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2022, 09:22 Being a "Gypsy": The Worst Social Stigma in Romania - European Roma Rights Centre

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BEING A "GYPSY": THE WORST SOCIAL STIGMA IN

ROMANIA
10 May 2003

Valeriu Nicolae and Hannah Slavik1

In August 29, 2002, Madalin Voicu, one of the most well known
Romani politicians in Romania and one of two Romani representatives
in the Romanian parliament, made the following statement:

Our gypsies are stupid. They could at least be crafty but they
aren't. They are just primitives and they manage to irritate the
entire society which is already watching them closely [...] They
run through the country and Europe barefoot, slimy and dirty,
wearing clothes which are more likely to disgust you than make
you feel sorry for them [...] Begging, soliciting and being
disorganized will never bring them any advantages.
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Romanian media received his declaration almost ecstatically: it was

quoted in most mainstream Romanian newspapers and was
considered the political declaration of the week. In Romanian politics,
Mr Voicu usually advocates the rights of Romania's Romani minority.
Why would a member and representative of the Romani community
make such a degrading public statement?

Romanian society harbours one of the worst cases of social stigma in

Europe. The direct result is the reluctance and, in most cases, refusal
of important public personalities of Romani origin to declare their
membership or links to Romania's Romani minority. Important
Romani members of the Romanian government, writers, professors,
doctors, sports celebrities and singers refuse or avoid discussions
targeting their origins, afraid of the likely consequences: exclusion
from social life, scapegoating or the decline or end of their careers.
Even the few Romani politicians elected to represent Romani
communities often criticise or insult those communities, in an effort
to distance themselves from ordinary Roma and to show the majority
that they belong to "high society."

The situation can be illustrated by looking at a typical Romani family

from the village of Budrea in Buzau county, Moldavia, Romania; the
family of Maria and Constantin Ignat. Before 1947, only one Romanian
family lived in this village, the family of the boyar (a feudal
landowner). The rest of the village consisted of Romani families
working for the boyar. Maria and Constantin spoke Romani at home
with their nine children. Of the nine children, only four married Roma
and only one speaks Romani at home. None of the 23 grandchildren
know how to speak Romani and none know their family history (for
example, not one of them could tell the authors the name of their
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great-grandfather or great-grandmother). None married a Romani

person and only one told her children about their Romani heritage. Of
the more than 40 offspring of Maria and Constantin, five have now
graduated from university and one works for the Romanian
government. None of them identify themselves as Romani or show
any interest in their Romani background. In fact, most of them share
the typical Romanian stereotypes about Roma.

The social stigma is long-lasting and far reaching: In Victoria, Canada,

we met a Romanian Romani family, which after 15 years in Canada
still hides their Romani background from other Romanian
immigrants, afraid that their children will be bullied by the Romanian
children and called names.

Why do successful and well-integrated Roma try to hide their

identity? First of all, it is the result of a number of centuries of
conditioning in a society in which the value of a Romani man was
often considered less than that of a cow. The days of official slavery
and subjection are over but, today, equally strong forces are at work
to maintain feelings of shame and inferiority, and contribute to the
reluctance of successful Roma to declare or discuss their ethnic
origins. Racism and hate speech are on the rise in the current
Romanian democracy.

When one man commits an act against the law it is considered a

crime; when an entire society participates in these acts we call it a
lifestyle. Over the last 12 years discrimination, hate speech in the
mass media, and acceptance of violent attacks against the Roma have
become the lifestyle of the majority in Romania. The response and
attitudes of the government and mass media reinforce and
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perpetuate a strong and harmful social stigma, giving an already

racist and xenophobic society the clear message that segregation and
continued discrimination is in the interest of the Romanian state.

The New Regime

The new Romanian political class holds primary responsibility for

perpetuating the social stigma in post-communist Romanian society,
through their use of the Romani community as a scapegoat in their
efforts to divert public attention from rampant corruption, nepotism
and fraud. The government has placed the blame for economic
decline and almost every setback in Romania's efforts to join the EU
and NATO on Romania's Roma.

This trend began immediately after the fall of communism. Within the
first half-year of democracy, both the regime and the opposition
repeatedly accused "Gypsies" of opposing them. Thus, the start of
Romania's new democracy was marked by incessant discrimination,
hate speech, accusations and even violent physical attacks against
Roma.

Immediately after the December 27, 1989 revolution, Romania's

leading coalition, the National Salvation Front (FSN), proclaimed:
"Romania's minorities will have equal rights and freedoms to that of
the Romanian majority."2 Just one month later, on January 28, 1990,
during a violent pro-government demonstration, demonstrators
insulted the opposition protestors, calling them "provocateurs" and
"Gypsies", implying that only Gypsies could be against the new
regime.3

Three weeks later, on February 19, 1990, in a statement broadcast by

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the Romanian national television station TVR 1, the FSN justified the
first brutal miners' invasion of Bucharest by saying that the miners
were called to stop the opposition, made up of "hooligans and
unemployed Gypsies", from overthrowing the new regime. A few days
later the Romanian press published the news that Nicolae and Elena
Ceausescu (the leaders of one of the cruellest dictatorships of the
20th century) were supposedly of Gypsy origin. The connection was
disproved. However, most Romanians were happy to blame one of the
worst communist regimes on the Gypsies.

On May 18 of the same year, when the president of the National

Peasants' Party (the main opposition party in Romania at the time)
was attacked by a band of rock-throwing pro-government
demonstrators, he referred to them as "Gypsies", using the same
propaganda the government regime had previously used.

On June 13 of the same year, a large group of protestors attacked the

National Television building, accusing the state television station of
spreading propaganda for the ruling regime. Following the attack,
TVR 1 broadcast the statement of Emmanuel Valeriu, the general
director of TVR 1, who said that "the building has been attacked and
looted by Gypsies."

In a well-functioning democratic state, among the many roles of

public institutions is the protection and preservation of minority
rights and the promotion of tolerance and multiculturalism. In
Romania, many such institutions are led by extremist Romanians who
make no effort to hide their dislike of Roma; as a result, the
institutions perpetuate the social stigma attached to being Romani.
For example, in January 1995, Romania's Ministry of Foreign Affairs
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decreed that Romanian Roma should be called "ĹŁigani" (considered

derogatory by many Roma) rather than "Roma" as the latter name
"was likely to be confused with the Romanians."4

In 1999, one of the authors of this article attended a reception given

by the Romanian consulate in Strasbourg for Romanian interns at the
Council of Europe and the European Court of Justice - the young
Romanian political elite. At the reception one young diplomat made a
joke: "What are 32 Gypsies good for? You can make 8X4 soap from
them."5 Most of the people present laughed. That diplomat was not
kicked out of the Romanian foreign service. In fact, a few months later
he was made a cabinet director in the Romanian government.

Instances of anti-Romani speech from public figures, ranging from

mild abuse to calls for extermination, abound. For example, on August
16, 1998, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, then a member of the Romanian
Senate, reportedly stated that his platform for running the country
included "isolating Gypsy criminals in special colonies" in order to
"stop the transformation of Romania into a Gypsy camp."6 In 2001, Ion
Bulucea, Mayor of Craiova, the largest city in south-east Romania,
said "those stinking Gypsies should be exterminated."7 In 1999,
Mircea Bot, at that time Bucharest Police Chief, said: "Those scum
Gypsies are responsible for all the wrong-doing in Romania."8 In 2001,
Army Corps General Mircea Chelaru, former Chief of General Staff,
took part in the unveiling ceremony of a bust of Marshall Antonescu,
responsible for deporting and killing tens of thousands of Roma and
Jews during the Second World War.

In this climate it is unlikely that any politician wishing to be part of

the new Romanian regime will admit to being Roma; they prefer to
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deny or avoid talking about their "shameful" roots, and in many cases
to join with the majority in discriminatory talk and behaviour. Before
the revolution, to be Romani was to be considered inferior and
worthless. As if this was not bad enough, the new "democracy"
transformed this "tainted" association into the worst social stigma in
Romania: being a Gypsy.

Mass Media

The majority of Romanian media sources are openly hostile towards

Roma and readily use any means available to manipulate public
opinion against Roma. A good example is the 1999 case of Mihai
Olariu, a Romanian man responsible for the rape and killing of at
least three children. At the beginning of the investigation, the
Romanian national newspaper Adevarul printed the following
headline: "An 11-year-old boy has been raped and tortured to death.
Those responsible are three Gypsies."9 Another important paper
wrote "[...] the three Gypsies are still to be identified." The Suceava
police actually released this statement: "The rapist is a Gypsy, 25-28
years old, stinking and alcoholic." A few days later it was announced
that Mihai Olariu had been arrested and found guilty of the killings.
The announcement did not mention the fact that Olariu was an ethnic
Romanian, nor did the media apologise to the Romani community.

Each month, hundreds of racist articles are published in Romanian

newspapers. The Romanian press monitoring institution Academia
Catavencu states that the majority of articles published in Romania
include racist comments and those dealing with the Roma present
them in a negative way.10

 
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Educational Influences

The youth in Romania should be an important force for bringing about

a change. Unfortunately, the attitude of Romanian youth is another
reason for concern. Although the apathy and indifference shown by
university students towards political and social issues is considered
shocking even by Romanian politicians, when it comes to the "Gypsy
problem", the attitude of Romanian youth is openly hostile and racist.

The root of this problem may lie in the education system: learning
frequently consists of memorising facts and formulas and students
are expected to accept as absolute truth the opinion of their teachers.
Under these circumstances it is little wonder that students are prone
to adopt the same stereotypes and radical views held by their
teachers, who often openly despise Roma.

Teachers are not the only role models for Romanian youth. Young
Romanians are taught about one of the first Romanian national
heroes, Vlad the Impaler, who attempted to repel the Turks and
cleanse Romanian society of undesirable elements: Gypsies, infidels,
lazy peasants, beggars and impure women. Vlad is famous for his
elaborate executions - impaling people alive by pounding wooden
stakes up through their torsos - which he enjoyed watching. Legend
says he also skinned people alive, roasted them over red coals, and
stuck stakes into mothers' breasts and thrust their babies onto
them.11

Next we can look at Romanian literature: educated young Romanians

are expected to read Emil Cioran, Mircea Eliade, and Nicolae
Steinhardt. Cioran and Eliade, considered two of the best Romanian
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writers, played important roles in the fascist movement in Romania.12

Steinhardt is an Orthodox priest hugely popular among the new
Romanian intelligentsia. A few quotes will illustrate how these
writers feel about Roma. Cioran, for example, wrote to his brother:

It was depressing to visit places where sasii [Romanian-Germans]

were prosperous and to see them now invaded by Hindus Gypsies.
That's always how history works - liegozul [uncivilized barbaric
pagan hordes which invaded Europe] triumph. Gobineau is maybe
the best prophet of the last century [Gobineau is considered one
of the founders of modern racism].13

Eliade published the following:

During Eminescu's times, like today, cowardice, ass-kissing,

turpitude, hypocrisy and craftiness were the attack and defensive
tools of those freed slaves. Slaves with dirty blood [...]" [The
slaves he refers to were Roma].14

Steinhardt wrote:

[... we took the worst from Greeks, Turks, Jews, Hungarians and
Gypsies. The Romanian people are one of those nations which can
prove their superiority and qualities only when and where they
are in a pure ethnic state.15

The Romanian Orthodox church that Steinhardt represented has

contributed in other ways to building the social stigma: the church
has not yet apologised for their responsibility for the centuries of
enslavement of Roma.

History, government, media, church and educational influences in

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Romania have joined forces to attach and maintain an extremely

strong and persistent social stigma on Roma in Romania. The
situation shows no signs of improving: in 2002, The Economist ranked
Romania first in Europe in the popularity of extreme far right
movements,16 movements which espouse racism and ethnic purity.
Marginalised by a society which regards them as criminal or sub-
human, Roma have few choices: they can accept their status, try to
hide their origins or attempt to leave Romania. Taking all these
factors into consideration, it is no wonder that the social stigma
exists - the wonder is that we can still find anyone willing to admit to
being Romani in Romania.

Toward a Solution

The solution to the problem of social

stigma in Romania is the growth of a
culture of human rights in Romania.
Some assistance can be expected from
the European Union when Romania
eventually joins, but that is at least
five years into the future. In the
Romani women in Gura Vaii, northern Romania.
meantime, it is the responsibility of
Photo: ERRC
Romanian civil society to fight racism
against Roma.

First, Roma themselves must take action against the social stigma
attached to their ethnicity and its effects. Prominent Roma need to
take advantage of their situation to promote their ethnicity rather
than to hide it. If prominent Roma take part in public campaigns
against racism and xenophobia, the general public might come to
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question their stereotypes of Roma and young Roma would have

positive role models. Roma might come to see that they can be
successful and proud of their ethnicity at the same time, rather than
successful only if they hide their ethnicity. Roma cannot bring about
these changes alone: the support of non-Romani public personalities
is also needed in tolerance campaigns.

Another key is education: education for all young Romanians needs to

include lessons on tolerance and multiculturalism. Romani non-
governmental organisations (NGOs) need to work together to exert
pressure on the government to implement educational programs
targeting racist stereotypes and discrimination, and to include the
history of Roma in Romania in the curriculum.

Romani NGOs need to join forces with Romanian and international

human rights groups to address the problem of social stigma.
Violations of human rights must be brought to court, especially in
Romania, which has some of the best anti-discrimination laws in
Eastern Europe. The problem of social stigma against Roma in
Romania is not a problem limited to the estimated two million Roma
in Romania. Roma must take responsibility for beginning the fight, but
they should expect and accept the assistance of all organisations and
individuals committed to tolerance and the creation of multi-cultural
societies.

Endnotes:

1. Valeriu Nicolae has been involved in Romani activism since 1992. He started an
educational project for Romani children in Romania; worked with numerous
Roma and human rights organisations and published over 50 articles in
academic journals, newspapers and magazines on human rights and Roma
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rights. He holds degrees in engineering and diplomacy. Hannah Slavik is a

former ERRC publications department volunteer. She is currently the Educational
Programs Director for DiploFoundation, a non-profit organisation based in Malta,
Geneva and Belgrade, dedicated to assisting countries with limited human and
financial resources to participate equally in international affairs. She has
initiated a program to assist Roma with participating in postgraduate courses
offered by DiploFoundation.
2. The FSN declaration was published by all major Romanian newspapers and
broadcast by the Romanian national television station TVR 1.
3. The demonstration was broadcast by the Romanian national television station
TVR 1.
4. Decree H(03)/169 and 5/390/NV, January 31, 1995.
5. 8X4 is a German brand of soap.
6. Corneliu Vadim Tudor ran for President in 2000 and received approximately 28%
of the votes cast.
7. See the Romanian biweekly magazine Oglinda, March 2001.
8. See Romania Libera, December 4, 1999.
9. See the Romanian national daily newspaper Adevarul, December 5, 1999.
10. For more information see,
http://www.mma.ro/database/romanews/Raport_2308_2309.zip.
11. See Florescu, Radu and Raymond T. McNally. In Search of Dracula: A True History
of Dracula and Vampire Legends. Greenwich: New York Graphic Society, 1972.
12. See Lavastine, Alexandra Laignel. Cioran, Eliade, Ionesco l'oubli du fascisme.
France: Presses universtaires de France, April 2002. Of all the Balkan states,
Romania alone developed an indigenous fascist movement - Garda de Fier (Iron
Guard) - that briefly became a formidable national force prior to and during the
Second World War.
13. Emil Cioran, letter to his brother Aurel Cioran, dated January 5, 1976.
14. Eliade, Mircea, writing in Buna Vestire, 1937, Octombrie 14, nr. 189, p. 2.

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15. Nicolae Steinhardt. 365 de Intrebari incomode. Bucharest: Editura Revistei

Literatorul, 1992.
16. The Economist, April 27-May 3, 2002, p. 48.
 

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