CLASSIC ESSAYS ON THE CULTURE OF CITIES RICHARD SENNETT Brandeis University APPLETON-CENTURY-CROFTS, EDUCATIONAL DIVISION Yok MEREDITH CORPORATIONopyieh © 1050 by MEREDITH CORPORATION ‘This bok, of parts thee, must no bem cr reproduced in any manner moat etn ‘fermion. For infrmsion arse the pub Ther Appleton Centar Cots, Edges Divison, Mopdith Cogan, #40 Park Av ‘ue Seth New York N¥. 1016. iay of Canes Card Number 7.7588 wos 9 For Max and PierreCONTENTS ONE THE CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF URBAN STUDIES icherd Sennett An Introduction 3 TWO THE GERMAN SCHOOL Max Weber The Nature of the Cty 23 Georg Simmel The Metropolis and Mental Life n scald Spengler The Soul ofthe City a THREE THE CHICAGO SCHOOL Robert Park The City: Suggestions for the Investiga tion of Humen Behavior in the Urban. Environment 7 Human Migration andthe Marginal Man 131 Louis Wirth Urbanism as a Way of Life us Rural-Urhan Differences 165 Human Ecology 170 Robert Redfield The Folk Society 180 Robert Redfield and Milton Singer The Caltaral Role of Cities 206ONE THE CLASSIC SCHOOLS OF URBAN STUDIESAN INTRODUCTION Richard Sennett ‘The exeays in this hook are the fist modern explorations of what it means to live in a city; they are alo the grestest eways on city cul: tue yet written. Almost all of these works were composed between 1900 and the Second World War, but they belong together not simply hecause they share a common epoch or & common reputation. Most of the waiters of thete pees worked with each other in sequence, and out of this personal contact has come a common body of themes, a stephystep expresion of certain ideas, that continues to dominate the way we understand the urban cultures of today Urban studies isa very recent field of study, yet cities are one of the oldest artifacts of civilized life, The reason for this fs that up to the time of the Industrial Revolution, the city was taken by tort social thinkers to he the image of society itself, and not some special, ‘nique form of social life In the ancient world this blentib occurred in the writings of Aristotle, Pato, and Augustine; during the reemergence of city life in the late Mile Ages it cal he found in the work of Machioveli: daring the 18h century this merging of cGty and society was powerfully sated in the socal theory of Rousseau, Oceasionlly the city wa trated a a special society, in the work of the I7th-century philosopher Jean Bodin, for instance, but the authority ‘of the greater socil theorists overchelmed the iew of those who felt 4s did Bodin, Thus, until quite recently, the fekl of urban studies ad no real mesning of ils own ibe city was taken Yo be the minor of @ broader realty, more appropriate asa focus of thought. "This identication of society and city changed duving the Indus taial Revolution of the last two centuries because the cites themselves ‘changed. They became immensely larger than anything known since the a‘ The Clas Schools of Urban Stadies time of Rome, and their growth came not from within, through inv tema popilation change, but from without, as» result of agricul tural changes that either encouraged of, in fewer cases, forced men of the countryside to move to town, Thie human migration, unsettling in elf, was conjoined to a new meane of labor by which the expert fence of time, motion, and human relatedness became altered in men's lives. This new labor cannot simply be idemified with the growth of “the factory” or of “capitalism,” for extensive factory systems hed existed in the medieval towne and Renaissance rites, and the process of orderly capital formation was more iattutionaized, more coherent ly understood, ia Mddhcentury Venice than in 1th-century Manchester, Something tangled and complex was involved in these industrial ets, something to be explored as a problem of ite, something that could ‘ot be understood by the we of a few easy lable of categories, ‘This was the tak the writers inthis book set themselves, It may be asked why it was their generation, at the opening of our own century, who performed this labor, and not the people who, 7S to 100 years carlier, fist felt the brunt of the urban transformation ‘There was in fact a great deal of documentary evidence and discus sion of the eity by the people initially caught in its geip: in England ‘he reports of commissions on child labor and. factory conditions veere read with concern hy wie sections ofthe publics in France, the reshaping of Paris by Baton Hausmann in the middle of the century produced great debate: in America, the evils of the European factory tien were closely watched and the sylvan experiments of Lowell or Waltham offered up as solution to the degradation of urban life in the Old World But holiing sway over all these particular discussions and exper ‘meats was what Karl Polanyi has called the “grand idea” of the 19th century intellectuals, that all thee urban traits could be related in fone way or another to society as a huge market place in whieh ia dividuals or groupe struggled with etch other for gain. This system, fenerating the social conditions of cities, was thought to be per: footy clear as an idea, and weefl new knowledge would be gained, supporely, in discovering the good and evl of the system in practice tis the sway of the mechanical ides of a market economy: gener ting urhan social conditions that the writers in this hook were the firt to attack. They felts seas too simple and redvced away the com. plenity of experience that occured in a city. Significantly, none of these new thinkers challenged the rightness or wrongness of the market An Intrduction 5 na nh, bt ther suet to how ta the som feof he Hee thay in part by, or had at lest a sjmbiote relation to Stennis peal ony 0 han aren, hn SRE nae run thers eteblished themselves enlarging the tc Stee frees that men amdcnon to have prefaced epee conitions of ty clare Mis colrgng of the ener of soil ie lps explain why the eave i thie book are s0 broad inthe phenoment they reat {fenesray wes breath of Sredom for thse mens it was the iy in which thay cou ter _dowm the righ simplices of thought =r had mae previous heres of ety conditions ster ‘rat lac arhun writers fl nto two schol of resarch. The fiat school was © Geran one centered ia Hetdlinrg and Bes {hncmers were Max Weber, Geog Simmel, onda litle ater, Oval Spence Al wrote inthe Ait quarter of the century The second Steal guew up atthe Univrsiy of Chicago jn the 1920, where Sees members remained active until tr the Second Wort ry the lndes a ths Chicago Schon were Robert Park, Louis With and Ernest Barges of whom Park aad Wirth appeat in this ‘aume While al ne called theneles sociologist intellect SMuence nthe university spre widely, and one of the notable join fled wa i te there work of a nto Mogi, bert Reield, who shan easy appear as the con ‘Rulon ‘of this volume: Redes dens were bith «sation of the wont ofthe German and Chicago echosis and trositon sat the Wiking about cites current toy, thinking that stl largely re Coleen et abortion or dpe, aud the work done by all these ‘The German School ‘The first modern effort in urban studies, Max Weber's The City, appeared in 1905, The subject was a new one for hit, and he also treated it in a way unlike anything before written on cities, Weber's work on the eity is dificult to read, yet its dificulties which are re Aocted in the impossibly abstract language of the book, say a great deal about the intentions ofthe author. Weber was in his own life tor between being a man of action, committed to practical goals and specifi ethical standard, and being {Pacientiat, committed to a “valuefree” description of society; in his6 The Clasic Schools of Urban Studies sctolaly work the moralit, the man contd to living in the world i cea pret bt Mien wo tha wat seme to be de ‘inom isin fet eitgue, Weber abstactImgunge la ne way the water delrdh sate thio commitment inl ake posible to write s+ an obcrversiet scnowlegieg deal he Ca intone hse” Webes eal whe tio beeen Aberration and judgement as Dy"arging through ingles be Fests thé seri of + human ston In sch a Way tht co tia cmlsonsneiably fall, yet wil nt commit mel prim to drawing them This terion may teen prtern,ab pera Ey yet Weber wo ha an enormaun power ope of fall fe reader palin al nari The sources of Weber thinking on the iy, as dine from his tnmane Knoledge sont ‘tease warping. One would thnk he would have abaored ae deat wih the ngs of Toole nod Duron, socilogte af hs ors who were Leaning to unaner the eft of whan factrs oo singly unlated pers of ail ie hough nite formulated an tan theory as sch, Weber Yok 2 rote lent frm thes however, in Unt he sought te ecrie ot TW cle Tal ed to mae of tation and lntaen fn are But ther under what conto cis could be postive and erestve inducers on men comin es That he soght thi ind cy fe the past tater than he pret the comertne of Weber cetgue of modern ushan le The ratte ny Weber tune tothe pst fr 4 deep of eentve ctr are mare completed, ead lend fn barton hin dein of city andi prt hom be belleed thie {nition old be explore Weber's concept of sci is clef we dene « word tht sti eine tw ithe. term Cooma could be called cosmoolitn nthe tine place, a variety af sles OF life and difrent sve of ndvdala could eosin. Weber Posed ths denon tothe naar ofthe ly ill the ty tht Sec Jorm which permits the peste degree of nny and an Gch In cach of He Slualsecrenes athe world To deb ihe ci) ie not to dese one able of le Iut one set af sail structures tat can prodice 4 mulitade of conte diferent ples ‘of lie, The citys therefore the set of social structures that encourage soci Tdiidslty ond Innsin, ado Une We scumea of historical change dn Invoduction In this light( Weber’) study of the city was & bold undertaking, his “definition of the city itself. What we have called here « defini: a ee eT tate Scene peer a lgrprg tecbgan ee oe eee See epe see tese The Classe Schools a} Urban Seudies Felatonship in time. By the idealtypical method, bureaueracies in medi eval Europe could be compared to those of ancient China, the eit. Hates of Greece compared to the republics of Renaissance Italy, and s0 on. The meaning was in the logical comparison of compouite social pictures essoi was to be used as a tool to bring out depts in historical experience that would not emerge if the observer's vision ‘were narrowly limited tothe historical material in sequence - Using this method, Weber located an urban form, in the late Middle Azes in the Low Counties, and slightly Inter in the atly Renaissance cites of Italy, that seemed most neerly to typily those conditions of city structure which bred rich, diverse urban atyes of life, It was in the contrast of these cities to the cites of modern day Europe that Weber hoped to show, not what should be changed oF how change should oceur, but what was now ‘as posible within the etys orders. Georg Simmel was a friend and younger colleague of Max Weber, one of the fist to appreciate the greatness of Weber's work Weber in his turn spent much effort, out of his faith in Simmel. powers, in trying to have Simmel appointed toa. good university Post; since Simmel was Jewish, he had a dificult time in the school system of Germany and was never fully accorded the honors tht Weber and others sought for him. Intelocually, Weber and Simmel shared a conception of the struc: tures forming the modern Western city, but Simmel disagreed with Meher’s explanation of how the city came into being: in alton, Simmel baw in these urban forms of the modern age the possibility 4 new and complex civilized lie Simmel, like Weber, belived that cities could he described in an “idealtypieal” form, but the elements of this description would. be peychological, not structural, 5-ia Weber's description of urban mar kes, families, and laws, Fox Simmel the inescapable fact of wrban life ‘of ll kinds was the feeling of being overwhelmed, the focing “Hist there was too much around ane ina city tobe dealt with ‘This excess of(Gaxchie stimulation’ ax Simunel called it, lel men to try {0 defend themselves hy not reacting emotionally fo the people around “hem in city: for Simmel this meant they would tey not to react ae ‘hole human beings with distinct identities, AAs a defense against the complesties of urban life, men tried to live, in Simmel’s account, in a nonemotiona, reasoned, funcional issng, what richness 4n Imrofucon snip other men; the defense wa 10 Bek fe it ve amptmans inorder to bein coxvel over each one wpa irrccn herein niyo ty toma aochresme of thei ves 1 Ret fie, er week, an tei rnd, they weld be SLRS Simmel argon by compounding the compen i ath one Slate venig wii a tbo ao, “ie mrt eonomy an the fice and factory burners wee he epee of ils fragman proce, for in Bae silo Sinomic orm he uente wos moet ced om set with icra, emtonhamunbig,wot d ted Taman cnt in ply fonctonal an vatonal forme And ce the that of overstimulation was great in all the rammoth cin of Sines ney feared tht tan no cider ht they ld topett 20 tony the male exange and he fie vee th Soe Pertonal eats sel Yn all of them av a dele. agaiat the pevchic neraon of xing overwbeled Thr She rem > pra ch he Waters of he acacia of modern cky lies the penton, the scl ee thst mu proces Bt Sel bled Shove trate rere the rect of a orb condtionsodakpcholo Calin ts mtr, while Weber bere thy were the produ of the Ciufuece of eeonomte and nonsconomie foresee ode cp tale Sine als mw posit for ie te thaw modern er tha Behe ndetegument never approached. ee into SHG whenever large nubs of people ve together ‘arned that there selves a hua en yh tet rte “Ttself in the process. But this self, this emotional being. is not an ino tberweldyapere that ean Une untouched bythe deme Techno enabled fe eapnse tothe ity. The proce of bull ine defenses agin they nay mete ein fhe thing the buldings The reat subety af Simel hnking vax that it na ee serene hor yw and the ier emanating form: there no hese for SMesatcd opts arin nen whew ea He fant {Vand impersonal, he emotional vs of mn ned nt wither sae Peeper eg nee earns ar pon but the ty contin ctld eed well o something dif En eit han stl ee Ed of hm red.10 The Cleese Schools of Urban Studies Simmel believed that » man could, in « complex ely, come to free his spirit from his act that come to understand thet "who Tam’ ono simply “what To ordinarily.” Theres something ironic ina pescutel Tewish imtellsual giving thie most Chris eas it feat-modera form in term of city ie, yet fo Simm, the motionless and funciona qualities of tost contacts inthe ety are powerlal forces driving men to lock for a inore transcendent order Of ie, powerfl foros to fice men trrs aking the eile of their Toutine acts the circle ako of thet felinge and intelectual horizons Because the routine of fe inthe city it defensive act, the person defending himelf could Bllve that his own ecfhoed lay inthe ce, pacity to defend, to rise above mundane, emotionless things and to Trew ite apse om them "Wht Sim envsoned, concrtaly, wat that man could lear jn a city bot to fl tied to his job ox his fal, or his fiends, but finally to turnin om himelf for sustenance and growth, the way 4 monk would meditate es an open iturin Simmel esa) whether this freedom vill prevail or whether men will become dispirited by the routine of thelr daly lives, but at least Sune! was ling to explore what god the great, impersonal metropoles of his and of ur tine could seve. Unlike almost all other writers during and Sine his day, Simmel was visionary ofthe real worl, ot vision fry of the post or of some utopia to be established in the unknown fttue. He had the courage to look at reatine amd inpersonaiy in order tee what could he made fi “The fal German theorist in this book, Onwall Spengler, was ot a personal fiend of either Weber or Simmel, nor «exp student of their work Yet his witings on the iy have a surprising fity to cern of Weber's and Simmel ideas, and his ew thinking was Inter to influence the yung American, stadving with Simmel in Ger smany befor the war, cho wast found the Chicago Sheol of Urban Sidi ‘CSpmnglePelieved that the stages of city development i fat the turn of the cen tury like Weber and Simmel who were trying to specify unique fea tures of the city as a social form. Further, the stages of ch srowth Spengler envisioned the city to embody mece eylical; the rise and fall of city cultures had a clear pattern which indicated the stages aed 4 orabcon 0 of grovth and dca nce. TT Spengler pared. wavs with earlier thinkers by setting the cous af SBE growth Lave to Ihe hodhy growih of ety Sejm cella plots The igo ces of ha ova, Ue Spengr Seluned were a cane dreving ff he sources of rigor and ery tebe found in thve Is Fouied, more bral tines wen country tod toro were of equal stenet Soon, he prope, the git topolian callus of the preset day shoud meet the fate Ramet ao tha the cls would be dsoyed in some eyes wa, td te sola Would revert to s barrie arco ie: Then the Shots ejee of urban grow wold felntite edy eilzed le ould ‘unr, span become ovrcieed at the plah whe the {Sievers th counts, and collar once mre Tis major work, Decline‘ the Dre, deres it tide from Spengler Ine that Western chy calle ha hy the easy 20h canary, becore overs yt th cele of abate wat pple Spence wid to con ow Werern cares For lx ll css, hs of erin sae vould corp tht inhabits by overintnonal tng the proms af human intechang, by making thm rin and Sncmtons Ths vas aos porliity Simmel foreew ithe sopment awry age cn; bat Spengler nation of srrpton wan cheat to te Carecurlee ches ef the modern wot as Oy Bued in Weber's acount Spengler bleed tt-orey eure, Wesern and non-Western suerte + Cll spss ealyagrvian pase, that gave. the alte Fpl ens the grombo he mane chy gradually obliersed th calial charscer hy encouraging = teat tvidulny ad pprsenr Jn the meres f the A ‘This it comes abou, Spengler orgacd that all great cies re the ‘ae, tho they spring oat of radial Seren etree, and Ut this samenen ta sig of their knew and imminent clap ‘The hanes batwena town and conn, ch Weber alerd cea Jn ebbing the vigor ot the Rensnance ele, wun To Spex Herth key tothe beaih fall developing sci Spengler argument may tem 2 fel, earonun gneslty, sod nde cine so when perered daring the Nos eran Gorman Ya eyelcal scouts In which the ly Heures in. sme vay a8 tyme of stow et deine hae disp fate te oar care e “Roman historian Polybius made a powerful argument along these lines;2 The Classic Schools of Urban Stuties there are some hints of this connection in the work of Herder, the Lithcentury German writer who was one of the frst to speak of a “folkspivt;” and since Spengle’s time the linking of city growth to the eyelieal development of eultare has been powerfully expreseed in the writings ofthe English historian Arnold Toynbee and the American ‘ubanist Lewis Mumford. What is so annoying about this cyclical, idea in Spengler's easy, I belive, is that it war presented as a rmetaphor without a proces; that is, the sense of the cycle was ca veyed without a cleat idea of the steps by which a large city could Install separatism and isolated individvaism in the place of common cultural characte. One of the great achievernents of the Chicago School taking form at the time Spengler wrote was to specify suc evolution in concrete terms of migration to cities and the internal ‘ructate within the ety ie ‘This problem in Spengle’s writing on the city identifies an as sumption about the city found as well in the work of Weber and Simmel, an aseurption which the Chicago School did a great deal to clarify. Weber, Simmel, and Spangler all assumed the characteristics _of ety cilture~the large impersonal bureaucracies, the rule of rational exchange and rational law, the lack of warm personal contact between city men—to be qualities that pertain to the city.as. shole. The ‘enterprise ofall thee writers was direted toward defining city ealture fe a unitary phenomenon, by contrasting it to other kinds of socal The fist members of the Chicago School set out in an oppo site way to deal with the city: they asked questions sbout the internal character of the city, about how the different part of the ety func tioned in relation to each other, about the diferent kinds of experi: ence to be had within the same city at the same point in time. This second generation of urbanists took the city as a world in itself, and sought to define what the city was in terms of the relations between the parts in this world; their fort was thos a new departure from the Cermans in that, during the eatly phases of the Chicago School, no searching attempt was made to understand the city through 1s relations to the social forms that lay beyond it. Only in the last phases of the Chicago School, in the work of Robert Redfield, was the insight of the wider social bearing of the city, as explored by the Germans, to be combined with the knowledge of the internal de Introduction 2 workings of the city developed hy the first rewarchers of the city at the University of Chicago ‘The Chicago Schoo! Despite this diference, the themes inthe work of the Chicago urban. ints Robert Park, Louis Wirth, Ernest Burgess, and Robert Redfield were those of the ealier German generation, themes now thrown into greater foots and detail. Because of this continuity, urban studies as a discipline has been fortunate in achieving coherence over the course of time, while other areas of socal study have become fragmented. These themes fll into two large groupings: What are the noneconomie forces that work to create the “culture” of the city? What are the possi tie for free choice and innovation in the culture of the ety? In adie tion to thee ecimmon concerns, Robert Redfield, working in conjunc: tion with Milton Singer, arived at a means of describing the evolu tion of cities that resolved a confusion prevading hoth the German and ‘ulier Chicago School writers on the nature of the evolution of the city form itsl ‘The Chicago School began to take form after the First World War when a young journalistturned-ocioogist, Robert Pask, attracted to the University of Chicago two other scholars in the then novel field of city culture, Ernest Burgess and Louis Wirth. Park had done his doc toral work in Germany, at the University of Heidelberg before the wars and there had been much infheneed by the lectures of Georg Simmel ‘The fist fruit of th cle of Park's appearing in 1916, “The City: Some Suggestions forthe Study of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment: this landmark inthe development of utban studies has influenced the course of urban resesteh in America and Europe ever since, (Park in this article set out to understand the city both as a place. and as a “moral order.” He belived thatthe ety could be decribed in Such a way that its functional, tangible character would ultimately re veal the cultural and ethical posites fr life in it. What Park called the “ecology” of the city, the way it was internally divided and opera: tive, Was aot to be Simply a map of where things were and how they ‘worked: rather, Park wanted to disenver how these physical vessels ‘shape the emotional, hanan experience of ety men. work was an au The Clasic Schools of Urban Studies ‘This a's more sulle undertaking han i int appears fdr Pak assumed that payee and moral conditions of living na city would “Fetes trees in physical waye-in ow space was inthe pa ‘ems of homan motion and trangport and so om. Park steamed, in ther words, that culture could be manifest directly through its tan ible artifacts, ad that the city mst therefore have an organic char ‘hich writers like Spencer, contrasting the “oreanic manifesta ofthe farm or village to the dinembodied society of the iy, had previoualy denied Park's iden was suggestion a to where research on the tangible, immediate aspects of city life could lad. Tie organic picture nfo. tunately, wan achieved by few of Park's many students, 20 that most ecological work during and since his tine has produced dry and ate thetic stacies of urban conditions that reveal itl of what experienced in the actual conduct of life. But among some of Park's disiples the humane itt of his erginel formulation fe been sealised notably In the theoretialeaays of Louis Wirth and Robert Redfield and in the concrete researches today of sich Chicago urbanits at Donald Bog. We have sen that Simmel and Spengler both wed the concept of Avision of labor to dese the way in which ity men lived in «frag tented and specialized relation to each other: the free urging on thi division of labor was the desire for rational efcincy in performing taske—rationality apart fromm, or as a defense agama, the ertional relations ineolvedrvoial acts The writers of the Chicago Schoo, otal Park And With) wore to show how this “force for rational tras expiated in the physial arrangement of the city Sua, how the everaphy ofthe place wos the concrete expression ofthe division of Tabor and the fragmenting of social role. schinescare tray 90 farlinr th thi gogra the cy, where bisinere dict, ghetoslae ar dint each ote {rom the others it hard to imagine that any other kind of shan form cold exist, or thatthe description of such «fonction geography could have been a dacovery. Actually, this cology unique to the industrial ity. The geographical separation of house and factory, place to ive and place to work, wae unknown tothe Iate medieval cities ‘of northern Europe, or the Renaleance clipatate of Ttely. As lao 4 the mide of the lst centry, tn the rebuilding of Pasi, ving ‘quarters could e planned themselves to nce all unite from rich to oor inthe same pce ical condition dn Introduction 1s smentalization Park and Wirth sought to describe was there fore a new physical artifact of industrial citi, in which the ecient ‘use of land and distribution of population was based on the concentra tion of homogeneously fanetional units in the same physical teritory JIevas this condition, Park and With thought, that would make the Gig cluster of separate worlds, bt where each one would be all of « “Piece thin fis owe boarders. For Park, this kind of physicalfunctional separation had an i smence impact'on the way behavior could be controlled in the city, tnd thus determined the freedom of behavior and expression posible in the ety. This concern for eity freedom set Park apart from those of his students, like Louis Wirth, who explored the response of urban people to fragmentation in their Hives in terms of paths of communication sacl power in the city, through such Fmited groups at voluntary organi tations. Park's emphasis on the freedom possle for men in cities a8 a eonsequence of the division of labor was rather inline with the com ‘came of his own teacher, Georg Simmel. ‘Where Simmel belived city men could become free by transcending the routine of city life, by forming an “I” that was grester and apart from any of the emotionless daily acts that “I” performs, Park went a step further: he asked what it would mean for the contra of human lchavior if all the activities of daily life were broken up into small, routine parts in which men were not emotionally involved. His nse was that in such a eify, no one of the parte would have the power, or the total desire, to dictate the acts of anyother, beyond what was necessary to preserve functional relations hetween the two This was Because the people who under one rubric might be considered 1 coherent social segment would not uniformly remain as « group de fined by another measure: if the Swedes, for instonce, belonged to twenty different occupations in a city, with crossloyaities to each, no one could organize the Swedes 05 « sxoup to achieve one partcolar ‘ceupatonal goa, lke supporting a printers’ strike; in the same way, the guild organization of worker, so common in the medieval and pre industrial ces of Europe, could not survive the fragmenting of loyal: ties within each worker in the industrial city as he comes to have at the same time a numberof diferent and often confctng interests in his various social role, ‘The outcome of these crossed loyalties was, Park believed the impossibility of enforcing uniform standards of behavior in the city,6 The Classic Schols of Uren Stdies eventhough most of the cys eople might hae sim coes of con thet iar thew of lat fre The pu for wba ark sated Sort” range of dean Beavor wes he very eatin ic no ane non apney tog ae tlm enenformer Tur fova man o anova to Boch en ol eal eons inca. not conform The Pak sy heey the mem rhe egos af fe mon, whos perme Selpmen cull nen faocl socal sani who novation cad pve the bass {ePhnose chang in rban social This aranfeedom, vere by Pak sary opposed Fp eect fe oe el was viva ile the apc fmt tps theweles thea acyl and tmesriblDy, the coms wide The iy Smetana dr nt ope enton a oi doves VHF innend 2 enced er cil af sein outa sis of sled bey pty one, rune Sime tok to 12 inudicale conden ot'meropolian le Where Prt’ ree nincvtr, + dan Simmels te uren a aren man poise Further, where(Simmel’s notion of a free urban man makes it nately Imps un im out by the ature of het and 9 rely ud what hi fee ike(Pac’s concept of freedom clery shows ere the tangle ene of the Soniton conld be fund throught they: nthe pte of deviance which define the ey moral are. "healer who has abored teens of Park wl sense inmaiately the direction of thought in the ese of Louis Wich thoush Wir phate diferent ret af the urban fragmentation proces han Fark, With was a dpl inthe bs seme eft words he wa nt Highly ori thinker, but he wa cretve in his capacity to develop ten, once erminsed otal of He lpia posses, W trade great contrbatio, in partial tying tenon the ways in which the division of labor at an urban ptnemenen would inaenee the relations of abes economize arias lard we, urlan labor pater tn urhan pola! scares to each ther irom this pater of ner ‘tion he sought to understand how the fragments communicated and inenee each otier. What was minted in prvi seman of Sion of labor was pli out in teat theres deta in With, ota the proce of ban speciation reeve for the fs time Coherent and diailned presentation, An Introduction 7 ‘To my mind the most interesting essays to come out ofthe Chicago School are those by Robert Redield. Hie work deepened that of his collegues by showing how thelr views of the modern eity were based sssumptions about the lives of aonurban, or what Redfield called “folk” ceties. Together with a younger colleague, Milton Singer, Redfield nt on to show how the difference between urban and folk societies were relatedto the evolution of the city form itself, In this way, Redfield was able to unite the explorations of the internal character of the city made by the early Chicago urbaniste with the work of the German School onthe city in the larger realm of society and social development ‘Ceili: method of analysis was much both usédcomposite pictures of societies 5) in order to fee ere ee ee eee eee eee mie ea cece ead a ea tha Pek and Wiha itl te ee The caer i eed ee ee eel ete nee tee) a weeueaad ay ae ean ae ‘ahedinieance these of eas wal ibecons ee isis Sawer ceca tees ate) aa peg eer aia ere flog to bea on taing out ox such ay mesg ecg ea Hise alge, bn enrelos ofSerod and icletees ee at was no oka Ra ee ee hg tha he the pre of an hee Sa absent from their lives. In making this comparison, Redfield brought the Epo ol tre de bec tots geanly tarp an oe nd Sp han dR ses Rees LULL edt took thi single ena ie coer oe ne, ee ee ee Urbanized. Passage from folk to urban society wae Redfeld belcred, sings ocala a eae ue nto thai), tocnd an inernal chan of aide inthe mind af “Tmnew white The Kindo ubanimiey Walk ea Serre ae ‘roces nith-a-defnite hetinning and a-defiaite sd This loos cere me ee ee1 The Classe Schools of Urban Stadier sumed there was some fnal and definable condition of life that could becalled urban Tut Rede, with his colleague Singer, went a step beyond Weber bby arguing that once this proces of urbeniation had heen fully schieved, further development to the mature of the city itself could ‘cour. What the city does to people and the nature of the city as a formal structure were separate forces to Redfield and Singer. The forms of the city were themselves in evolution, andthe evolution is onto logical: that is, there is a process of development, but toward no clear tnd. The typing of cities in the Redfield Singer article wa to istrate the kinds of stages through which cies might pass although ne one of theve stages would be final, Thus, duting or afer the time « people ‘experienced the defined passage from folk culture to urban cultare in a teleological way, the cites themselves were freely developing histor cally ‘This may seem an unnecessarily abstract description of city life, but in fat these ideas made clear a puzle in city culture that previous writers could not resolve: how, if te city is a special kind of society, an it evolve without losing the marks of is specalness? ‘Weber believed that in fact there were certain conditions ander hich the development ofthe city meant the decline of the special marks fof city lifes the industrial cities of the modern world were his prime cxamples, for most people had come to live i them, yet they had no character of thelr own, Redfield and Singer, unlike Weber, believed that cities could in nately possess the power of growing without losing their special char acter hecause they existed in to dimensions at the ssme time. In one Aimension, the teleological one, their character was fixed, in the forming of folk culture into whan culture: in another dimension, the functional relations of the city to other elements of society, left the city itself fre to change its frm asthe culture in which it ex ced changed. Redfield and Singer believed there was nothing inevitable, and thus unfre, in these larger relations; there was only an inevitable Who eame from anther culture into the sway of change on the peop the ity isl ‘By resolving this problem, Redfield and Singer came to» much stronger picare of the city as the agent of social change than did Spenser: instead of being the harbinger of unceasing, regula patterns of growth and decline, the city becomes the medium by which «regular dn Introduction 7 rhythm of human change is combined with the free evolution of social life, If this Iden is joined to Park's notion of how innovators within the city are fre, there emerges a comprehensive portrait of the ieaie by which the people in a city have a definite character and yet real freedom, just as ther city has an ientifable structure and yet the capacity to change ‘There is one common quality 1o al thet stays, and that concerns tee relevance tothe turbulent search fora dent tock onder inthe ‘Si of our evn tine ‘By a shane twist of evens, at more and more people come to be conceoel about creating just ad humane uben ite the work of the professionals in urhan sues has become increasingly removed sd infact elvan, to the new wench for values The fel of wan Studies is now plagued hy a kind of superstitious belt Jn siete parity of research, as though, Ihe Faust if we had perfet nt pre Towle the world around us would suddenly change. As 2 human disipine urban ste shown all the signe of tap ding a ‘he emotional perspective of the esaysts in this book. forall the generality oftheir eas, are probably the only guides to the conduct &f modern usanifon a moral plane, apart frm afew modern writers lke Lewis Glumfordyhat are relevant to renewing # see of freon and stality in our len Despite the sweep and abstracines ofthe Bat great uban schools, tr members wete in earnest conveying to other sen what human val ae destoyed, preserved oy ened i te Sty tise thee i hereore nothing ot of dae aout there exten for they are the works that sl speak ret diel to our search now for acity life not merely tobe endured but tobe priedTWO THE GERMAN SCHOOLTHE NATURE OF THE CITY Max Weber Economic Character of the City: Market Settlement The many definitions of the city have only one element jn common rarely that the clty consists simply of a collection of one or more separate dwellings but is relatively closed settlement. Customary though not exclusively, in cities the houses are built closely to each ther, often, today, wall to wall. This massing of elements interpene trates the everyday concept of the “ity” which is thought of quant tatively as a large locality. In itself this is not imprecise for the city ‘often represents a locality and dense setlement of dwellings forming a colony 40 extensive that personal reciprocal acquaintance ofthe inhabi tants is lacking, However if interpreted in thie way only very large Io calities could qualify as cities; moreover it would be ambiguous, for ‘various cultural factors determine the sie at which "impersonaity” tends to appear. Precisely this impersonality was absent in many histor cal localities possessing the legal character of cities, Even in conter porary Russia there are villages comprising many thowsands of inhabi- tants hich are, thus, larger than many’ old "etis™ (for example, in the Polish colonial area of the German East) which had only a few hundred inhabitants, Both in terms of what it would inelucle and what it would exclude size alone can hardly be slicient to define the city: Economically defined, the city is a settlement the inhabitants of ‘which live primarily off trade and commerce rather than agriculture. sate ith peamison of The Mueiin Company tom Phe Cy by Copyraht @ M8 by The Free Pex 2 Corporation. Tint publihedn che far Sosttremehole and Sexapliih, VoL 1, gg im ede Wich ad Gece tage JE 2* The German Schoo! However, iti not altogether proper to all all localities “eta” which are dominated by trade and commerce. This would clude in the con cept “ety” colonies made up of family members and maintaining & tingle, practically hereditary trade establishment sack asthe “trade i fages” of Aaia and Russa, It fs necessary to add a certain “versatility fof procticed trades to the characteristics of the city. However, this in ‘itself doesnot appear suitable as the single distingusing characterite ofthe ety ether Economie versatility can be established in atleast two ways by the presence of a feudal estate or @ market, The economic and politcal needs of & feudal or princely estate can encourage specialization in ttade products in providing ¢ demand for which work i performed and goods are bartered. However, eventhough the oikos of a lord oF prince fea ange ava city, a colony of artisans and small merchants hotnd to villein services not customarily called a “ety” eventhough historically 4 large proportion of important “cities” originated in such settlements.” In cities of such origin the products for prince's court often remained ‘highly important, even chief, source of income forthe setters The other method of establishing economic versatility te more generally important forthe “citys this isthe existence inthe place of fettlement of a regular rather than an occasional exchange of goods ‘The market becomes an essential component i the livelihood of the settlers. To be sure, not every “market” converted the locality in which it was found into a city. The periodic fairs and yearly foreign-trade markets at which traveling merchants met at fixed times to ell their foods in wholeale or retail lot to each other or to consumers often ‘occured in places which we would call “villages.” i ‘Thus, we wish to speak of a “city” only in eases where The local inhabitants satisfy an econorically substantial part of their daily wants ‘nthe Incl market, and to an essential extent by products which the local ‘market, and to an essential extent by products which the local pops: lation and that of the immediate hinterland produced for sale in the market or acquired in other ways. In the meaning employed here the “ity” ie a marketplace. The local market forms the economic center of the colony in which, due to the specialization in economie products, or the ple of se bouschold or okosecnomy ef, Mox Weber, General ‘Economic Hoy, tana Fr W. Kright (Glencoe The ree Pres 0) Se78"Va0 fe 8, ey 168 and fobannce Hae Brock, Gretsch Wire ‘chiche Tbngens GBM TBH) pp 8 2 3 6 he Nature of the City i Ith the sonarban population and urbanites satisfy thir wants for vies ef rade and commerce, Wherever it appeased sa coniguration ‘lore from the country W wae tonal forthe iy tw be both a {Enlly or princely venience a wal ana earket pace. I simsllancoly ied center ofboth Kind, okos and market and frequently na Mim to te regular market i alo served es prod foveign makes of traveling merchant Inthe meaning of the word here, th chy fea “market cetlement. ‘Often the existence of a market rets apon the concessions and guarantees of protection by a lord of prince. They were often inter: feted in such things ae a regular supply of foreign commercial utiles tnd trade products, in tlls, in moneys for escorts and other protection fees, in market tariffs, and taxes from law suits. However, the lond of prince might alo hope to profit from the local weltement of trades tren and merchants capable of paying taxes and, at soon as the market feitement arose around the matket, fromm land rents arising therefrom, ‘Such opportunities were of especial importance to the lord of prince since they represented chances for monetary revenues and the increase in his treasure of precious metal However, the city could leck any attschment, physical or other wise, to lordly oF princely residence. ‘This was the case when it originted as a pure market settlement at a eulable intersection point (Cschageplats)? where the means of transportation were changed hy virtue of concession to nonresident lords or princes or usurpation bythe interested parties themselves. This could assume the form of con- cessions to entrepreneurs—permiting them to lay out a market and re- cruitsettlers for it, Such capitalistic establishment of cities was espeialy frequent in medieval frontier areas, particularly in East, North, and Central Europe. Historically, though not as rule, the practice has ape peared throughout the world, Without any attachment to the court of a prince or without princely concessions, the cy could arise through the association of foreign invaders, naval wartiors, oF commercial setles or, finaly, native parties interested in the carrying trade. This oceurzed frequently inthe early Midile Ages. The resultant city could he @ pure market place, However, iti more ual to find large princely or ptrimonial “hares Haney’ theory of taeiportaton took the break in commune: ‘in either phys a economia he most eu al faces fo the forte= The German Schost Trowseholds and a market conjoined. Te this case the eminent hose hold as one contact point of the city could satisfy its want either primarily by means of a natucal economy (that is by villa service fr natural service of taxes place upon the artisans and merchants ‘dependent on it) or it could supply ieelf more or lese secondarily hay barter in the local market as that markets most important buyer ‘The more pronounced the Inter relation the more distinct the market foundation of the city looms and the city ceaee by degrees to be a rere appendaged market settlement alongside the oikos. Despite at tachment to the large howschold it then became a market city, Ae a le the quantitative expansion of the original princely city and ite ‘economic importance go hand in hand with an increase in the satis faction of wants in the market by the princely household and other large urban households attached to that of the prince as courts of vassals or major olfcials, Types of Consumer and Producer City Similar othe cy ofthe pine, the inhabitin of which are scone rically dependent apon the purchasing power of ble hous cities in which the purchasing power of the eter lrger com sumers sich a renters determines the rconomie oppotnitio of rex {ent uadesnen and mechan. In ters of the Kind and source of ther incomes such larger connuners may be of uit vated type “They maybe oicins who agend thei legal and se neome in the tity, or lon or eter politeal power holders who spend eit not tran tnd rents or play dernine thee caer the ity eloely approntate the princely city for depends tyon patimonal and poieal incomes which supply the purchasing er alge consumer Pang wan city fects Monto fore ‘apesion of wefan, was landent cy Diferent in principle are the sper similar cities in which san landents ace determined by afc monapole of landed property Such cies crisis in the rade and commerce conaidatel in the hands of an than aitocracy. Thi tp of development has says teen widewprends it appeared in Antiuty: in the Near East wnt the Dyrantne Empires ad in the dle Agen. The cy tha emerges is not economically of «renter type, It iy eather, # serchant oF neomes there. In ether of Ihe Noture ofthe City ” tra city the rents of which represent a tribute of acquisitors to the eats of houses, The conceptual diferentaton of thi ease from the ein which rents are not determined by wibutary obligations to ore polits bul by nonarban sources, should not obscure the inter ‘Rano inthe pat of oth fens, The large consumers can he renters “Panling ther busine incomes (today mainly interest on bonds ‘Fiidonds or shares) in the city. Whereupon purchasing power restt