buried on the Benners plantation cemetery? 6. What was the social position of the people buried on site 11? Were they high-status slaves, free blacks, or Europeans? 7. What consumption patterns related to trade, foodways, as well as material culture can be discerned from the archaeological record? 8. What can prehistoric remains tell us about prehistoric settlement history on St. Eustatius? 9. What can prehistoric remains tell us about inter-island mobility and exchange patterns with other parts of the Caribbean region? 5.4 Other research questions 1. What recommendations can be given regarding possible conservation measures for the archaeological sites and artifacts?

6 Fieldwork 6.1 Strategy The strategies for further investigations of the study area involve methods and techniques that systematically and efficiently answer the aforementioned research questions. They include defining the limits and nature of already discovered archaeological sites as well as those that are not visible through surface evidence. 6.2 Methods and techniques Test trenches: The presence of prehistoric remains will be determined by excavating 2 x 100 m. trenches at 10 m. intervals in a checkerboard pattern across the research area. Excavation of the trenches will be conducted with an excavator with a smooth 2 m. wide bucket. If features and/or artifact concentrations are discovered, a more detailed investigation of the site should be carried out, the nature of which will be determined by the project leader at the time of discovery, as this is dependent on the types of archaeological remains encountered.

Site 1: A representative sample of glass, metal, and ceramic artifacts should be taken from the mound (1 m3). The rest of the mound should be removed so as to record the well. If an oil storage tank is to be built on top of this well, then the entirety of the well shaft should be excavated to sterile subsoil. The well is likely to be over 20 m. deep, thereby requiring specialized equipment and skills to be safely recorded and excavated. The total research area for this site is approx. 22 m. Site 2: All standing ruins should be drawn and photographed in situ. Excavation should include 25% of the site, the locations of which will be determined by the project leader. All walls (inside and outside) should be excavated until the base of the foundations has been reached. Excavation should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m. Buried architectural features thus exposed should also be drawn and photographed in situ. All artifacts should be recovered per m unit using a 6 mm mesh screen. Appropriate soil float samples (10 liters) should also be taken. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 455 m. Site 3: All standing ruins should be drawn and photographed in situ. Excavation should include 25% of the site, the locations of which will be determined by the project leader. All walls (inside and outside) should be excavated until the base of the foundations has been reached. Excavation should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m. Buried architectural features thus exposed should also be drawn and photographed in situ. All artifacts should be recovered per m unit using a 6 mm mesh screen. Appropriate soil float samples (10 liters) should also be taken. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 721 m. Site 4: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. A geophysical survey should be conducted on those areas on which the burial markers are believed to have been removed by heavy machinery (see Stelten 2011). The total research area for this site is approx. 150 m. Site 5: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. A geophysical survey should be conducted on those areas on which the burial markers are believed to have been removed by heavy machinery (see Stelten 2011). The total research area for this site is approx. 3106 m. Site 6: The coralita vines need to be removed, after which three 2 m. wide test trenches will be

excavated across the width of the site in order to determine its nature. Based on the results from these test units, further archaeological research will be conducted at the discretion of the project leader. The total research area for this site is approx. 644 m. Site 7: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research area for this site is approx. 65 m. Site 8: All burials visible on the surface should be documented. A geophysical survey should be conducted for the entire area outside the fence in which stones and bricks can be found on the surface to locate additional burials. Burial markers should be carefully removed to offsite storage. All burials should be excavated by hand and brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The total research area for this site is approx. 496 m. Site 9: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research area for this site is approx. 174 m. Site 10: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 724 m. Site 11: All burial markers should be recorded and subsequently removed. After removal, the burials should be excavated by hand until sterile subsoil is reached. All burials should be brought to SECAR for osteological analysis, and then stored for reburial at a future date when a designated reburial site has been designated by the appropriate authority (the St. Eustatius island government). The DNA and C, N, and Sr isotopes of all skeletons should be analysed. Prior to excavation, poisonous trees such as manchineel should be ringed and poisoned with a herbicide such as Garlon. The total research area for this site is approx. 70 m. Site 12: The whole extent of the wall needs to be drawn and photographed. The total research area for this site is approx. 182 m. Site 13: Four 2 x 2 m. test units will be excavated in select areas, in addition to three 2 m. wide test trenches across the entire site. If evidence for post in ground slave houses is found, then a 100% sampling strategy shall be employed. The total research area for this site is approx. 815 m. Site 14: Four 2 x 2 m. test units will be excavated in select areas, in addition to three 2 m. wide test trenches across the entire site. If evidence for post in ground slave houses is found, then a 100% sampling strategy shall be employed. The total research area for this site is approx. 509 m. Site 15: The inside of the cistern should be excavated until its bottom is reached, then drawn and photographed. Excavation should include 25% of the rest of the site, the locations of which will be determined by the project leader. Excavation should be carried out by hand in units of 1 m. The total research area for this site is approx. 90 m.

6.3 Use of volunteers and students Volunteers and students can take part in the archaeological investigation at the discretion of the project leader. 6.4 Executive conditions The initiator has to make sure the property is accessible whenever archaeological work needs to be carried out. The provider of archaeological services, and where possible the initiator, take care of accommodation and transportation of the field crew. The provider of archaeological services needs to be in possession of all equipment necessary to conduct the previously outlined archaeological investigation.

7 Report A digital and hardcopy report containing the results of the investigation will be composed and made available to the initiator and the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. The report should contain the following components: Reason for investigation, including a map of the investigated locations Overview map with the locations of the archaeological sites, test trenches, excavation trenches, features, and special finds Section on research methodology, including research questions Section on the archaeological remains in the vicinity Section on the past and present landscape and environment Section- and profile drawings providing insights into the stratigraphy of the sites Map of each test- and excavation trench on which features from different periods are clearly indicated Finds-, features-, and samples lists Section on the description of the results (finds, features, standing structures, profiles) Section on the interpretation, age, and function of the archaeological remains Section on conclusions and recommendations

8 Storage, filing, and conservation All finds and documentation are to be handed over to the St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research, where they will be stored and filed. Finds of exceptional rarity, value and/or beauty can be loaned to the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation Museum to be put on display. All finds for which conservation is deemed necessary are to be conserved at the discretion of the provider of archaeological services and will be paid for by the initiator. Conservation of finds will serve the purposes of preventing degradation and enabling study and recording thereof.

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9 Relevant literature Armstrong, Douglas V. 1990 The Old Village and the Great House: An Archaeological and Historical Examination of Drax Hall Plantation, St. Anns Bay, Jamaica. University of Illinois Press. Barka, Norman F. 1998 Archaeology of Belvedere Plantation: The Boiling House. St. Maarten Archaeological Research Series, No. 4. Gilmore, Richard Grant III 2004 The Archaeology of New World Slave Societies: A Comparative Analysis with Particular Reference to St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Archaeology, University College London. Handler, Jerome S. & Lange, Frederick W. 1978 Plantation Slavery in Barbados: An Archaeological and Historical Investigation. Harvard University Press. Hartog, Johan 1976 History of St. Eustatius. De Witt Stores N.V., Aruba. Hicks, Dan 2007 The Garden of the World: An Historical Archaeology of Sugar Landscapes in the Eastern Caribbean. British Archaeological Reports International Series No. 1632. Paonessa, Laurie J. 1990 The Cemeteries of St. Eustatius, N.A.: Status in a Caribbean Community. Unpublished MA Thesis, Faculty of the Department of Anthropology, The College of William and Mary, Virginia. Stelten, Ruud 2011 NuStar Archaeological Watching Brief: Report on the February April 2011 Campaign in the Cul de Sac Area, St. Eustatius. St. Eustatius Center for Archaeological Research. Versteeg, Aad & Schinkel, Kees (eds.) 1992 The archaeology of St. Eustatius: the Golden Rock site. Publication of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 2. Watters, David R. 1994 Mortuary Patterns at the Harney Site Slave Cemetery, Montserrat, in Caribbean Perspective. Historical Archaeology, 28(3):56-73.

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