1 " .

UNIVERSAL
CT S OF FASCISM'
BY

3: STRACHEY BARNES, F.R.G.S.

ale-baffle R g d l - r fi u a q ' l m fi m l u w "

With a specially written Preface

87
ms Immune?

GNOR BENITO MUSSOLINI

M o n t l l e p o fi t i c o l d o c t r i n e s o l
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‘ THE
T H E UNIVERSAL
ASPECTS OF FASCISM
F ASCISM

BY

JAMES STRACHEY BARNES, F.R.G.S.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
"9.5
01's Pursues V1“

Q:A S L ‐ B Y Hrs Excxuxncv Sumo: B u r r o

xvii
L} Anne-rm .

Sociology and Political Sciatica‐The Universal Aspect:

7 d Patina‐The Fascist Revolution‐Mussolini.

PART 1
, . . L‐FAscuu in ms l e n or Hxsrouv
M Definition 0! Fascism‐The l m m e d h b A n h ‑
A M o l l ’ u d s m ‐ T h e RevivaloiCatholicUb‑
~mNsfionuBsm‐The Stats‐Nation“! sum
fl I n p u t ! Staten‐A N a t i o n ‐ R m ‐ E m p i m ‐ C i t y
Lau- and r a w S u m ‐ P o l i t i c a l and Social P r o m ‑
"h m l u p i n ‐ T h e Holy Roman Empim‐The
M of Rune‐Thu Dark A p t ‐ T h e Middle A g u ‑
. ' m a m m m m u - m pug-m mum‑
'" - n- M anolntion‐lgth-Centnry Nationa‑
Unity o f B u m p s ‐ l u n a r : Nationalism baton

11 : 8 1 “ : 64
fl h O fl d m ‐ A u t h o fl t y l n t h e A t - m w ‑
g h“ muzgu 14min a t A n n u i t y.
viii
viii CONTENTS

P M .
PAGE
CHAPTER III.‐‐Tmz MAIN
C m m n III.—THE MAIN PRINCIPLES
PRINCIPLES or
OF FASCISM
FAscxsu ... 97

Summary of
of the Main
Main Principles
Principles ofof a True Theory of
the State—The
State‐The Nation­State—The
Nafion-Suto‐The Principle Principle of
of Authority
—The
‐ T h e Moral
Moral Authority—The
A u t h o r i t y ‐ T h o General Will—Some
Will‐Some
Secondary Absolute Principles—The
Principles‐The State State and the
and tho
Individual‐Jun End
Individual—The End o of f Laissez­Faire—Liberty—
Lainm’n‐Uberty‑
Absolute and
and Contingent
Contingent Principles—Democracy
Principles‐Democracy andand
Empire.
Empire.

IV.‐Fasc15n AND DEMOCRAC

C m m n IV.—FASCISM
CHAPTER Dxuocmcv Y 131
131

Various Meanings of Democracy—Parliamentarism­

Meaning: of Democracy‐Parliam‐tnfism‑
Majority
Mnjority Government.
Government.

CHAPTER V.‐FAsc15n
CHAPTER Enrmz
V.—FASCISM AND EM PIRE 152
152
Imperialism—The
Imperialism‐The Fascist
View of
Fascist of EEmpire—The
mpire‐lbs
Struggle
Struggle for Existence—The
Existence‐The League
League of Nations—The
of Nations‐The
Ideal
Ideal of Empire.
Empire.

C u m - nV
CHAPTER L ‐ T n x WELTANSCHAUUNG
VI.—THE Wmuuscunuvuo OFor FASCISII
FASCISM 164
164

PA RT II
PART II
SECTION quxxs
I . ‐ G x u z m u . REMARKS
Sac-non I.—GENERAL 175
I75
II.‐Hxnnoczunous LEGISLATION
Sac-non II.—HETEROGENEOUS
SECTION LEGISLATION IN ITALY 183
m ITALY
Education‐Finance‐The Fighting
Education—Finance—The Forces‐Foreign
Fighting Forces—Foreign
Treaties—The Judiciary‐Miscellaneous‐Recodification
Treaties‐The Judiciary—Miscellaneous—Recodification
of the
of Institutions‐The
Lawn‐New Autonomous State Institutions—The
the Laws—­New
Moral and
Moral Physical Protection
and Physical Protection of
of the
the Race—Adminis­
Race‐Adminis‑
Reform‐The After­Work
trative Reform—The After-Work Institute.
Institute.

Sac-non III.—:THE
SECTION [ I L ‐ T u x LAW o n THE ATTRIBUTIONS
LAW ON A m m u n o x s AND
Pnnocxnvns OF
PREROGATIVES or THE
THE Pm
PRIME MINISTER memx ... 197
I97
 CONTENTS ix
PAGE
7 “ !
SECTION
on IV.—THE
IV.-‐Tmz LAW
LAw DEFINING
Dznumc THE
r m ; POWERS OF
Powzxs or
THE EXECUTIVE
m Exncm'xvx 200

SECTION
anVV..—THE
‐ Ta n LAW
LAW OF
o r THE
r m ! CORPORATIONS
Comm-nous ... 203
The
The Professional
Profeulond Associations—The Corporations—The
Associations‐The Corporations‐The
Magistrature]
Regina-ante! of
of Labour—Strikes
Labour‐Strikes and Lock­outs—The
and Lock-ouu‐The
Corporative State.
Carponfive State.

SECTION
-m VVI.—THE
L ‐ T m ; LABOUR CHARTER
LABOUR CHARTER ... 215

u V
SECTION I L ‐ T m : Nsw
VII.—THE ITALIAN PARLIAMENT
NEW ITALIAN PA q u u E N ' r ... 229
The
The Senate—The
Senate‐The House
Home of Commons—The Abolition 0!
of Commons‐The of
Party Government.
Petty Government.

l l VIII.—EPILOGUE
SECTION VIE‐Erma 238

my AND
BIBLIOGRAPHY Innzx
AND INDEX 243
243
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
olussouxu.‐From a bust by Attilio Selva
Fronlispim
To face page
”H Excuumcv SIC-NOR ALFREDO Rocco‐Minister

-- Combos: 80

a - Cowman.‐Founder of the Italian National‑

kt Party .. xzo

" ~Tmn.‐Secretary of the Fascist Party x70

, Rossom.‐Prwident of the Union of

Waken'Associations 214

S u m o o r m ; LABOUR G r i m m ‐ M e s s r s .
Fodeuoni. Minister of the Colonies; Marinelli;
- '. " M i n i ; Bottai. Under Secretary of the
m i s t y of Corporations; Volpi, Minister of
226
 AUTHO R'S PREFACE
s. and foremost I have to thank His Excellency,
- Benito Mussolini, for honouring my book with
. a I am particularly grateful to him for this
' ~ because I am anxious that my book shall indeed
-t for English readers an authentic account of
as the authors of the movement and those
‘ 771” it its name understand it. Sothis book goes
. the Duce’s inprr'mmr ,- and thereby I hope
him in some small measure for his kindness,
' ‘ ’ my readers and critics will now know that what
”1 is say is n o t merely the expression of my own
standpoint towards politics for which I have
:, the name “Fascism,” but also that of
l ' who holds the moral'copyright, so to speak,
‘:If firm, who has moulded the movement as it
.. Hence, whatever people may think of
.;._ v of Fascism, they will be bound to take
consideration asthey really are acknowledged
‘ ‘ not as they would fancy them to be, with
f flu a great deal of hostile criticism beside
henceforth be eliminated once and

, xiii
xiv AUTHOR'S PREFACE

I wish also to tender my thanks very particularly to

the Rev. A. Vermecrsch, Professor of Dogmatic
Theology at the Gregorian University in Rome, for
his kindness in reading through my first draft and for
the many suggestions he has contributed to make the
text more philosophically accurate. I am, moreover,
very much indebted to my friend, His Excellency,
Signor Emilio Brodrero, Under Secretary of State for
Public Instruction, who has helped me to elucidate a
number of delicate points touching the exact interpreta‑
tion of fascist doctrine ; and to my young friend, M r.
Henry John, for numerous useful suggestions and for
having introduced meto the works of Jacques Maritain
and Albert Valensin. These two writers base their
thought on that of their master, St. Thomas Aquinas,
and I have made conspicuous use of them ; for I have
found no happier combination exists for producing a
lucid exposition of diflicult philosophical points than
that which is the outcome of the acute French logic of
these essentially modern Frenchmen, exquisitely neat
French expression and the incomparable wisdom of the
Angelic Doctor.
This itself is anadditional reason why I have chosen
the scholastic method by which to expound the political
Philosophy underlying Fascism. It is the method of
common sense, the method, in its elementary stages,
most easily assimilated by the general reader. I
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE
PREFACE xv

consider,
consider, too, that Neo-Scholasticism
Neo­Scholasticism is, is, taken asas aa
whole, the most
whole, most vital school
school of
of Philosophy
Philosophy in EuropeEurope
to­day,
to-day, the one one which, more than any other, is capable
which, more
of assimilating
assimilating what is
is of value in the other schools and
of and
so making
- so making for the greater philosophic progress.
In saying
saying this, however,
however, I do nnot o t wish to disparage
other methods.
methods. There is no no greater admirer than
myself of the modern*
myself modem mathematical
mathematical school,
school, of which
Mr. Whitehead
Mr. Whitehead is the most most eminent exponent,
exponent, andand
although,
although, withwith respect
respect to Idealism,
Idealism, I consider there is is aa
fatal flaw
fatal flaw in Hegelian logic,
Hegelian logic, in which Idealism
Idealism has
become only too
become too commonly identified
identified;; although
although I
consider
consider the results
results of Hegelism
Hegelism to be be onon the whole,
and
and in certain
certain departments wholly, pernicious,
pernicious, I have
the very greatest respect
respect for Professor Gentile, who is
Professor Gentile,
‘generally
generally classed
classed asas aa Neo-Hegelian
Neo­Hegelian (though
(though perhaps
unduly,
'- ‘Imduly, since he
he derives more from Vico than from
F‘ Hegel),
Hegel), not not only for his imperishable work as as an
an
Man historian and pedagogue, but
and pedagogue, asthe philosopher,
but as philosopher, who,
in1the
the generations to come,
come, is likely to be be given
given aa special
'-niche
' of honour
honour by those very schools that now oppose
him, on account
account of his his having
having paved
paved the way for a
' e reconciliation
genuine between Idealism
reconciliation between Idealism and Realism.
and Realism.
I confess find great difficulty
f -.II find dificulty myself
myself inin always follow­
follow‑
ing his thought, and and when I do,do, I byby no
no means always
find myself agreement with him.
, v-w in agreement him. But But I am am quite
”HM
certain that many many of his Neo-Scholastic
Neo­Scholastic critics very
xvi Aimioiz's PREFACE
frequently misinterpret him ; and I have a shrewd
intuition that the above judgment will prove, in the
long run, to be the correct one.
For the rest, I have been weful to acknowledge in
the text or in footnotes the sources of information on
which I have drawn ; and at the end of the book I have
appended an ample bibliography of the works I have
consulted in the course of preparing the present work.
My own knowledge of Italy and of Italians dates
from my earliest childhood. Practieally the first ten
years of my life were spent in Florence in the house of
my grandfather, the late Sir John Strachey, 'to whom
this work is dedicated, and with Italy I have never since
lost touch. Apart from minor visits, I spent nine
months in Italy in 1909, when I was nineteen years of
age, ten months in 1911, seven months in 1914. and
six months during the War as liaison officer between
the British and Italian Air Forces. I was in Italy
during the seizure of the factories by the workmen in
1920, and since 1923 I have been living continuously
in Rome as my headquarters, and have had occasion,
during t h m years, of visiting, without exception,
every province of this fair land.
J.S.B.
Rome, September, 1927.
 BY H I S EXCELLENCY
BENITO MUSSOLINI
grille]!
it I have the pleasure of prefacingis
of a cclear-minded
] English thinker who
__ and the Italians perfectly, and n o t less
- It is, therefore, a book destined to
men of good faith‐that halo of
.. which for so many years has sur‑
in the world at large a n dis due to
"‘ which the principal are the following.
fm a new movement that announces
"“ . , n o t only in doctrine but also in
“ u p ! “ universally considered and
_ ~- to arouse violent hostility. It is
W: of things that the international
v- Liberal, Masonic and Bolshevist
finiously anti-Fascist. The extent
measure of the upheaval of ideas
1h. Fascist Revolution. It is also
"__'" assist forces throughout the
,_by men's mindsin ignorance of
‘ for both in respect of its
xviii PREFACE BY H
PREFACE H.E. MUSSOLINI
E . BENITO MUSSOLINI

doctrine and and its reality. This explains the crass

its reality.
stupidity which embellishes the articles and and speeches
certain men
of certain men who have reputation of being
have the reputation being
eminent in their own o w n countries.
misunderstanding of Fascism
The misunderstanding Fascism is due, besides,
besides, to
journalistic literature
literature which has seized hold of the
seized hold
exterior, episodical,
exterior, picturesque and
episodieal, picturesque interesting aSpects
and interesting aspects
of the Fascist Revolution, and
Fascist Revolution, and has not paused to look
n o t paused
deeply into
into the matter
matter ; the consequence is that the
large is left
public at large either in darkness or has obtained
left either obtained
aa notion
notion of Fascism superficial.
Fascism that is superficial.
Lastly, there is the semi­philosophical
Lastly, semi-philosophies] hostility of
those who refuse to admit that Italy Italy is capable
espable of
initiating‐for the third
initiating—for third time in in her
her history‐new
history—new
polities] civilisation. For
forms of political For these, history came
irrevoesbly to an
irrevocably an end 1789.
end in 1789.
causes—with the minor
These three causes‐with minor ones it is is useless
to concern
concern ourselves—are suflicient to explain how it is
ourselves‐are sufficient
that, after five
that, rule, the world is still
Fascist ­rule,
five years of Fascist
anti-Fascist prejudices.
full of anti­Fascist prejudices.
Nevertheless,
Nevertheless, as as bit
bit by bit Fascist rule
bit Fascist rule reveals itsits
formidable will will and
and capacity to endure,
endure, the speculations
which people
which people used make about its transimrinm,
used to make transitoriness, are
collapsing;; and
collapsing interest which thinking persons
and the interest
beginning to take
are beginning bake in it,
it, becomes evident. Lately
appeared aa book by aa German
there appeared German professor,
professor,
Gutkind, and
Gutkind, and now his book is is followed
followed by by this
 <acz BY ms. BENITO mussoum xix

r - ' g , exhaustive volume by Barnes, an

i reads it will convince himself that Barnes

= -- for his task. His work is, in fact, the
direct knowledge of the question : Barnes
'j f it both in its doctrinal elaboration and in
Eradication. His book is not the result of
“g a a brief sojourn in Italy, but is the witness
having lived long in Italy, and knowing
2. and mind of Italians, is able to penetrate
Jthings and see what a hurried and
' -. l - cannot see.
' lutimonyfi'narnes is expressed in the
“f”. : h l given his book. He has sought to
t . to illustrate the universal aspects of
.-7 he has succeeded. These aspects
Eggh a purely Italian phenomenon111 its
- ' b u ti t s doctrinal postulates have a
.- Fascism sets and solves problems
. b many peoples, and precisely to
" h . ” experienced and are tired of
,_=. theeonventional lies attached
the lppliution of Demo-Liberal
outside and opposed to the
' ; nation to nation, in no wise
J universality which these
i n : 1848 to 1914. In the
xx
XX PREFACE
PREFACE BY H.E.
H E . BENITO MUSSOLINI
BENITO MUSSOLINI

same
same way the fact that Fascism Fascism possesses aa specific and and
original Italian
original Italian stamp, does not
not prevent its principles
its principles
having an
having application in other countries, in other forms,
anapplication
as
as indeed
indeed has has already occurred. It It is our our proud
proud
prophecy
prophecy that Fascism Fascism will come to fill fill the present
century with itself itself even
even as
as Liberalism
Liberalism filled nine­
filled the nine‑
teenth
teenth century. Through Through the experiment of ttwo wo
Revolutions,
Revolutions, the modern world
modern world has sought to escape
from
from Demo-Liberalism and
Demo­Liberalism and the tragic contradictions of
Marx—that
Marx‐that is, is, the Russian
Russian andand Italian
Italian Revolutions.
Revolutions.
On
On the first
first has
has already fallen
fallen the judgment of civilised
civilised
peoples :: the experiment
experiment has beenbeen shown
shown to be be more
destructive thanthan creative. For For the second, ours, the
Fascist
Fascist or Roman
Roman one, the experiment has been been running
running
five
five years with
with eminently creative results: in the
results :
institutions,
institutions, the laws, laws, the works,
works, the very psychology
of aa whole people. The Fascist Fascist experiment is so so sure
of itself
itself that it hashas been
been able to set
set out its programme of
political
political reform
reform duringduring the next few years. The
Fascist marching on :: from the Labour
Fascist experiment is marching Labour
Charter to the new representation
representation in the legislature.
legislature.
Russia,
Russia, on on the other hand, going
hand, is going back :
: there the
Revolution undergoing aa process of denying itself
Revolution is undergoing itself
both
both economically and and politically.
politically. The Com‑ Com­
munist
munist system
system of economy has failed and and the
dream
dream of aa world world Revolution
Revolution has set. Bolshevism,
Bolshevism,
after ten years,
after standing hat in hand,
years, is standing hand,
MACE BY H.E. BENITO MUSSOLINI xxi
1.the western middle classes for experts and

Barnes for his noble efi'ort and wish his

'«very best success among the English public,
3; . also of the truly traditional friendship
‘igteat Britain and Italy. It is necessary,
~~things, for statesmen to convince them‑
it la impossible to have a foreign policy if
I} Fascism, given that Fascism identifies
vii-l identify itself for many tens of years
'- Italian nation.
 INTRODUCTION
sI
been made, more or less successfully, to
of Politics‐Sociology, as it has been
1-0‑
- , , . solely on the facts of 5rd,”
fi n d , when possible, of experi- P a l m - u ;
d u l y classified and analysed, 5 m m
merge certain natural laws governing the
l o d e t y. B y natural laws are meant
"’ the ordinary scientific sense, that is,
.. 1 the character of successive approxi‑
‘ truth.‘
n this kind is essentially amoral. 1:
N - wholly inductive and empirical,
" " Ind of observation answers to such
°~=g Are there any general and
and, if so, what are they, that
l m. who first popularised the term
M o l s m m l fi l e d .
“ w w w m g b n

‘ fl m w h a p m a m Philosophy.
1
2*
2 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM

entail the decadence or corruption of the body politic ?i'

entail
conditions, and,
Are there other conditions, and, if so,
so, what, that are
invariably associated
invariably with the health
associated with and prosperity of
health and
human societies ?*
human P'
Such aa Science
Such Science may be mlculated, also,
be calculated, also, to throw
light, if only indirectly,
light, indirectly, on number of practical
on aa number
questions. For For example :: Given
Given an end proposed
an end proposed by
a given
a given Government in given
given conditions, what choice
of means are there by end may befurthered
by which that end be furthered ??
again :: Given
And again
And certain pathological conditions
Given certain
afl'ecting aa particular
affecting particular community,
community, what remedies are
available, if any,
available, any, to restore
restore to that community its its
health
health ??
Macchiavelli may, with justice, be
Macchiavelli may, regarded as
be regarded as the
Sociology. It
founder of Sociology. It is
is true that he more of a
he was more a
physician prescribing remedies
physician prescribing remedies for the ills from which
his suffering at
his country was suffering at the time than a a man
man of
Science concerned
Science mainly with the discovery of general
concerned mainly general
laws. But his
laws. But his nostrums were the fruit of the then
newly-stirring fertilised by
spirit, fertilised
newly­stirring scientific spirit, by aa passionate
passionate
to free Italy
desire to
desire Italy from
from foreign dominion,‐-that is,
foreign dominion,—that is,
they were the result and empirical reasoning
result of inductive and reasoning
upon
upon aa number of carefully classified and analysed
and analysed facts
bearing
bearing upon human nature and
upon collective human applied to
and applied
the end he had
end he had inin view—facts,
view‐facts, moreover, culled from
moreover, culled from
Cf. Jacques
*‘ C/. Maritain. Une
Jacques Maritain, Una Opinion m Charles Maurras
Opinion sur atIs
M a n n a et Dad!
le Devoir
Calm-us, p. 22,
i s : Catholiques,
des as. (Librairie
(Librairie Plon, Paris. 1926).
Plan. Paris, 1926).
 INTRODUCTION 3
"and acute observation of the society of his day
__
, history. He was the first eminent writer on
_. ' . adopted the modern scientific method, and,
» y of the means he recommended can only
-‐- asinfamous, his various treatises remain a
a ; of worldly wisdom, which, even now, no
__ifind practial statesman can afford altogether

- times, another Italian, Vilfredo Pareto,

, something of Macchiavelli's wit and
s t y l e , but possessed of the fully developed
E= l of the present generation, has, with very
.’ success, endeavoured to lay a secure
this Science.‘ And there are others,
-‘~ '_.. bed, who have essayed the same

Durkheim, Le Play and Maurras, to

names with whose works I am personally
__>_

M u , too, of mob-psychology, like

F - and Graham Wallas, may be con‑
ofthe same root.
~ " may be described, indeed, as the
; and, as the handmaiden of
' practising physician, so the hand‑
:E . is the practical statesman.
that a Science of this kind (assum‑
t h e right to assume, t h a tIt has
Tm Ji Sotiologia
 1

4 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

already shown itself upable of elucidating a number of
important laws and promises to achieve a considerable
development) deserves to beencouraged asan extremely
useful branch of study, being the synthesis, as Pareto
defines it (while admitting the definition to beimperfect)
of the special social Sciences of History, Jurisprudence,
Economics, etc.’ To be versed in it should sharpen
the intuition and widen the experience of a statesman
and provide him with landmarks to guide him in the
piloting of the Ship of State, tempering his idealism
with the stern facts of reality.
Sociology, however, is itself only a branch of Political
Science in the wide sense of the term. It is of import‑
ance to make this distinction, whether or n o t we
regard Politieal Science as an autonomous Science or as
the general term applicable to the whole group of
Sciences that bear directly upon politics. However
this may be, I insist that there an be no real Political
‘Itiagenennyoondduedthatthohtherofmodernneonomiea
iathsEngliahman,AdamSmith. ltwaatthomana.ont.heothlr
hnd.wbolaidtheflonndationaofmodemjurispmdenee; whilst]!
phneer of the Science or "Phihaophy" of History. was the Italian
Gian. Betti-ta Vino (1688-1744). whose most prominent moder‑
n p l u e n t a fi v u m t w o o i h i a o w n o o u n t r y m . BenedettoCrooeand
GiovanniGsntile. L a w t o n Ishanhaveoecaaiontodiacusscertah
atpoctaofthuethmspocialaocialsciencea: lorFaac‘mnatandsbta
uptdiafionoleertaindoctfinesdevelopedintheoouneoltheniu‑
hanthesntnryinadiuctionatvaflamwlthtbschnicalpfindpl.
hhtmingthesescieneea, developments m a d w i t h Philosophical
m m m fi n w o i m g h u m m m m s a m l d
3 0 m .
 INTRODUCTION 5
5 i'. . - t at least a working theory of the true
in.» . existence, whereby a Moral Philosophy
ends which Sociology, properly speaking,
3
-e a. Rational progress is only possible
known to what end it is desired to progress.
' " . . - Science, as I take it, may be said, on
- to comprise Sociology, and, on the other,
«- by PhilosoPhy, that is, by an Ethic, if
‘ physic also. If I were to attempt a
i would put it thus: Political Science has
on the one hand, the investigation of the
' 7 -w ' fcs of human society, regarded as
i , um on, together with the demonstration
r ,' --- asemerge from the study of human
unrious conditions and phases of develop‑
‘) ; and, on the other hand, the ascer‑
, wads that society fulfils, is capable of
7m w fulfil, together with the principles
“ d u c t with respect to the actions of
(Pub-091m‑
‘ this distinction, in the first place,
‘ tells us of the construction
{' J the human body, from which we
1; miss of physical health, granted
‘" 'fie practial question, in the light
by Physiology, how to maintain
health." If weinclude within this
6 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
Science an examination of the effects of moral states of
mind on physical health, pathology and so forth, our
rules of health should be fairly comprehensive.
Similarly, rules of healthand rules of material prosperity
may be deduced from Sociology for the body politic.
Did we assume, however, that physical health were the
sole end of human existence and, conversely, that
material prosperity were the sole end of human society,
we should already be stepping outside the respective
domains of Physiology and Sociology. We should be
subscribing to a materialistic Philosophy. It follows,
therefore, that Sociology, as defined, cannot really
stand by itselfasthe Science of Politics.
The truth is that Sociology, like every other empirical
science, is incapable itself of leading us anywhere in
the practical affairs of life. These Sciences merely
increase our hold over nature and so enable us to do
more easily and with less risk of failure what we choose.
They do n o t choose for us. They contain no
categorical imperative. They merely say, “ If you do
this or that, such and such a consequence or conse‑
quences may be regarded as more or less certain to
ensue.”
Sociology, for example, may afirm in a particular
‘ G. K. Chesterton has put this point somewhere, very neatly, to
t h e e fl o e t t h a t a h w o l m t u n c a n b e r e o o g n h e d u m u c b b y m h fi n '
it as by submitting to i t , by out-manoeuvring it or even using it against
itself. onin the case of the arch.
 INTRODUCTION 7

give now an example illustrative of this

jg distinc60n‐that if a given Nation's popula‑
.‘n e t to increase in conditions which preclude
"7.M 3 6 “ for emigration or absorption through
f increasetn industrial development, either a
,' =~‘-~ or a famine or a general lowering of the
”d life must, other things being equal, result.
’~ not, cannot prescribe the precise remedy.
l, - seen, however, I do n o t deny that Sociology
our eyes to the means by which a given end
'_;T :.~.‘.. ed ; but almost invariably it points to a

j of means, and, if we subscribe to a Moral

3;-, n o t all these means may be legitimate.
examPle just given, it might be supposed
the solution pointed to was the artificial
ofbirths, the e n d111 view being the avoidance
enumerated B u t1sthis means legitimate P
5“ answer “ yea ” or “ no,” we imply some
" ' why. And, again, is it the only remedy
Not at all, it seems. For Sociology has a
1 -to say on the subject. It may lay down,
place, with equal truth, that if the artificial
id' births be resorted to, certain other conse‑
‘f. My to follow, such as the encouragement
"1 of selfishness, the decline of population
l i m i t s of prudence, the rapid depopulation
~ 1- (for a well‐populated country-side
 8 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
depends on a system of peasant proprietorship or of
yeornan farmers, who are only capable of maintaining
themselves by means of large families), a dispropor‑
tionate increase of wage-earners at the expense of that
section of the population which controls its own means
of livelihood, the concentration of the population in
cities with the attendant evil results of lowered vitality,
the influx of foreign elements on a sale ealculated to
injure the ethnieal homogeneity of the race, the weaken‑
ing of the military strength of the nation vii-law's rival
powers, etc., all of which consequences, for instance,
France, where the artificial restriction of births is widely
practised, is in process of undergoing. In the second
place it points to other remedies, on all of which it can
offer some instruction, as, for instance, the raising by
other processes of the general standard of living,
coupled with an increase of opportunity for economic
advancement, resulting in later marriages and therefore
smaller average families and in greater opportunities
to sublimate the sexual passions, which constitute the
predominant vent for psychic energy only where the
standard of life is low, that is, with regard not only to
material conditions but in the absence of opportunities
- for pursuing intellectual pursuits and healthy physical
recreation. There is also the remedy of education in
the highest sense of the word, the inculeation of habits
of self-control, of a frugal life, of respect for one’s
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 9
9

women­kind, . etc.,
etc., to which endend there is no influence
influence
more powerful l . than that of Religion.
Religion.
I do.‘ not a intend,
intend, however,
however, to follow this point into
greater detail.
' I afford
afi'ord it as an illustration
asan illustration of the limits
to the teachings ~'- gs of Sociology andand in order to emphasise
the fact.}_. that
u awe must indeed know the ends for which
we must indeed
society is instituted,
instituted, and
and subscribe to some kind of
some kind of
Moral Philosophy
1 r.. ophy before Sociology can be of the least
can be least
use to us.
Q'" ' ..... "
" Naturalism ” is the term used to denote that school
t e r m used
of sociologists‘ who fall
fall into the error
error of supposing
supposing that
Sociology is the master­key
Uff ‘is master-key of Political
Political Science.
Studentsj Humid
should be be well warnedwarned of this danger.
i“; like
Sociologists like Durkheim,
Durkheim, Maurras
Mantras andand others,
others, have
have
too often," um: confused
thus confused the issue.
issue. Why is it
it that
Macchiavelli has earned
" has earned for himself
himself soso evil a2 name?
name ?
Because, ..'f--‘-‘
although he had
11he had clear and,and, taken by by them­
them‑
selves, admirable
'7 .- e aims in view, he he had
had no
no true Philo­
true Philo‑
sophy nor Religion,
~"r_=- , by which he he could
could synthesise his
aims and estimate-»-- the true
true value of the means
means which he he
recommended. 43 Au point
point de vue de la Science P olitique,
doone dcla Science Politiquc,
il y a ainsi
f, Jdanger de s'enclore
a g " J: J'aclore dans /'empirisme comme
dam fempirixmc comma
dans uneH doctrine
v ~” j u n t a , c: J: rd'xscr Ia: sync/12m plus
suffisante, et de refuser les syntheses
hautes qui seules
fl peuvent conduire da la
pawn: conduirc la science
science proprement
proprcmxt
dite. LAerreur ou fVon
_,es) risque alors de
a : risque dc tomber
camber est
m celle
cellc du
dx
" naturalisme " ”politique.*
B i g - c f Sociology,
Sociology, in in fine,
fine, " n est
“ n'cu
* Jacques Maritain,
q: i ' an Une Opinion
opinion sur c m : Maurras
m Charles M a n n a : et
at le
h Devoir
Deni:
des Catholiques, p. 47, (Librairie Plon, Paris, 1926).
5 ; ' 41. ( “ h i d e Hon. Paris. 1926).
l
to THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
gas In pre'paran’on, 14 phase dc Jib/dictum: “7511'‑
umnal qui pre’dde l a s t i n t s . ” I t may be, like
Macchiavelli’s Principe, a treasure-house of worldly
wisdom ; or it may reveal to us, in masterly fashion,
as in Pareto's Tramro di Sodologia, the effects on the
general health and prosperity of the body politic of
different institutions, constitutions, laws, customs,
religions, philosophies, habits of thought and emotion,
systems of economy, climate, topography, etc., etc., in
varying or analogous conditions. It may be deemed,
indeed, the odds-smut of the practical statesman.
But unless the statesman possess also a Religion or a
Philosophy, even if it be only a practical philosophy
or one intuitioned asthrough a glass darkly, or, to say
the least, a definite Wellanschanng, Sociology can be
of no practical use to him whatever.

51!
It follows, therefore, that every political school or
movement must have an underlying, if not altogether
n, a conscious, political Philosophy, and if
2,9,“ 0, a political movement is to have any per‑
‘“‘"' manent or universal worth, it is of the
utmost importance that the political Philosophy under‑
lying it should be true.
The purpose of this book, as the title denotes, is to
- 1 m . 1). u. q. Aristotle. Metaphysics. :. 9so. b. a6.
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION n
11

expound theuniversal
universal aspects of of Fascism.
Fascism. Now, Now, the
only absolutelyuniversal
universal aspects of of Fascism
Fascism are the
Philosophyunderlying
underlying the movement,
movement, and usWeltan­
a n dits Welter‑
,Inasense
schauung. In a sense it 1tis stretchingitIt aalittle far to
is stretching to call
all
either of thesethings Fascism, particularly the first
things Fascism, first;;
j - . ' underlying
for the Philosophy Fascism existed
underlying Fascism existed before
Fascism ;* and 1-~its Weltanschauung
Wdralmhanngis v' s, only an emphasis on
an emphasis on
certain qualities ,_of
of the human spirit, the value of which,
human spirit,
' - «-‘ ‐» has
taken by themselves, has never
never been
been calledcalled in question.
Nevertheless, I have decided to call
have decided a l l these things
Fascism, if only because because they are,are, indeed,
indeed, the stuff stuff of
which Fascism i' is made and
and the rock upon which
upon
Fascism is building ' ga a new political
political order and and aa new type
of State. Moreover, a , it is this movement,
movement, called called
Fascism, which is bringing bringing once moremore into honour, honour, in
men's minds, the- truths enshrined enshrined in the old Philosophy.
Philosophy.
Then there _ isis another quasi-universal aspect of
another quasi­universal
Fascism. This is the new new political
political order,
order, the new
type of State—in ' _ other words, the new institutions, institutions,
which the movement is bringing bringing into existence—an
into existence‐an
aspect which Itis not not absolutely universal,
universal, because what
suits one Nation. will will not
not necessarily suit suit another, living
another, living
in different conditions, s, at times, with different
at different times, difl'erent
characteristics andJiifl'erent
different nwds.
needs. But But allall the greater
greater
* Its existence before M“notimpl'ythat,inthemeantime,
Fascism does not imply that, in the meantime,
it has not developed, “norMM i hFascism
that e l f m aitself
y n may
o t h not
a v have
e g i given
v e n aa
special impetus to its development.t Truth is a vital principle. If
Truthisavitalprinciple. H iitt
is not lost it grows, it ‘develops
W b u t l;t pbut
o wits grows
c o n aconsistently.
i s t e n t l y. WWithin
ithin
the acorn is the image of the oak.
C
I: THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
civilised States of the present day have much in common,
perhaps more in common than is usually supposed.
The industrialisation of production, distribution and
exchange, and the rapid means of transport and com‑
munication, have levelled the world up and down.
We are all ill with much the same kind of maladies,
less virulent here than there, but most of them prevalent
everywhere. Most of the great Powers have the same
order of problems requiring solution, the problems of
Capital and Labour, of the glaring inequalities in'the
distribution of property, of the greater or lesser inefi‑
cacy of the parliamentary system, of the instability of
Governments, of general discontent and restlessness,
etc., etc., etc. Most people are perplexed and know
n o t where to turn for a solution. State Socialism,
which is the reductio ad aburdnm of Capitalism‘ in
that it would level everybody down to a salaried,
propertyless, proletarian class, is more and more coming
to berecognised asa bankrupt policy, Red Syndicalism
‘I use theterm "Capitalism" here in its reatrietedaenae. as
contested with " Diets-ileum." e.¢.. as that economic oyster-which
temdatoconcentratethemeamolproductionintothehandaolthe
i s w a n d t o n d n c e t h e v u t m a j o fi t y o f p e o p l e t o t h e m t u e o l fl a ‑
m. w i t h little opportunity {or saving‐ouch according to h
dan‐beyondwhatiabarelyneceeurytoheepbodyandsonltogether
when oldapniekneeeor temporary memployneutbeconeetheirlot.
T h i s are oi course other characteristics of " Capitalism" (against
which Faeciunaetaita face), as for instance: thehahitoimiudol
regarding production in terms of profits only. of reps-din; labour
eolelyaaacommodityandprices aebeingpmperlydeterminable by
the interplayofeupply and demand rather thanwith reference to the
cost at production.
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 13
(3
and Bolshevism
é” as
as spelling red ruin.
spelling red ruin. Liberalism
Liberalism is
everywhere
" ‘' k.‘ in ancmic plant,
an anaemic plant, and
and most
most of the so­called
so-called
Conservative' 5Parties
Parties all all the world over differ little in
little in
principle_ from u the Liberal,
Liberal, except as asbeing inclined
being less inclined
to flirt with Socialism.
, Socialism. Fascism, onFascism, on the other hand,
hand,
claims to be an an alternative remedy for the present
alternative remedy
' ' to that offered
discontents oEered by the extremists of the Left, Left,
and it is the-.enly important alternative remedy
only important remedy in the
field, if wediscount optimism of
discount the false optimism o f "“ wait andand
see." For i titcmayh y well be be possible that the the'institutions
institutions
which Fascism ~- =is is cautiously bringing
bringing into
i n t o existence in
Italy and slowly perfecting,
perfecting, may prove to be be adaptable
elsewhere. In In so so far as
as they are,
are, Fascism has here ttoo
Fascism oo
a kind of universal message. Part
l ~ message. Part of the present work
will accordingly . deal
deal with the Fascist
Fascist programme
programme and and
its concrete4. . . l A“ m t g;; but
achievements but the core ofthe
of the bookwill
book will
deal with ,the '- Philosophy
Philosophy underlying
underlying the movement,
movement,
the truth of 'which, ' ~ I hope,
hope, if n o t altogether to p
not prove—
rove‑
space alone excludes - n. such
such aa task‐at
task—at least
least to illustrate
illustrate
in a convincing manner.
'“ ' .. manner.

5 HI
§ III
‘» {refrain
What I shall discussing outside this
from discussing
c h a i n from
introduction are the
the Vicissitudes
vicissitudes of the fascist “a
_ . . The
Revolution _; the' ephemeral
ephemeral episodes of its Fascist
£33211“
, 1 _ Revolution,
the pros and
development ; fin and cons,
cons. of the '
‘w
transitory measures adoptedtosecureits
adopted triumph;;
to secure its triumph
i4
u THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
its various excesses
its various excesses ;; its picturesque aspects,
its picturesque aspects, and
and so
so
forth. Something, on the other hand, will
forth. Something, on the other hand, will be said be said
here
here of
of the
the personality
personality ofof Mussolini
Mussolini ;; while
while aa chapter
chapter
will be
will be dedicated to the
dedicated to history of
the history of the movement, more,
the movement, more,
however, with
however, with the object of
the object of demonstrating its traditional
demonstrating its traditional
character
character than
than to
to set
set out
out aa chronicle
chronicle of
of events.
events.
Fascism
Fascism has
has come
come as a Revolution.
asa Revolution. ItalyItaly is still in
still in'
aa state
state of
of Revolution.
Revolution. We have have here,
here, in fact,
fact, aa
Revolution
Revolution inin many
many ways as fundamental as
ways asfundamental French
asthe French
or
or Russian Revolutions. We have a Revolution, not
Russian Revolutions. We have a Revolution, not
because there has been brought into
because there has been brought into power a new power a new
economic
economic class
class of people (though,
of people indeed, an
(though, indeed, altogether
analtogether
different
different type
type of people has
of people has been brought into power)
been brought power) ;;
not because
not because the
the philosophical
philosophical order
order of
of ideas underlying
ideas underlying
Fascism,
Fascism, nornor yet
yet its Weltanschauung, possess
its Welfare/mung, possess any
any
startling novelty ; but
startling novelty; but because Fascism
Fascism represents aa
complete reversal of
complete reversal govern­
of the fundamental principles govem‑
ing the theory of politics that have increasingly
ing the theory of polities that have increasingly held held
sway
sway in most civilised
in most civilised countries during the past few
countries during few
generations,
generations, and because it is bringing into being aa
and because it is bringing into being
new
new kind
kind of political organisation,
of political organisation, utterly
utterly different
difl’erent
from
from the prevailing order
the prevailing order and
and copied
copied in no sense
in no sense (in
(in
spite
spite of
of certain
certain resemblances)
resemblances) from
from anything that has
anything that has
been attempted
been attempted hitherto. Lastly, we
hitherto. Lastly, we have here
here aa
Revolution because changes
Revolution because changes are being effected
are being more or
effected more or
less abruptly and extra­constitutionally (however
less abruptly and extra-constitutionally (however well well
it
it may be camouflaged),
may be camouflaged), and
and this
this through
through the action
action of
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 15
15

a minority,: pounced
possessed of aa creedcreed and
and the ml
zeal of mission­
mission‑
aries, who 'seized power in the first instance
-v v- power instance by violence,
albeit with, the passivepassive consent of the vast majority of
Italian _citizens,
_~ sick to death of the old old order. Since
it is the fashion
" é : among certain sections of the Opposition
among certain
in Italy__ Revolution has taken place,
to deny that any Revolution place, iin
n
order to allow 1» no excuses for certain fascist excesses,
I can only 18k,ask, having
having stated
stated the case
u s e with exactness,
what then, iindeed,
n w d , constitutes aa Revolution
Revolution ?'?*
Unfortunately - , excesses are the inevitable accom­ accom‑
paniments d of every
every great Revolution.
Revolution. Excesses—by
Excesses‐by
which I "" meanaacts c t : of violence or persecution
persecution committed
committed
by private persons‘ ...sor or groups of persons,
persons, with or without
the tolerance- “of of anan extra­legal
extra-legal revolutionary authority
—are never‘fsmellyjustifiable.
morally justifiable. But But every fair­minded
fair-minded
man, with a knowledge
knowledge of human human nature asit
nature as it is,
is, will,
in the circumstances
, ces of aa Revolution,
Revolution, make allowances
for them.
A Revolution lets loose
.. lets loose human
human passions. Funda‑ Funda­
1 ~1.
mental principles are a are at stake, which both
both sides regard
regard
as vitally affecting
"V , ‘‘‘‘‘ g the wellobeing
well­being of society,
society, of all
all that
they hold in |--.reverence.
reverence. Every Every Revolution
Revolution presents
opportunities to unscrupulous and
""."51,0 and undesirable persons
for attempting ' to exploit the situation to their personal personal
advantage and ;, for
for indulging
indulging in in crime. Numbers of of
" i ‘ amply
* As Georges4Sorel shown in
amply shows his La
i n his L a “Revolution Drayfm,
r o t a t i o n Dreyfusienno,
...
the essence o£ a Revolution is a change of ideas.
hlcbnngeoltdens.
 ..' 16
16 THE mvsnsn
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS
ASPECTS or
OF FASCISM msasu
agents
agent: ­provocateurs
provocateur: insinuate
insinuate themselves intointo the ranks
of the revolutionary
revolutionary Party
Party and
and attempt to discredit the
. l movement
movement from from within by one disreputable means or
by one
i if! another.
another. New New men,
men, adventurous spirits,
spirits, who, at the
| time of insurrection,
insurrection, gained
gained distinction qualities of
distinction by qualifies
leadership
leadership in the field,
field, come
come to occupy positions of
authority in Government, for which they are morally
' or temperamentally unfitted.
unfitted. Abuses of power conse­conse‑
‘ l quently result
result;; and
and only gradually is it possible for
i the higher authority, however well­intentioned
higher authority, however well-intentioned andand
however
however strong,
strong, to eliminate them, except at
eliminate them, at the risk of
jeopardising the whole movement—for
movement‐for each each of these
revolutionary chiefs,
revolutionary by the very fact of their gift for
chiefs, by
leadership
leadership (not
(not commensurate, however,
however, with their
sense
sense of discipline or responsibility)
responsibility) will have aa consider‑
consider­
i able
able local personal following,
loeal personal following, which it might
might bebe fatal
l to alienate.
alienate.
.; To
To be
be fair, the excesses
excesses of aa Revolution
Revolution must
must be
be
' if judged in comparison
comparison with the excesses
excesses of other equally
"‘ important Revolutions, by
important Revolutions, by the progressive diminution
diminution
of the excesses as
as the Revolution
Revolution runs its
its course, and
and
by the efforts
efforts made
made by the Government
Government to put a a stop
to them. The following paragraphs will deal with these
l points.
points.
’ There are
are many persons, opposed
many persons, opposed to Fascism,
Fascism, who
h consider the French
French Revolution
Revolution as
asaa great emancipating
emancipating

l!
I: movement
movement which has conveyed
has conveyed immense benefits on
on

14
‘ n1» muonucnon t7
, Yet consider the awful horrors thatoccurred
pinciples of that Revolution were at sake 1
persons wish them away if, by so doing,
17n --ust wished away what they consider
f, ‘" ' results ? And what of the horrors of the
7 -Rebellion P The atrocities committed by
be m i l din comparison with those committed
A, -t g and if the latter may be comparable to
‘, ---«- in Italy by the Communists,‘ the
m o t i o n e d by the British Government and
'" . bye specially recruited force of brewer,when
wegnlar, though possibly more costly, means
been employed to deal with the situation,
I reprehensible than those ordered by the
p = before becoming themselves the Govern‑
.- the face ofan impotent Liberal Ministry,
.. 4 alternative means at their disposal, if
f be ssved from economic ruin. Thirdly,
' __“paralleled horrors of the Russian Revolu‑

i' isthere is hardly anexample in history of

. so little abounding in excesses as the
.> . Moreover, the worst excesses
11
"unmixed by the other side. Again, the
I. l “ A w a k e n i n g o f I t a l y, (Methuen. London, 1924).
f'- i and documenwd n w o u n t is included of the Com‑
"~ thinlybeiorethel-‘ucistmnrchonkome.
 t8
£8 THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

fascist excesses been sporadic. They have never

e x c e e s t have been never
part of the fascist programme except at the time
been part
been
Fascists were breaking
when the Fascists breaking the power of the
Communists by reprisal, before the reins of Govern­
reprisal, before Govern‑
ment
ment fell into their hands.
fell into hands. Since then every effort has
been made by the Government to put them down
been made down
(including every kind
(including kind of reprisal committed
of reprisal committed by local
by local
fascist organisations). It It was nnot first to wean
o t easy at first
certain elements from the mentality engendered
certain engendered during
period preceding
the period preceding the march march on on Rome
Rome ; and and for
reasons stated
reasons above, it
stated above, it was nnoto t always possible to
impose discipline. But
impose discipline. But the fact remains that each each
year, since the advent of of Fascism
Fascism toto power,
power, the excesses
have inconteatable. Gradu‑
have diminished. This fact is incontestable. Gradu­
ally the irresponsible andand undisciplined
undisciplined elements have
and are still being
been and
been being eliminated. Between
Between the years
literally thousands of Fascists
1923‐1927, literally
x923­1927, Fascists have
have been
been
imprisoned for committing
imprisoned committing excesses ; thousands, for
no reason, have
no other reason, expelled from the ranks of
been expelled
have been
the Party. Literally scores of Prefects have been
Party. Literally been
retired maintain order when Fascist
retired for failing to maintain Fascist
bands, acting,
bands, albeit, under
acting, albeit, under gross provoeation,
provocation, vented
their wrath from time to time on members and organisa‑
and organisa­
Opposition.
tions of the Opposition.
last excesses committed
The last committed of any considerable
gravity are already, at the time of going
already, at going to print,
print, nearly
old, namely,
one year old, following the two consecu­
namely, those following consecu‑
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION [9
19

tive attempts on on Mussolini's life life in the autumn of

1926., . What
"~- t was the answer of the Fascist Fascist Govern­
Govern‑
ment ?'5 igrhe
The prosecution
prosecution and and imprisonment of
hundreds inf of Fascists,
Fascists, the expulsion
expulsion from the ranks of
the Party ifof hundreds
hundreds more, more, the dismissal
dismissal of aa large
large
number off Prefects,
Prefects, the strengthening
strengthening of the numbers
and authority regular police,
"' ' of the regular police, and
and the assumption
assumption
of the Ministry - - of the Interior by Mussolini
Interior by Mussolini himself,
himself,
in order that
' his great prestige prestige and
and authority might be be
exercised directly
v- y on on the preservation
preservation of order and and the
enforcementofof discipline.*
discipline.’
Finally,
. itit my may be be said,
said, in this connection, to the
credit ofi the fascist Revolution,
,,-flscist Revolution, that, the death­roll
death-roll has
small in comparison
I u yy small
been exceedingly entailed
comparison with that entailed
by other great‘ Revolutions.
Revolutions. The total death­roll death-roll of
the Revolution. is is little
little more than 44,000
, 0 0 0 ; and
and of
of these
4,000 deaths, lull" half have
have been
been incurred
incurred by by the revolu­
revolu‑
tionaries themselves. ves. The victims of the Revolution Revolution
number scarcely ~_- 2,000 1
2,000 I Compare the figures figures of the
French and, Russian
' - Revolutions, and
Revolutions, and the result must
result m ust
be regardedit as quite quite exceptional.!
exceptional.T
There is another . ~.. similar point, which may be
point, which be cited
cited
in favour of-'1the th Fascist
Fascist Revolution.
Revolution. The economic

w w m m t s b y u m o fi n i o n h i s m n m g
* The circular issued to the Prefects by Mussolini on his assuming
office as Minister‘~of an
the Interior
Interior isis a document pregnant with w i t h evidence
of the will of the 'Government
- U t t o p utot sputn eann end
d t otoe every
v e r ykind
k i nofd excesses.
olcxm
f According toif the Mofficial figures
figure: issued
issued by the Me Moscow
Moscow Government,
Gavel/amid.
” n o n bat-um
L b . “ persons
there were executed "over 1,800,000 between 1918
1918 and
and 1923.
1923
%go
o THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM

life Italy has in.no

life of Italy sufi‘ered in the process. On
in-no way suffered
the contrary,
contrary, the country, which which perhaps more than any
other country sufferedsufl'ered economically from from the effects
War, has in the interval
of the War, been set magnificently
interval been
on
on its again. Italy
its feet again. Italy has
has actually recovered
recovered more
rapidly and
rapidly from aa worse position
and from position than any other of the
big
big European
European Powers involved in the Great War. The
Powers involved
Government
Government deficit has been been converted into aa surplus.
converted into
The samesame is is true of the railway budget. Inflation has
budget. Inflation
ceased commercial budget
ceased ; the commercial improved ;
budget has greatly improved
the value of the lira lira has maintained relatively
been maintained
has been
steady. Unemployment
steady. Unemployment has diminished, diminished, despite a a
remarkable decrease in emigration, and
continued, remarkable
continued, and aa
increase in the population
formidable increase each year by close
population each
on half
on half aa million souls‐facts which point to the
million souls—facts
ability of Italian
ability industry to absorb aa rapidly increasing
Italian industry increasing
demand for employment,
demand employment, without any appreciable
lowering
lowering of wages as measured
as measured by their purchasing
purchasing
power. Government services, too, have
power. Government have conspicuously
bettered
bettered their efficiency hygiene and
efliciency ; hygiene and housing
housing con‑
con­
improved ; while the conditions of the
have improved
ditions have
working classes with respect to opportunities for
working
recreation, to insurance against old
recreation, invalidity,
old age, invalidity,
accident and unemployment, and
and unemployment, and to hours labour,
hours of labour,
have
have allall made
made distinct progress.
This is, indeed, aa remarkable
is, indeed, remarkable achievement for aa
Revolution. And if there are causes
Revolution. Italy's rapid
eauses for Italy’s rapid
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 2t
2!
recovery and
_‘p' present relative prosperity independent
~-present independent of
the action
i" andand legislation
legislation of
of the fascist Government, no no
impartial observer an
observer can deny
deny the
the greater
greater part of of the
credit to
fi Mussolini
, i ussolini and
and his
his collaborators. The doingdoing
away of_‘strikes and lock­outs,
' ° end lock-outs, the new spirit of good­
spirit good‑
will engendered ., -. between masters and men,
between masters and men, the
economies effected in the bureaucratic machine,
” efected machine, the
plign,”
corn " campaign," the drastic collection collection of taxes,
taxes, the
comprehensivemeasuresmeasures adopted
adopted to improve the lot of
SouthernI t Italy,
s l y , are
are six points for which Fascism
Fascism cancan
‘ "lie take all
legitimately a l l the
the credit
credit;; andand together
they account for most most of the economic ground ground
gained.
Then there
" nis is another point
point with which I wish to deal
here and here alone. Fascism
: «-alone. Fascism is held
held up by its op­ op‑
ponents as the enernyenemy of Liberty.
Liberty. The principles
governing7 ' the conception of Liberty will be
' fascist conception be
dealt with later on on in the proper
proper place. Here I only
wish to emphasise
, - the fact that
that exceptional restrictions
exceptional restrictions
of Liberty are"necessitated
necessitated inin revolutionary times, just
revolutionary times, just as
as
they are in war­time. Revolution is
. «w A Revolution is aa fight,
fight, aa fight
fight
between two opposing principles for the soul of
‘ ‘opposing of the
Nation. No compromise is possible
mpromiseiis possible between
between Parties
who hold diametrically
. - - y opposite principles, considered
Opposite principles,
as fundamentally affecting the welfare and
sfl'ecting and happiness of of
society. Hence a revolutionary
AL“ - a revolutionary Government cannot
cannot
tolerate, while- the issues issues are still
are still at stake,
stake, the
aa THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
unrestricted propaganda of its enemies. Toleration of
fundamentally adverse principles is, if we examine our
consciences aright, usually due either to lack of con‑
viction, to impotence making a virtue of necessity, or
to contempt. None of these conditions apply to a
revolutionary state of affairs. There would be no
Revolution in the absence of conviction, there would be
open civil war in the absence of authority, while con‑
tempt for the power of the enemy, when he is still in
the field, would spell suicide.
Many restrictions of liberties by the fascist Govern‑
ment are indeed necessitated by the very nature of the
ease. It is the condition of every Revolution. But as
soon as the yeast of the Revolution has leavened the
whole country, as soon as the changes elfected have ‘
become perfectly constitutionalised, many of the
liberties of which citizens haire been deprived will
undoubtedly be restored, in exactly the same way asthe
Defence of the Realm Act was rescinded in England
after the War. Not that this will entail a return to the
liberal regime. As I have implied, the fascist
conception of Liberty differs fundamentally from the
liberal. Here I am merely drawing attention to the
fact that it would be wrong to regard, as anti-Fascists
are continually asserting, that all the restrictions of
Liberty at present imposed in Italy are inherent in
Fascism. The very idea is absurd. Anyone with the
 INTRODUCTION 23

historical sense will readily concede this

be well for the reader to remember, too,

has contemporaneously restored many
: the Italian subject‐for one thing, the liberty
' a God in public in accordance with the
~ n» of the people, a liberty which the
‐ . o n i c Governments had rendered pre‑
‘Fueism has also restored the greatest
L‘ , o f personal freedom that we possess, the
_ property. Lastly, the ordinary citizen is, I
"j; believe, more concerned with his liberty to
“ ibis ordinary business, to travel with the
of certainly arriving punctually at his
lad to communicate with his friends
_ ‘7 public services without fear of interruption,
' " about the dissemination of his political
columns of the Press or on the hustings.
.. ~ at least the ordinary citizen is now
as he has never been assured before.

‐- - ~ .1or instance. on the liberty of thePreu are

j" n Mm nature, while other measures Meeting
__h a b j e c t automatically lapse alter a stated period
' a p t - s l y renewed.
24 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

51V
Before passing on to my first chapter, which will
deal with the historical aspects of Fascism, it may beas
well to conclude this introduction with a
Mussolini.
short sketch of the principal actor in the
drama, Benito Mussolini. At the same time‐for this
is the main purpose of the Introduction‐I can continue
to clear the ground for the consideration of the universal
aspects of Fascism, by removing one or t w o further
popular misconceptions of the movement.
Mussolini occupies the position of a Dictator. But
the idea of dictatorship has nothing whatever to do with
Fascism, either as a doctrine or as a programme.
Mussolini’s dictatorship is the instrument of the
Revolution. When the revolutionary period comes to
an end, there will be no place, properly speaking, for
a Dictator in Italy. Thus, if Mussolini continues to
direct the affairs of State under a perfectly constitu‑
tionalised fascist regime, he may still dominate, by
his ability, his personality, his prestige, but he will
cease to dominate by virtue of his ofice, as leader of
the fascist revolutionary organisation, whose word at
present is law. As Prime Minister he would still
occupy a position of commanding authority, for the
motto which Fascism has substituted for the “ Liberty,
 tmaonucnon
INTRODUCTION as
25

Equality, Fraternity"
7 '- Fraternity
1.“ " of revolutionary
revolutionary France,France, is
Responsibility,
'_" Hierarchy
Hierarchy and and Discipline*
Disdpline.‘ Under Under the
new laws" the Prime Prime Minister
Minister will be be aa vastly
vastly more
more
important
_ person than he hewas under the
was under the liberal
liberal regime.
regime.
The restoration
‘ tion of principle of
of the principle of State
State authority
authority will
be shown..,_"toto bebe one of the main, main, if not
n o t the main,
main, feature
of the”5”fascist
w Revolution,
Revolution, and and the
the Prime
Prime Minister
Minister will
will
stand at the
A:fiche apex of the hierarchy of the State
State executive.
Nevertheless above
--: above him him there will stand
stand the King,King, with
reinforced and and clearly defined prerogatives, placing
defined prerogatives, placing
certain constitutional
w'tutional bounds to the power of the Prime Prime
Minister. ‘ Nor Nor will the King's King’s prerogatives be be the
only constitutional
",-"tutional checks. There will be be others,
forming ahalance balance of of powers,
powers, such
such asaswould commend
commend
itself to the most
_, most exacting exacting of constitutional lawyers.
lawyers.
So there will be
i! be no no dictatorship when the revolutionary
revolutionary
period is_,, over.'. Fascism does not stand
Fascism does n o t stand for a dictator­
a dictator‑
ship, neither
,: "~ o f : person n o r ofa class. It is aa move­
of a person nor of a class. It is move‑
ment which ' ' ' in no no sense
sense may be be called
ealled reactionary,
reactionary,
however much may insist
1 - - it may insist on
on the importance
importance of State
authority. It It is of the greatest importance,
importance, if Fascism
Fascism
is to be rightly understood, to distinguish
' understood, between the
distinguish between
two notions.' If there
Ifthere a is a dictatorship in Italy
Italy now,
now, it
is because the
, ~v revolutionary organisation
“l - revolutionary organisation has has taken this
form by ian
fi iaccident
d e n t of
of history.
history.
m a m
* Cf. Emilio Brodero, vmon'a
Vittorie Dottrinali del Fascismo,
D o m i n i " dd Fascism. (Biblioteca
(Biblioteca
dell' Istituto Fascista
' *- di Cultura in Milano,
di Cnltun Milano, 1926).
1916).
 26
26 THE
THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

The accident
accident in question
question is the presence of a genius,
a genius,
aa man
man of the people, with that medium-like
people, with medium­like gift of
intuitioning and
intuitioning interpreting the vast subconscious
and interpreting
ideals
ideals of historical Italy dormant in the heart
historical Italy heart of every
true Italian. This, I believe,
Italian. This, believe, is
is the secret of his success,
and his
this and his passionate sincerity and and disinterestedness.
Italian adores aa saint who shows himself
The Italian himself to be
be no
no
fool either
either to boot.
boot.
Nobody Mussolini has aa remarkably
Nobody will deny that Mussolini
practieal head
practical on his shoulders ;; he
head on he is aa born
born organiser
with big sweeps of ideas coupled
with big coupled with aa ready power of
grasping and
grasping ordering detail. He has immense powers
and ordering
and concentration. His
of work and His versatility is astonish‑
astonish­
ing. He has the gift of aa fine,
ing. fine, economical, Michael‑
economical, Michael­
eloquence, which, together with his
Angelesque eloquence,
exuberant personal
personal magnetism
magnetism is of the stuffstuff that leads
men
men and multitudes. All these talents even
and multitudes. even his
enemies concede him. him. NorNor will anyone deny him him a
will, great courage, aa rare
prodigious tenacity of will, rare capacity
learning from
for learning experience, and
from experience, and the power of swift
decision at the psychologieal
decision at psychological moment, coupled with an
moment, coupled an
instinct forjudging the psychological
acute instinct psychological moment.
Nevertheless,
Nevertheless, aa very erroneous opinion opinion of him him
appears to have conceived abroad. I am
been conceived
have been am nnot
ot
referring to those caricatures which
referring which represent
represent him asa
him as a
pinchbeck Napoleon,
pinchbeck glorified mountebank or aa
Napoleon, aa glorified
reduced edition
reduced Renaissance tyrant of the kidney
edition of the Renaissance
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 27
2'
7

of Eccelino 40 da da Romano.*
Romano.’ There are are also serious
,. .'who
people who appreciate his his unquestionable
unquestionable genius, but
represent him him as as aa materialist,
materialist, or as as aa monster
monster of
egoism and of personal personal ambition,
ambition, or place him him in the
same category ry of selfish,
selfish, albeit glorious adventurers,
adventurers,
as they place Napoleon. Mr. Maynard Keynes, in that
admirable~essay of his, his, 4
A Short
Short View of ofRussia,
Russia, published
published
last year by by the Hogarth
Hogarth Press,
Press, appears to take some­ some‑
thing of" these -- views. iHe He places Trotsky, Mr. M r . Bernard
Bernard
Shaw and Mr. Baldwin, each in his way, amongst the
most religiousr; v - of men.
men. He appears unwilling unwilling to to add
add
Mussolini
i l, u: to this list
list and
and thereby falls into aa vulgar
error. T. The passage referred
referred to (in(in the Preface
Preface to Mr.M r.
Keynes'" ,Essay) ) comes immediately after after the following
sentences : " “3 There are two
are t w o distinct sublimations of
materialistic" . egotism—one
egotism‐one in in which the ego is is merged
merged
in the nameless union, another in which
w, ; . mystic union, which it it is
merged Ifin the pursuit pursuit ofof an
an ideal
ideal life
life for the whole
community ‘T of of men.
men." " ButBut that such
such isis the pursuit of of
Mussolini 1. is' nnot
o t only my owno w n conviction,
conviction, who know
him, but the- conviction
conviction of everyone, unexceptionally,
everyone, unexceptionally,
who has had_to to do with him, the conviction
do with him, the conviction which which is is
at the root of
___éfi the people's love
people’s love for him.
him. In this his
his
psyche differs‘l profoundly from Napoleon’s.
Napoleon's.
* Cf. A recent m effusion G. Wells, which,
a iof nMr.. H. G. wmcnwemitnouorthe
were it not for the
wide reputation ‘ gained
M b ybyl Mr.
r . Wells
W e l l sas
- a a ppopular
o p u h r aand
n d distinguished
distinguished
novelist, no ‘self­respecting
- pnbliaherwould
publisher would considerworthyotmpro‑
consider worthy of repro­
duction.
28
28 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

All
All great
great men
men of actionaction hold
hold in common certain
common certain
qualities, such
qualities, such asashave enumerated above. What
been enumerated
have been
is more interesting are their differences,
more interesting individual
difi'erences, their individual
character and and their moral
moral outlook. In these respects
Mussolini and
Mussolini and Napoleon
Napoleon are at at opposite poles.
poles. If bothboth
share certain
certain national characteristics, such
national characteristics, as the com‑
such as com­
Italian mind,
plexity of the Italian realism,
Italian sense of realism,
mind, the Italian
the one is aa typical Romagnol, the other aa typical
typical Romagnol,
Corsiean‐and one of the pleasant
Corsican—and pleasant facts aboutabout Italy
Italy is
is
the divergence of character that exists between between Province
Province
and
and Province.
Province. The Corsican Corsican is outwardly cold, cold, too
often calculating, little
often calculating, little susceptible to the influences of
Art, Religion, of others'
Art, of Religion, others’ personalities ; and and he he has
humour. The Romagnol
little sense of humour.
little Romagnol has a a great,
palpitating
palpitating human
human heart,heart, aa very keen
keen sense of humour,
humour,
is generous to aa fault, is dangerously susceptible to
outside influences. The Corsican Corsiean makes
makes an an implacable
Romagnol makes loyal,
enemy, the Romagno]
enemy, life­long friendships.
loyal, life-long
IfIf Mussolini
Mussolini has has aa weakness, it is is his susceptibility
to personal influences. He may judge
personal influences. fallen human
judge fallen human
nature pretty shrewdly in the mass
nature pretty mass;; butbut hehe has the
impulse
impulse to go go out
o u t to meet
meet the best best in each individual i
each individual
with whom he he comes in contact, and and the realisation
realisation of ‘
i
the good each is apt to obscure for him
good in each him the bad. He
is too apt to judge others by his own generous self.
readily forgive an
He will readily an injury, readily excuse aann ,
injury, readily
apparent
apparent disloyalty ; ttoo o o often for the sake of an an old
old
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 29
39

friendship he he will give aa man

man another
another chance,
chance, who has
b a badly
let him d l y down. Napoleon,
Napoleon, never. Mussolini
Mussolini is
well aware . of this weakness. Bitter Bitter experience has
taught him to be
". him be on
on his guard
guard against it. But there it
it. But it
is, the defect
defect ofof aa quality,
quality, which we we would nnot o t wish
away. " For For if
if Napoleon
Napoleon was loved because he
loved beeause he could
could
intoxicate-.. men's
men’s minds,
minds, as he led
ashe led them up to share with
him and through him
Q,; through him the exhilaration
exhilaration and
and glory of his
achievements, Mussolini is
1 “its, Mussolini is loved loved because he
he loves.
loves.
Napoleon m was the centre
centre of his universe ; God
God is the
centre of _; Mussolini's.
Mussolini’s. He exults in the feeling that
the whole '_ of him
him isis being
being used,
used, the
the whole of his
his mortal
mortal
self used mp, up, for the cause
cause in which he he believes. His
constant
7 p prayer
l ' l y e r is,
is, "“ O
O,, m
myy God,
God, letlet me perish if
m e perish if
thereby Italy
‘aI may may be
be made great inin the eyes
eyes of the world
and in _';fu..l.¢
Thine eyes," and, and, "“ forgive me my trespasses,
as I forgive' them them that trespass against me." For For he
be
knows that
if: - the path to Heaven
path to Heaven of of the statesman
statesman is is
only too often paved but
'--'-- paved but with good
good intentions.
intentions. The end end
does not‘ justify ~ the means ; but but when allall is
is contingent,
contingent,
the lesser -,evil Insoften
has often toto be
be chosen. But But if evil has
ifevil
always to belisted, then ? Courage to
hated, what then? go on
to go on
notwithstanding
_ and
and faith
faith in God's mercy.
mercy. That is
the attitude dof Mussolini
Mussolini in the face of the practical
practical
problems of ' l ilife
f e :3 aa deep consciousness of good
good and
and
evil, a great sense of responsibility
responsibility and
and realisation
realisation of
of
" . of human
the fallibility human judgment in the choice of
30
30 THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
means ; hence
worthy means; hence a continual self­criticism
self-criticism and
and self­
self‑
martyrdom,
martyrdom, which, if it were were nnot
o t for his faith, his sense
of duty to his vocation, and and his moral courage, would
moral courage,
drive himhim to aa contemplative life. life. NotNot Napoleon
Napoleon but,but,
rather,
rather, St. Ignatius is. Mussolini's
St. Ignatiusis. spiritual companion.
Mussolini's spiritual
Every
Every day he he grows in wisdom and moral stature.
and moral
The quality of consistency in the character of anyone
is to bebe judged ratherrather by aa consistent evolution
evolution of his
ideas than
ideas than by a fixity
a fixity of opinions. This is especially
true
true of of aa man action, whose practical
man of action, Philowphy
practical Philosophy
comes to maturity and and clarity in the course of acquired
of acquired
experience,
experience, intensified
intensified by by the burden
burden of responsibility
when it it comes to him. him.
Mussolini, who began
Mussolini, began his life as as aa Socialist,
Socialist, has
passed through
passed through manymany stages of opinion in the course of
his evolution.
evolution. But But his
his evolution
evolution may be be likened
likened to anan
ascending
ascending straight line. line. This is his true consistency ;
and
and it it would be be absurd
absurd to quote any stage of his M past,
even
even of his hiscomparatively
comparatively recentrecent past, against his present.
present.
The same maybe may be said said ofof the political
political doctrines
underlying Fascism.
underlying Fascism. FascismFascism never
never possessed
possessed a a ready‑
ready­
Philosophy. It
made Philosophy. It arose asasaa Party
Party of action. Its Its
aims at firstfirst appeared
appeared obscure to the ordinary man man in
the street,
street, apart from from the immediate aim of re­establish­
aim reestablish‑
ing
tng the authority of the State. Consequently,
Consequently, recruits
joined the movement
movement in the beginningbeginning from every kind kind
of source ; or many many others,
others, for fear of of committing
committing
 INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION 3i
3:
themselves to the unknown, unknown, held held themselves aloof.
Q__gradually
But very gradually at at first,
first, more
more swiftly after the marchmarch
on Rome,
,i the true significance of the movement
movement
became _" clearer,
clearer, with with the result
result that many of the first first
recruits,
1”- when they were were honest,
honest, had had no alternative but
to abandon
_’_ n .«it it ; while others,
others, with their original
original doubts
removed,
_,__ I took their place.
place. Its Its significance has now
emerged .f:-' into the full
into full light
light of day. Mussolini,
Mussolini, in the
course of his his ownown latter­day
latter-day evolution,
evolution, as he clarified
as he clarified
his own ideas, clarified
f- idea, clarified them also for the whole Party Party
and made them finally
- them finally a consistenta consistent whole. This
entailed ' if.“ a continuous scrapping
scrapping of impure impure doctrinal
ingredients, ~~ and and at the same time, independently
independently of
those who, . of their own
own will, left movement, it
left the movement, a
continuous scrapping scrapping of impureimpure humanhuman elements—a
elements‐a
most difficult, w : ungrateful
ungrateful task, requiring infinite judg‑
bask, requiring judg­
ment, firmness and and tact, and and carried
carried out
out only at the
cost of3;m much
uch heart­burning,
heart-burning, disappointment and and
worry. This i ,‘ has been Mussolini's passion,
has been Mussolini's passion ; but it
has alsoliilfieen been his his schooling. He has suffered suffered in aa
way which ' itit is difficult
diflicult to exaggerate from the moral moral
failings of others, others, many of whom whom he he had reckoned
had reckoned
as his friends, '_v._-'-‘ men men who betrayedbetrayed him him and
and his best
best
hopes by M self‐seeking, their envy,
their self­seeking, envy, their shallow­
shallow‑
ness. But hereby hereby he he himself
himself has has come to understand,
understand,
in a way which u'ch five
five years ago perhaps he he only dimly
grasped, 7 that
' , the only way to serve one's country best
best
is to serve God first.
first.
PART
PA RT II
 CHAPTER I

[ASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY

may be defined generally as a politieal and

movement having as its object the reestablish‑
of a political and social order, based mm
the main current of traditions that Dcamen
_- formed our European civilisation, f mm
- created by Rome, first by the Empire and
’ Ht-utly by the Catholic Church. Conversely,
may be described as the repudiation of that
' ' “t mentality that found expression first in
5” v : Renaissance, t h e nin the Reformation and
in the French Revolution, not to speak of the
" Revolution, which issuedin “ Capitalism,”
- - product of the Reformation."’
according to our definition, which has
3’s sanction, the accusation made by certain
, that Fascism, in its defence of the Church
'- restoration of Religion to a place of honour in
- . defining " Capitalism," on p. u of the Introduction.
70110 Suchrt. L'Ewopa V i m . (Valeechi. Florence. was).
V 35
 36 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISI!

the State, is acting from purely opportunistic motives,

falls to the ground.
In order to be quite clear, what is meant by “ oppor‑
tunistic motives P" They are three : First, that by
defending the Church with its wide-flung influence,
Italy may be enabled to spread her influence, too.‘
Secondly, that, by upholding Religion, the eause of
Fascism may gain the popular support of Italian
Catholics,who form the vast majority of the populationd’
Thirdly, the mere appreciation of the fact that Religion
is a powerful aid in the maintenance of social order,
in the disciplining of men's selfish appetites and in
instilling in them the virtue of self-sacrifice.

Although the above definition is an accurate one,

nevertheless there is a universal aspect of Fascism
independent, in a certain sense, of the Roman tradition.
What I mean to say is simply this : that, although
Japan, for instance, is in no sense an heir to Rome,
nevertheless Japan, while maintaining her own
traditions, might yet be, in a certain sense, a
fascist State. This point will be dealt with later. It
is sufficient for the reader to bear it in mind, lest he

‘Compare oflicinl atheist France's patronage of French Catholic

Schools and Missions absoad, the while discouraging Catholic l o a n :
at home.
1 Compare the Catholic policy of Napoleon l l l . , who sought t hat,
‘ t o p i n the Catholic vote.
 FASCISM IN THE L I G H T OF HISTORY 37

d, at this stage, draw too absolute conclusions

' ' s- my definition.
Every acute and sensitive observer in Italy as far
p -- as 191x,‘ or even earlier, was aware ofthe extra‑
vitality of the Italian people of this
. The I a l ‑
-on, and was consequently on the m m .
. to see what was to be the outcome of it. if.“ a]
H must also have been aware of three F m ”
~ increasingly growing movements; a revival of
.. . , c life, Syndiealism and Nationalism‐three
' M. ... ts which prepared the ground for the advent

.The revival of Catholic life had no leanings towards

V'- em, which may be defined asa polities] order
- . the influence of the Priest pre- 7's.
-- n o r yet towards Ultramontanism g m ”
1 aim of which was the restoration of ” I "
- in full sovereignty to the Pope‐a term which
in itself, in that all its principal advocates lived
-the Alps).
~ c opinion, after the taking of Romein 1870,
a long time to become absorbed into the new

1 k m t b e d a t e 1 9 " , becauseitvas i n t h a t y e a r t h n t l fl r s t
something of what was to f o l l o w ; and this intuitionI Sound
by numbers of Italians. standing outside polities with
I came in contact in the course of my wanderings throughout
1} uln. I t w a s the yearolthefiftiethanniversaryofthe uni‑
' 1 ! I t a l y.
38 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISI

State ; for Catholics were torn at first in their

allegiance, or, more accurately, Catholic opinion was
rendered impotent for some time (especially before the
relaxation,by Pius X., of the ban contained in the Papal
Decree Nan Eapcdh, which formally prohibited
Catholics from taking part in parliamentary elections),’
owing to the distraction caused by the fears entertained
for the Papacy as a result of the fall of the temporal
power. Only gradually, as it was realised that the
Church was in no sense weakened by the change,
in spite of the highly unsatisfactory and anomalous
position in which the Pope has been plawd by the
wholly inadequate and purely unilateral Italian Law of
Guarantees, and, finally, by the destruction of the
Austrian Empire, the stronghold of the Ultramontanes,
did it become possible for Catholic opinion fully to
re-assert itself. Meanwhile, the anti-Catholic Free‑
masons, the Positivists, the Hedonists, the Materialism,
had had a long r u n for their money. They had
dominated the State for close on two generations;
but despite the religious vacuum they had sought to
create in the heyday of their opportunity, the people
had maintained their faith. No sooner, therefore,
did the Catholics begin to find themselves again, than
their influences grew and grew. Already in 1911

‘TlnhanwasfinallyrenwvedaltogetberhyBenedict X V.
 FASCISM THE LIGHT
FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 39
39

of their coming
vivid signs of
there were vivid coming triumph, which
4
signified also the triumph of
_,. ‘.. .. also of tradition.*
tradition.‘
iSooondly, Syndicalism, before the War, was
Secondly, Syndicalism, was of the
, variety, preparing
red preparing the ground
ground for the day when
‘ ' factories would
the would come to bebe handed
handed over syndicai­
smgcd.
to' the
the workers without compensation
compensation to the a“ '
tsm

f -. - . and
owners, and the Red Syndiealist Republic
Red Syndicalist Republic proclaimed.
proclaimed.
_,,-, ... with
Associated with the socialist party,
party, it
it shared, first,
shared, at first,
with the latter latter its
its materialistic view of life andand paid
paid
homage to the name of Marx. Marx. Socialism,
Socialism, however,
however,
bylint-911
1911 was showingshowing signs ofof losing ground to Syn­
losing ground Syn‑
" _|~ ;; and
dicalism Syndicalism itself
and Syndicalism 1tselfwas changing. Sorel Sorel
had become its
’ become prophet;; Corridoni
its prophet Corridoni had had become its its
mostinspiring leader, Corridoni
inspiring leader, Corridoni who was afterwards
killed '_'-in France,
in France, while serving an Italian
serving with an Italian voluntary
contingent vit before Italy herself
before Italy herself entered
entered the War.
"7; ~.- .... indeed
Syndicalism indeed was becoming internationalist,
becoming less internationalist,
less tmaterialist. idealism of the
Mazzinian idealism
materialist. The Mazzinian
Republican- party, stronghold was big-hearted
party, whose stronghold big­hearted
U» y . » was
Romagna, wasaffectingit.
affecting it.
* I ‘ am notnot concerned
concerned here here w with
i t h a chronicle
chronicle of events,
events. or it it would
be necessary to to give
give some account of the birth birth of the Catholic Party. Party,
as distinct
" f rfrom
o m the general
general revival
revival of Catholic life we;; the development
Nemtymouchopuluputy.
of the Catholic Party into the Popular Party, which became, after
whichheeame. m e t - tthe
he
War, fl the strongest
atrongeat organised
organised Party after the Socialists Socialists;; its moral
i t s moral
degenerationA in competition
competition w with
i t h the Socialists,
Socialists, together with w i t h its
its
inoculation» with with the virus of Internationalism
Intel-nationalism and Democratism
and Democratiam
(a . definition
fs’; d of
w hwhich
i c h w iwill
l l b ebe
g igiven
v e n i nind due
u e ocourse)
o n u o ) ;; its split into two
itaaplitintotwo
allot
sections after tb the advent of Fascism,
Fascism. resulting
resulting in the absorption
absorption of the
national and conservative elements by Fascism
‘ and F a d - m and
and the wandering
in the m wilderness of 01 the
the remainder.
40 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

It had already become apparent that there was a

sane side to Syndicalism ; it had become apparent that
a Syndicalism could exist which need deny neither
Religion, nor Patriotism, nor justice to the owners of
property. Syndiealism, away from any special
application of the term, may indeed be described asan
effort to give the wage-earner a property interest in his
industry and soa sense of responsibility for the well‑
being of that industry. As such, it is a movement
instinct with the Roman, the Catholic tradition.
Modern industry necessitates the employment of
large bodies of men aswage-earners ; but the Tradition‑
alist, ever since the great medieval civilisation which
was the outcome of the Christianisation of the Roman
Empire, with difliculty acquiesces in the position of a
mere wage‐earner. This is particularly so in the ease
of the Italian ; for Italy has remained the heart of the
Roman, the Catholic tradition, asbeing the home of the
Papacy and the country nearest to the fountain head of
the traditions that moulded Europe.
Some solution by which, for the masses, the sense of
property may be reconciled with the requirements of
modern industry, has accordingly long been a markedly
instinctive desire in the hearts of modern Italians.
Property means Liberty in the best, concrete sense.
The protection which Fascism gives to property and
the encouragement which it gives to the worker who
 I

His
Hls EXCELLENCY
12m mu m \' SIGNOR . \ l mu 1m Rocco,
Szuxnw ALFREDO hunt“.
Minister
Jinnah-r of 1mm .
u} Justice.
 FASCISM IN THE
FASCISH IN OF HISTORY
THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 41
4!

owns own means

13his own means of
of livelihood, has contributed much
livelihood, has much
to the popularity
.- popularity of
of Fascism
Fascism ;; for
for there exists,
exists, in
in Italy,
Italy,
a very large proportion of
large proportion of the people
people who remain
remain their
own masters.*
' -. masters.‘ The average
average Italian
Italian would
would far
far prefer
to be relatively poor,
_ berelatively but his
poor, but his own
own master,
master, than relatively
than relatively
rich
4‘ , and at the beck and
and at and call
call of another. Fascism would
Fascism would
defend
_ d and
and encourage this healthy
healthy inclination.
inclination. Fascist
Fascist
f’a-«omic policy is,
economic policy is, in
in fact,
fact, aa moderate,
moderate, realistic
"1rDistributism."
Distributism." But it recognises
But it recognises that in the
that in the struggle
for existence
existence between
between States in the modern
modern world aa
place; .. must
must be
be found
found for the great industries
industries within the
national
_"‘_»'n n . ‘ economy. These also mustmust be
be encouraged
encouraged
and
'“_ . at the'same
the‘same time aa solution
solution found for the present
invidious position of the wage­earner.
_'..-us position wage-esmer.
Fascism, however, has the good
, -‘ 111, however, good sense to realise,
sense to realise, too,
that
' '5_ there is
is no simple
simple solution
solution of
of the problem, no short
the problem, short
cut to Utopia.
__:to Utopia. Much
Much depends on
on creating,
creating, first,
first, the
proper~ moral
moral state
state of
of mind
mind in both masters
in both masters and
and men.
Much, therefore,
therefore, depends on
on gradual education and
gradual education and
judicious
, . propaganda.
propaganda. Moreover,
Moreover, each
each industry in its
particular
=- . - circumstances must
must solve the problem,
problem,

*h According
e a d i n g to t o the
the census
census of o f 1921,
roar. nearly
nearly fifty per cent.
fi f t y per cent, of the
o f the
population
i ' =- belong
belongtotheto the following classes
classes:: small
small and
and great
great agricultural
agricultural
proprietors
., ;: mezzadri
mounds-l (who (who have a co­operative
cooperative interest
interest in the land
land
and great- security of tenure) ; owners of small and and large shops,
shops, stores,
stores
workshops - o ror
t s factories
c t o r l e s ;; artisans owning their own tools ; persons
srtlsansownlngtbeirowntools;
deriving their sole sob income
income from from investments
investments or pensions ; and
or pensions; pro­
and pro‑
fessional m,men, who have have chosen
chosen their vocation largely from the love
of '.
the work itself.
itself.
42 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
largely for itself, and in different ways ; there ean be
no cut-and-dried scheme applicable to all and sundry.
There are lessons to be learntfrom innumerable and di‑
verse sources, such asexperiments in co-Operation, guild
organisation. co-partnership, profit-sharing, workers’ in‑
vestment schemes, etc., etc. Progress must be effected
slowly asexperience dictates. Finally, much depends
on organisation ; and the creation of the great fascist
Corporations of Employers and Employees, a descrip‑
tioneof which will be given in the second part of this
book, the institution of Labour Courts and the promul‑
gation of the fascist “ Labour Charter," have already
laid the foundations of a new economic order, both
national and traditional in spirit, which it would n o t be
amiss to eall “ Fascist Syndiealism " ; and it is con‑
fidently expected that, through these organisations, the
desired solutions will eventually be'found.
I now come to the consideration of Nationalism, a
N M _ movement requiring careful analysis, if
m" we wish to avoid misunderstandings and
gauge its import.
Before analysing, however, the various meanings of
the t e r m “ Nationalism," let us consider for a moment
the meaning of such terms as “ State," “ Nation,"
“ Race," " Empire," and trace in broad outline the
origins of the great national States of Eumpe to-day,
which arose o u t of the wreck of the Roman Empire.
 FASCISM
FASCISM IN
IN THE
THE LIGHT
LIGHT OF HISTORY
OF HISTORY 43
43

Such aa survey will exemplify the traditionalist char­

char‑
acter of fascist Nationalism.
Nationalism.
A State be deemed
State may be deemed that system of Government,
Government,
administration
' - t i o n and
and laws,
laws, the
the supreme
supreme authority
authority of
of
which
i _.. is recognised by a body
recognised . .a . . of men,
men,a a
. The
The state­
Stall.
Nation or group of Nations. This i
s the special
n.- -or group of Nations. This isthe special
meaning
. ' g of the tterm
erm "
“ State "
" that we
wefind
find frequently
adopted byeminent Inthissensqitwasscarcely
by eminent writers. In this sense, it was scarcely
anL-enggeration
exaggeration when
when an
an absolute monarch like
absolute monarch like
Louis XIV. of
of France
France declared:
declared: "L'Etat,
“L'Eeat, c'est moi."
» On. the
the other hand,
hand, in common usage, the tterm
common usage, erm
" State " signifies something broader ; it is identified
;; ., ” signifies something broader; it is identified
with the community
2 ' the community which recognises the
which recognises the supreme
supreme
authority
‘_ , i ' - of
ofaa particular
particular system
system of
of Government,
Government,
administration
j u m - tion and
and laws.
laws. Both
Both definitions,
definitions, in
in my
opinion, should
should be
be allowed
allowed to stand. The ttwo
w o ideas
reciprocally
5 ' -' y imply
imply each
each other,
other, and
and we
we can
can safely
safely leave
leave
it to
.' the context
context to prevent any
to prevent any confusion
confusion ofof thought.
We may say accordingly
’0 may accordingly that
that aa national
national National
”use":
_ . . . . . . « States and
State is one
_." is one with
with authority
authority over
over aa single
single fifizfl"
imperial
Nation;3 an Imperial State one with authori­
anImperial State one with authori- ' ­
S Mes "
Slcl

ty over
‘ aa group
group of Nations or
of Nations or aa heterogeneous
heterogeneous assort­
assort‑
ment
__ of peoples.
peoples.
A
f};"Nation
Nation ""must
m u s t nnot
o t be confused with
beconfused with14 Race." Nor
“ Race." Nor
is it - merely
merely the
the sum
sum of
of individuals,
individuals, composing
composing aa
body politic at
.jpolitic at aagiven
given moment
moment and recog­ A
and recog‐ ANNation‑
ation.
nising the authority
_'the authority of
of the
the State.
State. If
If this
this were so,
so,
E
44 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

the easily-understood term “body politic ” could be

substituted for the more subtle t e r m " Nation." A
“ Nation ” is much more than this. " It is that living,
moral entity, which, though composed of individuals,
transcends the scope and life of its components, identi‑
fying itself with the history and finalities of an uninter‑
rupted series of generations. It is a moral entity,
since it is composed of human beings ; for man is n o t
solely matter, and the ends of the human species, far
from being the materialistic ones we have in common
with other animals, are, rather, and predominantly,
the spiritual finalities which are peculiar to man and
which every form of society strives to attain as well as
its stage of development allows. It is an entity with
a unity brought about by common traditions among the
people that compose it, traditions formed in the course
of time owing to the pervasion of a variety of influences
(not a l l of which, bowe'ver, need be present), such as
community of topogmphieal and climatic conditions,
of language, race, culture, religion, laws, customs,
history, feelings and volitions, economic interests and
territory having clearly marked geographical bound‑
aries.”’
‘ C]. the speech delivered by H i s Excellency. Alfredo Rocco. Italian
Minister of justice, delivered at Perugia on 30th August. 1925. published
in an English version by the Carnegie Endowment f o r International
Peace, October, 1926; and included in the work by the same author,
Le True/maxim Jello Stale (Librefia della “ Voee.“ Florence. 19a7).
 FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 45

By “ Race ” I mean the various ethno‑

“ f f .
~ hical groups of which society is formed.
u-An “ Empire " is a group of Nations or
Empire.
' ».__ recognising the authority of an
.. State.
To give examples: modern Greece is a Nation,
- by common traditions based on a community of
_,, _ race, religion and other factors. Switzerland
.». . a Nation, though composed of difl’erent races,
‘g different languages and practising different
. s. It is united, however, by common traditions
j ,. ~ , topographical conditions, etc., etc. Thus,
Greek Nation recognises the authority of the
State; the Swiss Nation that of the Swiss State or
' Am tion of States (Swiss and Cantonal‘Govern‑
administration and laws). Again, France is
_‘_ l Nation and an Empire, a national State and an

State, with its far-flung subject Nations and

. Britain is likewise a Nation and an Empire,
, al State and an imperial State, associated, into
bargain, with a number of national sister States,
_,there, with the Mother-country, some portion of
f“H . a and privileges of the imperial State.
city State or a tribal State might be held, in certain
- ,, ces, to fall under the above definition of a
State. But this would contrast with City sup:
, , . and I nbal
, " . usage, because of i t s prum- S u m .
character. Hence I shall reserve the term
46
46 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

“ national
" ” State as
national " as applying to relatively
applying to relatively large
large national
national
units only, and
units “city ” or
and use the terms "city" or "tribal"
“tribal” State to
denote aa distinct class,
class, differentiated by common sense.
growth and
The growth integration of aanational
and integration national State charac‑
charac­
terises political
political progress,as
asdistinct social progress;
distinct from social
Political t w o kinds of
for these two of progress need by no
need by no
Political .
and
and Social march hand
Social means march hand in
in hand. hand. Thus, where we we
Progress.
Progress. ,. ....
. . ~
have anEmpire,
have an Empire, political
political progress is is aa pro‑
pro­
assimilation of the various Nations or peoples
cess of assimilation
composing that Empire.
composing Empire. Similarly,
Similarly, an Empire
an Empire
exhibits political
political decadence when the various Nations Nations
composing that Empire
or peoples composing Empire tend to breakbreak away
and become independent
and recognising separate
independent societies recognising
States of their own. Germany is an
States an example of a a
politically progressive
politically progressive imperial system :: for the German
imperial system
Empire, the German
Empire, Imperial State,
German Imperial has by
State, has by now
practically become
become aa single German Nation, a
German Nation, a purely
national State. The Austro­Hungarian
national Empire, on
Austro-Hungarian Empire, on
hand, was throughout the nineteenth
the other hand, nineteenth century
in aa decadent condition. The British Empire appears,
British Empire
sight, to be
first sight,
too, at first be decadent in this sense ; but the
appearance may
appearance may very likely proveprove illusory ; for the
British Empire
conditions of the British Empire are peculiar,
peculiar, owing to
the founding of colonies of of British
British men and women in
men and
empty spaces overseas, and and to its geographical
its great geographical
diversity. Britain,
diversity. is conducting
indeed, is
Britain, indeed, conducting aa momentous
experiment in developing
experiment independent national
deveIOping independent national sister
 FASCISM IN
FASCISM THE LIGHT
IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY
OF HISTORY 47
47

.
States
3!» . - ; o u t of her
out Empire, sister States for whom
her Empire, whom there
isl-every good hope
every good remaining sisters and
hope of remaining and of working
"up,., in the generations to come, come, their joint association
association
with. the Mother­country
Mother‐country into into aa higher nationalnational and and
imperial unity.unity. It It is
is not
n o t merely a a question of State
juwtralisation, aa policy which many
decentralisation, m'any Empires,
Empires,
~- ' n g Rome,
including Rome, have have profitably practised practised before
,," ~'.
Britain. something quite new in the history of
It is something
It
i;“ world. Whether she will succeed
the succeed in converting
India,.~' however,
however, intointo an an independent
independent national national State,
State,
i' f.vv of remaining
desirous remaining within the Empire Empire and and of working
up[eventually into aa higher
eventually into higher unity with her sisters, is, is,
itf-‘L'ust
must be be confessed, problematical. Great
confessed, extremely problematical. Great
“ ' has
Britain has not exhibited aa great talent for assimilation,
not exhibited
a ‘talent
' mt wherein the Latin Latin Nations appear, rather, rather, to
excel"~‘ ~ ; and Britain’s task in India
and the success of Britain's India would
seem j ‘ ttoo depend
depend much
much on on the power of assimilation.*
assimilation.“
”The Latin talent for assimilation
’ t Latin assimilation was exhibited exhibited in aa
remarkable ble degree by ancient Rome. Rome. The Roman Roman
embracing, at
Empire, embracing, first, countless T , “
at first,
XT • . . . T h e
Nations and and peoples, had, in its prime,
peoples, had, prime, 5:27; Roman
. „ ­ , . ' . . , Empire.
Q-m- y transformed
practically transformed itselfitself intointo aa single
Roman ‘ . Nation.
Nation. Not altogether, however.
Not altogether, however. The
"u >was never
process never quite completed. Two big big divisions

*f"C f'.. W hitherto, after centuries of domination,

' s notable failure hitherto,
Britain's domination.
" y, ._Ireland.
to assimilate spite of
Ireland, in spite b e conquest of
o f tthe Ireland b
of Ireland byy tthe
h e English
English
language, and and the large large community of of interests,
interests. not to speak 0! of the
geographical . u unity,
n i t y. of the two
m islands.
islands.
48
48 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS
ASPECTS OF FASCISH
OF FASCISM

remained, the Latin

remained, Latin and
and the Greek,
Greek, besides aa number
number
of minor
minor ones ; and
and in this connection
connection it is interesting
is interesting
to note
note that in the Church, which is the heir
heir to ancient
Rome,
Rome, aa survival of the various unassimilated Nations
unassimilated Nations
that composed
composed the Roman Empire at the time of its
Roman Empire
decay is preserved
preserved to this day in herher various rites.“
rites.*
So,
So, when the Empire
Empire declined,
declined, it inevitably split along
the lines
lines traced where the process of assimilation had
assimilation had
ended,
ended, and
and there became two
t w o Romes,
Romes, the Rome
Rome of
Romulus
Romulus and
and the Rome
Rome of Constantine.
Constantine.
The Roman Empire may thus be
Roman Empire be considered
considered the
imperial State,
prototype of the great imperial State, and,
and, for us
Westerners,
Westerners, the prototype also of the great national
national
State. It
It was
was aa vital organism
organism distinguished by its
unity
unity in variety, the firm
firm foundation onon which our
our
European civilisation
European civilisation has been built,
been built, the mother of
mother us us
all.Its
Its vast
vast extent,
extent, its pre­eminent civilisation, its
its pre‐eminent
dominating strength, its long
dominating strength, long duration, gave it a
a prestige
which outlasted
outlasted its
its concrete
concrete existence. Before its its
virtual demise it had
had already become Christian,
Christian, so
so that
T, ” Ilulv Catholic and
and Roman
Roman in ordinary parlance
parlance
The Holy . ,
5:33"
Roman
Empire
had become interchangeable
had become interchangeable terms ;y
;1' and
and
out
o u t of it there grew, Holy
grew, in the West, the Holy
*‘ The Latin
L a t i n rite
rite and
and the Greek rite
rite correspond, 0! course. to
of course, to the main
main
divisions
division: into
i n t o which
which the Empire
Empire fell,
tell. the Armenian and Coptic rites,
rites,
etc.,
etc.. to those Nations of the Eastern
Eastern Empire
Empire which had
had not been per‑
n o t been per­
fectly
betly assimilated
assimilated by the Greek civilisation.
civilisation
o . James
f Cf. jlmen Bryce's
Bryce's masterpiece,
masterpiece. The Holy
Holy Roman
Roman Empire,
Empire, (Mac­
(Hac‑
Millan
Millan &a Co., London. revised
Go.. London, edition. 1922).
revised edition, 1922).
 FASCISK IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 49

Empire, at first a concrete fact under Charle‑

..
»;e, but gradually to become little more than an
_ ‘ ' - form and anaspiration. In theory it continued
7: exist right down to the Napoleonic era, long, long
-‘-‐ its very shadow had become obscured ; and it
7 tinued to exist thus because the hearts of men
ed back with longing, asin a dream, to the time
all civilisation was united under a single paternal
fl . .. ent ; a past to which men clung asif reluctant
,give up the hope of one day reconstituting the unity
‘ - had lost. This was especially so among those
~--lea who had remained Catholic ; for the spiritual
l «of the great Empire had n o t only never decayed,
' on the contrary had grown from strength to strength
" spread its wings to the uttermost corners of the

Now, as the Roman State decayed (and this is

' - . arly true of the Western half of the Empire,
with the removal of the seat of the TM
u to Constantinople, political decay 23:01: 01
both earlier and more thorough), the
.. heart ceased to beat o u t the life-blood required
__
w i s h the body politic ; and since the Western
1 ,. - world had been practieally assimilated into a
Nation during the preceding period of political
_, . the deeay here could not take the form of a
‘ - split-up into national States, for more than one,
50 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
the Roman one, there could hardly be said to exist.
50 decay took the form, rather, of a slow sinking into
n, D " , civil chaos, relieved from time to time and
AW" locally by the strong rule of some forceful
viceroy or condottiere. These were the “ Dark
Ages." But gradually, o u t of the dark, came the
light, the great medieval civilisation, the product of
n. m, feudalism and the city State (the latter itself
“ A ! “ a tradition from the ancient world), into
which society had crystallised anew by a process of
adaptation to the conditions inherent in a Nation
wherein the State had abdicated its authority. The
Roman Empire asa State had virtually ceased, although
the outward form of it survived and its prestige still
held, especially in Germany and in Italy, where the
Pope and the Emperor held their Courts. The sway
of the Church was predominant, however, and gave to
the whole a spiritual unity, which, in turn, helped to
keep alive the fiction aswell asthe ideal of civil unity.
Politically, Europe, taken asa whole, had markedly
regressed, as compared with the great days of the
Empire, however much she may have picked up again
in comparison with the darkest years of the Dark Ages.
But Christianity, the while, had worked a social miracle,
a social transformation. Medieval social conditions,
considered independently of political conditions, repre‑
sented undoubtedly a marked advance on Roman social
 FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 5:
lumdidons! 50, whereas Europe had deayed politic‑
.1-i , she had advanced socially ; and this social advance,
Carrying with it a rich harvest of intellectual and
‘ -".--c achievements, economic development and com‑
-'e security, brought about in turn a new impulse
f., - ~political progress.
i In the outlying portions of the Empire, or of what
5 . formerly constituted the Empire, in Spain, in
I ce, in England, for example, this n, km
-- se was particularly favoured. The fiafim”
' n'on towards reconstituting the Empire 5 m “ ‑

' I‘ more clearly asan impracticable dream. Conse‑

‘ t l y the impulse towards political progress caused
‘ ually to come into existence among these outlying
' where a certain homogeneity of language,
' : , and economic interests had in the course of time
. we established and where the tradition of the city
1,u was weaker, local political unities that transcended
j fief and the city, and finally engendered a number
f national States, which, some sooner, some later,
4 < loose altogether from the idea of the Empire,
' themselves the centre of their peculiar aspirations
developed into the corresponding great national
" of to-day.
.' C]. Albedo Orlani's great work in three volumes. La Loan P o l i fi u
‘ ( u m dena " Voee,“ Florence, 1917).
 53 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
At the centre of things, on the other hand, the
impulse towards political progress was less favoured,
chiefly because it was there that the form of the Empire
still persisted in a visible manner, where the prestige of
the Empire and the surviving sense of Roman nation‑
ality was still sostrongly felt that men continued vainly
to aspire to the Empire’s reconstruction. The idea
of the universal Catholic State, the Roman State, with
its local municipal organisation, that had once com‑
prised, and, asit was fondly hoped, was destined again
to comprise, the whole of civilisation, overshadowed
the narrower national State idea. Political progress
was accordingly less marked (though by no means
stagnant), for having aspired too high.
Nevertheless, small regional States did indeed form
themselves, in Italy often quasi-national or else in the
shape of miniature Empires, with a city State at their
head, like Venice, or like Florence, which gradually
absorbed Tuscany, or like the Papal States ; while, in
the Germanies, either the same phenomenon occurred,
or, more often, regional States grew o u t of the feudal
system without transcending it, and in central Europe
a local imperial system, a concrete Empire in the very
lap of the ideal Holy Roman Empire, formed o u t of a
group of such regional States, under the aegis of the
Austrian Monarchy, came also gradually into being.
' This Austrian Empire, in fact, may be regarded as the
 FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 53
(went to which the aspiration to reconstitute the Romua
Empire had succeeded. But it was a barbarous
production, incapable of assimilating the more cultured
peoples of Italy or of satisfying the Italian imperial
ideal. Throughouti t s history,It was characterised by
,_ted growth, and ever contained within itself the
_' - .. . of decay. Further East, the Turkish conquest
- meantime laid a dead hand on what had once been
‘ " ntium.
' Then, bit by bit, asthe Western national States con‑
; .. , edtheir power, they too began to develop imperial
f; . «cies, imperial tendencies, however, which in no
sought to recreate the old imperial unity ; and Italy,
wohad failed to form either a new imperial
. _ T b : Pagan
»«v for herself or to crystallise i n t o a Renais‑
modem national State, became the m a "
mated prize of all her neighbours. Europe became
battlefield of large rival States, each struggling for
j - dancy. The Pagan Renaissance left behind it a
, ‘ legacy of cynicism. Right became identified
m Might, and lust for power and glory the driving
_g -'tion of rulers. The consequence was the Oppres‑
" ~of the people by their rulers on the one hand, the
in” n to achieve any further political progress on the
<-‐ . Domination, n o t assimilation, became the
‘ n - - ledged end of Empire and whole Nations were
1, r handed over from one domination to another,
54 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH
bartered away, sold or partitioned, without any regard
for the proper ends of society. Religion was adecaying
force and with its decay social conditions decayed every‑
where too. Nor have we succeeded in .regaining the
social ground lost during those fateful centuries which
culminated in the French Revolution.
This great upheaval was the revolt of the French
people against what had indeed become an intolerable
n; condition of affairs. In so far as it was
5:1" this, it was healthy enough. It was a
mm. heaven-sent punishment on the heads of
those in authority, who had forgotten their very raiser:
d'étre, the promotion of the welfare of the whole people
over whom they ruled. It was a morally legitimate
breaking of the privileged class-system into which the
State had degenerated, and it undoubtedly resulted in a
number of permanent conquests for the cause of civilisa‑
tion. The world badly needed a breath of Liberty and
it was in the name of Liberty that the Revolution was
made.
The political Philosophy, however, which fed the re‑
volutionary movement was still the child of the cynical,
individualistic, purely rationalistic atmosphere of the
eighteenth century, tempered only by the thin broth of
Humanitarianism. Though it had power to destroy,
though it provoked the stimulus required to enable peo‑
ples to throw off the yoke of self-seeking rulers, it had no
 FASCISII IN THE LIGHT OF
FASCISM mom
HISTORY
or HISTORY 55
55

power to
power to construct
construct aa healthy State system
system in in the place of of
' the old old one. It It merely clearedthe
cleared the ground
ground for some other
forsomeother
order to take its its place,
place, for better or for worse. ItIt
‘ hastened rather than arrested
hastened rather than arrested the catastrophic course
taken
taken by Europe Europe in the sixteenth,
sixteenth, seventeenth
seventeenth and and
' eighteenth centuries, of which the epilogue was the
eighteenth centuries,
Great War.
Great
The revolutionary
revolutionary and and Napoleonic wars—tow a r s ‐ t o pick up
l again
q n n the thread
thread ofof our argument—spread
argument‐spread the ideas of of
iithe
the Revolution
Revolution all all over Europe. Napoleon iqth
Europe. Napoleon 1904‑.
himself blew the last
lf blew 1m vestige of the Holy Holy 527531.
C^ationai­

Roman imperial shadow into smoke

man imperial shadow into smoke and l ‘ " ' and lAm
thereby
min-4 by relieved
relieved central
central Europe
Europe of an an incubus.
incubus. Thus
were
' ,. created,
created, at at last,
last, the conditions which led led to the
‘establishment
lblishment of of modern national States in Italy
modern national Italy andand
Germany, and, with the decay of the Austrian and
1 y, and, and
Turkish Empires, to the establishment of various other
, kish Empires,
nationalaI States out o u t of their respective
respective components.
7 late Great
The late Great War is really, in effect,
is really, efl'ect, the end end of a a
l'-~ pter, the beginningof
chapter, beginning of which was the decay of Rome. Rome.
Europe
- pe hashas been finally split up into
been finally into national
national unities.
1. t h i n the confines of Europe
Within Europe there practically exist
if»
no more Empires. The great power of assimilation
more Empires. assimilation
which
A . - RomeRome exhibited
exhibited has has delayed,
delayed, even
even till this day, day,
'the-- complete
complete reconstruction
reconstruction of EuropeEurope in accordance
with. differentiated
differentiated national
national groups. It still remains aa
It still
question
‐. u'n whether the legacy legacy of traditions which which Rome Rome
56 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISH

left behind her and still survive, are sufficient to form a

cement strong enough to bind these national groups
together again into one genuine political unity. Fascism
would answer : Tet, but on the one condition n, u m ,
that time various national groups, before it it °f a m ? "
too late, recant the political and religion: heretiet, which
have deformed the true traditions. Europe, it affirms, can
only he re-united on the basis of the Roman tradition.
Reinforce this great cotnnton tradition‐the only cotntnon
tradition‐by a general conformation to the Roman political
and religion: traditiont, and we may yet have good reason
to hope.
Q C C C

This historical sketch is necessarily a very summary

one ; but I think it brings o u t pretty clearly the main
facts for my purpose. An important point to remem‑
ber, in connection with it, is that nineteenth-century
European Nationalism, and with it the Italian Risorgi‑
mento, was largely nourished on and found its stimulus
from the doctrines of Liberalism. This alliance, how‑
ever, nay, confusion between Nationalism and Liberal‑
ism was of an entirely accidental nature, owing to the
fact that the latter, being the dominating political
tendency of the times, constituted a trump card for the
Nationalists to play in their efforts to weaken the
resistance of those Powers, whose continual existence
depended on the preservation of the territorial t t a t n 9 “ .
The Nationalism, on the other hand, which could be
 FASCISM IN
FASCISM THE LIGHT
IN THE OF HISTORY
LIGHT OF 57
57

seen to be
seen to be stirring in Italy
stirring in in the years
Italy in Italian
“ a n “
, preceding War,, was of aa different
preceding the War kind.,
difl’erent kind $321;
iim'before
It was a
It Nationalism completely severed
a Nationalism severed "“ "" "r' i ”
from Liberalism,, of
from Liberalism of which Corradini
Corradini may be be regarded
regarded
‘_u
as the founderfounder,, one
one that looked
looked back for its inspirationinapiration
on ancient Rome
on ancient Rome.. lake Like the Nationalism
Nationalism which char‑ char­
acterised
acterised the political progress
political progress following
following the mediaeval
medieval
are, had laid hold
era , it had laid hold of the truth that large
large, , thoroughly
immilated national States are a measure of
assimilated national States are a measure of political
political
progress
- ; s; ; and 1t sought
a n dit accordingly,, to make
sought,, accordingly make Italy Italy aa
_
genuinelyuinely united land.. In tliis
united land this sense it it repudiated
repudiated the
_ 'ddle Ages.
Middle Ages. Italy Italy had
had been
been made
made,, but the Italians Italians
as aa genuinely united united people
people hadhad still
still to be be mademade.. It It
re « aare laid
therefore laid great stress
stress onon the juristic and religious
and religious
traditions
-'tions of the Nation proclaimed
Nation ; proclaimed
; once more the
-ciple of State authority
principle authority,, which LiberalismLiberalism had had
. -«- ined ;; and
undermined repudiated the agnostic State
and repudiated State,, which
clashed
7--bed with with the cherished
cherished traditions of Italians Italians and and
made ~ for disunity
disunity.. More particularly did it enter the
More particularly
lists - against the international gosPel of the Socialists
international gospel Socialists..
It waswas this Nationalism
Nationalism which Fascism Fascism caught up into into
purified,, developed and
itself, purified made its own
and made own..
r Descending to analysis, there are three chief
Descending to analysis, there are three chief mean‑mean­

i‘ings
' to to the word "
the word “ Nationalism,"
Nationalism,” two of which
t w o of which are, are,
when translated into practice,
translated into morally justi‐
practice, morally justi­ ”m^
^
liable, one of of which is not Italian Nation
is not. Italian Nation- Mean-"us:
. ­ Meanings
Of
alism, before before the War, was not
the War, altogether gm“:‑
n o t altogether National­
r ... . *sm­
free from implications of
from the implications of the third third ”""
58 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

meaning, which was made in Germany. German

Kaltar tended then to dominate the universities of
Europe. The influence of Hegel, to choose the most
eminent of the German philosophers, whose philosophy
led to the exaltation of the third type of Nationalism,
was very rampant in Italy ; and although his Italian
disciples had already transformed his theories into
something less pernicious, although Corradini himself
had nothing in him of the Teuton, the saint remained.
The taint remains, though fast disappearing, among
even a certain set of self-styled Fascists of this day ;
and it is still important for students of Fascism to be
on their guard against taking the utterances of this
group, who propound doctrines similar to those
advoeated by Charles Maurras and the Action Francoise,
as representing the fascist movement. I am n o t
referring so much to the Italian neo-Hegelians them‑
selves, least of all to Professor Gentile, who would be
the first to repudiate Charles Maurras, as to the less
instructed nationalist enthusiasts, who, not as philo‑
sophieal students, but as men of the world, have been
inoculated unconsciously by the politieal fruits of
Hegelism, long after (as is the wont of men of the
world I) such doctrines have become worn out, old‑
fashioned views i n : among thinking men.
I will now analyse the three meanings of National‑
ism, so that there should be no mistake about it ; and
 FASCISM THE LIGHT
FASCISH IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY
OF HISTORY 59
59

to this end
end I cannot do better than paraphrase at length
better than length
passages from that wonderful little book, book, already
referred
referred to, Une Opinion
to, Una mr Charles
Opinion sur etle
Maurras et
Char/er Mann-as le Devoir
Devoir
Cat/twp“, by
Catholique, by Jacques Maritain.
Maritain.
' I. Nationalism
1. Nationalism may simply mean—in opposition to
mean‐in opposition
the humanitarian myths‐that the Nation,
humanitarian myths—that Nation, taken as as
synonymous with the terms civitas or father/and, is the
fatherland, is
'h i g t h natural
highest unity.
social unity.
natural social
2. Or it may mean‐in opposition to the fallacious
mean—in opposition
individualistic of society—that
conception of
individualistic conception society-‐that the common
good is "
good is “ more divine," as
asAristotle
Aristotle and Thomas‘
and St. Thomas*
lay down, than the individual
lay down, individual good and that it is
good ; and
something by
giomething by nature
nature different from
from the simple sum or
_.§oflxtion individual goods ; that natural
collection of individual natural law
law enjoins
on us indeed also the 4th Commandment)
us (as indeed Commandment) to love
good of the fatherland
.the good own priVate
fatherland more than our own private
tel-eats.
interests.
' This meaning
meaning of Nationalism
Nationalism in no implies
no sense implies
any consent
,y Racism, which holds that
consent to the doctrine of Racism,
‘ty of
unity of racial
racial origin is the main
origin is principle of
main principle of unity for
' society and
civil and that the members of each each ethnical
ethnical
branch should properly aim
nch should aim at grouping themselves
a oer into
together into so
so many national States. Although it is
many national
ble
desirable that strongly-felt national
strongly­felt asPirations, which
national aspirations,
‘w depend
often depend onon community of race, should be
race, should be satisfied,
satisfied,
*‘Snmma'l'heol.,a
Summa Theol., 2 ,. a2ae,
" . qq . 331,
r . aart.
r t . 3 ad
a d 2um.
a“‘.
 60
60 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

as far as
as as this may be compatible with justice, Racism
may be Radius
Principle of Racial
or the Principle Self-determination, as
Racial Self­determination, as it
it has
called in recent
been called
been r e c e n t years, is illusion,
is aa materialistic illusion,
and destructive of civilisation.
natural law and
contrary to natural
It is
It is the reductio ad cabsurdum
reducrio ad Nationalism ; any truly
h u n k s ; of Nationalism
application of
logical application
logical of it is
is farcical and impracticable.’
and impracticable.*

* principle of Self­determination,
' The principle Self-determination, in any sense—whether sense‐whether racial racial
national‐can only he
or national—can admitted as
be admitted as a very secondary principle in the
determination of State frontiers, frontiers. even it can
even if it can bebe admitted at all. The
reason
r e u n n why it it can only be he admitted
admitted as as a secondary principle,
principle, if at all, all.
t h a t we
is that we must 1 1 l e first
m u s t necessarily first define our
o u r area within which which the prin‑ prin­
cipleistobeapplied,
ciple is to be applied, before beforeweesnevenbegintoapplyit;
we can even begin to apply it; and sndontheon the
definition of of this area, area, which must depend depend on on other principles, will
depend the practical results
depend results of self­determination.
self-determination.
Take. for
Take, for instance,
instance, the old Irish Irish question. Had Had Ireland
Ireland or any
portion Ireland any right
portion of Ireland right to Imagine this question put to
to secede ?P Imagine to
thetestolaplebiscite.as,inefiect.itwas.
the test of a plebiscite, as, in effect, it was. What Whatareaistohechosen
area is to be chosen
plebiscite?
for the plebiscite ? If we we take the larger larger geographical unity, unity, which is
Isles. the result
British Isles,
the British result of the plebiscite
plebiscite would be be the sacrifice of
thevastma'
the vast majority rityoilrishopinion.
of Irish opinion. If Hwereetricttheplebheitetothe
we restrict the plebiscite to the
lemer geographical
lesser geographical unity, unity. which is Ireland, Ireland. on the other hand, hand. we
sacrifice. in the first
sacrifice, place, the
first place, theclaim
claim ofol the English,
Engiish.the the Welsh and and the
Scots,
Scots, whose interests may m a y be very deeply affected inflected by by the question.
question,
tohaveanysayinthematter:
to have any say in the matter; in intheseoondplsee,wesaerificethe
the second place, we sacrifice the
unionist minorities
scattered unionist
scattered minorities in Southern Ireland lreland and and the compact
unionist element in the North.
unionist element North. If the vote were were taken likewise likewise in the
historical divisions of Ulster,
separate historical Ulster. Munster, Leinstersnd
Munster, Leinster Connaught.
and Connaught,
should get the same
we should same unsatisfactory
unsatisfactory-result.
result. But if i i tthe
h e vote were
counties. only four
taken by counties, ( o u r counties would contract to remain within
United Kingdom
the United Kingdom ;: and and that being being so, would they not. not, for emanate
economic
reasons,soonrepentoftheirsetion?
reasons, soon repent of their action ? A g a i n Jifi tthe
Again, h e vvote
o t e wwere
e r e t taken
ahsn
p a r i s h e swe
by parishes, should get as still
, “ should stilldilierentreeult.
different result. Or Or we weshould
should get
diflerent results again
different again if the vote were taken on the question limited limited
certain guarantees.
by certain guarantees. As it with. in effect,
is. with,
it is, eflect. twot w o simple plebiscites.
plebiscites,
choosing as
choosing as our
o u r areas what are now Southern and
n o w Southern and Northern Ireland.
Northern Ireland,
we have, in the result,
we have, result, first sacrificed the general opinion of the other
first sacrificed
British Island. we have
fi n i s h Island, have then sacrificed the opinion
then sacrificed opinion of Southern
Southern IrelandIreland
 FASCISM IN
FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY
THE LIGHT HISTORY 6x
61

3. The third
third sense in which the term
term " National­
“ National‑
ism "
ism " may
may be
be used
used is
is the corrupt form of
of its legitimate
legitimate
meaning. It
meaning. then signifies
It then signifies the blind
blind worship of the
Nation, taken as something
Nation, taken as something superior to all
all moral
moral or
religious Law,‐-that kind
religious Law,—that kind of Nationalism
Nationalism which
which isis in
' opposition
opposition to God God and Kingdom of God—the
and to the Kingdom God‐the
cult of the Nation‐God
‘ cult Nation­God or State­God.
State-God.
Fascism
Fascism hashas definitely repudiated interpretation
repudiated this interpretation
a n dis
and is in course of rejecting from
rejecting from its ranks those who
ranks
- would
would identify Fascism with this reprehensible
identify Fascism reprehensible idea.
idea.
_Fascism regards God
Fascism regards God asas the only true sovereign,
sovereign, and
and asas
. Alfredo Rocco,
Rocco, Minister
Minister ofof Justice, has authoritatively
Justice, has
declared,* "
declared} “ the
the fascist
fascist State
State must
must defend and diffuse
defend and diffuse
r and
a d finally
fi n a l l we
y “ have violeneetothepfinciple
have done violence to the principle itself
itself along the whole
alongthewhole
wilder
border. Where,
Where. indeed,
indeed. is the process to stop ? What,
istheproeeeetoatop? What. indeed,
indeed, is the
Lethe
Hblessed
p fi n dprinciple
p l e e t d hatwall,
h e nwhen
i t c oitm comes
e s t o btoe aben aanalysed
l y s e d ?? Surely one
Surelyone
that becomes immediately resolved
becomeeimmediately resolved into a number ofothera,
intoanumber of others, involving
”rations
questions of geography,
geography, economics,
economies. convenience,
convenience. justice and common
and common
..sense. . In these circumstances, need it ever be invoked ? Maybethe
lnth-eeircnmtaneea,needitembeinvohed? Maybe the
present Irish solution is a good one. But
u-tkiahaolntionisagoodone. B u t iitt i a
isnnot
o t aag good
o o d oone
nem merely
enly
lbecause
b fl m e t hthee mmajority
j o fi t y i n in
N oNorthern
rthemIre Ireland
l a n d aarer e f for
orth the
e UUnion
n i o n eand
n d tthe
he
' majority
_ n in Southern Ireland are for the Free State. For,
inSouthernIrelandmiortheI-‘reeStste. on the same
For.ontheaame
principle,-~. it could be considered a bad one, because the majority of
iteonldbeeonaideredabadone,becaueethemajoiityof
the British Isles are for the Union, because the majority of Ireland are
for the Free State, because the majority of Ulster are for the Free State,
because the majority of two of the counties forming part of Northern
linked-rowan
Ireland are against the Union—and U n i o n ‐ “ d esoeon.
m. N No. o . If the present solution
chepnaentaolution
‘ istpodone.itiabeeanseithasbroughtmeleesblood-ahed,atieast
a good one, it is because it has brought useless blood­shed, at least
for the timet i m e being,
being. to an end, end. without doing doing violence to to the unity 0! of
the British
British Empire,
Empire. which is the most most important of all the unities unitiee
involved.

, *
‘ AAlfredo
l fi e d o Rocco, Le Tue/cranial:
Rocco, La Trasformazione dello
Jello Stato,
Stale. (Libreria
(Liberia della
dell.
'"““Voce,"
I ' m Florence,
- n e e . 1927).
1927).
62 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

morality among the People, must occupy itself with

religious problems and so confess and safeguard the
t r u e Religion, which is the Catholic Religion," the
Religion, whose whole history is characterised by an
uncasingstruggle against all attempts of the civil power
to pass God by.
To sum up, Fascism is no improvisation. It has
immediate historical antecedents in the three move‑
S m m ’ y ‘ ments : the revival of Catholic life, Syndical‑
ism and Corradini's Nationalism, already
growing from strength to strength before the War.‘
It has gathered these three movements together,
purified them and harmonised them. Its roots lie in
the historical traditions of the Italian people (traditions
which all Europe in a greater or lesser degree shares),
somuch sothat nothing could betruer than the follow‑
ing remark by Harold E. Goad, Secretary of the British
Institute in Florence, taken from his recent review of
Commendatore Luigi Villari's book, The Fascist Experi‑
ment, (Faber 8: Gwyre, London, 1926), in the Journal
of the Royal Institute of International Affairs : " Had
there been no European War, no bolshevist Revolution,
a movement such as Fascism would sooner or later
have taken place in Italy, although it would probably
‘ l t should be noted here that Marinetti'l " Futurist" movement
also b u t in a minor degree. unquestionably contributed to the int‑
mation of Fascism. D'AnnunziO. too, has exercised a great influence
on the practical development of fascism. the programme of which has.
 FASCISM IN THE LIGHT OF HISTORY 63

have been less popular and theatrical and certainly less

‘ repressive,’ because it would not have had to combat
alien ideas. . . ." The post-war crisis, in fact,
brought matters to a head ; liberal statecraft was found
bankrupt ; and to save Italy from economic ruin there
was nothing for it but for a minority of intrepid souls,
. acting in advance of, but n o t against, public opinion,
to seize the State and to achieve Fascism by Revolution.
'. “Dy great fortune, the movement also produced the man,
' “gifted with all the true marks of a leader, a man of the
_people, who could read deep into the soul of the people
’ i n d thereby be able to drive the movement closer and
idoser to the Italian Nation’s t r u e traditions, ridding it,
Fffi it developed, of its impurities and moderating its

" For this reason alone Fascism has come to stay in

“‘ . For Europe it stands at the cross-roads looking
__d towards the t w o Romes, Imperial and The
.“ m olic, that made her civilisation, and $152,221
ting to its straight continuation as the or; _
safe road by which to advance. Thus “ m m

histories] function and mission is simply this : to

i the ground for a new European political and
synthesis, founded on the sure traditions of the
, - when Europe was yet one.
‘ rupects. been inspired by D‘Annunxio‘s ideas embodied in his
- - fi x the State o f H u m e ‐ i d e a s very akin t o those o f Guild
. C]. Odon Por. Fascism (Labour Publishing Co.. London.
 CHAPTER II

THE sure

“ MAN'S natural instinct moves him to live in civil

society, for he cannot, if dwelling apart, provide himself
with the necessary requirements of life, n o r procure the
means of developing his mental and moral faculties.
Hence it is divinely ordained that he should lead his
life‐be it family, social or civil‐with his fellow-men,
amongst whom alone his several wants can beadequately
supplied. But asno society can hold together unless
some one be over all, directing all to strive earnestly
for the common good, every civilised community must
have a ruling authority, and this authority, no less than
society itself has its source in nature, and has, conse‑
quently, God for its author. Hence it follows that all
public power must proceed from God‐for God alone
is the true supreme Lord of the World. Everything,
without exception, m u s t be subject to Him, and must
serve Him, so that whatsoever holds the right to
govern holds it from one sole and single source,
namely, God, the Sovereign Ruler of all. There is no
power but from God (Rom. xiii, I). The right to rule,
64
 rm: STATE
THE STATE 65
65

however, is
" however, is not
n o t necessarily bound up
necessarily bound up with
with any
any special
Special
mode of Government.
«mode Government. It It may
may take this or that form,
provided only that it
provided be of aa nature
it beof nature to
to insure
insure the general
welfare."*
- welfare."
This trenchant and and succinct paragraph
paragraph from pen
from the pen
of Leo XIII. summarises the burden of
of Leo X I I I . summarises the burden of the following the following
chapter ;; and
- chapter and soso well
well isis the classic,
classic, Catholic,
Catholic, tradition­
tradition‑
alist idea of the State therein expressed
that idea of the State therein expressed and proved, and proved,
that it
,1“that would almost
it would almost seemseem superfluous
superfluous to to add
add anything
anything
to it.
',Eb it. ButBut for
for the sake of of the profane
profane general
general reader,
reader,
I it'would
would be be well, nevertheless, to
well, nevertheless, to beat roundround the
“motions
questions involved
involvedin 1norder to to make
make quite
quite certain
certain that
no point be
to misunderstood ; and
bemisunderstood; and to use
use the Opportunity
opportunity
thereby given to criticise certain opposing
by given to criticise certain opposing theories and
and
s,to umake
make some few little little excursions into regions closely
into regions
- acted, if only indirectly,
connected, indirectly, with the main
main theory.I
_shall accordingly divide the remainder
remainder of the chapter
under a aa series of headings.
headings.
.1.1. Whenever aa ruling ruling authority, nnot o t humanly
subject to any higherhigher ruling
ruling authority,
authority, exists over a a
given w society of human
human families, that ^ ^ ^
society
'' m- constitutes a
a State,
State, however bar- In“;
however bar­ and 5:4:‑
its
Origins.
‘
barous, . . . . Oflfll‘.
iv 1- however
however primitive
pnmmve it1t may be. Here
non
“* From Leo
Leo XIII.'s
X I I I . ‘a Encyclical
Encyclical Immortals
Immortal. Dei
Du“ on
on the
the Constitution of
Comtitntiou oi
'States,
~ .eoth June.1888.
20th June, 1888.
Cf.. nalso
h o Aristotle,
Aristotle. Politics,
Politics. III,
I I I . 2,
2, "
" Man
Man is
is by
by nature
nature a political
a political
animal,"
" ;' " and
and St.
St. Thomas
Thomas Aquinas,
Aquinas. Summa
Summon Theol.
Tluol. 2",
2“. 2 “ , q.
g. 109,
log,
1. 3'3.d6d1*~..3¢.65.m.
arts. x.
and 6 ad 1 m., 3 q. 65, art. 1.
 66 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

we have an accurate definition of the State in accord‑

ance with the broader meaning of the term. It is a
society juridieally organised, “ a political unity, whose
Miran J'e'tre is the promotion of the general
good.”
The State, accordingly, is n o t simply a national unity,
n o r a racial unity, nor a religious or moral unity, nor yet
an intellectual or emotional unity. A given State may
coincide with these unities ; it may, in the course of
historieal development, arise from one or more of these
unities, either alone or combined ; it may, and almost
certainly will, tend to establish these unities. But these
unities do n o t in fact constitute the State, because they
an exist independently of the State. The essence of
the State is political unity‐juridical unity ; and it is a
“ perfect " society in that it admits no superior authority
to itself save alone the Moral Law, which is the Law of
God. Nevertheless,asI stated in the previous chapter, an
indicationof political progress is the growth and intergra‑
tion of national States, that is, the assimilation byagiven
State of the various national groups or peoples of whichit
may be composed, into one single Nation under the au‑
thority of itsjuridieal institutions,which are anaspect of
itself ; and the extension of the State, wherever extension
leads to assimilationof the parts to which its authorityis
‘Cf. A . Valcnsin. T w i l l d c D r o i l N a l w d , Vol. I I , Chap. I V , per. 3
(Edition Spec, Paris. 1925).
 THE STATE 67

. eatended.’ National unity, therefore, is indeed a

measure of political progress. But the State may well
be independent of national unity ; and its independence
of national unity may bejustified, " provided it beof a
, nature to insure the general welfare," and demonstrates
its vitality by its cohesion and by its power of assimila‑
: tion. The power of assimilation is, in fact, the general
f justification of Empire, of which more will be said in
' due churse.
“ The political unity which is the State, arises from
fie oo-operation of t w o causes, of which one is the very
future of things, the other the conscious human will-u‑
. ’ - that one may rightly say of the State that it
' taken as a whole, both a natural and voluntary
. _ . _ 3,1.
' The establishment of States is n o t due to men's
f - . Historically speaking, the establishment of
' ’- w has n o t followed upon an era of anarchy. Their
7 ~ ' hment is a product of nature, the consequence
'“ man being by nature a social animal, in that no
-‘ ' of families can hold together without a supreme
‘ ; authority, the presence of which makes of that
a State and man a political animal. In other
A Rhinportant f o r t h e readerhcre t o r e c a l l t o mindthedefiniflou
um ” given in the last chapter. lest any misconceptions should
owing to his a-oeiating any other meaning w i t h t h a t t o m .
5; a]. a. Valenain. r u m a b r o i l Nam-1. Vol. u, Chap. I V , p u . a
' ” J i l i n . 1915). ‘
68 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

words, States have not arisen and do n o t arise by the

mere conscious willing of human beings ; but having
arisen or arising, men's will consciously acquiesces in
their establishment, in that their establishment fulfils
purposes inherent in human nature, and seeks more
or less successfully to perfect them. For the whole
human race, by the Grace of God, is born members
one of another ; and the natural tendency of mankind
to form States, to acquiesce consciously in their forma‑
tion and to perfect them, is a reflection of this fact. It
is only due to fallen human nature, in other words to
original sin, that the whole of humanity has failed to
grow up or crystallise into a single State. The
universal State, however, is the goal of politin pro‑
gress, anaspiration which, owing to man’s very nature,
it is impossible to cancel from his heart. But such
progress, in so far as it may be promoted by man's
conscious will, even if we discount actual selfish ambi‑
tions, is hindered by the very diversity of existing
States, in size, degree of civilisation and culture ; by
distrust of one another ; by the fear of oppression ;
above all, by disagreement over what constitutes moral
worth ; for no State will willingly allow itself to become
merged in another higher authority, if it experiences
even the smallest suspicion that thereby a code of Moral
Law, other than that which itself holds to betrue, would
become ascendant, and so corrupt in its eyes the ends
 rm; sum 69
for which the State is constituted.‘ It is too often
forgotten that many wars are waged in perfect good
‘~ faith, whether in fact justified or not, owing to the fear
of succumbing to a power thought to be morally
inferior.
Sothe State is a political unity, the juridical institu‑
tions of which are an aspect of itself. Thus, too, the
notion of a State and of authority go together ; for the
, exercise of a supreme ruling authority is the function
A d the State. The State, moreover, is an organism (as
-indeed are all human societies, but more specifically
' the State asbeing the most perfect and formal of human
(moieties), albeit an organism mi gallery’s, a fact which
Sociology demonstrates, in that the State may be
a-obaerved to be a living unity, subject to growth and
fdeay, like any other living organism. Hence it is
{not the mere sum of its parts, but the resultant thereof,
.-m an autonomy of its own, having as the object of its
swimmer: the general good.
.-.. As Herbert Spencer has pointed out : “ The State
undergoes, like every living organism, a continuous
'W‘Forthhnaaontheuubliahmentolnligiona nnitywould.more
, anythingehe,inanageolpolltical propen.promotetbeeatahliah~
h o l n n universal Stats. B u t n o religious unltyiapom’hle without
‘ acceptance 0! the principle of relip'ona authority‐not that religion
. meoeroeindividnnljudgment.butbeeansethspnaeneaof
” M t - a u t h o r i t y p r e a e r v e s t h e d v e n d e p o d t o f d o c t d n s fi o m
,_ ~ loatoreomphed.insnreaitaconaistnntdevelopmsntandia
ulyebctincheckonthepmoealo! indefinite disintegration.
70 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

growth. As it grows, its parts become unlike; it

exhibits increase of structure. The unlike parts
simultaneously assume activities of unlike kinds. These
activities are n o t simply different, but their differences
are so related as to make one another possible. The
reciprocal aid thus given causes mutual dependence of
the parts, and the mutually dependent parts, living by
and for one another, form an aggregate constituted on
the same general principle asis anindividual organism.
. . . The analogy of a society (State) to an organism
becomes clearer on learning that every organism of
appreciable size is a society ; and on further learning
that, in both, the lives of the units continue for some
time if the life of the aggregate becomes suddenly
arrested, while, if the aggregate is not destroyed by
violence, its life greatly exceeds the life of its units.“
The natural tendency of all organisms is to fight for
their continued existence ; and Sociology demonstrates
that States exhibit this natural tendency aspowerfully
and instinctively asany other livingorganism. This is
a natural law, which the Moral Law transcends, but
does n o t lay aside. The Moral Law can never be in
essential conflict with Natural Law. 50 here we have a
law of life ; and the manner in which the Moral Law
transcends it is bysanctioning the sacrifice of individual
‘ Herbert Spencer. Principles of Sociology. C]. St. Thomas Aquinas.
Dc Rtginiau Print. 4. 33.
 THE STATE
THE STATE 7i
7:

life
life whenever
whenever thereby
thereby aa richer,
richer, more
more vigorous life
life and
and aa
generally
generally higher
higher (more moral) life
(moremoral) isrightlyjudgedto
life is rightly judged to be
be
the consequence.
the consequence. Thus the justification
Thus the justification of the State's
of the State’s
right
right to promote a spirit
promote a spirit of self­sacrifice
self-sacrifice among its
among
members for
members for the
the common
common good, good, oror toto call upon its
call upon its
members to
members to risk,
risk, oror even
even lay
lay down,
down, their
their lives
lives in order
in order
to insure
in insure its its survival,
survival, depends
depends on on the
the fact
fact ofof the
the fulfil­
fulfil‑
ment by the State
ment State of the purposes for which which it it is divinely
constituted,
constituted, the the promotion
promotion of of the
the general
general well­being,
well-being,
that is,
tint is, aa higher,
higher, richer
richer and
and more
more vigorous life life for
for the
the
aggregate
wmregate that succeeds the generation
generation of which the
which
sacrifices are
(herifices demanded.“ The same principle
are demanded.* principle may
be held likewise to justify many coercive laws,
held likewise laws, provided
provided
__
such _ laws
laws do do not
not inin any way infringe
infringe ononanindividual'3
an individual's
" “antiwar
natural "'rights,
rights, arising
arising ooutu t of
of the
the conditions
conditionsin in which
which
and
" .. the purposes
purposes for which the individual, endowed
individual, endowed
with- aa soul and a rational mind,
soul and a rational mind, has been has been created.
created.
flBut
a t Government
Government is an an art
a r t exercised
exercised by by human beings,
human beings,
who are are apt to to fail,
fail, even
even with the best intentions,
intentions, in in
their judgment
judgment of of right
right and and wrong
wrong means.
means. Laws Laws
may,
f- , in fact,fact, be be unjust
unjust or defeat their own purpose,
own purpose,
however ' ~ well
well intended.
intended. When When we we leave generalgeneral
principles
" =~in and enter and enter the realm
realm of the contingent,
contingent, we we
are often beset by insurmountable difficulties.
,’ : , - . beset by insurmountable difficulties. Practic‑ Practic­
ally we we seem
seem often
often to be placed in the dilemma of a
be placed a
I *?Cf.“ St.
2um.
St. Thomas
Thomas Aquinas,
Aquinas. Summa
S u m Theol.
Thad. 2a,
z ’ , 2a, q. 31, art.
2 ‘ , q. art. 3
31,3 ad
ad
72 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
choice between two evils, so that, as l have said, the
path to Heaven of the practieal statesman is only too
often paved by good intentions. There is, of course,
the Science of Casuistry, a specialised branch of Moral
Philosophy,to guide practical men along the right path.
And if, for no adequate reason, this Science has earned
a somewhat evil reputation, this is but the homage
which it pays to the difliculties which are to be met with
in the realm of the contingent. Much of it necessarily
constitutes debatable ground ; but the world owes a
debt of infinite gratitude to the great Jesuit thinkers,
to whom, more than anyone else, is due the elaboration
of this Science. Those who pretend to scoff at it are
generally those who have never taken the trouble to
enquire into the subject or are so proud as to imagine
that their own uninstructed reason, instinct or experi~
ence are an invariably infallible guide. I assure these
folk that private judgment on moral questions is the
death of all morality. If this were not so, there would
be good eause to allow criminals to act asjudges in their
own eases.
2. Authority is essential to any form of society,
whether it be domestic or civil, barbarous or civilised,
AM legitimate or illegitimate, free or necessary.
Aw Authority will invariably be present in some
form or society will cease to be.’
. C]. Leibnitz, quoted by A. Valenain, r u ma D m fl N a n - a .
 STATE
THE STATE 73
73

The definition and proof

definition of authority and proof of the above
given very forcibly by Albert Valensin,
statement are given Valensin,
. as
as follows :—
:‑
"
“ Les
Les hommes
hommes ne ne sauraient
sauraient vivre normalement
isoles
isolés les
les uns des autres.
autres. II Il est
est dans leur nature
nature
de
de vivre
vivre en en societe,
société, c'est­a­dire
c'est-a-dire en en u unissant
n t h leurs
leurs
activities
activités enen vue d'une fin fin commune. Mais pour
tendre efficacement
eflicscement a cettecette fin'
fin“ commune, ils ont ont
essentiellement besoin de
eeeentiellement besoin l’impulsion d'un
de recevoir l'impulsion d'un
principe
principe d'unit^ qui ne
d'unité qui ne soit pas seulement extérieur,
exterieur,
mais intdrieur,
mtérieur, touchant aé. leur leur volont£
volonté meme et et la
la
liant par le seul
liant seul lien
lien qui
qui convienne ah des etres étres
intelligents,
intelligents, etct par
par consequent libres :: je veux dire,
conséciuent fibres dire,
per
par le lien moral de
lien moral de l'obligation.
l’ob igation.
“ Or,
" Or, ce ce principe,
principe, cette faculté, ce
cette faculte, ce pouvoir
(Tobliger est
ildliger est precisement
précisément ce qu'on entend
ce qu'on entend par
‘l’uutoritef”
l'autorite."*
So authority
So authority consists
consists in
in the
the right
right of
of Government.
Government.
It 1[is
is aa moral power, aa reasonable,
moral power, reasonable, aa unifying
unifying and
and
beneficent principle, to
principle, to which respect is
respect is due on the
on
' Jund,
one hand, which requires aa consciousness of responsi­
responsi‑
bility in those who exercise it
71? it on the other.f Most of
other.1‘ Most
all iis this true respecting State, the supreme ruling
respecting the State, ruling
y* uAlbert
‘ a n Valensin,
Valentin, Traitir u i n de 0 m : Naturel,
a Droit Nell-rel, Vol. 11, II, Chap. I V. pang.
Chap. IV, par.3.
Reason
*’ is mman's
b ‘ s t i ttitle
l e t otofi efreedom
e d o m ;; and
s n d if
i f rreason
e u o n binds him to observe
bindshimtoobterve
the' Moral
. law. he
Law, he loses thereby
theseby nothing
nothing of his his freedom. Wham-er
Whosoever
committeth A'sin—who
eta‐who denies what what is reasonable­—is
reasonable‐6: the slave offin
slew of sin or of
Unreason—(John, . VIII,
V I I ] . 34). So So that submission
submission to to authority,
authority. which
Reason_‘mtnteltobe
demonstrates to be necessary whereby man may live peacefully
neeenu'ywherebymanmylive
” .hnolouolheedom.
in society, is no loss of freedom. The question of a given authority
Thequeetiouolegiveu
losing its right to govern owing to its own neglect of reason's dictates,
is dealt with in due course,
t Cf. Ibid.
74
74 THE UNIVERSAL
THE or FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

authority in aa civil
civil society. So
So the State does nnotot
arise, assome would pretend,
originally arise, pretend, asaconsequence
as a consequence
of the presence
presence of aa national
national instinct. I do
do nnot mean
o t mean
by
by this that, in the course of historical
historiml development,
development, a a
State may not formed out of elements having
be formed
not be
aa clearly­defined
clearly-defined national
national consciousness, following
the dissolution
dissolution or partial
partial dissolution of another
State
State or States. This,
This, of course,
course, happens frequently,
though
though by
by no
no means invariably.
invariably. More
More often
often than nnot
ot
within the State,
State, established
established originally with complete
disregard
disregard of national
national consciousness,
consciousness, aa sense of national‑
national­
ity among
ity among those composing gradu‑
composing the State is brought gradu­
ally into being,
ally if the State shows itself
being, especially if itself to be
be
aa strong
strong and
and vital organism
organism and
and fulfils adequately the
purposes
purposes for which
which it is constituted.*
constituted.’ The inability
on the part
on part of aa State to assimilate the national
national groups
or peoples
or of which
peoples of which it may originally bebe composed into
into
single Nation
aa single Nation is due,
due, in most
most cases, to a
a combination
of weakness andand bad,
bad, unreasonable,
unreasonable, unsympathetic
Government, leading
Government, disintegration from within by
leading to disintegration by
the rebellion of the disaffected
rebellion of disintegration from
disali'ected or to disintegration
without as
as aa consequence of defeat in war.
*
' Compare Switzerland.
Switzerland. Modern
Modern Italy
I t a l y itself
itaell affords
nflords another example.
Originally only a fewkw imaginative minds had had any feeling of common
nationality for the whole of Italy.
Italy. Even
Even at the time of the Risorgimento
Riaorgimento
it was
w a s only a minority who felt anything
anything of of the kind. It It has been the
Great War and and Fascism
Fascism which have
have really created, for ( o r the first
first time,
in Italy
Italy a powerful of common nationality among the people
powerful sense of people
at large.
large.
 THE STATE 75

The theory that the presence of a national instinct

gave rise originally to States is flatly contrary to the
facts, which anyone with historieal knowledge will
readily admit. It is putting the cart before the horse.
On the other hand, there may be good enough reasons,
without having to fall back upon this theory, why, in
particular cases, a particular imperial system should be
combated, or why the aspirations of a people, strongly
united by a common national sentiment, should be
‘ encouraged to break away, by every legitimate means,
60111 the dominion of an imperial State and form a
‘ Bate of their own, either alone or in conjunction with
w outside group sharing with them the same or
v national consciousness. If the imperial State
question be flagrantly misgoverning its members, or
,T‘ 1‘u of them ; if it beexhibiting an obvious incapacity

"7 assimilation ; if its weakness be such that there is

_, ' ~' ted a continual menace to its safety or cohesion,
' » creation of new States by a regrouping of the
-' «~of the imperial State along the lines dictated
national sentiment, or in accordance with some other
’ ' ; ple of unity, may belegitimately advocated asa
, 1 to insure better Government, more stable
a," - conditions, greater or swifter political progress,
; pace. There is nothing, however, inherently
unstable or aggressive in an imperial system.
fie contrary, a sound imperial system, like the
C
 76
76 FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
THE UNIVERSAL

Roman, for one,

Roman, requires no
one, requires no apology. imperial
apology. An imperial
system is in countless cases the prelude to graater
system
unity, to the creation
unity, creation of aa wider national
national consciousness,
establishment of peaceful
to the establishment peaceful conditions over aa
well-being through the lessening
area, to greater well­being
wider area, lessening
restrictions on
of restrictions on trading, and
and to the maintenance of
peace at large.
world at
peace in the world large. Who can deny that the
Empire is
British Empire
British is not func‑
n o t eminently fulfilling these func­
tions??
tions Again, splitting up
Again, the splitting up of
of Central
Central and
and South
Europe, as
Eastern Europe,
Eastern Great War,
as aa consequence of the Great
into large number
into aa large number of national maybe,
States, though, maybe,
national States,
aa necessary even salutary process of historical
and even
necessary and historieal
(given the facts of Turkish misrule and
development (given and
decedent conditions of the Austro-Hungarian
the decadent Austro­Hungarian
Empire), is
Empire), is by no means an
by no an unmixed blessing to the
unmixed blessing
peoples concerned. So
peoples concerned. we may rightly conclude that,
Sowe
particular case,
from the particular
to argue from ease, which be justi‑
which may be justi­
fied, to the general case as
fied, asaa principle to be
be universally
applied, is aa complete and
applied, and dangerous non seguimr.
non sequitur.
Another false theory in juxtaposition to ours is is that
first instance through some actual or
States arose in the first
social contract entered
tacit social into between
entered into individual
between the individual
members of aa society. This theory is no
members no less false
historically.
historically. It was popularised,
It popularised, if not invented, by
n o t invented, by
for the purpose of providing
Rousseau for
Rousseau historical
providing some historical
and reasonable
and contention
reasonable foundation in support of the contention
Democracy and
that Democracy “ Sovereignty of the People
and the " ”
People "
 THE STATE 77

were matters of universal validity. In a later chapter

I shall have oceasion to discuss in some detail these
two principles. Here I am only concerned with
exposing the falsity of the theory which purports to
make these principles necessarily acceptable, because
inherent in the origin of States and of authority‑
though to punish a corpse, in all conscience, is a sad
waste of breath; for no serious student of politics
_ entertains the theory of the Social Contract any longer
for aninstant. But in that there are many pe0ple (and
among these some serious students of politics), who
believe passionately in the ideal of Democracy ; and
fince Rousseau's theory had so much to do with the
M a n of this ideal during the last century, that it
" ‘ ' ‐- still among the uninstructed,‘ we may as well
4, _., itulate a few of the main reasons that expose its

_£.‐The existence of a contract, either actual or

_ originating the State, especially among primitive
,. , is not confirmed by history. On the contrary,
-historical evidence points the other way.
The notion that man is “ born free," by which
vn evidently means “ independent," is contrary
1 - ‐ 'nce. Man is born a member ofa family,

is continually guilty of repeating similar errors.

Ir.E 6 . WellsinhiaOulIinoindwy-ithreapecttotba
.flm.hefionnaolalyaoeonnfingfiormlufion. ,
78
78 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

and is subjected
and infancy to the authority of his
subjected in infancy
parents. Moreover, if it has become the custom for
parents. Moreover,
grown
grown men men and and women nowadays to emancipate them‑ them­
selves from all authority, this was not
all parental authority, so in
n o t so
earlier times,
earlier times, especially among among primitive peoples,peoples,
where the authority of the head head of Family usually
of the family
remained in force until
remained death terminated it.
until death It is true
it. It
that, in aa sense,
that, sense, asas we have
have seen,
seen, man
man is " “ born
born free ""
by
by virtue of his reason,
reason, with which he is endowed.*
heis endowed.’ IfIf
this were all Rousseau meant by his
all that Rousseau hypothesis of
his hypothesis
aa pact, namely, that in all
pact, namely, all forms of society man's
man’s reason
reason
leads him
leads him to to acquiesce in in some form of of authority,
authority, I
should have
should have nono objection
objection to make
make ; but Rousseau
Rousseau must
mean
mean more than this, or or why elaborate an an historically
untrue hypothesis in order to justify something
u n t r u e hypothesis something which
could be
could be stated
stated much
much more simply without it it?? The
truth is that he
truth he is
is searching
searching at allall costs for some argu­
argu‑
ment necessarily bind
m e n t that would necessarily man to be
bind man be the slave
of the " “ general
general will," that is, is, to an
an instinctive
instinctive force
rather than to a
rather Rousseau's
rational one. Consequently Rousseau's
a rational
freedom has no rational
has no rational significance ; he he would say in
efi'ect :: "I
effect “ I am
am free to do whatever I will, even to the
renouncing my
extent of renouncing my freedom, selling my
freedom, or of selling my own
soul." Such
Such freedom, however, is the very negation
freedom, however, negation
of freedom. It licence.
It is licence.
C.—The notion of aa "
C.‐‐The notion “ state of nature," where man
man
*' See
See Footnote,
Footnote, p. 73.
 THE STATE
THE STATE 79
79

was happy in independence, existing

his complete independence, existing
anterior
anterior to theformation
formation of the State,
State, is an
an entirely
arbitrary presupposition. It
It is nnot merely contrary
o t merely
to the teachings of the Church,
Church, but contrary to the
conclusions of ethnography. (N.B.—A “ state of
(N.B.‐A "
innocence "
innocence " is nnot
o t the same thing as as aa " “ state of
nature.") Even
nature”) Even Voltaire,
Voltaire, who shared
shared some of
Rousseau's
Rousseau’s conclusions,
conclusions, considered
considered this notion
notion of his his
7 as a piece
as a piece of prodigious nonsense, as indeed it is.
prodigious nonsense, as indeed it is.
" Non­social man would be a miserable, naked,
H_ “ Non-social man would bea miserable, naked, helpless helpless
biped,
biped, exposed
exposed to the rapacity
rapacity of beasts andand to the
elements.“
elements."*
D.‐Rousseau
D.—Rousseau declares the necessity of apact in
of a in order
to account
account for the State and and in order to legitimise
legitimise
"authority.
authority. In other words, he commits himself
words, he himself to the
afollowing
following untenable position :: Assuming that aa given
untenable position given
State came
7"State came into into existence following a pact,
a pact, unless the
7pact
pact bebe renewed
renewed every twenty years, as asSieyes logically
suggested, that State cannot
.' suggested, cannot continue dedcjsre,
jure, but only
fem. For
. ifde facto. For why should
should aa pact,
pact, even
even supposing
supposing it it
was
were once
once made
made and brought aa State
and brought State originally into
V- .. w o e , bind
existence, bind indefinitely future generations of men men
"
h born
J” o r n free,"
free,” that is, born essentially independent
is, born independent??
Andu- what of children and
children and women and
and all
of all those men
men
who~happen
happen to bebe disenfranchised
disenfranchised ?? Is any pact valid valid

fie].
_ * Cf. Richard
Richard Aldington, roman, Part
Aldington. Voltaire, Part II,
11. Chap. xm
XIII (George
_ ' . London,
Routledge, l a d e n . 1925).
1935).
 80
8o THE UNIVERSAL
THE FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

without their concurrence ?? criterion, more‑

On what criterion, more­
over, were the original voters enfranchised
enfranchised?? Did
Did
include women
these include women?? What in fact are the limits
within which
within which the equality of all men, whereby they
all men,
become entitled
become making the pact,
entitled to have aa say in making pact, is
to be practically admitted
be admitted?? The possession of
possession
Reason??
Reason in the absence of some original
But what, in
But original
authority, is
authority, is to
to decide at
at what age and circum‑
and in what circum­
stances men and women are to be
men and suffi‑
be considered suffi­
ciently reasonable to be
be accorded sufl'rage??
accorded the suffrage All
along the question
along question is being
being hopelessly begged
begged or
eluded. For
eluded. supposing an
For even supposing an agreed
agreed universal
universal
system suffrage, is any pact valid between
system of suffrage, enfran‑
between enfran­
chised
chised members
members unless accepted unanimously?? Of
accepted unanimously
course,
course, if
if all men endowed with perfect reason‑
men were endowed reason­
ableness,
ableness, unanimity would result. But But then there
would be no need need for aa pact. And in the absence of
unanimity, has
unanimity, has aa minority not an indefeasible
n o t thereby an indefensible
right to secede
right refused to admit this
Rousseau refused
secede?? Rousseau
right. Yet the supposed
right. indefeasible right of the
supposed indefeasible
majority to rule,
majority proved to be
rule, which has proved be the practical
practical
Rousseauism, is in reality aa denial of
consequence of Rousseauism,
Rousseau’s basic thesis 1I Never,
Rousseau's indeed, was aa theory
Never, indeed,
so utterly paradoxical,
so utterly self-contradictory
inconsistent, self­contradictory
paradoxical, inconsistent,
established facts and
and contrary to established
and sense.’
and common sense.*
It wallows from another, perhaps because
from one fallacy to another, because
Cf. A. Valensin,
*‘ Cf. Vale-min, Traiti de Droit
Tr a i l ! do Naturel, Part
D 7 0 “ Natural, I I . Chap,
Part II, XIV. ppar.n.
Chap. XIV, l a n .
FILIPPO
] - | | 1 m m CORRIDONI.
(INHRH'UNL
 THE STATE 8I

Rousseau failed, in the first instance, to make this most

important distinction, namely,that the t w o prepositions :
( i ) that man is a rational animal, and (2) that man must
needs act reasonably, do not mean the same thing. The
first proposition is true. The second is false. The
first supports the theory that good Government should
be reasonable, that Reason is the criterion of good
Government, that any Government, however formed,
is legitimate if reasonable‐all three true propositions.
The second supports the theory that the pOpular will
must be right, that a Government n o t based on the
popular will must be wrong‐both false propositions.
3. So far we have treated the question of authority
in the abstract. In the concrete the question poses
itself: follows: What man, or body of “ ( m a y
. men, _ the right to exercise authority? 3025“.
In other words, who has the right to
perform the functions of the State ?
We have seen that authority arises spontaneously as
a condition of society. Historically speaking, the
actual sovereign power is found to be wielded in innu‑
met-ably different ways. In primitive societies it is often
wielded under a patriarchal system or by a council of
Elders. Or the constitution of a State, whether
established in accordance with Law or Custom having
the force of Law, may be based on the rule of one or
of the few or of the many, according to circumstances.
82
82 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM

Have any of these forms of Government more than

Have
right to exercise authority ?? The answer
another the right
another
given, in accordance with the doctrines so
given, so much
advertised during the past century, whether Rousseau's
advertised during Rousseau's
be subscribed to or not,
theory be not, is that only the many
have to exercise authority,
right to
have the right authority, in the sense that
“ general
the " ” is
general will " is the only legitimate authority.
legitimate authority.
plausible reason
The most plausible given for this answer is
reason given
general good
that, the general being the object of Government,
good being Government,
“ general will "" can alone insure the general good.
the "
But nobody
But been able to give aa satisfactory
nobody has ever been
answer question why this should
answer to the question should necessarily be
be
so. Why should “ general will," assuming that
should the "
it it, be
possible to determine it,
it is possible considered infallible ?
be considered ?
reason to suppose that the instinct of the
Is there any reason
mass
mass is
is usually superior to the reason
usually superior reason of the individual
individual ?P
Or have we to suppose that the mass acts reasonably ?
have we ?
Of course, if
if we assume that mass action is always, or
even generally, dictated by
even generally, by reasonable forethought, we
we
might justly conclude that, having
might having no other interest
interest
than to promote the general well‐being,
than well­being, the authority
mass has aa better title to authority than any other.
of the mass
Unfortunately, however,
Unfortunately, is precisely mass‐action
however, it is mass­action
is, in fact, the most
that is, most unreasonable of human
human actions.
words, if we
In other words, we trust the " will,” we
“ general will," we trust
to aa blind
to blind instinct, given that society is
instinct, which, given is ‘an
an
organism, may indeed
organism, indeed be
be one of Nature’s
Nature s means of pre‑
pre­
 STATE
THE STATE 83
83

serving
serving the organism's
organism’s life life :: animals are endowed
endowed by aa
very acute
acute instinct
instinct of the kind. kind. But But menmen are n not
ot
merely animals, though
merely animals, though man man in the mass acts aces
very like like anan animal.
animal. Is the State then to be be
guided
guided in in the last
last resort
resort byby instinct, Reason is
instinct, when Reason is
available‐Reason,
available—Reason, which, to say the least, is uun­
least, is n‑
questionably
questionably aafitter preserving life ??
instrument for preserving
fitter instrument
. Again, how how is the " “ general
general will " be determined ??
” to bedetermined
: The State n o t an organism endowed with aa natural
The State is not an organism endowed natural
means of articulation.
means articulation. Some kind kind of artificial machine­
artificial machine‑
ry has
'wy has got
got to be be established
established by which the " " general
will
will " ” may be be made
made manifest.
manifest. But But if we appeal to each
we appeal
e-°dual singly and
~individual make aa sum of the results,
and make wedo
results, we do
not obtain
obtain aa general
general verdict ; we we obtain
obtain aa sumsum of
individual
“or" 'dual verdicts, which
which is is not
n o t the same thing. Any
mathematician
3 nematician will confirm this, though it may
this, though may nnot be
o t be
_.‘;.-. 'dent
self­evident to the layman at a glance.‘
layman at a glance.* Of course, if
iwe obtained, as
f “Obtained, as the result
result of such
such an an appeal,
appeal, an unani­
an unani‑
;'mous verdict, and and assumed,
assumed, at at the same time, that all all
3m- -of
members of the State, unwillingto
State, unwilling to exercise or incapable
incapable
of fuercising
exercising the suffrage (including criminals,
minors, criminals,
(including minors,
lunatics 'c3 and
and domestic animals)animals) tacitly supported
supported the
unanimous' ous verdict of those who exercised exercised the right
right to
vote, the result result might perhaps be regarded as
might perhaps be regarded as anan
m w t e equivalent to the "
approximate “general
general will.”
will." But
f"*Bf
Cf. W.
W. Sanderson, Staucraft (Methuen,
Sanderson, Statecraft (Methuen, London,
London. 1927)
1927) : *'" To
To grant
the
QMfranchise to ordinary citizens as
as individuals
individuals is
is to invite political
invite political
decisions
f' based on myriads
based myriads of eccentric opinions,
opinions, no two
t w o of which can '
be
L exactly
w-‘ alike
alike and
and none
none correct."
 84
84 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
THE UNIVERSAL
THE OF FASCISM
FASCISM

even so,
even would only be
so, it would approximate, unless
be approximate, unless we
we
further presupposed
presupposed that each member, in registering
each member, registering
his vote, solemnly and and truly voted for what he con‑
he con­
sidered
sidered the interests of the community at large,
large, in the
realisation that the
full realisation
full the life of the community
life of community goes goes beyond
beyond
that of aa single generation, rather than in favour of
own personal
his own interests or of those of his
personal interests immediate
his immediate
generation. But such aa presupposition
But such presupposition is is aa fantasy ;
and how
and how canan we we ever obtain
obtain unanimity in practice? practice ?
exceptional cases of crisis,
Even in exceptional
Even crisis, engendering
engendering great
excitement, with aa single
excitement, single issue at at stake,
stake, and
and when the
decision
decision to be
be taken is one practically decided in
decided
advance by the circumstances, would there be be any hope
hope
of obtaining
of obtaining unanimity even even in aa small community??
small community
As for
As for majority rule, it is
majority rule, is still
still further removed
removed from one
determined by the "
determined " general
general will " " ; for, unless the
majority he
majority so large
be so large asasto approach unanimity,
to approach unanimity, aa con‑con­
dition onlyless
dition of affairs only than unanimi‑
obtain than
less difficult to obtain unanimi­
itself, the divergence between
ty itself, between what is implied implied by
the sum individual wills and
sum of individual and what is implied by
is implied by the
" general
" general will "” becomes all all the more marked.marked. In
fact, therefore, there is
fact, is no
no sure means of determining
determining
the " “ general
general will," save, possibly,
possibly, in tiny States where
the whole of its members are able to assemble together
its members
in one place and
one place and there act en masse, after being duly
on mare,
excited in
excited in order to allow aa full measure of electricity
to circulate. Perhaps
Perhaps the surest way of gauging gauging the
 THE STATE 85
“ general will " would be by employing a medium.’
But I have n o t heard yet of any serious suggestion to
employ a medium as a method of Government ;
although the greatest statesmen are usually endowed
with a medium-like sense, by which, within limits, they
are enabled, so to speak, to sound the “ general will."
For by all means let the “ general will " be sounded in
i so far asthis be possible. But there is no reason what‑
ever for necessarily allowing the actions of Government
as be dictated by it.
‘ T h e truth is that any such notion respecting the
_:hhex'ent right of the people as a whole to govern is
7 . ,,_. y absurd.1' This does n o t mean, however,
' I deny all merit to the “ general will," especially
. ., a it is understood as that esprit dc corps, issuing in
-'c sentiment.1 On the contrary, this may be
- ancient device of consulting oracles m a y. perhaps. be cited
' w m m fl t m " g c n e r a l w i u " b y m o a n s o l a m e d i n m .
‘ h l u o l l n i h i m e l f h a s p u t i t . t h e ' ‘SovereigntyoithePeople"
“I'mmungmosenorhssthananidealofialahtrscdon.
3? anyhow-unpodwormmmtmmorm

-,~ - w i l l " ; that,ontheeontrary.publieopinionlsarafional

t ”Mucovemmentshouldaet. Itshouldbenoted,
“ W h o m t h e p t s c fi e d d i fi c n l t y o l p n g i n g p n b fl e
‘ l a d - M y t h e d e g r e e o t i u u n a n i m i t y z a p a r t fi o m m
aMaxpressionoipuNicopinion.whetherdghtormg.
‘ _ m “ M h m t h e p o w e r s o f a n y c o m n m e n t ; itsvalueis
;Nn.beeanleits value dependsenfirelyonthekindanddegree
,' education Soltisnotsomuehaqnestionolthsrlghtot
W h a m “ ) ! Government. a s i t i s a question of the d u t y
‘ toeseauareally healthypuhlieopinion.
 86
86 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
THE UNIVERSAL
THE OF FASCISM
FASCISM

good, and
aa great force for good, latent presence
its latent
and its sign
presence is aa sign
of political
of maturity. Neither does what I have said
political maturity. said
mean
mean that a
a popular form of Government may nott be
n o be
highly desirable.
highly This is quite another question,
which will be its proper place.
be dealt with in its place. Here I
am solely concerned
am concerned with question as
with the concrete question as to
rig/u to govern.
it is that sanctions the right
what it
right answer is a very simple one :: The Moral
The right Moral
Law, which is
Law, is based on Reason.
based on Reason. Difl'erent
Different forms of
Government according to circumstances. Govern­
Government arise according Govern‑
ment
m may take one form
e n t may another, as
form or another, aswewe have seen,
popular or otherwise. But,
whether popular But, whatever its form
may be,
may be, there is only one thing that will give the right
govern :: the Moral
to govern Law, Reason:
Moral Law, Reason." If If those who
reins of power have
hold the reins
hold acquired their power in
have acquired
accordance with with aa just principle and govern in accord­
and govern accord‑
with Reason,
ance with implying aa due regard
Reason, implying to the general
regard to
welfare, which, above all, all, presupposes the moral
moral welfare
of the people,
people, nono one has the right
right to call in question the
right of that Government to govern. This is the
Right of any Government,
Divine Right
Divine Government, whether of Kings Kings or
of Parliaments—Divine
of Parliaments‐Divine because to act reasonably and and
in accordance with the Moral Moral LawLaw is to fulfil the will
God. It
of God. It is
is an
anappalling closely,
examined closely,
appalling thought if examined
enthroning the “" general
idea of enthroning
this idea general will "" as
assovereign,
sovereign,
a
a ferocious beast in the place that Reason should
Reason should
occupy. We know what aa terrible thing a a mob,
mob,
 THE STATE 87

unrestrained by authority, ean be‐blind, excessive,

cruel. We know how dangerous and how contagious
is war-fever, when peace is hanging in the balance.
However such a theory, in fact, as that which ascribes
the only true title to authority to the “ general will,"
ever came to be accepted by reasonable men, it is
dificult to imagine. The truth is, asWhitehead‐in
the author's humble opinion perhaps the greatest living
philosopher and to‐day by far the most eminent among
hon-Catholic philosophers‐has pointed out in his
' ‘Sdclm and the Modern World,‘ ours is not an Age of
"neason, still less the eighteenth century, despite its
rationalism,” but an Age of Science ; and that
Hence,vulgarly held to be the inseparable handmaiden
Reason, has made its greatest advances in an age
_,‘ erised by its lack of interest in dialectics. “ The
;'_‘:»_ ‐ of Faith,” ashe says, “ were the Ages of Reason.”
r truly reasonable age would surely have found sharper
pons from the armoury of the old Philosophy than
,, - aboVe shoddy implements wherewith to depose the
g z,1 and oligarchies, who, in recent centuries were
~ . g the authority they held by governing flagrantly

‘_ A. N. Whitehead. Science and a. Modcru World. (Cambridge

‘ ~ P r u , 19”).
 88
88 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
THE UNIVERSAL FASCISM

high place
high lneptitude and
place Ineptitude Folly, to prove their eternal
and Folly,
efficacy.
efficacy.
4. Of course, sweet reasonableness,
Of course, as we have had
reasonableness, as had
occasion to point out, is not
occasion n o t always in practice to the

The
fore. suficient to con‑
This fact alone is sufficient con­
T H^ °t
14:71:25,101
A demn t'ie
^emn majority possesses
principle that a majority
the Princ'ple
right to rule,
necessarily the right rule, or,
or, to take the
Kingshipis the only
an absolute Kingship
opposite extreme, that an
preper form of Government.
proper No particular form of
Government is,
Government is, so
so to speak,
speak, presanctified. ToTo govern
govern
interests of the general welfare is not,
in the interests an
not, in fact, an
easy matter. Government is an
matter. Government art, the exercise of
an art,
which depends first
which and foremost on
first and right principles
on right
intention, whatever the form of
right intention,
and right
and of Government
Practieal questions therefore arise as
be. Practical
may be. as to how
we
we are to secure rulers who will act constantly in
accordance with right principles, with right
right principles, right intention
intention ;
or as
or asto weare to secure,
how we
to how given right
secure, given intention, the
right intention,
maximum reasonableness in practice.
maximum of reasonableness practice. And at what
point has anyone the right
point right to refuse
refuse allegiance to aa
constituted authority which appears to be
constituted erring in one
be erring
or both of the above senses ??
or both
The answers which I propose to give to these
as follows :: First,
questions are as being practical ques‑
First, being ques­
tions, certain practical
tions, certain certain practical
practical tests, certain and
practical ways and
can propose the solutions to the difficulties they
means, can
means,
adumbrate. No Government,
adumbrate. instance, can
Government, for instance, an in
 STATE
THE STATE 89
89

practice
practice remain
remain indefinitely in power if it continually
and flagrantly misgovern
and flagrantly misgovem society. The instinctive
" general will
" general w i l l"” comes in such such cases, if if the sense of
self-preservation
self­preservation of of the Government
Government fails to bring bring about
reform,
reform,or or ifif common sense fails to accommodate
sense fails accommodate matters.
matters,
to bebe provoked
provoked into into action
action atat the instigation
instigation of,of, or
or in
in
support
eupport of, minority ready to suffer martyrdom
of, aa minority martyrdom in the
name
name of what they hold
hold be to be reasonable. Reason and
Reason and
instinct in
distinct in such
such cases,
eases, inin fact, tend to
fact, tend combine and
to combine and the
the
Vox Populi
”We: Populi to to become
become the Vox Dei—and Dei‐and we we have
have
W u fi o n in or Dissolution
Revolution Dissolution of the State. Again,
practical rules can
' ' rules can bebe formed
formed and and should
should be be formed,
based, upon
upon experience
experience and upon Reason,
and upon Reason, as as to the
proper« constitution
constitution of Governments,
Governments,in in order to allow
of, » improvement,
their improvement, to allow of their progressive
adaptation changing conditions,
‘j5 -on to changing conditions, andand so as to admit of
soasto
' ble criticism
reasonable criticism and provide means
and provide means by by which
which
incompetence
petence and and abuse
abuse of power
power may be be minimised,
minimised,
thathe,
is, incompetent
incompetent or tyrannous members members of Govern­
Govern‑
ment‘ substituted
substituted in in accordance
accordance with some constitutional
devicewho to meet
meet the case ease inin point.
point. On On the other hand,hand,
we _',_»
have the test test of
of Moral
Moral Law, Law, which alonealone sets
sets limits
limits
to the authority
authority of of the State and should
and should be be the main
main
safeguard1~ against
J__ against the
the abuse
abuse of power, in
of power, in that
that any
any
flagrant and continuous violation of the Moral
i and Moral Law
Law by
the State- sets individuals free
new individuals free to
to disobey constituted
disobey the constituted
authority.
90
90 FASCISM
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

Now
Now I am am aware that it may be objected to this last
be objected last
point that, where no
point no independent
independent moralmoral authority is
admitted, man
admitted, has either to rely on
man has on his individual
individual moral
moral
judgment, with nothing nothing more than the choice of some
Philosophy and
Moral Philosophy
Moral and the Science of Casuistry to help
him, or he
him, or he must
m u s t submit blindly to the authority of the
State. I admit the dilemma ; and and when it arises, we we
indeed theoretically reduced
are indeed reduced to allowing
allowing the
criminal, so
criminal, so to speak,
speak, either way to act as asjudge in his
own
own case. The absence of an an independent
independent moral moral
authority affords excuses for both and irrespons‑
both tyranny and irrespons­
ible rebellion. But
ible rebellion. But there is no theoretical alternative to
these evils that I can can see, when no no independent moral moral
authority is is admitted. The practical
practical tests are then the
only tests. But But where an an independent
independent moral
moral authority
admitted, the full solution
is admitted,
is solution is available. Then we we
have the State on
have on the one hand,hand, supreme in temporal
matters, Church on
matters, the Church on the other, supreme in in spiritual
spiritual
matters, the court of appeal of the Oppressed,
matters, oppressed, the
moderator of tyrants. Thus, I maintain,
moderator maintain, the idealideal of
Middle Ages, then never more than most imper­
the Middle imper‑
fectly realised,
realised, of an Universal State conterminous with
an Universal
an Universal
an Universal Church
Church remains a Pordre dujour,
I'ardre du jour, the ideal
ideal
to which any true theory of the State must inevitably
m u s t inevitably
homage and
pay homage and command
command us us to aspire.
reflection leads us
This reflection import‑
us to deal with another import­
ant,
ant, though none the less less fallacious theory, of the State,
State,
 STATE
THE STATE gt
9*

in juxtaposition to ours and and conveniently dealt with

under the heading
under heading of the present section. I refer to
that "“ Gothic
Gothic "
" theory of the State,*
State,’ repellent
repellent to the
Latin mind, but which has not been
Latin mind, but which has n o t been without its influence
influence
in Latin
Latin countries,
countries, elaborated
elaborated byby Hegel,
Hegel, Schelling
Schelling andand
Fichte, who would
Fichte, make "
would make “ reasons of State " " the sole
moral sanction.
moral Needless to say,
sanction. Needless say, such
such aa theory would
subordinate the individual
individual entirely to the State and and
. justify
justify any
any form of tyranny resulting
resulting in the successful
survival of aa State and
'_ tut-viva] and in its aggrandisement.
The
The theory entails that perverted
perverted form
form of " National­
“ National‑
ism
hm ” " to which we alluded
which we alluded in the last
last chapter, and
chapter, and is a
a
Moular
particular form
form of that political
political " Naturalism "
" Naturalism " to which
‘-wet alluded
alluded in the introduction.
introduction. It It is based
based on
on aa Meta‑
Meta­
‘ ' c , which substitutes for aa transcendent God,
physic, God, an
an

‘ ._‘“AGothictheoryottheStaterepelhnttotheLafinmind.'
* " A Gothic theory of the State repellant to the Latin mind." This
is how my friend. His Excellency Dr. Emilio Brodrero, Under­Secretary
of State for Public Instruction, in a letter addressed to me in February
1927, -.eommemtedon“Natur-linm"endthatlaheformoiNationafiam
commented on " Naturalism " and that false form of Nationalism
which
‘ is
h fithe
a e i form
o r m ooft NNaturalism
e t u n h a m aadvocated
d v o e a t e dbyb y tthe Action Franfaisc.
b e Adtou Fro-pain.
Daudet and Maurras, with all their French Patriotism, appear indeed
- lldlannas.vithentheirFrenchPataiofiem.appearindeed
\to.hvebeoomeinthiempeettheadeptao£thecemenprom
have become in this respect the adepts of the German professors
who m contributed
t fl b u t e d esoo hlargely
r g e l y tto
o ccreating
r u t i n g fiGerman
e x m a n Militarism.
m l i u r k m . This
Think. is,
gmthelogicaleomeqnenoe
of course, the logical consequence of their alliance with and tolerance
oitheiramancewithandtolennoe
”"Mmbinedwiththeirjmbomrottheindividuefistdoehinel
of Atheism, combined with their just horror of the individualist doctrines
that arem a rcarrying
r y h g t htheir
e i r e country
o u n t r y tto
om ruin.
i n . In other words, if you posit
Inotherwm'dstyoupoeit
m the e needd of authority,
authority. but but are prepared
prepared to rule rule out God,
God. you have have no
theoretical alternative
a l t e m t i v e but
b u t tto
o eenthrone
n t h m n ethe t h eState
s u t ein
i nGod's
G o d ‘ eplace.
p h e e .Itmis.
,in ithe
f W acknowledgment
t o t G o d u t bofeGod S u as p rthe
em Supreme
e S o wSovereign,
-migme andn dallmGovern­
com-
ments,
‘ ~ howeverhowever constituted,
constituted. as as merely the temporal vicars vicar: ofof Christ,
Christ.
where Fascism parts company with the doctrines advocated by the
‘Fuehnpartseompenywiththedoctxineeadvoeatedbythe
Action Feel-pain.
Franfaise.
 92
92 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

immanent
immanent God, God, aa God God who manifests himself himself as an
as an
eternal
eternal " “ becoming
becoming ;;"" aa Metaphysic that endorses aa
kind Pantheism and
kind of Pantheism and concludes that because God and
God and
Nature are in some way confounded, whatever is m
Nature must
ust
be right. It
be right. It further raises the idea idea of power to the
occupied by the idea
place occupied
place love in Christian Meta­
idea of love Meta‑
physics. The "“ will to power
physics. power " " becomes the proper
law
law of action.
action. It It would make aa state of war the
natural and
natural inevitable condition of man,
and inevitable man, that is,
is, it would
sanctify that condition. Hegel Hegel actually does attempt
do so. It
to do It may,
may, in fact, be be said to be
be the very theory
led Lucifer
that led Lucifer to let let loose
loose war
w a r in Heaven.*
Heaven.”
Hegel's
Hegel’s represents, indeed, the quintessence of all
represents, indeed, all
the doctrines which, in the course of the last centuries,
last centuries,
propagated
propagated in one form or another the idea of the State
being
being an an end itself, and
end in itself, identified, as
and identified, asdid
did the Pagans,
Pagans,
the moral with the civil law.
moral with law. His His Philosophy is the
ripe fruit of the Pagan
ripe Pagan Renaissance.
Renaissance. It It is the eldest
child eighteenth-century cynicism
child of eighteenth­century cynicism andand the father of
German Militarism, while it affords aa bait for all
German Militarism, all that
is criminal in us,
is us, in that it consists of a a hash Material‑
hash of Material­
(positivist, utilitarian,
ism (positivist,
ism utilitarian, and evolutionist), dished up
and evolutionist), up
under
under the disguise of aa false Idealism
Idealism that appeals to
man's
man's only too instincts, pride
t o o easily aroused predatory instincts,
and
and the lustlust for power.
There are various forms of this pernicious Philosophy
*
‘ Cf. Hegel,
Hegel. Rechtsphilosophie,
Rechbpbilosopkic, par.
p a r. 321.
32].
 THE STATE 93
93

and
and it it is impossible
impossible to follow these various forms into into
detail.
detail. The Italian so-called neo-Hegelians,
Italian so­called neo­Hegelians, Spaventa,
Spaventa,
Benedetto
Benedetto Croce Croce and Gentile, have each
and Giovanni Gentile, each in
turn contributed
turn contributed much much to attenuate the German German theses,
. use to purge
purge them them of their gross materialism.
materialism. They have
also valiantly served
also urgent historical
served the urgent historical purpose of
working
working the German theses out
Germantheses o u t into aa bare thread;
thread ;
although,as
although, as a aresult, I must confess from my
result, Imust own point
my own point of
of
Win, view, which may indeed be
may indeed be due to my my own limitations,
own limitations,
‘they ~ leave behind such aa tangled
behind such tangled skein
skein that it it is some­
some‑
what dificult
difficult to make head or tail of their conclusions.
make head
German Idealism
, . ' German Idealism unfortunately arrived arrived to endorse
""JHiatorical
Historical Fatalism,"
Fatalism," which is is Italy’s
Italy's most
most con­ con‑
.. r - contribution
spicuous contribution to the philosophical heresies that
philosophical heresies
v“- daninated European thought
have dominated European thought since the since Renais‑
the Renais­
sance, contribution of which Vico, with
. aa contribution grand
all his grand
with all
“““ to
gifts to the world, cannot be acquitted.
be wholly acquitted.
'; .. is generally considered
Vico considered the founder of the
. . - phy of
" Philosophy of History."
History." But althoughalthough there may
bei a' true History Philosophy, there can
History of Philosophy, can be,
be, strictly
‘
speaking, _, no History. History
Philosophy of History.
no true Philosophy Historyiis, s,
when a alll isl said and done,
said and done, merely an accurate descrip­ descrip‑
tion g of past past events.
events A good historian is one who,
good historian
besides accurately describing the events, possesses
accurately describing
sound {judgmentin
judgment in the choice for the purposes he in
hasin
he has
{Of
view of the relative relative importance
importance of events he
he describes
and of t htheir inter-relationship. From
e i r inter­relationship. History,iitt is
From History, is true,
94
94 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

certain
certain social
social laws may bebe deduced,
deduced, that is,is, certain
certain
uniformities in the scientific sense.
sense. But such laws
But such
belong
belong to the conclusions of Sociology,
Sociology, aa Science nnot
ot a
a
Philosophy,
Philosophy, aa Science moreover based only partly on
moreover based on
historical
historical data.
The endowment of an
an historical
historical sense is marked
is the marked
characteristic of the Italian
Italian mind
mind;; and
and in the riot
which attempted
attempted to overthrow Orthodoxy from the
sixteenth
sixteenth century onwards,
onwards, it it was
was natural
natural that Italy
Italy
should
should make
make aa personal
personal contribution
contribution to the specious
half­truths
half‐truths which only too too commonly passed
passed muster
muster for
Philosophy
Philosophy during
during the following
following generations in the
form
form ofof philosophico­historical
philosophico-historical theses. And now, now, in
getting
getting back to to Orthodoxy " “ Historical
Historical Fatalism," (as
one
one would have have aa right
right to expect,
expect, given the Italian
Italian
hallmark),
hallmark), which teaches in effect that history is but an an
unfolding,
unfolding, inevitable pageant,
pageant, containing no might­
no might‑
have­beens,
have-beens, so so that all
all social
social and political systems (and
and political (and
Philosophies)
Philosophies) have have their full justification, whatever
their intrinsic merit,
merit, in accordance with their mere
power
power ofof survival,
survival, looms as a particularly nasty obstacle
asaparticularly
in her
her path.
path. The school of Gentile is, however,
is, however,
gradually sifting
sifting the truth from the falsehood embodied
embodied
in this obstacle ;; and
and when this is done,
done, the obstacle
will doubtless crumble.
For
For mymy part,
part, I believe that dynamite—a general
dynamite‐a general
assault
assault on
on Hegelian
Hegelian logic—would,
logic‐would, as asaa matter
matter ofof fact,
fact,
 THE STATE 95

do the work quicker and, in the long run, probably

better too. I have a notion that Hegel and his bed‑
fellows have sucked out of the Italian heresy most of
the falsehood, so that a frontal attack on Hegel would
do more good in Italy than anything else. This, how‑
ever, is beyond the scope of this book to undertake,
1 sad as Hegel’s theory of the State and all kindred
haesies can only be fully exposed by criticising his
g u t s ] Philosophy, l a m afraid I must refer the reader
_ ‘ - a for a refutation.‘ Let him be quite certain,
, ' « a -eless, that the notion of the State as an e n d111
fl forms no part whatever of orthodox Fascism"?
9 C ] . M m C m o e ' s q u ’ o s u l l o fl s g d (lateral. Bari).which.
imfjflbunotgosshrnslwonldwish. lemsinssmostsdmirsble
fAlltheso-eslled"ldealist"philosophiesseemtometoezhihit
" Mismbywhiehthseommonestpittallintowhichlogieisns
v b f n n i s e r e c t e d i n e o s l o g i e s l p fi n c i p l e . ssG; E . l o o t e d
n’. .hnsshowninthemnsthrilliantoihiseusys."'l‘heReinh‑
d u e - l i e n " (Philosophies! Studies. Kegan Paul, Trench. Trnbner
linden. 19m). The iolbwingis. perhaps. the most arresting
d t h i s e n s y , well worth q u o t i n g i i i t w i l l l e s d t h e render
‘= thsqnestionwhichlhavehemraised but cannot conclude:
A w h i s n e r t s d . bntitisnlsoassermdthstthethinp
1 ' ' tom an ‘organic nnity.’ But. forming such a unity,
“eschwotlldmtbewhstitisspmfimmnkhosbm
'_ l i n e s to consider either by itseli is to make an “law's-sh
" T h u o o g l fi t i o n t h a t t h e s e u e ‘ o r g a n i c u n i fi e s ' s n d
-- Mons’inthhsenseisregudedssoneoithechiel
duodetnphilosophy. B n t w h s t i s t h e s e n s e s t t s e h e d
n? An abstraction is illegitimate when. and only when.
- a b u n d a n t ‐ o f something abstracted‐tut which
dihwhobtowlneh 1tbelongs; and it may. perhaps, henseinl
m u t h i s s h o u l d n o t b e d o n e . Bntthespplientionsctnsny
96 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
made of this principle and what perhaps would be expressly acknow‑
ledged as its meaning, is something much the reverse of useful. The
principle is used to assert that certain ahtractions are is a l l cases
illegitimate; that. whenever you t r y to assert anything t h a n " of
that which is part of an organic whole, what you assert can only be true
of the whole. And this principle, so far from being a useful truth. is
necessarily false. For if the whole can, nay must, be substituted for
the part in a l l prepositions and for a l l purposes. this can only be because
the whole is absolutely identical with the part. When, therefore. we
are told that green and the sensation oi green are certainly distinct
but yet are n o t sepmble, or that it is an illegitimate abstraction to
consider the one apart from the other. what these provisos are used
to assert is that. though the t w o things are distinct. yet you not only
can. but must treat them as if they were n o t . Many philosophers.
therefore. when they admit a distinction. yet (following the lead of
Hegel) boldly assert their right. in a slightly more obscure form of
words, also to deny i t . The principle of organic unities. like that of
combined analysis and synthesis. is mainly used to defend the practice
of holding both of two contradictory propositions. wherever this may
seem convenient. In this. as in other matters, Hegel's main service
to philosophy has consisted in giving a name to and erecting into a
principle. a type of fallacy to which experience had shown philosophers.
along w i t h the rest of mankind. to be addicted. No wonder that he
has followers and admirers."
 CHAPTER I I I

T H E M A I N PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM

Ti l l general theory of the State enunciated in the

fit chapter may be truthfully said to be the one
, n ‐ - - b y Fascism, by Mussolini. The present
M accordingly will, at the risk of some repetition,
; « t a summary of the salient principles that form
11“» and parcel of this theory, together with a number
5' others, dependent thereon, on which Fascism lays

‘ 1. Man is by nature a social animal. Living in

' is the natural condition of mankind. Society
A hold together, however, without there S u m
_ a,some authority ruling it. Authority is 0 if: m . ‑
‘,f_';: , 't in every society. Authority there- 3215319 0-0
belongs to the natural order of things as 2/1»
' f as society itself, and, having thus its
~~in nature, it has God for its author. 50 the
1 of authority is a divine principle. Wherever
'= authority exists, acknowledging no higher
' save the sovereignty of God alone, we a l l
maturity the State, which is society juridically
97
98 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

organised for the purpose of promoting the general

good. The State is thus a political unity, and every
political unity is an organism, with a life which trans‑
cends that of the individuals which compose it, and
outlasts that of any particular generation of men. For
this reason, the family is the true unit of the State, n o t
single individuals. The State, owing to its acknow‑
ledging no higher authority, save God alone, is the
highest form of human authority; and since, as we
have shown, it belongs, like all authority, to the natural
order of things, man may bejustly said to be, by nature,
n o t only a social animal but also a political animal.
l l . The highest form of State is the national State,
because the most perfect harmony is brought about
T, “ when national unity, based on a community
gigs-01 of traditions, coincides with political unity.
National unity, moreover, reinforces author‑
ity and isan element of vitality in the State. But in the
order of evolution (though n o t necessarily in the order
of involution) political unity precedes national unity ;
that is, political unity creates national unity, at least
whenever the State's authority is exercised over a
relatively long period of time, firmly and justly for the
general good. Thus, also, vital imperial States tend
towards losing their imperial character in a process of
assimilation and so towards becoming large national
States. The political ideal or goal of mankind is,
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 99

indeed, one universal national State, owning one

supreme authority and integrated by one common
national consciousness, however varied and intense .
might be the local differences and loyalties.
_ Fascism insists that progress towards this goal can
" only be made by upholding the principle of authority
I in existing States, and not, as would humanitarian
f ‘lnternationalists, by weakening authority and national
: entiment, which sustains authority. It seems to stand
~h reason that man cannot hope to construct a higher
authority by a process of destruction that brings the
Every principle of authority into contempt. It is surely
‘ - through the physically binding force of Law and
»morally binding force of Religion, that mankind
be brought together into wider unities‐and since
h of these forces derive their power only from the
. : provided by authority, progress can only
,. through sustaining authority, wherever it may be
._. Fascism also lays stress on the consciousness
ifnationality being one of the main bases,in the con‑
j ~ case of a national State, of any imperative claim
t h e part of the individual to take a sharein Govern‑
' ; The national State, in short,is St. Thomas'3
, . ' , Perfecta, t h a ti s , that truly unified political
4 grown conscious of itself and of its ends, the
“7 ~ of the common good, which is the supreme end
community juridically organised.
 100 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

II I. Authority, arising spontaneously asa necessary

condition of society, arises in various forms, according
n: Pm.- to circumstances. Original State authority
fizz/"y appears to have been patriarchal in char‑
acter.’ However this may be, respect is
invariably due to the State authority, whatever form it
may take, provided it is, with due allowances for human
fallibility, acting with right intention and in accordance
with right principles. The form that the State
authority may take, evolves, or should evolve, in
accordance with the requirements of evolving society,
adapting itself mam proprio to changing conditions.
If it fails to do this, it will fatally come, sooner or later,
to fail in its object, the promotion of the general good,
and it will therefore lose the right to govern, lose the
right to be owed respect and become the cause of social
dissolution through rebellion or war. Stich evolution
lg. of the State authority from within adapting itself to
outward conditions is amanifestation of organic growth.
1
if Where it is not manifest, the State organism must be
reckoned decadent or ill.
Tapperelli somewhere sums up very neatly the
questions arising out of this conception of authority.
He says that authority resides in the community,

‘ Some expem, notably in Germany. are now denying this I

Whether this view be true or take, however. the argunxeut here is n o t
aflected.
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM to:

' b e a m where there is no community there is no

authority ; that authority is exercised for the “he of
the community, because this is the very principle of
' its unity ; but that authority is not derived from the
community, because the community is incapable of
‘ neither-creating it or abolishing it, since it is inseparable
, fiom the very notion of community. The precise
. ”form which authority takes, however, is a question, asI
‘ i-thve said, of organic growth, authority being a vital
fphciple of all society. To the question, who i: to
' ' the fans of Government, the answer is, whoever
Hf ,,
deathe 45am authority at any given phase of social
a t . Wherever a nominal authority has
' : - - ~ ' ly abdicated, a real authority must necessarily
i -spontaneously to take its place, or society falls into
~ution. This, in effect, was the process which
, rise to the fascist Government.
Once this idea is grasped, it will be seen how futile
... Austin’s attempt to solve the question juridically
_jhere sovereignty ultimately resides. As Ramiro
"Meet-tn, in his stimulating book on Guild Socialism
" , , Liberty and Function, Allen and Unwin,
,_ -. 19:6), clearly shows, the question of sover‑
' is a question of power. The body wielding it is
, » y shifting and it is for the historian and not
“ = < to designate the body that happens to be
' >-; the sovereign power at any particular moment.
102 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

In this connection de Maeztu quotes Duguit, Professor

of Constitutional Law in the University of Bordeaux :
“ Law is a discipline of fact which social interdepend‑
ence imposes on every member of the group.” The
social rule, in other words, can be shOWn objectively
to be based on solidarity, and solidarity on the fact of
man’s interdependence.‘
I V. Private moral judgment, if it is n o t founded on
t r u e doctrine, on a t r u e Moral Philosophy,
T l u M oval
A all:only. means moral chaos. In the absence,
therefore, of an admitted independent
moral authority, such as is the Church, the practical
tests are the only tests, by which to judge the
extent to which the State authority is performing its
duty. In any case, the State has no right to arrogate to
itself the right to judge itself ; n o r has the individual
the right to lay down capricious standards. Both the
all-sufiicing and the agnostic State, therefore, reflect a
false principle. So the State, to say the least, must
conform to a Moral Philosophy and bejudged accord‑
ingto that Moral Philosophy. Hence it is important that
the Moral Philosophy, acknowledged, protected and
vulgarised by the State, should bea true Moral Philo‑
° It is as well to point out here, on the other hand. that many of
Dugnit'l views on the subject of State authority‐view: which
do t h e m also very largely endorses, are very diflerent, not t o n y
utterly opposed, to Fascism.
 THE M I N PRINCIPLES OF FASCISK 103

sophy ; but any Moral Philosophy is probably better

than no Moral Philosophy, provided it bean independ‑
ent Moral Philosophy, that is, one of universal applica‑
tion and not identified with the notion of State infalli‑
bility.
Thus the Scylla and Charybdis of State Agnosticism
”and State lnfallibility must in any case be equally
avoided. In practice, this means the recognition by
the State Constitution of a Religion of the State. The
" recognition of the principles of some Moral Philosophy
. _only may work to a certain extent in practice, especially
i fi t reflects the general moral consciousness of the age.
' but such a makeshift is vague and consequently highly
"Wtisfactory. By the recognition of a definite
Ildagion the case is otherwise, provided the Religion
, question be under the direction of a body independ‑
" fi t of the State.
.- Fascism has formally recognised the Catholic
, ._, " o n as the Religion of the State in Italy, and has
, by chosen well, n o t only bemuse it is the Religion
1. the vast majority of Italians ; n o t only because the
. mac tradition is part of the very soul of Italy and,
- the historical antecedents of Fascism, leaves
' - really no alternative choice ; but because the
Religion is perhaps the only Religion that
, , ‐ in e v e r ) u m : its complete independence
, Sate authority. I recommend this point par‑
 104 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

ticularly to the consideration of thoughtful per‑

sons.’
The relations between Church and State have not
yet, however, been settled in Italy. The “ Roman
Question ” still subsists. I believe, however, the day
of its solution is approaching. It is a very dificult,
mainly juridical, question, which cannot be discussed
here. It would be quite beyond the scope and purpose
of this book to do so. But until it is settled, situations
may arise which would prevent the Italian Government
and the Holy See from agreeing on all points touching
matters of policy. Until it is settled, Fascism will not
come entirely into its own. Meantime, however, the
Catholic Religion will remain in honour in Italy as
the State Religion, no longer a d a d letter of the Con‑
stitution, asit was under previous Governments. The
Crucifix is back in the Schools and in the Law Courts.
Religious education is again ensured for all Italian
children, unless their parents specifically raise objec‑
tions. Chaplains are back in the Army and Navy and
form part of the fascist Boy Scout Organisation, known
asthe “ Balilla."'|' The independence of the Church
‘Itiapteeiaelythhindependencewbichthoaesuteawhodedn
t o b e j n d g e a i n t h e i r o w n c a a e m a o a h fl d o l . Thecrywhich,1mm
time to time. is raised against the political interlemoe of Rome b
almostinvariablythecryolagufltymanwboisanxiomeither t o u v e
himself from condemnation or to perpetrate some crime.
t'l‘he dilbanding of the Catholic Boy Scout organisations in the
smaller towns would have been, according to o u r theory. intoleuhh.
u emphatic and ample provision had n o t been made in the law govern‑
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISH 105

and its Bishops is recognised. Lastly, public propa‑

ganda by other religious sects is forbidden, though, of
course, full toleration is granted to the practice of other
Religions that are n o t definitely repugnant to Christian
feelings and morals.
- V. There is a natural instinctive force possessed
by every living organism and directed to maintain that
, aganism's existence. With respect to that
J organism which is the State, this instinctive G u a r d
;bs'ee finds expression in the “ general will,” mu.
' ~ ,'\ , is consequently a useful touchstone for every
' « - n e n t to sound, however this may be possible ;
the first duty of Government within the Moral
is to preserve society from dissolution, since
is a necessary condition wherein man may
A.. his highest development and satisfy his needs.
7 ' there is no sure means of ascertaining the “ general
‘ ” a n d i'n any ease, unless Reason supports the
»- ‘- apparently pointed o u t by the “ general
" no cause is shown why that direction should be
Reason and n o t instinct must be the final
_ “ m " organisation, l o r t b e religions instruction t o r t h e
llthheonnectionitshouldbenohedAothatoneolthemin
fi fi c d h b a n d i n g oi the Catholic Boy Scout organisationsin
u Mumpredselyinordertoinsmthattheloeal
” m m - s h o u l d notbedeprivedoftheCatholicelemeut
'=.", “hm-[intothehandsoflocalanti-dsrieahorthoaeehmta
"M ‘llomldidolintlnsuteandlohingthe"m"
halaltheChurch.
io6
106 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
OF FASCISM
criterion of Government action,
action, as
as well as of individual
asof individual
action. In this connection,
connection, it may be be useful
useful also to
point
point out that good
good Government insures
insures Government
with the consent governed ; for any protracted
consent of the governed protracted
or widespread discontent is aa symptom of bad bad Govern­
Govern‑
ment,
ment, unless such
such discontent arises out
o u t of an
an agitation
organised by vested interests pursuing
organised pursuing selfish ends,
that is, particular ends not
is, particular n o t coincident with the general
good.
good.
VI.
V l . There are are aa number
number of secondary absolute
principles to which every form of Government m must
ust
Some
Sonar conform, if it is to be
be able to carry oout
u t effi­
effi‑
Srroudari'
SAb °oiuteV ciently the purpose for which it is
cientIy
A bsnlu I:
P " " “ ‘ ” " " constituted. For
Prtnctpies. constituted. For example, we we may say say
that every good
good form
form of Government should be devised
should be
so
sothat the central
central authority may bebe kept some means
kept by some
in close contact with all
all parts of
of the body politic,
politic, like
like aa
good
good nervous
nervous system, in order that suffering in any part
part
may bebe swiftly known
known at headquarters and and measures
taken by which the malady may be accurately diagnosed
beaccurately
and remedied.
and remedied. Justice should
should be even. The execu‑
be execu­
tive should
should be
be vigorous, the bureaucracy expeditious
and
and efficient. The system
system by which are recruited
recruited
those who actually exercise the powers of State should
should
be such
be such as
as to throw up up in effect
efi'ect an
an Aristocracy of
intelligence and
intelligence and morality.
morality. No system should be
system should be too
rigid,
rigid, no system
system too
too fluid.
fluid. Means by which construc­
construc‑
 MAIN PRINCIPLES
THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM
FASCISM 107
m7

tive and and effective criticism

criticism may be be brought to bear on
the acts and and proposed
preposed acts acts of Government,
Government, and and the
Government influenced influenced by such such criticism should
should bebe
provided. Likewise
provided. Likewise means should should bebe provided
provided to act
as checks against
as against the possibility of power being
of power being utilised
utilised
to defeat the real real purpose of Government,
Government, which is the
general good
general good as as opposed to to any particular good,good, and
and
to enable incompetent
incompetent members of Government to be be
easily substituted
substituted by others. Means, Means, too, should be be
provided
provided to enable a form form of Government to adapt itself itself
changing conditions. On
easily to changing hand, no
On the other hand,
Government can
Government can carry on on the business of the State
1properly,
properly, if it has to
to take truck of purely captious
captions
criticism, or
criticism, or if it is at
is at the mercy of
of gusts of papular
of popular
continent,
sentiment, or depends for its its continuance in power on
i titss popularity
popularity only.
The list list of such
such secondary absolute principles to
fiwhich
i c h every form of Government should should properly
subscribe
2! - "be could
could be be prolonged
prolonged indefinitely
indefinitely;; but no no
useful purpose would would be be served
served here by by formulating ait
greater number.
--~ number. The above will illustrate
illustrate for the
reader
.., - -<the kind
kind of of principle
principle intended. Those enume‑ enume­
j;rated areare perhaps the more more important
important ones.
ones. They are are
of -akkindi n d which almost any school of political political thought,
whether
.;um fascist,
fascist, liberal
liberal or socialist, regard as
socialist, would regard as
practically non­controversial.
“w » ~non-controversial.

._x
VII.
_I. The business of the State is to govern.
1
A
 io8
108 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

weak State is aa decadent State. The business of the

m 5 m . State is, further, to see to it,
The State
it, that the activities
andflia
and the individual social groups,
of individuals or individual
Individual.
Individual. .. , _
_ r '
within
Within the State,
State, are co‐ordinated
co­ordinated to promote,
sofar as
in so asthis may be possible, the general good. The
bepossible,
end of
end of the State being being the general good, the particular particular
province of State action,
province action, with its its eye on on the fact that
life of the State
the life State outlasts the life individuals
life of the individuals
that compose it, it, lies
lies in measures havinghaving as as their object
harmonising of individual
the harmonising individual ends with the general
needs society. The duty of the individual
needs of society. individual isis to
realise that he
realise he is not n o t an isolated unit, that he
an isolated he is aa
member
member by by nature and and necessity of aa community, that
all men are members of one another, that he
all men he is conse‑
conse­
responsible in all his actions to his fellow men,
quently responsible men,
and not
and n o t only to those of his own generation generation but to
future generations. In fine, it is his duty to contrive
fine, it
to make
make coincide his individual individual interests with the
general interest. And
general interest. And it is the business of the State
help him
to help accomplish this by so
him to accomplish so arranging the
structure of society as make the pursuit of individual
to make
asto individual
interests as
interests often as
as often aspossible
possible coincident with the general
interest, and
interest, prevent by Law,
and to prevent carrying the necessary
Law, carrying
sanctions, all such such activities of individuals which con­ con‑
trast in their effects with the general good, and so,
contemporaneously, protect those individuals who are
contemporaneously,
inclined from
socially inclined from those who are not. not.
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM
FASCISM 109
109

Individuals
Individuals possess
possess certain
certain natural rights, of which
natural rights,
I will speak in due course. But But these natural
natural rights
rights of
the individual
individual dodo not
n o t conflict with his duties to the
community. On
community. On the contrary,
contrary, these natural
natural rights
rights lie
at the very roots society, so, if the State were to
roots of society,
infringe on
infringe on these natural rights, it would
natural rights, would be defeating
be defeating
its own purpose.
its own purpose. ButBut apart from these natural rights,
natural rights,
the State can can be
be no respecter
respecter of persons ;; so so that the
State,
State, by by the very nature
nature of the case,
case, and
and with its eye
on
on the general
general welfare, is concerned only indirectly with
is concerned
the individual's
individual's welfare‐that is,
welfare—that is, it requires
requires the
individual's
individual's welfare to be be made one with the general
made one
welfare and and promotes the individual's
individual’s welfare through
_ the general
general welfare, for which alone itit is directly
“responsible,
responsible. Hence individual is subordinate to
Hence the individual
the State,
Abe State, in the sense that he is subject to the authority
heis
“ofi f the State
State and
and restricted
restricted in his liberties within the
flhtitutions and laws of
institutions and laws of the State, aiming at
State, aiming at the general
good. He is not subordinate to the State, on the other
hand, in the sense that the State has no limits to its
authority over him and makes of itself an end of itself.
The promotion
promotion of individualindividual happiness may perhaps
be "negatded indirectly as
regarded indirectly asan
an end of the State ; but true
end of true
individual
"if" , . . . . » happiness
happiness is dependent on the general well­
well‑
being which it it is the direct business of the State to
' , . and
promote, and no individual has the right
no individual right to seek his
I ‘ rinadirectioncontrastingwiththegeneralgood.
happiness in adirection contrasting with the general good.
 no0
11 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

This distinction is fundamental, and and at the risk of

labouring the point unduly,
labouring unduly, we
we may put it again in the tha
following way : Whereas it would be
following be strictly incorrect
to say that the laws and and institutions of the State, fine,
State, in fine,
the State uses tthe
State are: he individual
individual for its own purposes and and
subordinates him him to the social organism, this would be be
interpreted only as
true if interpreted as meaning
meaning that all laws and
institutions are directed individual action
directed to promote individual
along lines
along lines coincident with the general interests of
society andand so require that the individual submit to the
so require
authority of
authority of the State,
State, except the State betray its its trust.
Hence, from aa purely juridical point of
Hence, of view, which is is
eminently the State'sState’s point of view, we we may justly
justly say
individual is aa subordinate factor, nnot
that the individual o t because
he is aa less
he community, but
less considerable factor than the community,
because he community, and the protection
by the community,
he lives by protection
of the community from dissolution first practical
dissolution is the first
of the State ; for without authority, Without
duty of laws or
without laws
having the force of laws,
customs having laws, society ceases to to be.”
be.*
It is not
It conception of solidarity and
n o t this conception and moral
moral
responsibility that is
responsibility is likely to issue in Tyranny. On On
the contrary, it is precisely Individualism Individualism and
*‘ As St. Thomas Aquinas points out: out: " " The part indeedindeed desires
(and should desire)
(and should desire] the good of the whole in so so far as
as it
it is fitting to itself
fi t t i n g to itself
(fain. to
(i.e., to the part) ; but n o t so that the part refers the good of the whole
b u t not
itself. but rather
to itself, rather so so that itself to the good
t h a t it refers itself good ofof the whole."
(Summa
( S u m o Theol.
T h a t , 2a,
a “ , iae,
2 “ , q. 26. art, 3 ad
q. 26, ad 2um). paraphrase, on the
2 " ) . Or to paraphrase,
hand. Gentile :—The
other hand, z ‐ T h e conceptions of the t h e individual and of the
society to which he he belongs
belongs are complimentary ideas, ideas, which form a
real. concrete unity.
real, unity, inseparable except in abstraction. The rights
and duties of the one are the function of the other's,
and other‘s. and vice verso. versa.
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM u!
Agnosticism that has always been (as History amply
proves) and always will be the enemy of true freedom.
This becomes immediately apparent if we examine
for a moment the practical ideal‐unmasked‐of what
generally goes by the name of Liberalism, which accepts
the individualistic and agnostic hypothesis, yet seeks to
found thereon a city of happy families. The liberal
solution may, in effect, bestated thus : ‐ T h e individual
is the centre of the universe (cogito, ergo mm). The
supreme object of the individual's life is his “ self‑
realisation " according to his peculiar nature (a con‑
dition on which his happiness‐so it is assumed‑
neoessarily depends) ; and he alone (it is said to be his
natural right) can and should bejudge of what his self‑
realisation consists in. But since, in a state of anarchy,
this would result in the efficient self-realisation of only
fit few (the stronger, the more intelligent and the more
unscrupulous) at the expense of the many relatively
flies well-equipped individuals, the State is posited as
' ' . - necessary means by which the latter may be assured
i; relatively better chance of achieving their individual
1'_u iness at the expense of a part of the opportunities
m achieving a maximum happiness of the few better
, ped individuals. This being so, the object of
« - went (whatever its form may he) should be
i= . «ly limited to securing by compromise, as far as
TV7 may be practicable, the maximum opportunity for
112 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
individual self-realisation a l l round, or, in other words,
the highest realisable mean of opportunity for the
self-realisation of each individual (the formula “ the
greatest happiness of the greatest number " was an
effort to express this ideal).
Thus the ideal of the perfect liberal State becomes
merely a kind of opportunistic combine of the feeble
and mediocre, of the many who live in fear of exploita‑
tion by the few of energy and ambition I
No wonder under this dispensation, rather than
acquiesce in such drab mediocrity, somany of the gifted
few have hailed Nietzsche as their prophet. No
wonder, asdifferent classes in the community gain self‑
consciousness, class warfare becomes a fact, since each
one knows, whether individual or group, that whoever
gains control of the State is in a position to increase his
opportunities of self-realisation at the expense of his
less fortunate neighbour! Nay, he would also be
justified in doing so where no universal moral law is
admitted and all is a matter of individual judg‑
ment l
Liberalism indeed may be accounted for, in a world
permeated by Individualism and Agnosticism, as a
desperate and vain attempt to escape from Tyranny,
which is the logical consequence of such a world. For
the Tyranny of the Auden Riginu was the direct
result of the Individualism and Agnosticism of the
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 113

Renaissance, operating in a society politically unde‑

veloped and soeasily exploited by the bold and unscru‑
pulous. Liberalism, under more evolved political
conditions, managed to overthrow this Tyranny, only
to prepare the way, however, so it seems, for the
; alternative dictatorship of a class (Bolshevism), unless
J‘ it an succeed in stereotyping its colourless ideal in the
shape of the socialist slave State, whereby all men may
" be turned into machines. In fine, as its best, Liberal‑
ism can propose but an unstable equilibrium. It is
fagloomy edifice built upon the shifting sands.
_ VIII. The acceptance of fascist principles means the
and of Lama-Fair: asan absolute principle‐that is,
the principle of Lama-Fair: ceases to bea T , “ E“
t 4; .. into which it had come to be erected of 11mm‑
.» Fem.
the course of the nineteenth century. Its
_ - 'eation becomes merely a matter of expediency,
1- d e n t on judgment asto whether or not, in given
~ ces, its applieation in particular eases would
or less contribute to the promotion of the general
, « Its general application is by now authoritatively
4 . m ed, as indeed experience has condemned it.
'.tllil’ Fascism entirely agrees with M r. Maynard
" ~-‐‐ despite the latter’s prominent position as a
- ~- In fact, M r. Keynes’ excellent little book,
. End a] Lama-Fair: (Hogarth Press, London,
v might,so faras it goes,serve a s a useful intro‑
1:14 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

duction to fascist economics. There is scarcely any‑

thing to object to in it and there is much to applaud.
He traces the history of Laiuez-Faire in a manner that
makes every sentence a delight to read and finally takes
leave of the principle in a bed of ashes. He acquits the
classical economists, Ricardo and Adam Smith, in
spite of their language lending itself to the Laissez‑
Faire interpretation, of actually entertaining the fallacy
themselves, and shows that it was " the political
campaign for Free Trade, the influence of the so‐called
Manchester School and of the Benthamite Utilitarians,
the utterances of secondary economic authorities, and
the educational stories of Miss Martineau and Mrs.
Marcet that fixed Laissez-Faire in the popular mind
(of England‐and though England the wfio/e world was
influenced) as the practical conclusion of orthodox
political economy," and thereby deformed the thought
of the great men who had laid the foundations of the
Science. He further traces “the peculiar unity of the
everyday political philosophy of the nineteenth
century to the success with which it harmonised
diversified and warring schools and united all good
things to a single end. Hume and Paley, Burke and
Rousseau,Godwin and Malthus,Cobbet and Huskisson,
Bentham and Coleridge, Darwin and the Bishop of
Oxford, were all, it was discovered, preaching practic‑
ally the same thing‐Individualism and Labia-Fain.
 MAIN PRINCIPLES
THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM
OF FASCISM 115
125

This was the Church

This Church of England
England and and those herher apostles,
apostles,
whilst the company of the Economists Economists were there to
prove that the least least deviation into into impiety involved
involved
financial ruin." He then shows conclusively (and
"_financial (and
. therein he he isis supported
supported by every modern modern economist
1“of weight) that " “ the world is not not so
so governed
governed from
above that private
above private andand social
social interest
interest always coincide.
‘ ...
g; . . It It is not
n o t aa correct
correct deduction
deduction-fromfrom the Principles
Principles
of Economics
Economics that enlightened
enlightened self-interest always
self­interest
operates ‐: in the public interest.
interest. .. . We cannot, there‑ there­
fore, settle on
_,_ on abstract grounds,
grounds, but must must handle
handle onon its
‘merits °ts in detail
detail what Burke Burke termed one of the finest
one of
'•problems in legislation, namely, to
legislation, namely, to determine what the
State' sag/u
ought to to take itreiftotodir
upon itself
take apart ect byMe
direct by the public wisdom,
and wits:
what it ought to leave,
nag/it to leave, with as a: little interference
interferes“ a: as
possible,
i ' to individual
, to individual exertion." Finally,
Finally, hehe concludes
very
n- convincingly that Socialism and Individualism are
Socialism and Individualism
reactions to the same same intellectual
intellectual atmosphere.
All this is is pure
pure fascist premises and and I cordially
recommend mend Mr. M r . Keynes
Keynes to proceed
proceed to Italy and and there
to study
A -y Fascism
Fascism with an an open mind mind and
and with the same
scrupulous - carecare as he bas
as he has studied
studied Bolshevism.
Bolshevism. An
essay
' i .from
from his pen pen onon Fascism
Fascism would doubtless prove a a
most valuable
"J_:-,flluable piece piece of constructive criticism. Dare
Dare
we say .that that he would
he would comecome to acknowledge
acknowledge the fascist
principle,
. ='- which, in the place of the principleofprinciple of Laissez­
Laiuez‑
Faire ;: " “ Each
Each for himself
himself for the good good of all," re­ re‑
116 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

proclaims the Christian and Medieval ideal o f “ E “ ) ;

for all, and all for God " ?
If M r . Keynes had traced the history of Lamaz‑
Fair: still further back than that which he actually
does, he would have found that it issues as a logical »
consequence of the mentality engendered by the
Reformation. Then it was that the great revolt of
Individualism against authority was made manifest.
This and the special influence of Puritanism, the
emphasis placed on the lessons to be drawn from Old
Testament history, the theory that good works, a
moral life and energetic pursuit of one's vocation were
a proofof predestination,of election to salvation, gradu- ._‘

ally transformed society from the form which the

influence of the Church had given it during the Middle
Ages, to the one we see around us now. The maxim
“ each for himself, for the good of all " (which contains
a fatal mmsequin”) came thus to take the place of “ each
for all and all for God.” Capital came to be valued,
n o t for what it could procure in the interests of the
community, but as an accumulation of wealth for
wealth’s sake, the holders of which, characterised by
the virtues of energy, enterprise, independence, zeal
and dogged pertinacity, became the saints of the new
order ; and so Capitalism came into being, Capitalism
which thrives on Larissa-Fain! Fascism would alter
‘ Cf. Eustace Dudley, National R a m (Imgmans, G a u n t
Co., tendon. 19:6).
 : | ; IAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 117

b u t it dismrds the socialist formula that

‘ .. asa remedy, the nationalisation of the means
,;1-v:0fl, considering this as a mere reducria ad
of Capitalism.
, Keynes shows in more than one place that he
- love for Capitalism, the essential characteristic
. he admits is " an intense appeal to the money‑
, 1 and money-loving instincts of individuals as
'- motive force of the economic machine.” But
q.. «v>to accept it as inevitable. At any rate, for
‘tf, went he appears to limit his vision of the possible
' -«' ‐ to animprovement in the technique of Capital‑
and to judicious control by the State. On the
h a n d , he readily admits “ that the fiercest contests
' the most deeply felt divisions of opinion are likely
7-._ »waged m the coming years n o t round technial
‘ where the arguments on either side are
1»- economic, but round those which, for want of
' -- words, may be called psychological or, perhaps,
” In this he is undoubtedly right, and it is
~ y on a moral question that Fascism is mainly
” M “ : its battle. Fascism fully realises that the
' for wealth m u s t always remain a motive force of
economic machine, but denies that it need be
ya the main motive force. An intense appeal to
' -' .. and Religion are the lines on which it is
-' g, coupled with an attempt to give to society
118 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

a structure wherein, on the one hand, the artisan,

the peasant and the professional man (into whose
work other motives than that of money-getting pre‑
dominate) may be particularly encouraged, and on the
other, industry and commerce come to be organised on
a corporative basis with definite social and political
functions attached to each Corporation. Gradually it
is hoped that, as these organisations develop, as legisla‑
tion feels its way more and more efi'ectively in the
direction of extirpating the usurer and the manipulator
of values, and as, contemporaneously, the religious
spirit comes to penetrate again the very bones of
society, asit did in the Middle Ages, a transformation
of economic conditions away from Capitalism will
come to be complete without either reducing the
majority of members of society to the position of mere
wage-slaves of the State or impairing in any way the
productive power of the community.
I X . In much of the above there is already implied
the fascist conception of Liberty, which I propose to
consider next. The fascist conception of ‘
Liberty.
Liberty is very clear and very concrete. As
we have already seen, the authority of the State must
in any case belimited by the Moral Law. There must
be no overstepping of this limit. The individual
possesses by nature certain personal rights, rights which
belong to him, because, though he cannot live except
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 119

asa member of society and under the authority of the

, State, they are n o t subject to State interferenceashaving
, authority to do with his position 91m member of society,
_but ashaving solely to do with him asanindividual and
' as a member of a family. This is a corollary of the
h Moral Law. Hence the State has no right to coerce an
i individualin any way heyond what is necessary tosafeguard
'‘M promote the collective interest; and any jam of
‘Osm'on in excess of what is strictly required to achieve the
i ”(finely ordained end of the State, that is, the genera/good,
v n he condemned.
wThe line may not always be easy to demarcate in
1» -'ce ; but the principle is clear. The rights of a
" "w over his family, for instance, the family itself,
if m - is the real cell on which the State is built up, the
and solidarity of which cannot be, besides,
,- ed without grave consequences for society
«i must be respected by the State. Children must
f be forcibly removed from their parents, without
5,"t and grave reasons touching the general well‑
if .. The father and mother, moreover, have certain
if - t claims with regard to the education of their
" especially with regard to their moral and
, education. No State has the right to persecute
"i °ual with respect to his private opinions and
l'dations, aslong asthey remain private. It is
' e to coerce a man's Conscience and Reason ;
no THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

and to attempt to do so is wicked. Nor can the State

allow a member to die for want of the means of subsis‑
tence; and, as a corollary to this, the right of the
individual to acquire property for himself and his heirs
becomes intangible. The individual likewise has a
right to be protected by the State against slavery or
virtual slavery, against interference in his home and
in his personal affairs by other individuals; against
the invasion of his home by State officials without legal
warrant ; or against condemnation without fair trial
and in accordance with the laws of the land.
Rousseau’s plea that “ all defence, all guarantees against
the power of the State are illogical, in that it is imposs‑
ible for the body to wish to do violence to its members,"
is a lie. We know it to be possible; and the business
of the State, with this general principle before it, is to
frame laws to protect the individual against any
possibility of such violence. The line of demarcation
should be drawn more and more finely, as experience
teaches, by a carefully-thought-out code of Law,
designed to this end‐laws protecting the family,
property, the individual Conscience, hired labour and
the course of justice, etc.
The liberties which such laws would safeguard are
concrete liberties, inherent in the moral notion of an .
individual's natural rights. But no man possesses the
natural right to propagate any personal views he likel,
D

ENRICO
VA R ] ! u CORRADINI,
t'uumnlxl,

Founder 'of Italian

[fumzderyf .\'ulimmlism.
Italian Nationalism.
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES
THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM 121
121

to
Ah destroy wealth,
destroy wealth, toto attempt
attempt to to disrupt
disrupt society.
society. AnyAny
liberties
"M": beyond those which appertain
-'es beyond natural
appertain to his natural
rights and which may
ts and may be be granted
granted toto the individual
individualin 1n
excess
1 ~:.-ofof such rights are
such rights such as
are such asthe State,
State, inin legislating,
legislating,
calculates t e s will prove beneficent
beneficent to the community as as aa
;whole,
1. le, invigorate
invigorate it,
it, vitalise
vitalise it,
it, and
and so
so give
give individuals
individuals
the opportunity
opportunity for aa better better and
and higher
higher life.
life. Such
Such
liberties are definite and concrete, as all liberties
i .» -'es are definite and concrete, as all liberties shouldshould
*

be. There is is no
no such
such thing as as freeing
freeing man man in the
abstract.
Liberty is
n Liberty is and
and can
can only be aa concrete
only be thing, aa right
concrete thing, right
admitted by principle or
..'tted by or conferred
conferred and
and limited
limited by by Law
Law
in 'the» interest
interest of collectivity. This, indeed,
indeed, is
is the old
old
English
i- 'h ideaidea ofof Liberty.
Liberty. There was was aa happy time '
when Englishmen
Englishmen spoke proudly of their liberties.liberties.
Too often
; often now now they vapour
vapour about Liberty in the abstract.
Libertyin theabstract.
Liberty,
. moreover, is
, moreover, is a a relative
relative question.
question. As As
Mussolini
_f ' lini has pointed out
has pointed o u t in one of his most
most character­
character‑
istic
“ Speeches : “ Liberty is not a right, it is
speeches : " Liberty is not a right, it is aa duty.
duty.
It is n not a
ot a concession granted to
granted us, it us, it is a
a conquest.
It is not aa matter
' not matter of of equality,
equality, it isis aa privilege. The
notion
Lw of Liberty changes in in time. There is is aa Liberty
Liberty
forfines
times of peace and and another Liberty
Liberty in times of war.
There- is a11Liberty for prosperous times, times, another for
times.
lean times. ..."
. . . " Serving
Serving God,
God, which means identi­identi‑
fying our individual good
individual good with the good
good of the whole
body of our fellow­men,
_-Of fellow-men, is is the only true
true freedom.
122 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

We have already pointed out that the world is not so

governed from above that private and social interests
always coincide ; and that it is the duty of the individual
so to contrive that his private interests do so coincide.
When he fails to do this, the State has a right to inter‑
fere. Thus, an individual has a right to own and
acquire property, but if he systematically destroy the
value of his property by impoverishing the soil, for
instance, by over-cultivation, or by cutting down the
timber unduly in order to realise immediate profits,
or even if he merely neglect to devel0p it, that State
has a' right to interfere. There is no natural
right that confers on man the right to do exactly what
helikes with his own, beat his wife, starve his children,
work out his property, sell himself into slavery, commit
suicide, any more than the State has a right to do any‑
thing whatever that it pleases. The Moral Law steps
in and must step in everywhere to regulate the limits
of what constitutes rights one way or the other. And
so it is the State's duty to base its laws on the Moral
Law and if in all legislation this principle is systematic‑
ally kept in view, not many mistakes are likely to be
made in practice.
“ Liberty,"as Leo X l l l . said,’ “ isapower perfecting
man and hence should have truth and goodness as its
object." Liberty to tell lies or propagate evil is licence,
' Leo XML. Encyclical " [ m i c k 0 d , " 1885.
 THE MAIN
MAIN PRINCIPLES
PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM
FASCISM 123
1:23

nnot
o t Liberty—and
Liberty‐and for the State to protect
State to protect society against
lies
lies and
and against evil is in reality liberating
evil is liberating society from
from
the bondage
5&8 bondage of sin.
sin. As Mdlle.
Mdlle. Aline Lion,
Lion, one
one of
“Gentile’s
Gentile's most able pupils, drumming into her
pupils, keeps drumming
--« zin
readers an essay published
in an publishedin
m the Hibbert
Hibbert Journal
Mb n a r y, 1927),
(January, implies Law."
“ Liberty implies
1927), "Liberty Law.” If people people
would~ d only get this little little fact into their heads,
heads, they
would n o t only begin
w - not begin to understand Fascism, but begin
understand Fascism, begin
".
to see all life in truer colours.
all life colours. People
People who would would
' » society,
disrupt society, break
break down State, turn
down the State, t u r n class against
class, are the worst enemies of of true Liberty.
Liberty. True
Liberty indeed preserved
- - is indeed preserved by the very denyingdenying of the
individuals to raise their hands against the
right of individuals
StateA, and
and against God. God. So, So, upon
upon this criterion,
Fascism
g' .. has, effect, brought up to date the old
has, in effect, old laws
laws
of fwtreason,
o n , to include
include every kind kind ofof activity engaged
engaged
in for the purpose betraying, breaking
purpose of betraying, breaking up, endanger‑
up, endanger­
ing the safety
safety of of the State
State and of public morality—such
and of morality‐such
as the preaching
preaching of of class warfare, the advocacy of of the
suppression private property and
. - n of private and of measures which
n weaken
would weaken the family tie, the entering into or
e " 11 of seditious associations or international
recognition international
claiming aa superior allegiance to that of the
*' - aclaiming
associations
authority of of the State, restriction,
birth restriction,
State, artificial birth
, ‘ b y , blasphemy,
pornography, blasphemy, open open defiance or contempt of
authority, and and so so forth. Even Even liberal
liberal Governments
suppress 1nd and censure such such things as as pornography and and
124
124 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS
ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM
physical cruelty to children
physical children and
and attempts to undermine
discipline of
the discipline of the forces of the Realm—in
Realm‐in other
words, they dodo draw the line,
line, in practice least, against
at least,
immorality and
gross immorality and treasonable propaganda.
Fascism,
Fascism, which does not n o t fear for its popularity,
popularity, which
has n o t to pander to the velleity of
has not of individuals,
individuals, has
merely the courage to dot the i's and
merely t’s, to
and cross the t's,
line quite fairly where it logically and
draw the line and reason­
reason‑
doing this it promotes no loss
lies. In doing
ably lies. Liberty.
loss of Liberty.
political centralisation
The fascist policy of political centralisation coupled
decentralisation is
with administrative decentralisation is another case in
point. There must
point. m u s t be
be no room
room to allow of the country
being divided
being divided against itself.
itself. But this identification
identification of
Liberty with Law
liberty Law is no newly discovered
discovered truth. It It is
an
an eternal truth, enunciated
eternal truth, enunciated as long ago as
as long as Aristotle,
emphasised
emphasised againagain and again by the Scholastic philoso‑
and again philoso­
phers
phers of the MiddleMiddle Ages. Perhaps, Perhaps, however,
however, only
now
n o w have political conditions so
have political so evolved applica‑
its applica­
evolved that its
an become
tion can rulisable, and
become fully realisable, applica‑
and from the applica­
tion principle by Fascism
tion of this principle Fascism to modern
modern conditions,
aa new conception of citizenship may be
new conception said to have
be said
been inaugurated. I will quote again
been inaugurated. Mademois‑
again from Mademois­
Lion :: "
elle Lion “ Liberty implies Law.
Liberty implies Law. The citizen implies
the State. employer or the employed, implies
State. The employer
the productivity of whichwhich one employs and the other is is
employed
employed . . . " so
so that Fascism
Fascism has come to proclaim,
proclaim, ‘
as citizenship, the consciousness of citizen‑
as the basis of citizenship, citizen­
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 125

Aship, the sense of responsibility towards others, and the

.' maxim everything for everyone who shall deserve it
.‘. M t g ] : moralsamfite andproductive activity. Or again,
asde Maeztu would put it, man has polities! rights by
.- virtue of his functional value in society.‘
X. The next point to emphasise, and a very import‑
want point it is, is the sharp distinction which Fascists
Quake, with respect to political principles, “ m m ,
fietween what is absolute and what is 51:5?”
-fmtingent. The general theory of the ” m y “
5m such as has been described above, enshrines
;-- _,- ' main absolute principles, on which an indefinite
, =m- 4 of secondary absolute principles depend. But
”va , greatest care m u s t be taken not to regard as absolute

, 'ples those dictating aparticular policy, contingent

W‘circumstances. The principle of Laissez-Faire is a
' - in point. This is entirely a question of policy, of
_ ” ' to a given end. It enshrines no absolute
“u-ple, except the negative one that there is no such
u t e principle. The same may besaid of all forms
Government per se, whether popular or otherwise,
'. °- -- they can claim to fulfil properly the purposes
which Governmentis divinely instituted.
‘:_' ussolini has flattered the compatriots of William
' Ind Charles Pierce by declaring (or soit seems,
-,". i. “ t o do Macaw Author-Ely. Liberty and Function (Allen a
I n d u s 19's).
126
126 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

if we take certain reports as accurate accounts of 7

interviews conceded by him
interviews conceded American journalists)
him to American journalists)
he is
that he is in
in certain
certain respects aaPragmatist.
Pragmatist. On On various
occasions, too, he he has praised Fascism
has praised Fascism for its "“ freedom
from dogma." What does he he mean
mean by by this?
this ? He
Fascism does nnot
means that Fascism
simply means o t dogmatise with
to any particular
respect to
respect particular form of Government or to any
policy, provided
particular policy, provided that, whatever form of
Government or policy be be chosen, it fulfils the general
purposes ot of the State. Government
State. One form of Government
per se
per re has no better claims than another. The prag‑
has no prag­
matic e.g., whether the desired
matic test, e.g., desired useful consequences,
useful consequences,
given the purposes in view,
given view, result
result or may be calculated
be calculated
result, is the only test by which to determine the best
to result,
Government, within the limits imposed
form of Government, imposed
by the Moral
Moral Law given circumstances. In other
Law in given
Mussolini rightly considers that the best
words, Mussolini best form
of Government is the one, given circum­
one, which, in the given circum‑
stances of aa particular
particular country, works best.' best.* So So
*‘ There is no doubt, himself. in the growth of
Mussolini himself,
doubt, too, that Mussolini
his life. has been
his interior life, been greatly assisted
assisted by the pragmatic method method
and. for all
and, know. even
all I know, even by thethe works of of William James. But B u t William
is. unfortunately,
James is, unfortunately, not lellcitous in his mode
n o t very felicitous mode of of expression.
He appears to enunciate a a number
number of of propositions which, according
according to
letter of
the letter of what he he says, proved to be
says. are easily proved false. such as.
be false, as, for
instance. that "" all
instance, useful." "
a l l true ideas are useful," " all useful true."
useful ideas are true,"
" no
" ideas of
no ideas of ours are true, except those which we we can verify," " “ all
truths are mutable. except principles
a r e mutable, principles and definitions." eetc.,
and definitions," (William
t c , etc. (William
James. Pragmatism,
James, Pragmatism. Longmans,
Longmans. GreenGreen & a; Co., London. 1907).
Co.. London, 1907). The
real
real message value. it
message of value, it seems to me. that William james
to me, James a appears
ppear!
 THE
THE MAIN
MAIN PRINCIPLES
PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM
FASCISM 127
127

Fascism does n
Fascism not
o t and
and cannot
cannot absolutely condemn
popular Government,
popular Government, for instance,
instance, or parliamentary
Government. Nor
Government. Nor does Fascism,
Fascism, conversely, stand
stand
absolutely by
by the idea
idea of the " “ Corporative State,"
the form
the form of Government which,
which, in Italy,
Italy, it is
bringing into
bringing into vogue. These matters matters areare con­
con‑
ltfingent
tingent matters,
matters, and
and they remain
remain contingent even if, if,
as in the case in point,
as point, certain
certain forms of Government
come to be
We be rejected
rejected by experience asas hopelessly unsuited
unsuited
in general to promote the common
in common good
good and
and certain
certain
to“ desire
t o to " " get across " " comes to this t h i s:: certain of our o u r fundamental
flats‐many
beliefs—many dogmas of of Religion,
Religion. for for instance—are
instance‐are not n o t absolutely
verifiable.
= - . But B u t they cancan be
be tested,
tested. as as scientific hypotheses are are tested.
Dot ithey
n y explain
explain the facts better than any other hypothesis hypothesis?? What What
is the result on conduct in subscribing to them,
__ multoaeooductinsubscribing them in that t h a t"" every theoretical
difference -- somewhere
somewhere issues issues in a practical
practical difference
difference?? "" For F o r itit is
obviously- » y true that we we are what our o u r honest beliefs
beliefs makemake us. us. Different
Diflerent
religions- . or ways of belief belief make
make the whole difference diflerenee to our o u r mode
mode 0! of
life. Turn Turn aa Mahommedan
Mshommedan country into i n t o aa Christian
Christian one, one. for instance,
instance,
orfl. vice versa,
verse. and
and in a few generations the place plane is transformed. If lf
'you,_ Ihave,
l l “ . therefore, a clear vision of the type or ideal ideal of life and
civilisation
" w .. you you desire to see grow up in or round
tosee round you,
you. the way of belief belief
whichinin practice
panties produces that type or ideal ideal w will
i l l be
be for you,
you. if not
thefi truth
,x,_
l t h or whole truth, truth. at least
least that body of doctrine to which, which. in
practice, you you allow
allow yourself
yourself to submit,
submit. eeven v e n if you you allow yourselfyourself
at the same um time to entertain entertain an intellectual
intellectual doubt as as toto its
i t s actual
veracity.. From this position position it it is a very small small jump to complete
intellectual acquiescence.
lequiesoenee. Many Many people
people who have had had the misfortune
to ..be M i n d of
deprived of sound
sound doctrinal instruction,
instruction. have have indeed
indeed found their
way : flail-tinting.
to Christianity, groping,
groping, so soto speak. along this path
to speak, path ;: andand many
more "would so. if they only realised
‘ ' do so, realised how how essentially interdependent
are dogmas Moonduet.
and conduct. You Yo u often hear people,people. whose reasoningreasoning faculties
have been. inadequately trained, exclaiming exclaiming that um the ChristianChristian ideal
of life seems perfect to them, them. butbut "” wewe are not n o t going to have have anything
to do with‘fildogmaal'
its dogmas." What do they mean
Whatdothey mean by this ? They mean
bythis? mean tthat hat
either they have have n not
o t the courage or intellectual honesty to give up
paying homage ‘ ~~ltoo aaway
m y of
of life, which. in reality.
life. which, reality, means nothingto
nothing to them, them,
128
128 THE
THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

others be
be calculated
calculated as
as likely to prove efficient
eflicient instru­
instru‑
ments.
ments. It It is all
all aa matter
matter of judgment. Therefore,
rules practical expedience,
rules of practical based on experience and
expediencc, based and
common
common sense, however they may
sense, however may approximate to
or that they are prepared to live on the moral legacy left them by their
orthattheyarepreparedtoliveonthemorallegscyleftthembytheir
forbears,
forbears, but but are too illogical
illogical or dull to realise realise that there would have
beennolegacyatall.wereitnotiorthedogmasbelievedinbytheir
been no legacy at all, were it not for the dogmas believed in by their
iorbears. and
forbears, and too lazylazy to trace the inevitable
inevitable connection. You You cannot
honestly
honestly have have it it both ways. An honest Unitarian cannot behave
honest Unitarian
quite
quite in the same way or approve quite the same way of 0! life
lite asas a man
man
who believes in the Trinity. So So ifii you really believe.
believe, asas Mussolini
Mussolini
came to realise
realise by experience,
experience. that t h a t the Catholic Christian
Christian wayw a y of life
lite
is the best. you
the best, you are
are driven inexorably,
inexorably. if you you are 0!of courage and and sound
logic. to
logic, to becoming,
becoming, by the grace of God, God. a Catholic. And A n d the same
might be
might said. mutatis
be said, m i d i s . of
malaria mutandis, of any other formterm ofoi religion.
religion.
Cf. also
Cf. also A. G. Moore. "" William
G. Moore, (Philosophical
Pragmatism.” (Philosophical
William James' Pragmatism,"
Studies. Kegan
Studies, Kegan Paul. Trench. Trubner
Paul, Trench, Truhnerct & Co., London. 1922).
Co.. London, 1912).
To conclude : Mussolini's
To conclude: admiration for James or.
Mussolini's admiration or, to take other
examples. Sorel or Nietzsche,
examples, Nietzsche. is due to the incidental
incidental influence which the
opinions of these men happen to
m e n happen to have exercised on Mussolini's mind mind
in certain
certain decisive phases of of his development. Sorel, for instance.
f o r instance,
undoubtedly helped helped to open Mussolini's
Mussolini's mind mind to the pettiness.
pettiness, the
materialism. the mean
materialism, mean ideology of his Socialist contemporaries educated
on the doctrines of Marx Mars:; while NietzscheNietzsche brought home to to him
h i m the
truth multitude must
t r u t h that the multitude be led
m u s t be led by the fewiew and hence the necessity
of anan Aristocracy which represents refinement. the sanitation.
represents the refinement, exaltation, the
embodiment of that kind kind ofat individualism
individualism which is is worthy oiof encourage­
encourage‑
ment. namely,
ment, namely, the capacity of 04 individuals to realise themselves in
harmony with the good
harmony good of of the community to which they belong. belong, the
capacity of transcending themselves, themselves. of making making themselves worthy
Communion of Saints,
of that Communion Saints, whichwhich is the blessed
blessed goal of every
individual.
individual. His His admiration
admiration for or gratitude gratitude to these men, men. how‑ how­
ever. does not
ever, n o t make
make him him their disciple. A false prophet may very
well, despite his his heresy—for
heresy‐tor all all heresies
heresies having
having any wide difiuaion diffusion
succeed only by virtue virtue ofof the truths that they contain—prove
contain‐prove to be be the
turning influence
influence ofoi the life
life of a true
t r u e prophet. It it would be dangerous.
dangerous,
therefore. even ifii it
therefore, it were not known to the writer to be
n o t known untrue. to con­
be untrue, con‑
clude that Mussolini,
clude Mussolini, in praising James, James. Sorel, or Nietzsche,
Sore].or Nietzsche, looks
l o c h uupon
p “
the writings of of any one of of these philosophers as as representing
representing in any
senseaiullor
sense balanced view
a full or balanced viewoithetruth.
of the truth.
 THE MAIN PRINCIPLES OF FASCISM 139

._abwlute principles, must not be confounded with

absolute principles.
X I . There remain t w o important points to elucid‑
. a t e : Fascism and Democracy, and Fascism and
Empire. The importance of these points um
., deserves that a whole chapter be given to the "$373,104
' consideration of each. Sufficient has, how‑
ever, already been said to explain what was meant by
“my allusion in Chapter I to the possibility of some
country, like Japan, for instance‐in no sense an heir
‘ to the Roman tradition, conforming its institutions to
‘ (the Fascist conception of the State. If the complete
Allbeory of the State which I have propounded is the
‘r‘ymduct of European thought and civilisation, the
'_~' , a part Of1tis applicable to all States indiscrimin‑
, even though its full application and development
. 1 ‘ be impossible outside Christendom, or, in the last
outside Catholicism. Here lies the only reserva‑
Much of it is already universal in practice,
- Society is found to bein a healthy condition ;
it is a theory firmly established on reality
‘ g ' one wholly in conformity with Natural Law.
- Peculiar Roman or European element in it
.,_,l‘~»where Christianity has in its unrivalled man‑
transcended the Natural Law by the highest
Law. Hence a vigorous Eastern State like
- may in fact be nearer the fascist ideal in
than many a decadent European or American
130 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

contemporary, despite the latters' Christian heri‑

tage.‘
Or further light may be thrown on this point if we
put it in this way : ‐ I t is as clearly obvious that a
Catholic need n o t necessarily be a Fascist in any
practical sense, as it is obvious that a non-Catholic
may, on the other hand, be one. But a non-Catholic
Fascist will find himself, within the debatable territory
which even the strictest theologian admits, in agree‑
ment with the fundamental Catholic conception of
the State, and will recognise in the last resort the need
for an independent moral authority, such asthe Church
claims to be, in order to provide the coping stone for
any truly perfect polity.
‘ Uniortnnately it is often the corrupted i o r m oi the great European
heritage (its individualistic egoism, i t s materialism. its mechanical
aspects) that are better known and more frequently imitated in the
East. In certain respects. the world being what it is. d i s may he
necessitated in sell-defence. But it is a strange paradox that so many
Chinese Nationalists. i o r instance, have europeanised themselves in
so many ways just when a true and cultivated European begins to be
ashamed oi his own example. To take a small matter: European
dress. Ii l were a japanese or a Chinese Nationalist. I would wear
my heautiiul national dress, which in most cases is also extremely
practical, instead, in the ialse desire to be modern. of adopting the
hideous clothes worn by European men. A japanese Fascist should
look upon the wearing oi his national dress throughout the world
as a symbol oi his sincere iaith. The East has much to teach the West
and a higherworld civilisation depends very largely on the East and the
West assimilating the best oi each other. Unfortunately often the
contrary is the more apparent; and it would be as well tor the pro‑
gressive Nations oi the East to acquaint themselves better with the
valuable side oi the great European heritage, that which is the outcome
of Roman and Catholic civilisations, rather than oi i t s corruptions.
 CHAPTER
C H A P T E R IIV
V

FASCISM AND
FASCISM AN DEMOCRACY
D DEMOCRACY

THE word
' ‘Tns word "Democracy"
“ Democracy " has has various meanings,
meanings, to
r umany
n n y of which FascismFascism is not n o t only not
n o t opposed,
opposed,
bbut u t positively favourable
favourable;; to others it is is various
[ 2 m m

unfavourable ; to one
fpnfnvourable; one particular meaning ff‘sxfis
particular meaning ^Iiemo­
it is absolutely opposed. It follows,
it is absolutely opposed. It follows, there- cracy­ there­ ” m y "

fore,
f'h that we must
we m u s t carefully distinguish what we mean
we mean
when- we
-;__ we use
use this familiar word.
' Originally the word was was always u used
s e din
m aa bad
bad sense.
sense.
Aristotle a Democracy that perverted
.. e calls aDemocracy perverted type of State,
State,
the normal
normal form
form ofof which ISaPolity.
w h i c his a Polity. His well­known
His well- known
classification
' ' cation of the various types of State State holds goodgood
even now ::
.. now
(i) States in which authority is concentrated into
the hands of one
one person,
person, e.g.,
e.g., aa Monarchy
Monarchy in its normal
normal
form ;g aa Tyranny in its
its perverted
perverted form.
(ii) States in which authority is is exercised
exercised byby
relatively
' y few persons,
persons, or by one or more
more few classes
‐ «us only,
of persons only, e.g., an Aristocracy in its normal
e.g., an normal
I1;; In
form an Oligarchy in its perverted
perverted form.
131
131
132 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

(iii) States in which authority is exercised by a

relatively large number of persons or by all free subjects
irrespective of class distinction, e.g., a Polity, in its
normal form, a Democracy, in its perverted form.
It is curious that the word universally adopted in
modern times to express a popular form of Government
should be precisely the word which in old times
designated a corrupted form of popular Government
only. It is more than curious. It is significant. It
is, to those who have studied History and Philosophy,
delightfully ironic.
The perverted form in any case is the one whereby
authority is exercised with a wrong intention and
according to wrong principles. Consequently, as a
matter of fact, a Monarchy, in the absolute sense, may
prove every bit as good a form of Government as an
Aristocracy or a Polity. Nevertheless, as Aristotle
himself is at pains to point out, it is very easy for any
of the three types, taken absolutely, to become per‑
verted ; and experience shows that some kind of mixed
form of Government is likely to prove the less easily
perverted. But any form of Government whereby
authority is exercised by many, would already appear
to be a kind of Polity. Therefore we may conclude
that a Polity, whereby authority is exercised by many,
but in accordance with a system of checks and balances
wherein the more responsible offices are held by an
 FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY ' 133

' Aristocracy of intelligence and morality, wherein there

' m t s one ofiice of outstanding or unifying authority,
‘ is likely to prove, in practice, the best form of Govern‑
ment. With this conclusion Fascism completely
' agrees. It is a practical conclusion, n o t an abstract
Leonclusion. It involves no absolute principle, but a
vsound contingent principle based on common sense
i” and experience.
Using the word “ Democracy," therefore, in one of
git! modern senses, e.g., as equivalent to a “ mixed
, Polity,” Fascism may claim to be asdemocratic as any
«Other political creed. Fascism,111 other words, defin‑
I“ ' stands, as a practical policy, for a Constitution
‘ broadly based upon the people." Such a practical
of Democracy ast h i s1sessentially traditional. It

Christ, but by St. Thomas Aquinas in the

th century and by Suarez, the Jesuit, in the
-teenth century. We have no quarrel with
f ”m - cy in this sense.
Then there is a second meaning of Democracy with
_' 1,- we have no quarrel, the sense in which homage
4_paid to the ideal of “ equal opportunity," the sense
_vhich we speak of every man “ carrying in his
~ k a Marshal’s baton."
, we know that this ideal is never wholly realis‑
Men are n o t only n o t born equal, but are also
134 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

necessarily born into conditions where the opportunities

for advancement widely difl'er. If it were possible or
desirable to eliminate the unfit at an early age, remove
all children from the control of their parents at the age,
say, of six ; see to it that up to that age all received
equally an adequate amount of nourishment, protection
and hygiene ; and if, subsequently, all were educated
by the State in more or less equally efficient establish‑
ments, and none allowed to benefit by the accumulated
wealth of relations or friends, we might indeed approach
towards the realisation of the idea]. But such an ideal
is n o t only impossible, but undesirable‐in that it
would mean sacrificing the family, which is the most
sacred institution in the State, as well as many other
things, which make for responsibility and variety,
desirable in themselves.
The ideal of “ equal opportunity," therefore, is in
any case somewhat of a chimera and, in any absolute
sense, both undesirable and contrary to nature. But in
the ordinary practical sense of the t e r m there is
nothing objectionable in the ideal. On the contrary,
there is everything in justice to be said for it. We
require that the more responsible oflices of the State be
filled by the best people, by the people best fitted to
occupy such oflices, by people conspicuous in intelli‑
gence and morality; and such virtues are not the
prerogative of any one class. Hence it is right that
 FASCISM
FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY
DEMOCRACY 135
135

the State
fthe State Constitution
Constitution should
should allow
allow ofof its being possible
its being possible
to draw on
gt» on every
every class indiscriminately
indiscriminately for its officials.
oflicials.
The Catholic Church Church is an an example of an an organisa­
organisa‑
ffim
tion which,which, in practice,
practice, approaches closely to this ideal ideal
lbin its unexaggerated meaning. The humblest
its ordinary unexaggerated
pint,
priest, whatever his his origin, carries in the folds of his
" ferrajolo "
”ferrajolo ” (so
(so to
to speak) the Triple Crown. Crown. Count­Count‑
less Bishops, Archbishops,
has Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals and
and Popes have
Popes
sprung from
taprlmg from the humblest
humblest origins—however
origins‐however nature nature
;may' y impose
impose its its limitations
limitations on on the completely free
application
Jication of of the principle.
principle. The sins of of the parents
arex ' visited
visited upon
upon the children
children eveneven u unto
n t o the fourth
fourth
generation.
' w- 'on. This is one one of of nature's
nature’s most
most stringent
limiting the application
'laws, limiting application of the principle. So Soalso,
also,
the.-possession
possession of aa certain
certain independence
independence of means means andand
of " family"
“family" is an
an advantage which can
can never be
be
denied, ~<;; nornor isis it
it desirable
desirable that
that it
it should
should be be denied.
denied.
To
" come come of aa well­to­do
well-to-do and and refined
refined stock produces
qualities
_ ' 'ee whichwhich could
could notn o t be
be produced
produced otherwise.
otherwise. Nor Nor
isif;it'- possible
possible to eliminate the advantages given by other
accidents
i =A . “ of birth. A parish
of birth. priest of
parish priest of China,
China, for
instance, must must, necessarily,
necessarily, from aa point of view of
t 'on, be aa disadvantage in comparison
promotion, be at comparison with with aa
parish. priest
priest of,
of, say,
say, Rome.
Rome.
Nevertheless the equal opportunity of advancement
afforded
' .,.. within the Church
Church is
is as
as near perfection as
near perfection as is
possible
'- - and
and desirable, and this practical
desirable, and practical sense of the
136
136 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM
FASCISM

ideal is
ideal is an undying Latin
an undying Latin tradition, dating from
ancient Roman republican times. Even
Roman republican Even under
under the
Empire, however
Empire, however in practice the ideal
ideal was discounted,
as aa theory it was never abandoned. The principle
as
ofan
of hereditary Emperor
an hereditary never juridically
Emperor was never juridically admitted.
The highest Empire was always theoretically
post in the Empire
highest post
reserved to the Roman
reserved citizen who held
Roman citizen held the most
most apt
combination
combination of qualities ; and
; and when the Roman
Roman
Empire became
Empire Christian, to be
became Christian, be aa Christian,
Christian, to be
be a
a
Catholic (the identical) was merged
(the terms were then identical) merged
in the conception
conception ofof citizenship.
Fascism, which is
Fascism, nothing if not
is nothing is wholly
n o t traditional, is
at one,
at then, with this practical
one, then, ideal of equal oppor­
practical ideal Oppor‑
tunity. So Soitit is wholly democratic in tendency in this
sense also ; andand if it departs from from this principle in any
particular,
particular, as,
as, for instance,
instance, in favouring an an hereditary
Monarchy, itit is for reason
Monarchy, utility. The advantages
reason of utility.
an hereditary
of an hereditary Monarchy
Monarchy are numerous. By By it,
it,
is insured
all, is
above all, insured the continuity of of the State at at all
all
times ; andand though some form of of Republic,
Republic, like
like the
Republic, having
Venetian Republic,
Venetian having aa president or Doge, Doge, elected
elected
life, or rather
for life, selected, by some elaborate method
rather selected, method
calculated to result
calculated result in the choice of aa man man truly repre‑
repre­
and belonging
sentative and belonging to no
no particular Party to fulfil
highest post
the highest State, is an
post in the State, an alternative form of
Government to that of aa limited
Government limited hereditary Monarchy,
Monarchy,
with much to recommend
with much recommend it, it, the balance of advantages,
 FASCISM
FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY
DEMOCRACY 137
137

, O‘ under
present circumstances,
under present circumstances, in
in most modern States,
most modern States,
remains, II dare
remains, dare say,
say, with the
the latter.
latter. In
In any
any case,
case, it
it is
is
not a
1 not a matter
matter on
on which
which to dogmatise.
Thirdly,
Thirdly, there is
is another meaning
meaning to
to the word
" Democracy "
“ Democracy " with which Fascism
Fascism accords. I mean
mean
that "
“that “ Demophily
Demophily "" such
such as
as is
is recommended
recommended by by the
Popes.* Here
" Popes.’ Here Democracy
Democracy merely
merely means
means aa special
special
zeal to give the labouring
zeal labouring classes,
classes, who are
are oppressed
oppressed in
modern world
l the modern world as scarcely ever
asscarcely ever they have been
been before,
before,
those humane
those humane conditions of life
life which not
not only
only Charity,
Charity,
I but
but Justice dictates.")"
dictates.1'
Apart from the above meanings,
Apart from meanings, however, Fascism
however, Fascism
itis very
very muchmuch opposed
Opposed to to Democracy.
Democracy. We We have
already dealt
My dealt with
with Democracy
Democracyin in the sense that
the sense that Rousseau
Rousseau
-:gives
"w it it or
or in
in some
some other
other sense
sense by
by which the t h e"“ general
general
will "' iiss made
made the sole legitimate
legitimate authority.
authority. In In these
senses
,_ ' I will refer refer to it it asas "
“ Democratism
Democratism "—that "‐that
religious myth of Democracy,
' us myth Democracy,which has has nothing
nothing directly
directly
to do with
.__~do with the advocacy of Democracy
Democracyin in the sense of aa
Polity,
' , as as above
above described.
described. " “ Democratism"
Democratism " is is aa
dogma,
; _ ‘ not not aa policy.
policy. ItIt is the dogma of the Sovereign
Sovereign
People,
j _ -.e, the falsity of which I have have already and and exhaust­
exhaust‑
ively exposed,
uposed, the dogma which would make make us us bow
down inexorably to the "
1}‘; inexorably “ general
general will " ” and
and make us us
all i"the
= slaves of mere number.
of mere number. It is aa form of
It is political
of political
* 3- Leo X
Cf..Leo I I L Encyclical,
XIII., Rerum Novarum"1888.
E n t y c l i t a l"''Ren1m Novarum," 1888.
t C f. Jacques Maritain, Charles Maurras et le Devoir des Catholiques.
138 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
Pantheism, of “ Naturalism," which would make of the
State a very God. It is n o t necessary for us to discuss
it again here.‘
So now we come to the last meaning of the word
“ Democracy,” the meaning which really, and justly
so, is confounded with that perverted type of Polity
which Aristotle condemns‐-“ mob rule.” From this
principle Fascism turns away in disgust.
But there is a contingent side to this point. Does
modern parliamentary Government, coupled with a
p a w ” . . . wide franchise, necessarily identify itself
m. with “ mob rule "? The answer is : not
necessarib‐that is, if we mean by parliamentary
Government merely some form of popular and elective
Government. The mixed type of Polity which Fascism
favours is n o t an unpopular form of Government. But
Fascism would certainly say that a form of Government
whereby the people at large do, in fact, elect a practi‑
cally supreme Parliament,is bound to tend towards mob
rule, even where “ Democratism " is n o t the order of ,
the day. It is all a question here of degree, of
machinery, of the presence or absence of constitutional
checks, of the presence or absence of other checks,
such as a dc jam governing class, of habits, sound
traditions, etc.
° C]. Jacques Maritnin : Charles M a n n a : cl lo Devoir dz: Catholl'qtl“
(Librairie H o n , Paris. 1926).
 FASCISM
FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY 139
t39

A IfIf we
wehave
have aawide electorate and
and aapractically
practically supreme
popularly elected
1”popularly elected Parliament,
Parliament, and
and if,
if, at
at the same
same time,
homage is
' homage is widely shown
shown to “" Democratism,"
Democratism,” the plunge
inwards
towards mob rule
rule will be
be rapid
rapid and
and difficult to retrieve
retrieve
I'Iithout
without Revolution.
Revolution. If,
I f , on
on the other hand,
hand, " " Demo­
Demo‑
cratism " is repudiated
'entism ” is repudiated by by those who speak for the
State ; if aa healthy
,'State healthy tradition, dating
dating from
from aa time when
" Democratism "
"“ Democratism " had
had nnot
o t developed into aa popularly
accepted Gospel,
'sooepted Gospel, remains powerful among
remains powerful among the people ;
ifif theoretical constitutional checks still remain on
still remain on the
“Mute
Statute Book,
Book, however
however seldom
seldom invoked
invoked ; if, if, in fact,
there exist
Me exist aa governing
governing Aristocracy firmly firmly entrenched
entrenched
-in the State bureaucracy,
bureaucracy, then no
no great harm need be
harm need be
feared ‐- from
from such
such aa form of Government. In given given
circumstances
, s-tances it it may
may even
even havehave aa balance of of recom­
recom‑
mendations
" dations in its its favour. This is how how Fascism
Fascism would
would
judge matter.
1 the matter.
When we come to look at the Constitutions of
France,
_j> -ce, say,
say, or
or of Great
Great Britain,
Britain, oror of Italy
Italy before the
fascist
' -~ Revolution,
Revolution, the question
question enters realm of
enters the realm of
'
practical politics.
politics. That Italy was drifting rapidly
Italy was drifting rapidly
towards- - ~mob rule during
mob rule during the generation preceding the
generation preceding
fascist Revolution,
Revolution, few will will gainsay. That the con­ coa‑
dition' of Of France,
France, whose
whose spokesmen
spokesmen openly preach
openly preach
"zf
Democratism,"
4 ' tism," appears
appears to
to be very similar
be very similar toto that
that of
of
_‘ Old
the Italy, there seems no
old Italy, no reason at all
reason at to doubt.
all to
Theucase
s e of
of Great
Great Britain, however, is
Britain, however, is n
not
o t so
so clear.
L
 140
140 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

There "“ Democratism

Democratism " " is not so explicitly avowed
not so avowed as as
in France.
France. Nevertheless,
Nevertheless, it is very generally avowed
and implicitly avowed
and often implicitly avowed inin the speeches of of respons­
respons‑
ible English statesmen. This alone constitutes aa
ible English
great danger. On On the other hand, England the
hand, in England
still largely in the hands of the public‑
bureaucracy is still public­
school
school man,
man, who, holds steadily to aa
who, with all his faults, holds
number
number of sound
sound traditions. This is is undoubtedly the
powerful check extant in Great Britain
most powerful Britain against the
degeneration of the State into aa condition
condition of mobmob rule.
But public-school system has also its dangers, in
But the public­school
that it has
has resulted English social life
resulted in aa cleavage of English life
into rigid caste system. However
into aa rigid However deferential and and
kindly disposed
disposed the " Toff " may be
“ Toff" be to the "“ Bloke,"
is made
Bloke is
the Bloke to feel his inferiority and
made to he resents
and he
it. In France
it. France and Italy no
and Italy no such caste system exists.
ltaly is far more democratic in this sense than
Fascist Italy
Fascist
England. Nevertheless,
England. Nevertheless, the existence of the Toff Toff in
England is
England is certainly aa bulwark against mob rule ;; so,
mob rule so,
certain, however weak, consti­
too, is the existence of certain, consti‑
tutional checks. The whole tendency, however, however,
appears to my my judgment decidedly bad. bad. The caste mate
system, as the cleavage between economic classes
as well as
system, as
(in Great
(in Great Britain marked, in that Capitalism
Britain particularly marked, Capitalism
has there developed Eur0pe as
developed in Europe as nowhere else), is
generating explosive material.
generating material. "
“ Democratism
Democratism " " in one
form or another
form another isis already widely regarded
regarded as
as Gospel
Gospel
 FASCISM 3mm DEMOCRACY 14x

n t h among the ill-instructed masses. The public‑

Ochool man is n o t sopowerfully entrenched ashe was.
”Me popularly elected Parliament is subject, in practice,
, fewer and fewer checks. I should say, therefore,
Great Britain has been for some time sauntering
, - . the path that leads eventually to the abyss and
f now reached a turning where the gradient has
_ ... . , u e suddenly much steeper. France, on the other
i ., - has already gained a dangerous momentum
j ~-« down. Both have meantime lost the com‑
"' . . ship of Italy, who has turned round and is
'usly trudging in the opposite direction ; and
h are beginning to wonder if Italy is not

7_gflxat is, roughly, how I would diagnose the situation.

. we may conclude, in any case, that there is nothing
parliamentary Government, as usually understood,
~ -«tly pernicious. Nevertheless, coupled with
A' « advantages it may possess as a practical
-~~ it is open to many objections. In expounding
‘ of those objections, further below, I shall n o t be
, , '- 1to those who would idolise the “ general will."
' people are past praying for ; and I can only refer
J 3»th to Chapter I I , with the gentle reminder that,
' - ~ may be said for their idol, parliamentary
=e a t is no mouthpiece of it, because, as I have
J pointed o u t :
C
142 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

(I) The sum of individual wills, even if unanimous,

is not the same as the '“ general will.”
(11) Where are you to draw the line as to the
enfranchised and disenfranchised? For, if you leave
o u t any class, with any claims to being reasonable, you
make the result still less approximate to the “ general
will."
These, of course, are no arguments against parlia‑
mentary Government. They are, however, absolutely
damning arguments against the idea that parliamentary
Government follows as a logical consequence of setting
up the idol of the “ general will.” Those who believe
in the “ general will " have not only to scrap Rousseau
and fall back on a more brutal, more materialistic
Philosophy still in order to justify their God, but invent
a new method of consulting him. It would be inter‑
esting to hear what method they would now put
forward.
As for ajustification of majority Government, apart
from this absurd attempt to harness it to the chariot of
u n i o n , ” the idol of the “ general will," it generally
w- rests on the idea of force ; e.g., that what the
majority wishes cannot be avoided because
the majority possesses the force ; and that, therefore, it
is better to count heads than to break them.
This notion is an absolute fallacy. The majority Of ‑
any body of opinion is always (except in moments of
 FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY
FASCISM DEMOCRACY 143
143

intense excitement
;. intense excitement and and inin conditions when the result result
.”isis practically
practically aa foregone
foregone conclusion) led by aa minority.
led by minority.
fill
In the first place, therefore, you create
first place, create the force before
.W which e b youyou must must bow down—in
down‐in other words, by by
advocating majority
Mme-ting majority Government on the above plea, plea,
you
you are making making yourself,
yourself, not
n o t the slave of the majority,
majority,
' inin the abstract,
abstract, as as you
you suppose,
suppose, butbut the slave of aa
system which would
T’iyltem would create for you your majority. majority.
’.'-‘ - «dly,
Secondly, quite apart
apart from this point, you really
point, if you really
m a d
wanted to give power
power to those who held
held the preponder­
preponder‑
57"ance, .-- of
of force on on their side,
side, you
you would not besoillogical
would not be so illogical
as to enfranchise women and
:’~- and old
old men. More logically
fyou- - would
would limitlimit the franchise to the Army, or, still moremore
logically,
1 -' ly, to the Artillery,
Artillery, the Air Force
Force and
and the Tank
'Corps only. Thirdly, you would, in
.. only. in any case,
case, have toto
, make » voting obligatory and and insist
insist on majorities
on clear majorities
in every constituency by means of some electoral device
other. For
.or’ other. For atat present few parliamentary Govern‑Govern­
ments are backed by
are backed by aa majority
majority of votes. On On the
it’mhnent,
Continent, where there are many parties in in the field,
field,
where - frequently some system system of of proportional
proportional repre‑
repre­
, rtion maintains,
sentation maintains, this is almost unknown. In in
England - d it it only occurs by coincidence. The present
Conservative Government, for instance,
t i v e Government, instance, in spite of its
helming parliamentary majority,
overwhelming majority, is actually
- ' led on
returned minority vote. On
on aa minority On the Continent again,
Continent again,
or3h- Ireland, under
in Ireland, under aa system of of many Parties or of
Parties or of
144
144 THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

proportional representation, the Government

proportional representation, Government shifts
continuously, not
continuously, n o t in accordance with the will of of the
majority of the electorate,
majority electorate, but but in accordance with the
various manoeuvres of groups inside Parliament Parliament schem­
schem‑
ing
ing for a
a turn of office. Moreover,
Moreover, though in a
a sense
Government does and and must on force, the greatest
m u s t rest on
of all long run,
is, in the long
all forces is, Reason. Is there any
run, Reason.
cause to to show why aa majority,
majority, if it isis not
n o t aa majority
qualified judges or
among qualified
among or among
among aa body of persons
sitting in deliberation
sitting deliberation and and very equal in their status of
education (when we
education (when we may,
may, as as aa general rule, justly
general rule,
conclude that pars par; major presumitur sanior), must
prasumitur sanior),
necessarily possess the better Reason Reason?? None None what‑
what­
ever. And And this leadsleads us
us to the consideration
consideration of one of
the great objections to parliamentary Government, Government,
with oror without aa majority
majority behind
behind it. it. Does it make
reasonable Government
for reasonable Government ?? Is it it aa system
system tending to
throw up an an Aristocracy of intelligence
intelligence and and morality ? ?
As aa matter
As m a t t e r of fact, the system puts a a premium
premium on on
men with aa gift for speech, rather
men rather than on men men with a a
cool judgment. We know that nnot
gift for cool one-tenth
o t one­tenth
members of the House
of the members House of Commons are fitted fitted
to hold
to Ministers. Most
hold the rank of Cabinet Ministers. Most of those
who reach
reach that rank would, even even as is, be
as it is, lost, were
be lost,
it not
n o t for the permanent
permanent official behind them with his
oflicial behind
knowledge. The choice of competent Cabinet
technical knowledge.
Ministers and
Ministers and Under Under Secretaries of State, State, under a a
 FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY 145

f liamentary system, is extremely restricted, as all

”g- ne Ministers know. Under a parliamentary
__, - , as generally understood, we are giving full play
_, the tendency of allowing ourselves to be governed
a host of amateurs in politics, generally with little
f;-- their credit but the gift of the gab, unless it be some
administrative experience to be compared with
of a Club Secretary‐amateurs, too, who make,
‘ politics, but a politiml career their profession for
. .‘ sake of the publicity it gives them, which they so
Nor does the system put a premium on morality
compensate for the premium it sets on mediocre
- nce. On the contrary, that man has the
_“ age w h ois unscrupulousin his promises and sly
T; getting o u t of them; w h o15n o t ashamed of beating
voters with a big drum ; pandering to the gusts of
U lie sentiment ; exploiting the ignorance and even
misery of the common man.
"No joint-stock company, in spite of the fact that here
, »shareholders have a definite and defined right to
(j a direct say in the management of their afi'airs by
, , would dream of adopting such a system. Any
" company that did so would soon be in the hands
ft. the receiver. Imagine M r. Derrick and Lord
I}. " 1 whose turn it is to retire from the Board of
__Down-our-way Petroleum Company, but are both
l - c for re-election, circularising the shareholders
146
146 THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

before
before the next annual general
next annual meeting, with a
general meeting, a"“ Vote
Derrick and
for Derrick and big
big dividends," and a
and a " “ Vote for
Seepage with aa big
safety, with
and safety,
Seepage and big bonus to to follow,"
follow,” at
at the
head respective pamphlets.
head of their respective Would any of us,
pamphlets. Would us,
before such aa spectacle,
before such invest our savings in such
spectacle, invest such aa
company?? Never
company Never for aa minute.
minute. Yet the far more more
and complex business of running
technical and
technical running aa State
competently wewe allow thoughtlessly to be on
carried on
be carried
under
under aa system that, if suggested for any other kind
if suggested kind of
would be
business, would
business, ridiculed out
be ridiculed court.’
o u t of court.*

‘InEuglaud.uwehaveaeen,torapeclalreasonathetyatemworh
* In England, as we have seen, for special reasons the system works
betterthaninmoatplaoee.thoughnonetoowell.
better than in most places, though none too well. The Theremovul.
removal,
therefore, of
therefore, of some
some ofof its
i t s worse features might prevent
leaturea might prevent the breakdown
breakdown
which otherwise,
which given aa few decades,
other-wile. given decades. looks inevitable?“ With some
looks inevitable.
such limited programme
such limited programme in mind, lollowing con­
mind, II would suggest the following eon‑
stitutional
ltltutional reforms
reform: :—
:‑
Make the
(1) Make
(1) the family (the(the real
real social eell) instead
aoclal cell) inamad of of the individual
individual
the bath for
the basis for the suffrage
auflrage (see below).
(see below).
(2) Givetheelectortherighttovoteagalnatanynneorallenbkc
(a) Give the elector the right to vote against anyone or all en bloc
of the parliamentary
of candidate. in aa given
parliamentary candidates given constituency as anan alternative
an alternative
t o vvoting
to o t i n g in iavourofanymeotthem‐inotherworda.
i n favour of any one of them—in other words, give g i v e him
h l m tthe
he
freely to refuse
right freely
right refuse altogether the choices mademade by the Party machines.
Party machines,
that compelling,
thus compelling, if neoeeaary, new
ii necessary, new elections with new candidates.
election: with candidate'.
(3) Institute
(3) lmtitnte secondaeeond elections in order to to insure
insure that umber
t h a t no member
be returned
be returned without securing hia quota of
securing his votes. which
of votes, which mustmust be least
be at least
equal to the total
equal total number
number of cast. divided
of votes cast, divided by the number number of cl
candidates. Thus,
candidates. Thus. if there were three candidates and and 10,000 vote‑
1 0 , 0 0 0 votes
recorded. no
recorded, no candidate
candidate could
could bebe elected
elected unless he aecured
l i n k . he secured 3,334 votea.
3.334 votes,
after deducting
after deducting any adverse votes.
any adverse velar.
(4) Make voting
(4) Make obligatory.
voting obligatory.
Cut down
(5) Cut
(5) membership of Parliament
down the total membership Parliament to not more than
not more than
to members
10 members per per 1,000,000 habitauta.
r.ooo,ooo habitants.
(6) Concave to make
(o) Contrive make (and u: up machinery
(and to set M a n y for purpose of
f o r the purpose
revising and
revising maintaining) the constituencies—all
and maintaining) constituenciee‐all of of which should should be be
single member
single constituencies‐roughly equal
member constituencies—roughly population.
equal in population.
 FASCISM
u s e l s u AND DEMOCRACY 147
147

Again, who
9 Again, who inin his
his senses
senses imagines
imagines that
that an
an electorate,
electorate,
even
‘ if if confined
confined to persons
persons of education,
education, is capable of
deciding
i " -.,'.. ' g any important
important technical issue with any justice
justice
—Free rec Trade versus
versus Tariff
Tariff Reform,
Reform, for instance—a
instance‐a
valuable opinionopinion in regard
regard to which requires the
possession
, w»ion of aa special knowledge of the Science of
Economics omics and
and an an enormous
enormous amount
amount of technical and and
statistical data to which this knowledge must must then
then be
be
applied.
_ ed. Finally, Finally, nono Party,
Party, under the ordinary parlia‑parlia­
mentary system,system, dares put put forward aa measure,
measure, however
good, if it runs runs the risk
risk of unpopularity. What
of unpopularity.
Government, ment, for instance, resting on
instance, resting on aa parliamentary
majority,
.. ._, ty, would
would have
have stayed
stayed in in office
office aa week
week in in any
any
country,
' try, with such such aa Bill
Bill asas the Gentile Education
Education
(7) Insist
heist onon the public auditing
auditing of of Party funds,
funds. together with the
periodical
., ~ publication
palliation of the names
name- of 01 all contributors.
(8) Restore
R u m the powerspowers of thethe House
Home of Lords
Lord: to equal
equal those
those in
in
every ‘ ”respect
M u t enjoyed
i n y “ ! by the House
House of of Commons,
Commons. bbutu t contemporaneously
oontemporaneoully
make' of oi the House
Home of of Lords
Lords aa true
t r u e House
Home of of Faculties, composed, that
Faculties. composed.
is30-
to say,
any. of
o f::
(а) Only a very restricted
(a) restricmd hereditary element.
(б) A
0) A large number of a‐ofjia'o
large number ex­officio lite
life appointments
appointment: (a proportion of
(a proportion
the Bishops
an Blabops of
or the Established
Established Church, certain highhigh dignitaries of
dbl-Christian
other Christian Churches, Presidents o!
Churches. Presidents of the Royal
Royal Society and simi­
aimi‑
firbdien.
lar bodies, retired
retired Chief
Chief Permanent
Pei-manent Secretaries of the more important
? Ministries,. retired
retired Ambassadors,
Ambanadora. ex­Viceroys
ext-Viceroy! and
and ex­Governors
tea-Governors ofof
"M i n n a . Chiefs of
Dominions, 0! the Imperial Sufi. First
Imperial General Staff, Mull.
P i n t Sea Lords,
'wnllo!
Admirals of the Fleet, Field and Air Marshals, the Lord High
theFIeet,FieldandAirManlmle,tbe10rd High
M a n d t l wand
Chancellor l p r the
d a oLords
l A p pofeAppeal
d i n o r in
din a r y, t h the
ordinary, e l pLord
r d C Chief
hief
Justice,
M. the Master
l a t e r of the Rolls,
R o t h , the President of the Probate,
Probate.
filme-
Divorce and
and Admiralty
Admiralty Division,
Division, the
the Lord
Lord President
President of
of the
the High
High
M aof m
Court a , the Lord
Scotland, L o r d Justice Clerk of the Scottish
Scottish Judiciary,
Judiciary.
t and
h e the u n i t : Justice of
the Chief oi Northern Ireland).
Northern Ireland).
r48 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
Reform Bill on the table of the House ? On its main
provisions hardly an expert in Italy disagreed asto its
merits. It was a wonderful measure, but it meant that
every household would be affected in the sense that it
would immediately become more difficult for the
young members of the family to pass their examinations
and acquire those much-sought‐after diplomas, which,
on the Continent, mean a grest deal towards obtaining
so‐called respectable “ black-coated " employment.
Moreover, the measure wrenched the whole teaching
(c) Idle representatives appointed by the Councils of certain
recognised protessional Associations (Doctors of Medicine, Surgeons.
Engineers and Architects, University Probssors, etc.). and
(d) A limited number of life appointments selected from among
Privy Counsellors of at least one year's seniority, n o t already
entitled to sit by virtue of sense other qualification.
The hereditary element 1 would suggest restricting t o :
(a) Princes and Princesses by blood closely related to the King.
(5) fliers and Peeresses in their o w n right of England. Scotland
and Northern Ireland, whose title to sit dates from the reign of
James l . , who have reached the age of 40.
(c) Representative Peers (or “creases in their own right) of
England, Scotland and Northern Ireland elected severally by their
peersin the proportion of l to 25.
With regard to the suggested family vote, the idea is a very simpli
and logical one. Theoretically you eniranchise everybody indis‑
criminately‐men. women and children ; but you restrict the right to
exercise the vote to :
(a) Married men and women.
(6) Men and women who have reached the age of. say 30. but
you give an extra vote to the lather or male guardian of a family
tor every child or ward who has n o t attained the r i g h t to v o t e ‐ o r.
alternatively. to the mother or fiemale guardian of a family. it flat
lather be dead or absent in some qualified sense. The lather 4"
 FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY 149

‘ » ~~ion out of their r u t and put them, so to speak,

_ to school," to their great personal inconvenience.
.- consequence was a howl of protest, wherein the
. of countless disappointed fathers mingled with
of injured vested interests. Only a form of
« - ~cat, which protects the Government from the
_.~ ‐.uences of unpopularity, would ever have enabled
” =, a Bill to become Law. Who knows, indeed, how
i - y useful measures have never even been contem‑
nother.sstheessemnyhe,wouldslsohsvethepowertoenfnn‑
fi s t h e i r e h i l d r e n o r w u d s s t s n y t i m w i t h i n t h e i r o w n d i s ‑
J m t b n Such a law would confer shsolutely equal rights on men
I n ! women. except the prior right of the ( e t h e r to exercise the
n e w votes. Thus the male vote would predominnte. So.
_7 M , would the vote of those bearing the greater responsibilities.
- ”finally. the system would place the centre of gravity of power
“m the responsible but vigorous ages 0135 and 55.

m m “ .
‘ D m t i e local Government reform under three headings :
(a) Simplification and reduction in number of the vurious and

(3) Much further decentralisation in the technical and sdminib

“ h a v e sense: centralisation, on the other hand. in the political
‘ m .
' (0) Introduction of the Corporative system on the Italian model.
list-dame to English needs. as the basis on which local suthorities
A»
‘_ - ~ be constructed.
"' ) M r s to have the right of speaking. but n o t of voting, in
. This provision is rendered necessary by the institution
7, Myflouseollnnls.
vs Th ethos oi Lord Chancellor to be made s lite sppointment.
150 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
plated under parliamentary regimes, merely because
they would have meant governmental suicide? The
truth is that the parliamentary system makes Govern‑
m e n t the panderer to popularity, on the one h a n d ‑
gives power to the masses to decide innumerable issues
about which they cannot possibly have the knowledge
required in order to exercise a sound judgment‐and
for the rest it is only too often a game, which Hatters
the masses into thinking they are the masters, but in
reality is played by a limited number of wire pullers.
This might betolerable, if the result were happier or
the players of the game somewhat more respectable.
As it is, we have little to comfort us, and the question
arises, why do we acquiesce in this state of affairs?
Because there is no alternative system? Nonsense.
There are countless examples of political institutions in
history, many of them eminently successful, to copy or
to adapt. As many more could bedrafted by any body
of constitutional lawyers. Why then P Because, 1
believe, we have drifted ; and because our minds have .
been poisoned. We have drifted from an older type
of Constitution, which was inherently sound under
different conditions, into an evolution of the same in a
wrong direction under the influence of the false ideas ‘
which the French Revolution and various other mater- ,
ialist schools of political Philosophy disseminated during
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. .
 FASCISM AND DEMOCRACY 151

" Fascism, in freeing opinion from the hypnotism of

,. filse ideas, has made it possible in Italy to look
‘7 die parliamentary system, asit is generally developed,
the first time objectively. What are its practical
tages ? What are its disadvantages ? In the
g u t of an unprejudiced examination, under Italian
s. 'tions at any rate, there is so little to be said for it,
n a even among the opponents of the present regime in
_t, , it has few defenders outside the dispossessed clique
.,. professional politicians. If the same problem could
, examined elsewhere, with equal absence of prejudice,
. the sole criterion of advantages w m : disadvantages,
wonder how the system would fare, say, in France or
England. I believe very little better. Fascism in
_ , has shown itself a great emancipating movement.
7 is like a breath of fresh air in a stifling room.
 CHAPTER V

rascxsm A N D EMPlRB

I u r n the reader back to Chapter I for the definition

of Empire. An Empire is a particular form of State ;
and, as I have already shown in Chapter I I , it comes
into being naturally like any other form of State,
according to circumstances. Generally speaking, it is
a form of State that succeeds historically the city or
tribal State, but precedes the national State. For, as
l have reiterated more than once, the vitality, and so
the very justification, of an Empire is exhibited in its
power of assimilation, that is, its power of welding
into a single national State its various heterogeneous
elements by creating within its limits a single national
or super-national sentiment‐and thus ensuring polit‑
ical progress.
Nor, as I have shown, is there anything inherently
wrong, aggressive or unstable in the imperial State.
I m p n i d - We have, therefore, to ask : Why is it that
im' Imperialism has come to enjoy to-day such
a poor reputation ? We find it denounced everywhere,
we
 FASCISM
FASCISM AND EMPIRE
EMPIRE 153

,in: every
every class of of society,
society, and used by many
and used many almost as as
_ t e r m of abuse. In every country we meet, indeed, aa
a term of abuse. In every country we meet, indeed,
handful
... - of
of self­styled
self-styled Imperialists, proud of
lmperialists, proud of the
appellation
lation ;; and
and there are,
are, of
of course,
course, the
the statesmen
statesmen of
of
imperial
- 'al States,
States, who naturally
naturally defend
defend the Empire,
Empire, for
whose
1; -: destinies they are responsible, in act
are responsible, act and
and speech,
speech,
while the
in.“ the Empires
Empires themselves, where vital,
themselves, where vital, of their
of their
own
. momentum carry on.
momentum on. ButBut even
even among
among the
statesmen
.. «:uen of
of these Empires,
Empires, inin their speeches
speeches itit is
is nnot
ot
hard
1\ - to detect, very commonly,
commonly, an an apologetic note,
note, an an
effort
' m not not to emphasise the imperial
imperial character of the
State overmuch ;; and
m overmuch a vein, which smacks of
and a of hypocrisy
hypocrisy
in their mouths,
f-their mouths, where they speak of of the Empire
Empire as asaa
burden,
inn-a» , aa burden
burden for the fastening of which on on the
people's
wle’s backs,
backs, it seems,
seems, the rapacity of past generations
off- less mild
‐ . \ ;mild men
men must
must be held responsible,
be held responsible, which they
cannot,
_~-' ~ however,
however, in duty bound bound renounce
renounce without
doing
' more harm
more harm than
than good.
The
The reason
reason for this doubt lies in the history of Europe
Europe
since tthe
h e Pagan
Pagan Renaissance,
Renaissance, when Religion
Religion decayed
and Just
lust for power
power became the order of the day. It It is,
is,
alas,f true that modern Imperialism has exhibited
modern Imperialism exhibited the
ugly- side, not so
side, not so much
much of of Imperialism,
Imperialism, asas of human
of human
nature.
. Out
Out of
of the lust
lust for
for power and
and wealth,
wealth, by the
rapacity, indeed, of
°' , indwd, past past generations of less mild men,
mild men, the
the
foundations
'ons of the modern Empires of
modern Empires of the world have
have
been largely built. So,
' ‘1 ybuilt. too, in
So,too, in partwere
part were built
built the Roman
the Roman
154 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

Empire and many other ancient Empires. But the »

fact remains, as the edifices arose, in many cases at
least, the ideal of a vast political progress arose with
them, so that the original idea of domination for the
sake of power and pelf gave way to the idea of assimila‑
tion for the sake of political progress and a higher
civilisation. And, if, under the humaner lights of the I
spirit of the day, the imperial States would n o w examine '
their consciences, they need have no cause to be ashamed
of themselves if they would only face their task hence‑
forth with a right intention and according to those right
principles, which every State should, indiscriminately,
follow if it would accomplish the purposes for which it
is divinely instituted. An Empire may bea burden, if
you like, but it is also anopportunity and a privilege‑
an opportunity for carrying a great part of the world a _
step further along the road of political progress, a
privilege by which the best of aparticular tradition may
be spread for the advantage of others.
Unfortunately many of those who are proud to call
themselves lmperialists are of the very type which
merits o u r reprobation, Militarists and adventure“, ‘
men without an idea in their heads beyond themselves
men without religion, greedy financiers, hunters of '
wealth for wealth's sake, men with the eyes of fish‑
But there are some, many of whom are or have been
simple soldiers and sailors, who have learnt to think“
 FASCISM AND EMPIRE 155

A -~- ~'r ly in the way they should. It is for these to

-' m the rest.
So, too, in spite of the humaner spirit of the day, the
__ d is still suffering from the greedy atmosphere it
5_» breathed during the past few centuries. There is
" n - in this humaner spirit which springs rather from
Tm tion than from a change of heart. Men have
. . . , e more nervously sensitive, n o t more morally
' ,. '-'ve-‐or so it seems. The final justification of
f Empires of to-day can only be accomplished with
' positive change of heart.
43m do n o t let us exaggerate. The Empires of
- y, no less than the Empires of yesterday, have n o t
any means been all built up on avarice and n,
‘ Empires exhibit natural growth. The fifx'ffl
, ' t i o n s o f the world are n o t static. E'""'°'
‘ grow, filling up by divine right the voids
:, y . . by States in dissolution, by anarchy intervening.
. - State which is strong, that carries its h a d high, as
p- ' State should, whose citizens are loyal and enter‑
-; and sane and healthy and prolific, the State
f ' - has much to give the world, will inevitably grow
favourable geographical conditions, expand,
an Empire, assimilate her parts, become a
w national State, expand again. This is the real
" "in which Empires are built even in the worst
The lust and the avarice of private individuals
I
156
156 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM

and
and of statesmen,
statesmen, which,
which, in all
all times, in varying degrees
(fallen
(fallen human
human nature being what it is),
nature being is), have char‑
char­
acterised
acterised the growth
growth of of States,
States, are, invariably,
are, almost invariably,
if we
if we examine the phenomena carefully but broadly,
broadly,
episodical
episodical compared
compared with nature's thrust of life, life, which,
hating
hating aa void,
void, imposes expansion,
expansion, in the dynamic con‑ con­
ditions of the world, on on those States in whose veins
life
life runs strong
strong and
and generously.
This,
This, in the first
first place, Empire.
place, is the fascist view of Empire.
Therein,
Therein, in aa sense,
sense, in the Biblical
Biblical sense, it takes no no
thought of of the morrow. Rome Rome was not built in a day.
a day.
And
And ifif fascist Italy again
Italy again becomes worthy of an Empire,
an Empire,
inevitably
inevitably anan Empire
Empire shall
shall she possess. Without any
aggressive intent, militarism, her Empire
intent, without any militarism, Empire
will grow,
grow, the work of God God rather than of man. man.
The struggle for existence is another matter. It It has
has
nothing
nothing toto do
do with Empire,
Empire, though out out of it, Empire
it, Empire
Th strug
The “mg. grow. A State has aa right to fight
may Srow­ fight for
sick/gm- its life.
glefor
existence.
life. This is aa law life, from which
law of life,
none of ususan can withdraw. The world is not
is not
one State meting out justice for all
State yet, meting and in this
all ; and
world
world of comparative anarchy, unprepared State
anarchy, the unprepared State
will
will succumb. A sense of this reality is not incom­ incom‑
patible highest ideals.
patible with the highest ideals. On the contrary, the
greatest idealists Idealism.
idealists are the greatest realists. Idealism,
in this sense (not philosophical sense) is contrasted
(not the philosophical contrasted
materialism, not
with materialism,
with n o t realism. English“
realism. The average English­
 FASCISM AND EMPIRE x57

hen, whose logieal sense, under his present dispensa‑

flflon, has been left deplorably untrained, is apt to confuse
'msserialism with realism, idealism with ideology ; and
thereby, owing to his practical talents operating perspi‑
;nciously despite his confusion of thought, he has, n o t
‘ dmgether undeservedly, earned the name of humbug.
The struggle for existence in a world of comparative
_mrchy asbetween States may inevitably lead to further
m r s . Not so the ideal of Empire, as Fascism would
Shae-pm it. And if the world at large, if the big
‘ ., ’ uplres that to-day control the raw materials and the
‘ p t y spaces fit for colonisation, hem in a vital and
u'- nation, n o t naturally enjoying the possession of
-<=, ‘ - t raw materials and empty spaces for her sons
"7. ‘ settle in, and prevent, thereby, that Nation from

i-tlining a proper standard of life for her sons, by

_ ° 3 their doors to colonisation and exacting a
- - oly toll for the raw materials on which her
-‘ ' ' may thrive, it is they who will be responsible
3' , any wars that break out in consequence of such a
' . ' ’s right to live and to enjoy a better life.
p'' The chief hope here for accommodating matters,
.-- perhaps, in the work of the League of Nations.
'- the League succeeds in n o t rendering n.
-:.- ~ smile in the futile aim of mainuin- League of
Afor the sake of an illusory peace, static u.
i' in a world which is necessarily dynamic,
158
158 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

League will justify its existence. Otherwise, it

the League it
will be
will be the cause of war,
war, rather
rather than of peace,
peace, like
like one
invites an
who invites explosion by the bottling
an explosion bottling up of steam in
aa confined
confined space.
Italian Fascism
Italian Fascism at at first looked askance at
first looked League.
at the League.
It hoped
It League, founded
little of aa League,
hoped little founded under the auspices
an ideologist
of an ideologist likelike Wilson, aa League looked
League that looked
like the fulfilment of aa prophecy by
like by such aa false prophet
false prophet
as Rousseau,
as planted in the fatherland of Rousseau
Rousseau, planted Rousseau andand
Calvin, and
Calvin, engendered in the cynical atmosphere of
and engendered
the Paris conference, aa League
Paris conference, League whose assemblies have have ‑
been characterised by the worst
been characterised w o r s t examples of fulsome,
demogogic, hypocritical
demogogic, hypocritical oratory and and by by political
political
recalling the worst features of parliamentary
manoeuvres recalling
log-rolling, aa League,
log­rolling, League, too, whose most enthusiastic
spring from the ranks
supporters spring ranks of just that sort of
political sentimentalists with whom Italy
political Italy at home will
at home will
nothing more to do.
have nothing
have
Mussolini's idealism,
But Mussolini's
But realism, his capacity
idealism, his realism,
for piercing
piercing the veil of mere
mere appearances, has gradually
brought
brought his followers round to aa rather
round rather different view
League. From
of the League. From anan attitude and dis-
attitude of doubt and dis­ ‘
approval, an
approval, an attitude
attitude of cautious hope arisen,
hope has arisen,
coupled with
coupled determination to make use of the
with aa determination
League as
League asan instrument to promote justice and
an instrument equity,
and equity,
as between
as States, rather
between States, price‑
than peace at any price.
rather than
Fascists never
Fascists disputed that the League
never disputed League was capable '
 FASCISM
FASCISM AND EMPIRE
EMPIRE 159
159

of doing
vvef doing much
much good, good, in any case,
case, in aa minor
minor way by by
uniting and concentrating
wanking and concentrating within itself,
itself, with a
a view
to better efficiency,
me better efficiency, the many
many international organs
international
required to
unrequited to serve
serve the international
international life life of
of States,
States, and
and
by providing
I by providing aa new new and
and useful weapon for diplomacy
useful weapon diplomacy
by conference together
together with machinery
machinery for for conciliation,
conciliation,
arbitration and
arbitration and the judicial settlement
thejudicial settlement of of disputes,
disputes, etc.
etc.
But Fascists
nut Fascists consider
consider that,that, in
in order really to
order really to serve
serve
humanity, the
f humanity, the spirit
spirit of the League
of the League must be transformed
must betransformed
in
(“tin aa more objective sense, aim
sense, aim at justice rather
rather than
peace­at­any­price, and
fpeace‐at-any-price, and come
come to be moulded
to be moulded by by the
legal mind
nhgal mind rather
rather than
than byby that ofof the politician.
politician. They
hold it
Md it to
to be
be more
more important
important to build up
to build up International
International
Law by the gradual
afLaw gradual process of working from precedent precedent
bto precedent,
precedent, and and to define principles of equity in
accordance with the doctrine of objective rights based
accordance based
on the functional value of States,
“ten States, than to extend extend the
' league’s role asan international gendame this stage
League's role as an international gendarme in
2“of its
its career.*
career.‘ This is now Italy's
is now Italy's attitude towards
.the
h. League.
League.
But to rreturn
3 But e t u r n to the question Empire, there is
question of Empire,

p ‘ *‘CI.
Cf. Ramiro
Ramiro de Maeztu
Maextu Authority,
Authority. Liberty
Liberty andand Function
Function (Allen
(Allen &
a
Unwin,
“ "- London,
Lindon. 1916)
1916) :: "
" An
An International
International Law based exclusively
L a w based exclusively onon
Treaties would
would make
make present
present frontiers
frontier: eternal .... . . War
Wa r itself
itself is more
more
violent but less
l e - unjust
unjnst than such an an abominable aspiration." The
attempt
"""" to do soso is largely responsible
responsible for
{ o r the failure of the Hague
Hague
Conferences, and may yet account for the failure of the League of
H-cel.nndmnyyetaccountforthe!ailureoftheuagueor
Nations.
160 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

another point, embodying the fascist conception of

Empire, other than what has been described
” M y ! already, requiring to be elucidated. I have
' shown the task of Empire to be assimila‑
tion as a means to higher, more integrated political
unities; and the power of assimilation depends on
good, strong Government, just laws and the influence
of what the Germans call Kulmr, which is best rendered
into English, albeit sounding a little affected, by the
quite literal translation into “ culture.” A Nation
can, of course, have a worthy culture, or an unworthy
one ; but in any case, the influence of culture in the
task of assimilation shares with Law the major place,
and may even be said to include Law. ~It is, in effect,
all that a Nation spiritually stands for. It is the con‑
crete expression of a Nation's tradition, the genius,
one might say, of the Nation, that which Religion and
Philosophy, more than anything else, determine in the
long run.
Empire, therefore, is indissolubly connected with a
culture, an idea, a type of civilisation, a way of
approaching the problems of life. Hence there is a
sense in the word Empire which transcends its territorial
sense ; and this is its spiritual sense, its really more
0 Unfortunately the word K u l m has earned an evil savour, b e e n ”
the German K W , IO widely advertised below and during the Wet.
happenedtobeimpregnatedwiththetaheldediamofthebadh‘
German philosophers.
r

‘ FASCISM AND EMPIRE 16x

iMportantu» sense, in that its territorial sense is but a

a“ - -made receptacle to receive the spirit. But the
“ai-' 'tmay,after filling the receptacle,be defused beyond
‘ A powerful national State, respected among other
’ - ..-_ with a great civilisation, a great culture, will
inevitably a powerful attraction beyond its
..'.
‘fiontiers. It will influence the culture of other
Nations. It will have an assimilating effect
w , v-d what is strictly its own province ; and this
ch in itself is a kind of Empire-building.
is, in fact, the finest form of Empire‐building,
’ it conquers without destroying life, that is,
r- the sincere flattery of imitation, so to speak,
f.“

‘ Fascism would create for Italy also an Empire such

this. And it will inevitably do so, if Italy has
.' .g of real importance to give the world. And if,
‘i x, .. ‐~ the importance of its gift, that gift be truly
'i H- those who might thus become spiritually
7 1tweed by Italy would never have anything to
m. All-conquering Rome was in many ways
." 'tnally conquered by little Greece and proudly
;:', ., . ‐- on the culture of Greece, blended with her
. to the world at large. Italy appears, indeed, to
“ - a genius for conquest of this sort. It was largely '
T:‘ Italian agency that Rome in the person of the Church
\

H .' .. y conquered Europe again and created the

J.
I
162 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

great European civilisation of the Middle Ages, on

the foundation of ancient Roman Law. The culture
of the Italy of the Renaissance, yet a third time, mixed
blessing as it turned o u t to be, made something of an
universal conquest in a later age. And now we have
the fourth Italy, with a new universal message, a culture .
in the making, which is a balanced synthesis and direct ‑
development of her own and Europe's traditional past,
anxiously claiming to be heard. This book gives
some indication of what this message is and what it
means. Italian Fascists hope, nay believe, it will, for
one thing, mean‐slowly, slowly, in the course of many
generations, but inevitably‐the free reunion of
Europe, of Christendom, under the leadership again
of the dual Rome, that of the Pope and that of the
Emperor. When Italians speak of Empire, it is of
this that they are chiefly thinking. It is of this that
the new Italy is fondly dreaming and preparing herself
to achieve. But the chief means that Italy intends
to employ to this end is just this, very simply : to give
the world in herself an example of a new and perfectly
balanced social equilibrium within the unity of a strong
and vigorous national State acknowledging the moral
supremacy of the Catholic Church. She would thus
show the world, which is hankering after such an
equilibrium, the way to achieve it, and would invite all
and sundry to follow her and join with her in the
 FASCISM AN D EMPIRE 163

I' ' ,g of a new and better political and social synthesis,

_ w on the old traditions.
= But if this ideal be a worthy one and represent truly
' - right road for all to follow, the sooner others,
i , dee Italy, cake to it, the better ; and if anyone can,
friendly rivalry, there take the lead from Italy, to
; the greater glory. All on this road are welcomed
5’ equals ; but God will assign to the most vigorous
" - zealous, to the one who can achieve most perfectly
" task of harmonising her own interests with those of
' world at large in accordance with principles of
~ justice, the honour of prime: interpare: The
, idea has no restrictions of place or person.’
the pursuit of this ideal, because of i t s universality,
,. ,, can be no exclusiveness. There is room for“
If pride keeps anyone away, so much the worse

' . ‘ CI. jewel Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, Chap. V I I , " T h e
“ 1 of the Medieval Empire," (Macmillana Co., London. 1 9 “ ,
~ edition).
 CHAPTER VI

ms WELTANSCHAUUNG or nscrsu

Tue present Weltamdmnng of Fascism may be a

summed up in one word: Tout/i. Fascism would
have men look at the world with the eyes of awell-knit
young man, the Knight Chivalrous; and if I were
asked to choose an appropriate m o t t o for Fascism,
it would be “ avac'feo-Oc," “ Quit ya like me.”
I remember this was the motto of my old school,
St. Aubyns, Rottingdean ; and maybe the ideals
that were instigated in me there have contributed
to my enthusiasm for Fascism now. Rottingdean,
in those days, was also the home of Kipling, and it was
then, if I remember rightly, or very shortly afterwarde.
he wrote that extraordinarily stirring little poem “ K,"
which sums up all that is best in Kipling’s ideal ‘
Imperialist, all that is best in the English public-school '
spirit. I will quote it in full, for it conveys the senti‑
ment of one half of the Walnut/mung of Fascism :
" If you an keep your head when all about you
Are osing theirs and blaming it on you ;
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt yon,
But make allowance for their doubting too ;
x64
 THE WELTANSCHAUUNG OF FASCISM 165

Ifyou can wait and not be tired b waiting,

Or being lied about, don't deal in ies,
‘ Or being hated, don’t give way to hating,
And yet don’t look too good, nor talk too wise :
_ “ If you can dream‐and not make dreams your
master ;
lfyou can think‐and not make thoughts your aim ;
lfyou can meet with Triumph and Disaster
‘ And treat those two im tors just the same ;
lfyou can bear to hear t e truth you've spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
3Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken,
- And st00p and build 'em up with worn-out tools :

-°' If you can make one hea of all your winnings

And risk it on one t u r n of itch-and-toss,
' And lose, and start again at your beginnings
' And never breathe a word about your loss ;
j lfyou can force your heart and nerve and sinew
To serve your turn long after the are gone,
And so hold on when there is not ing in ou
Except the Will which says to them : ‘ H’old on I ’
_" lfyoucan talk with crowds and keepyourvirtue,
‘ Or walk with Kings‐nor lose the common touch,
‘ “neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you,
‘ all men count with you, but none too much,
”K'you can fill the unforgivin minute
"; 1th sixty seconds’ worth 0 distance run,
Yours is the Earth and eve hing that’s in it,
‘ And‐which is more‐you'l bea Man, my son I "
vThe poem expressing the other half of Fascism’s
“ r t / r a n g has still t o b ewritten, that which
166 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

would make Kipling’s man complete‐a right religious

sense, a delieate sensibility, all that Christianity added,’
in fact, to perfect what was best in the ancient world,‑
the Greek spirit of enquiry, the steadier Roman virtues
of a n i l a : and Pietas.
It may be objected that the modern Italian doul
n o t conspicuously shine for his modesty or discipline at
but it is precisely for this reason that Fascism in
Italy is laying particular stress upon these virtues.
Sober the modern Italian already is, enterprising
and hard-working, and exceedingly pious in the'
Latin sense of the word, which implies the reciprocal
devotion between parents and their offspring.
But he has a long way to go yet to acquire,
nationally speaking, the whole gamut of fascist'virtues»
So have we all. But if we move about to-day among
Italy's young men and women, especially of the upper
middle classes, the nobility outside the international
cliques, the sons and daughters of the professional
classes and of the peasant, the signs are extraordinarily
encouraging. These young modern Italians seem to
be set on combining the sporting, fair-play, chivalroul
qualities of the public-school class in England, with
greater intelligence, greater alertness, far greater
consciousness of responsibility, 3 more genuine sense
of Religion and artistic sensibility. The children of‑
the new generation, the born-after-the-War, are t
 THE WELTANSCHAUUNG OF FASCISM t67

- ble joy to behold. They are already

easurably superior to the children I remember
the days before the War‐and this of all classes.
- - are healthier in their bodies, better fed, healthier
. their minds, better educated. They have learnt
I make thought and action one, to do what they say,
say what they do, to stand up for their own opinions,
«be courageously sincere and sincerely courageous.
"v hear them singing their fascist songs as they go
' g o u t of a Sunday, little boys and little girls in
most attractive “ Balilla" uniforms,’ is both
. ‘ ' g and inspiring. The seed is well sown and
will ripen gloriously. Of this I have n o t the shadow
rfdoubt; and I cannot believe anyone can doubt
‘ who knows ltaly profoundly, as I do. The
‘ ty in Italy (and this may prove to be the same
-ere) is not with the very young, nor yet any
V. 1a with the young men between the ages of 18
. 25, who, under fascist discipline, have been
i n g l y transformed during the past few years.
l” the faroucheness, the vulgarity, the “ exhibitionism"
uoften apparent during the first period, have been
. d o u t of these. But the middle generation, the
~ between 30 and 45, represent a more difficult
A_ Th heist Boy Scout and Girl Guide organisation is known as
. “ I t . " named after a Geuoeae boy hero. who started the revolt
tweecupafionbythromn’gaatone atthefioneign
. 1746.
x68 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

proposition ; and I doubt if they can, asa whole, be

transformed into the complete Fascist.
This generation is born of one when it was the
fashion to suppose that the discoveries of Science were
in hopeless contrast with the truths of Religion, an
illusion now, happily, completely dissipated. Their
parents gave them either too little religious instruction
or unintelligent, over-conventionalised instruction, and
they fell easy victims to the Zeitgeist. Their eyes
are now, indeed, opened, but the religious void in them
remains; for they were already whole men, when.
the breath of Fascism taught them up‐and it h
dificult for any but those with some flair of genius.”
or else for the exceptionally thoughtful, without some
special Grace, to fill up this void, created during the‘u'
school days. The average man, especially in Italy,:
where competition for the better jobs is particularly
severe, where there are few with the means to M -'
the leisure required for reading and reflection, cannot
easily make a complete conversion. The War, never {
theless, redeemed this generation. The War, m e “
than anything else, as any impressive experience, hard‑
ship and sufi'ering usually do, opened their eyes to
the curse that attaches to Materialism. In
patriotic, made deeply conscious of the truth that l
Nation is worthless unless imbued with the spirit J
discipline and self-sacrifice, they at least acquired d! '
 THE
THE WELTANSCHAUUNG
WELTANSCHAUUNG OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM 169
169

imerit1s ’t of of allowing themselves to

allowing themselves be led
to be led by by the better
the better
ones among
"* among them them and and byby Mussolini, is a generation
Mussolini, who isageneration

1
ahead
e‘. « . of of hishis own.
own. But But they are too many
are too many of them
of them
stamped uped by by the
the defects
defects of of their up­bringing—too
their up-bringing‐‐too
many boasters, too
y boosters, too many
many self­opinionated,
self-opinionated, too too many
many
over­fond
, of rhetoric and of making,
-nd of rhetoric and of making, at all costs, a at all costs, a
" bella figura,"
_-tebella figural," as as they
they call
call iti t :: cutting
cutting aa fine
finefigure—
figure‑

I
anything
' to be able to show off as just
g to be able to show off asjust one better than one better than
their ' companions. Most Most of the troubles of Fascism Fascism
lint u Italy
l y are
are owing
owing to to the breaking out
the breaking out ofof these
these defects
defects
,oft hthis i s generation,
generation, which, which, though
though it it made
made Fascism,
Fascism,
A'.
cannot - aspire
aspire to be be its
its fulfilment.
The speeches
The speeches of of Mussolini
Mussolini and and of the Secretary
of the Secretary
to t Lh e fascist Party, Signor A. Turati, have only
,_ the fascist Party, Signor A. Turati, have only toto
be" r ereada d andand itit will
will be be realised
realised how how hardhard the the leaders
f;of Fascism
sscism hammer hammer the rank and
the rank and file, who will
file, who will nnot
o t or
or
cannot
7,111 .‘ live live the
the fascist ideal. But
fascist ideal. But the process is is
undoubtedly
btedly tellingtelling and and the result
resultis is aa new
new generation
generation
growing ' 1 up, Up, who promise
promise to to make make aa governing
governing class class
really
,‘1_.' * worthy
worthy of of the ideal.
ideal. And A n din in connection
connection with
bringing upof
the bringing up of these younger men
men and and women,
nothing
34 _has has struck
struck me me more
more forcibly
forcibly to to thethe credit
credit ofof
Fascism than the manner in which
"it ~ .. than the manner in which it has saved them it has saved them
from
7" , that wave of of unchastity
unchastity and and irresponsibility
irresponsibility
which elsewhere has proved
fl elsewhere proved one one ofof the most most serious
consequences
‘ - s as of the the War.
War. The The plea which which youngyoung men men
all]!
are apt to put forward forward to excuseexcuse or sanction periodical
sanction periodical
170 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS or Fascrsu
acts of immorality‐the plea that it is good for health
‐ i s now ridiculed as the hypocritieal homage that
self-indulgence pays to virtue. That barbarous snob-i
bery which parades immorality and the capacity for.
hard drinking asa token of virility is now at a discount.
Young Fascists are taught to realise, n o t by lectures,
but by experience, that when we keep o u r bodies!
fittest, our desires t u r n least to immorality ; that one
form of more easily controlled self-indulgence, such as
an over-indulgence in food or drink, leads to others;
that creative work of any kind‐work to which wecan
give ourselves with passion‐or the healthy excitement
that sport and civic responsibilities afford us, are as
easy a means, and a far more satisfactory and a more
pleasureful means, besides the only right means, of?
working of? our surplus psychic energy. .Any other
means, after all, is a waste of life ; and waste is sin.
The Wclient/taunting of Fascism, in putting a premium
on creative and recreative activities, has gained f t !
Italy a notable victory for the cause of chastity and
sobriety. The knight chivalrous that Fascism call”
is, indeed, the very antithesis of the gay Don Juan.
The latter type, in fact, is one of those that Fascism
will not tolerate in any disguise or at any price.
The Italian knight chivalrous, however, is pethtfl
n o t quite the same person as the one associated with tllfl
term in the romantic North. He is anything b u t “ :
 A r m ' q u TTURATI,
A UGUSTO u 1mm,

Secretary
Fmrz‘iru‘v of
u! the
Nu" Fascist [Mr/y.
l - ( l u ‘ i x ! Party.
 THE
THE WELTANSCHAUUNG
WELTANSCHAUUNG OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM 171
17!
Parsifal, ' A, that curious invention
invention that would make make an an
ideal
7 type of the innocent innocent fool,
fool, nor
nor yet does he he share
the more humane simplicity of
more humane of aa Sir Galahad. If I
were to choose aa real real historical
historical figure which responds
most
, ,. nearly nearly to this ItalianItalian ideal,
ideal, I would mention mention
a...
Federigo '- . da
da Montefeltro,
Montefeltro, first first duke of Urbino, the
of Urbino,
"'.-, ,, t
greatest captain
captain of his his age, astonishingly humane in a a
century distinguished by its callousness, brave,
tury distinguished by its callousness, brave, normal‑ normal­
minded, sincerely religious, robust
..ded, sincerelyreligious, robust andandvirile, yetcombin‑
virile,yet combin­
ing with with all these soldierly virtues, a a culture and
and subtlety
fmind
of mind only rivalled
rivalled by his his contemporary, Lorenzo. Lorenzo.
For , myself,
myself, I1 endorse this ItalianItalian ideal.
ideal. ToTo my my mind
mind
there is is no more attractive
no more attractive type of man man than
than the intel­
intel‑
lectual
‘ v and and cultivated
cultivated soldier
soldier ; and
and this maymay be be said
said to
be
f, the very type of the knight knight chivalrous of Fascism. Fascism.
As the Fascist refrain
the Fascist refrain goes LibroLibra ea Moschetto,
Moscllmo, Fascista
Fascism
perfetto, is, Service and
that is,
am, that and Understanding,
Understanding, wherein aa
if’ld, practical,
sound, practical, realistic
realistic sense is mated
mated to aa balanced,
balanced,
artistic
, . " '» and
and speculative intelligence.
intelligence.
But the complete
am complete knightknight chivalrous must must indeed
indeed bebe
also a a true follower of Christ. Above all, all, hehe must
must
forget himselfhimself to find himself. He
find himself. He must
must remember
that we we are all
are all members of one
one another. He must
another. must
learn "Tr to love greatly. He must
love greatly. transcend his
must transcend self
own self
his own
toIfassert through the very negation
' -~ it through negation of of its empirical
i t s empirical
nature, to use use aa formform of expression, consecrated by
expression, consecrated
Gentile, which may
' Which may be more intelligible
bemore modern
intelligible to some modern
N
172 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISI

minds than the simpler Biblical text. Moreover,a

can lose himself thus only in one way‐and this is
secret of Yo u t h ‐ i n activity, whether it be practical
intellectual, an activity w h i c h13also a creative
and therefore born of love for his fellow-men. A; ,
most typical of Italian philosophers and by far '
greatest of them all, St. Thomas Aquinas, said, ‘
simply and yet so adequately : Unuquodque . .~‘_>
“ a n d ” : naturam 1m: ipnm quad est, 41min: eu,‘
again : Par: babe: inclination»: principalem ad attio
commune»: utilitate totiusd‘

‘ St. Thomas Aquinas, Sum. Theo. I, q. 60, an. 5.

fIHdcn. z‘. a “ . q. 16, an. 3.
PA RT 11
PART II
 SECTION
SECTION II

GENERAL
GENERAL REMARKS
REMARKS

IL'mross
PROPOSE to
to give,
give, in this second
second part,
part, which is intended
intended
as ia kind
-'___’kind of of Appendix to PartPart I,
I, aa summary description
description
of
J""aa few of the moremore important
important applications of fascist
doctrine
f a ' e iinn Italy.
Italy. AsAs I1pointed
pointed oout
u t in the Introduction,
Introduction,
the constitution,
7 '. constitution, public institutions and
and laws suitable
to’ the
the conditions of one country may be
one country quite unsuitable
be quite unsuitable
to another. Though
“another. Though aa political
political Philosophy,
Philos0phy, to have
any validity, must must indeed
indeed have
have aa universal
universal application,
application,
its actual application
7"ictual application must
must necessarily vary in different
difi'erent
circumstances. Nevertheless all the civilised
w u.stances Nevertheless civilised States of
thep wworld
o r l d to­day
to-day have aa great deal d e a in
iln common
common;; and and
inasmuch
l = “Ch as as this is so,
so, any successful
successful applications of aa
doctrine
_ \_- aein in one
one civilised
civilised State
State may
may bebe usefully examined
examined
by M e n with
others with aa view to adaptation,
adaptation, if nnot o t to exact
if, - ction.
reproduction.
_.The
' =- time is not ripe for aa detailed
not yet ripe detailed description
description or
for1.a final criticism
criticism of the concrete
concrete applications of fascist
doctrine
_ ”. in Italy. Italy. The present situation
situation in Italy
Italy is
"ff-ml .
transitional. The new constitution,
new constitution, the new public
175
175
176 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

institutions and laws are in course of being brought into

being. The process is as yet by no means complete.
I am accordingly confining myself here to a summary
description with the special purposes in view of illus‑
trating the foregoing thesis and of arousing interest in
the various measures already adopted, or foreshadowed,
measures well worthy of attention and study by all who
claim to be practical politicians and aim at finding a
happy solution to our present discontents.
To this end, and in order to understand the full
significance of this legislation, the student should
perhaps particularly b a r in mind the following princi‑
ples, which are continually, if only implicitly asa rule,
being referred to in the text of the fascist laws.
1. Fascism regards it as the duty of the individual
so to contrive his life that the pursuit of his
interests coincides with those of the community.
The State is and can be the only impartial judge
as to whether the individual is doing this or not.
If he is not, the State has the right and duty to
interfere.
2. Private initiative in the field of production is
considered as a general rule the most efioacious and
most useful instrument in the interest of the community
(cf. Art. 7 of the Labour Charter, section V1) ; and
thus the institution of private property is sanctioned ti 3
natural right, whereby the family tie, the most i m p o e r
 GENERAL REMARKS 177

j ,. fundamental of all ties, is strengthened ; which

l" . ,_, more than anything else, when widely dis‑
. buted, for true Liberty.
‘ 3. Private property, however, is also a public trust.
7- a man’s subjective rights to private property are
‐- if he fails to exercise his rights in a manner
‘ F'ch corresponds with a sense of responsibility
4 the community at large, he becomes liable to
, 'g his rights curtailed or even abrogated alto‑
. ‐‐‐that is, n o t in general, but in the par‑
department where his sense of duty has failed

~4. We may say, indeed, that Fascism sanctions an

" fi v e , “ functional " theory of rights.‘ Similarly,
' sense of responsibility, which a true sense of
,‘ '_'on, which family affection, which patriotism and
v consciousness of nationality provide, is the only true
V_" i- of citizenship, that is, the eligibility to assume

,. msibilities in the Government of the country. In

'5. n ~ words, only those persons with a public conscience
1 »fit to exercise public responsibilities and are there‑
i' - entitled to political rights.
5. Consequently the State cannot tolerate the
1-da of ideas which may reasonably be said to
‘ - ~~u . e Religion, the Family and the State; and
-[ ”CI. Ramiro dc Mann. Authority. LM and Function ( A fl o a t
" ~ M o n , solo).
178 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

n o t only is it, therefore, the duty of the State to censure

the propaganda of such ideas, but to prosecute individ‑
uals who, by disrespectful word or action, bring
Religion, the institution of the Family and the main
institutions of the State (the King, the Prime Minister,
as responsible head of the Executive, Parliament and
the Law Courts) into contempt.
6. Furthermore, it is the duty of the State to do
what is possible so to construct society that it becomes
easy for the individual, in the pursuit of his private
interests, to make his interests coincide with those of
the community ; and its duty is to do everything
in its power to raise the moral standards of the people
and to encourage their sense of communal responsibility
and self-discipline.
7. Individuals cannot serve t w o masters. They
m n n o t own allegiance to a political body outside the
State, such asa political Internationale,aswell asto their
own country's Government. They must choose ; and
if they prefer the former, they must be and deserve to
be treated asforeigners.
8. Co-operation for the good of the whole must be
the order of the day. Consequently those in charge of
local Government or of autonomous public institutions
must not be permitted to pull at variance with the
general aims of the central Government. Hence,
 GENERAL REMARKS
REMARKS 179
179

whatever - .. measure
measure of administrative decentralisation
decentralisation
may be be deemed
deemed advisable,
advisable, political
political centralisation
centralisation is
essential. r . So So likewise
likewise only those class class associations
1.‑

whoadmit admit thethe principle

principle of of class
class interdependence
interdependence and and
theparamount
paramount interestsinterests of of the community as as aa
whole,
., whose constitution, moreover, is
constitution, moreover, is a guaran‑ a guaran­
tee of their bona bona fides
fides in these respects,
respects, canan be be
recognised ised by by the State and and be be granted
granted the right right
of representing their class economically. Here
fl-vxepresenting Here we
have, in aa nutshell
nutshell the idea idea of the unitary State, State, soso
often referred to by
3: referred by fascist writers. Hence Hence the State
must
if aim
aim atat becoming
becoming one one organic whole, in which
the individuals
individuals composing
composing it, it, by
by organising
organising their
i'ewv
collective activities,
activities, are integrated with the State
are integrated
institutions, has, so so that all all may pullpull together towards a a
common n goal.
i9. Class warfare may, may, in certain circumstances,
circumstances, be be aa
fact ; but but it is
is not
n o t aa necessity.
necessity. Those who would have
class warfare are are agents
agents forfor dividing country against
dividing the country against
itself,
-~ , and and aa house
house divided
divided against itselfitself will not
n o t stand.
Hence such
.. such persons must
must be classed
classed with those who
deserve
713 to
to bebe deprived
deprived of of political
political rights.
rights. But,
But, in
saying_‘' 1this,
this, it is important to make
is important makesa distinction. Class
warfare
2i must
m u s t not
not be be confounded
confounded with that individual
individual
competition,
,‘- - n'tion, given
given the dynamic conditions of life, life, for
the i better
better posts and and aa higher
higher social
social status,
status, which makes
' able to classify broadly into
it "possible into categories those who
180 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

may be said to be pressing to rise and those who may

be said to be resisting the pressure. This, which
Fascists call the “ struggle of capacities," and
n o t class warfare, is, of course, an eternal social fact.
In other words, the auto-defence of individuals,
categories of workers and classes must give way
to the State's justice;
1 0 . The State, whose only interest and duty it is to
promote the general good, is the only power capable of
taking an impartial view in the interests of the whole 1
between individuals or individual groups, whose inter‑
ests come into conflict. Hence, if any such conflicts
fail to be settled in the first instance by friendly
discussion between the parties it is the duty of the State,
by means of a constitutionally appointed Court, to ‘
settle the dispute and enforce the settlement (cj. Art. 5
of the Labour Charter, section VI).
1 1 . Party Government is n o t a necessity in the
Government of a country any more than it is a necessity
in the management of a business. Constructive and
efl'ective criticism is necessary on the other hand for
proper Government. But constructive and efi'ective
criticism may be provided by other means than by
opposing Parties, just as it is provided (and in
abundance) within the constitution of public come
pamee.
1 2 . Government must in any case n o t bein a position
 GENERAL REMARKS 181

.to court popularity. Popularity is no measure

- good Government. Similarly, a majority is no
‘, m m . for a Government measure, unless it can be
i . that the view of the majority is the better view.
,' .. is required of Government is that as few mistakes
_’-' d be made as possible in the public interest.
. ever machinery of Government results, therefore,
"the fewest mistakes, is the better machinery. The
» .. sanction of a Government is its power, its
1". um -e sanction, however, is its reasonableness. Any
‐ .ment, whether resting ona majority or otherwise,
if it has the power to enforce its laws, exact
;7n nce. The ultimate legitimacy of the laws
, , . --- does not depend on the number of persons in
f . . of them, but on their justice and reasonableness ;
' unless it can be shown that majority Government is,
.. . as a whole, absolutely the best means that
' ce has devised to insure reasonable Govern‑
it has no claims for pro-eminence. Since,
_. , there is no conclusive evidence that this
00, the claims of majority Government must
judged objectively without prejudice in its
_w in accordance with the circumstances of the

£3. Means, too, must be devised, as we have seen,

. j'hich the central Government may be kept in touch
»a the needs of the indefinite number of parts which
18a THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

make up the whole community, like a good nervous

system in a living body. Consequently some kind of
representative system must be devised. But the
precise nature of such representative system is a matter
of objective contrivance.
14. The executive power should be strong and
capable of acting swiftly. It is expedient, therefore,
that, as in the American Constitution, it should be _
in many respects independent of the Legislature.
15. The complexity of modern life, the great inter‑
dependence in a modern State between the parts, the
swiftness of communications, etc., require the modern
State to shoulder anever-increasing burden of responsi‑
bilities and to engage in evermore manifold activities.
This fact must be faced and the State adapt itself
positively to the task, n o t lag behind it reluctantly until
circumstances force it to take action in accordance with
the old Liberal principle. The dogmas of L u i s “ : ‑
Fair: and a minimum of Government control are dead.
 SECTION II

HBTEROGINBOUS LEGISLATION

accumulation of Fascist legislation in Italy is truly

' - . There exists searcely a department of public
has not been touched. A whole and ample
, - deserves to be written to demonstrate the value
If- work accomplished, a value which can hardly be
s_ -‐- Four great pieces of legislation, how‑
." Grand out as landmarks characteristieally fascist,
,, ~ , rice Law ontile attribution: andprmgadves of the
Mm’mr; the Law defining the power: of the
' ~ v; the Law of the Corporations; and flu Labour
~ . A section will be devoted to each of these
f and a fifth section to the general question of
A' entary representation, the exact form of which
' yet been decided on, but an be foreshadowed.
“Fluent section will, after giving some idea of the
' ' -g legislation already passed, deal a little more
if With the Reform of the Administration and the
"‘ ' Ofthe “ After-Work " Institution.
1' greater part of what is dealt with in this section
183
184 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

is searcely controversial, unless we except the Local

Government reforms. The remainder may be said to
be what other previous Governments talked of doing
and aspired to do, but only the fascist Government has
been able to carry into effect.
We have already referred to Gentile's great Educa‑
tion Act, which stiffened the standard of examinations ;
made it more difficult for unnecessary
' numbers of boys and girls to obtain the
required qualifieations at the expense of the State in
order to compete for “ black-coated " employment;
canalised those unable to pass examinations, entitling
them to pursue their studies at the classieal and literary
higher schools, into technieal schools ; put the teachers
themselves hack to school during the whole of their
career, thus forcing them to keep abreast with new
knowledge and methods ; encouraged private schooll
by the institution of the State examination ; reduced
the number of State-aided universities ; restored
religious teaching in the elementary schools and pro‑
vided for it at all State schools, etc., etc., etc.
Then we have the financial reforms and achieve‐ ,
ments : the unifieation of the three State issue banks 5
the conversion of the State budget deficit (f
Fianna.
3,029,ooo,ooo Lire for the year 1922-23
into the handsome surplus of 1,155,000 Lite by '
the year 1926‐27. Similarly the State Railway!
 HETEROGENEOUS
HETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION
LEGISLATION 185

budget's ’s enormous deficit has has been

been converted
converted into aa
surplus. The same applies to the Post Post and
and Telegraphs
budget (the (the telephone service was was handed
handed back to
private enterprise,
enterprise, which has resulted
resulted in aa great improve­
improve‑
ment
" at and and in the introduction
introduction of the automatic tele‑ tele­
phone).
- ue). These results have been
results have been brought about,
about,
moreover, -«, without increasing
increasing taxation and and without
resorting
~ -°.g to inflation
inflation or loans
loans (with
(with the exception
exception of the
" Littorio " loan (1927)
' - °o" loan (1927) raised raised for the main purpose of
main purpose
converting short­time
short-time treasury bonds).
bonds). At At the same
time
. the internal
internal national
national debt has been
been reduced
reduced by
7,634,000,000
34,000,000 Lire Lire ; the international
international debt questions
have been satisfactorily settled
" - been settled with Great Britain
Britain
and America ; the instalments on
h’ America; on these debts have
7 "regularly
been regularly paid,
paid, (the first instalment to
(the first to America,
be
f it said,
said, by
by private andand voluntary subscriptions)
subscriptions);,
money has been
' ' h a s been found found for electrifying
electrifying considerable
‘
sections-s of the railways
railways and largely renewing
and for largely renewing
the “rolling
rolling stock and and improving
improving the services,
services,
so that the trains now now rrun u n punctually, provide
second­class
=d-class sleepers,
sleepers, andand are clean. Further, Further,
nol eless
s s than 6,000,000,000
6,ooo,ooo,ooo Lire Lire has been
been spent
betweenw thetheyears 1922-1926 onpublicworks,
years 1922—1926 on public works, housing,
housing,
road and railway
'= and railway construction. Then the amount of
7 =-~money
paper issued on
money issued on account of the Government has
beenhalved
halved and
and the value of the LiraLira brought up from
i inin 1922­23
no 1922-23 to 89
89 to the £
12sterling.
sterling. Lastly, no
Lastly, no
186 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

less than ra,ooo,ooo,ooo Lire have been expended on

rehabilitating the war-damaged districts.
Altogether, for a country that is reckoned from 20
to 4.0 times poorer than Great Britain and is peculiarly
deficient in raw materials, possesses insignificant
colonies and a congested population which increases
by 470,000 souls annually,‘ these results seem almost
miraculous. They have been achieved solely by sound
principles of finance, byafearless economy (for example,
the number of State employees has been reduced by
80,000; the number of railway employees per axle‑
kilometre from 62 to 32), by a vigorous enforcement of
taxation and a complete overhauling and readjustment
of the incidence of taxation, which has brought with
it at the same time greaterjustice for the poorer man.1'
Next, there has been accomplished a complete
reform of the Army on the principle of quality rather
n. than quantity. The Navy, too, has been
fizz-r reorganised and an Air Force created, where
before there was none worthy of the name.
But the actual expenditure on the Army and Navy in
comparison with the amounts spent before the War
(after taking into account the fall in the value of the
Lira and of the purchasing power of gold) has been
reduced.
‘ The figure ( o r 1925. In 1916 the figure had dropped to 420.000.
1 It should be noted that death duties for the first and second d e p t “
of inheritance have been abolished.
 HETEROGENEOUS
HETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION
LEGISLATION 187
187

1“, we have the conclusion of over forty treaties

Then we have the conclusion of over forty treaties

with foreign powers, many

foreign powers, many of solely commercial
of aa solely commercial
nature,-others of friendship,
others of friendship, others F“
embody- Foreign
others embody­
principle
ing the of arbitration
principle of (for example
arbitration (for example Trea es­”
7 m "m
withamtzerland, Albania, Germany
Switzerland, Albania, Germany and Spain). A
and Spain). A

law has been passed, moreover,

been passed, moreover, to provide for
to provide for the
the

ff i ~fon and
mobilisation organisation of
and organisation of the civil population
the civil population in in
time of war.

_. the Judiciary has been reformed, procedure

Again, the Judiciary has been reformed, procedure

‘ ~- up and the various High Courts of The

speeded up and the various High Courts of ” i judi­
T!» j;‑
ciary and
Appeal unified.
unified. Thepolicehasalsobeenre‐
The police has also been re­ the P olice.
unwraps“.
organised.

;-it would be superfluous here to extend the list,

But it would be superfluous here to extend the list,

although - aa somewhat
somewhat more complete list
more complete would deserve
list would deserve
to contain'- examples
examples of of many important Miscel­
many important Mm“.
measures passed
minor measures into law, such as m m “ ­‑
passed into law, such as laneous

l?“- .. of
the reform of the unification of
the unification of the
the Mining Law, and
Mining Law, and
the f; w - r -t and
important original Law
and original protecting authors'
Law protecting authors'
' besides
nghts, the many
besides the
_.‘ many temporary adopted
measures adopted
temporary measures

for the‐ defence

defence of realm, the
the realm,
of the the Press Law‘ and
Press Law* and
* There. is 5 nothing
nothing that calls for special comment in the Press Press Law
except the one one clause
clause that
t h a t makes
makes aa newspaper
newspaper liable
liable to to confiscation
should anything4~.. _be be published
published considered likely to result result in aa disturbance
of the public < peace.
peace. This clause clause may be be interpreted
interpreted arbitrarily and and so
may result in I l l “restrictions
fi c t i o n s of
o f the liberty of o f the Press
Press beyond
beyond what many
may consider ~~ expedient.
otpodlsnt. It l t iiss justified.
justified, however,
however. in the theeircumatancea.
circumstances,
given “tht^ revolutionary ' conditions
conditions still still existing
existing in
in Italy, the lnflammb
I t a l y. the inflamma­
ihty of the Mncharacterandtheprevioualieentiomeesoltheltalian
Italian character and the previous licentiousness of the Italian
" remaining
The
‐., remaining clauses merely extend extend the listlist of PreaaPress oflenesa
offences
Mappealstoviolenoeandthedismptionodthesute.
include specific appeals to violence and the disruption of the State,
O
188
188 UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF
THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM
FASCISM

suppression of secret
the suppression secret and organisa‑
and subversive organisa­
Rmdifi
Recodifi­ Solet
tions. So
^ons­ let us conclude our general survey '
usconclude
7:1?“34 by menti°ning
IheTaws reform and
mentioning the drastic reform and re‑
re­
codification Commercial, Civil
codification of the Commercial, Civil and
and
Penal Codes (not
Penal complete),‘ the creation
(not yet complete),* of a
creation of a -‘
of new
number of
number institutions, such
new autonomous State institutions, such as
as j
NationalMlt'tia,
the National Militia, the National
National" Bali/la "
“ Balilla " .,
New
N “ , Auto­
A “ , (Boy Scout)
(Boy Institution, the After­Work
Scout) Institution, After-Work
m;
s°t?t°Uin­ Institution (see below),
Institution (see below), the Royal
Royal Academy,
Academy, the
the '
“"“"°""
stitutions. Patronato Nazionale
Patronato Nazionale (see below), the
(see below),
A.G.I.P. (the National Petroleum
(the National Petroleum Company),
Company), the '
Central
Central Statistical
Statistical Institute,
Institute, andand the National
National Institu­
Institu‑
tion for the Protection
tion for Protection of of and
and Assistance to
to Mothers and
and
Children.
Children.
The latter,
latter, together with the National
National "“ Balilla"
Balilla”,
Institution,
Institution, forms part part of
of the magnificent work accom­
accom- .
The M
77 plished f°r
M >;mii , P^s^e<^ for protecting physical and
protecting the physical and
and Pkysi- moral
and Physi­ moral welfare of
of the race. These measures
measures"
cat
cal Pro­
Pro‑
of are supplemented
tints}? of
tection supplemented by aa number of other!“others
the
is Race.
m. . .. . o . .. e .'
dealing
dealing with juvenile courts, the what"
With Juvenile white
traffic, prostitution,
slave traffic, alcoholism, smoking by
prostitution, alcoholism, by
the young, hygiene, provisions to combat malarla‘pl
hygiene, provisions malaria,
contempt
contempt ofof the State's institutions. deliberate untruths
State's institutions, o --- ' '
untrutha and obscenities
—offences
‐oflencea which make
make the newspaper liable to prosecution. _;
° The draft of
* of the new Penal published and
Penal Code has recently been published ' 1f
has been
been given
given an
an especially warm welcome
welcomein Catholic circles,
circlel, in that
' :
it is based
it on the theory of individual responsibility and not on the
based on " f:
modern
modern " " positive
positive "
" theory of Law. Its I t s sanctions
emotions are particularly
'
severe with regard
t o w n with regard to matters touching
touching public morality.
 HETEROGENEOUS
I-IETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION
LEGISLATION 189
189

tuberculosis,
f» .. osis, venereal diseases and and other " “ white
plagues,"
"J, -;_ m.” the
the control
control of
of indecent
indecent films
films and
and theatrical
theatrieal
representations,
' ‐~ ntations, the prevention
prevention of of the sale porno­
sale of porno‑
graphical
h i c a l literature
literature and
and artificial birth­control propa‑
artificial birth‐control propa­
ganda, workmen's insurance against old age, invalidity,
'1. workmen's insurance against old age, invalidity,
accidents, -ts, sickness and
4 . . . unemployment. Most
and unemployment. Most of
these reforms bring
reforms bring up
up the
the standard
standard ofof social
social legislation
legislation
inI tItaly
a l y to equal the best in other countries and
to equal the best in other countries and
someofof them may may bebe said
said to constitute important
important
advances.
, a s .
dThe Reform of
h Reform qf the Administration has resulted,
resulted, as we
aswe
have
' t eseen,
e n , in aa reduction
reduction of the swollen
swollen bureaucracy
by-, no
no less
less than
than 80,000 persons,
persons, although
although , .
1 Admtms­
at the same
same time the work of
of the State trative
l’reah’w
, . Reform.
2-H“ - tion has been
administration largely increased.
been largely increased.
This
" is accounted
accounted for by the independence
independence of the
Executive
.7}'-'~-' (see
(see below),
below), who have thus been been given
given aa
free' hand
hand to reorganise,
reorganise, by better organisation, large
by better organisation, by large
administrative decentralisation and
” h t - - 've decentralisation and by by the concentra­
concentra‑
tion
" Uor unification of
o r unification of many of of the Ministries.
Ministries. Thus
theg'Ministry
Ministry of of Finance
Finance and
and the Treasury have been been
amalgamated,
w ted, aa Ministry
Ministry of Communications and and aa
Ministry
W *- ' of National
National Economy
Economy created, in which are are
nowBl'ouped
grouped governmental
governmental departments
departments that were
that were
formerly
1* ‘ Separate, often with a Minister of their own
separate, often with a Minister of their own
Ministry of
(such llas the Ministry of Agriculture,
Agriculture, which is is now
absorbed
1.44 by by the Ministry
Ministry of National
National Economy).
Economy).
190 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

Steps have been taken, too, to prepare the way for the
creation of a Ministry of National Defence, absorbing
the three Ministries of War, Marine and Aeronautics.
A Chief of the General Staff, with a department, has, .
for instance, already been organised to co‐ordinate
the three arms, while Mussolini himself has for some A
time been in charge of all three Ministries.
The most fascist, however, of the administrative
reforms apply to local government. Here, as we have
seen, the principle lies in administrative decentralisa‑
tion, politieal centralisation. To this end Sub- _
Prefectures have been abolished, the Prefecture. :
increased and the system of Mayors has been abolished.
In the small towns the supreme direction of local '
affairs is now carried o u t by an officer nominated by the.
Crown, called by the medieval title of Padema, assisted
by a communal secretary and in most cases by a small‑
advisory junta, One-third of which is appointed by thd
Provincial Prefect, two-thirds appointed by the 1001,
trade and professional organisations. In the larger:
towns, besides the Podesta, one or t w o Vice-Podesth
are similarly nominated ; but in this case heis assis -:
by a Council of between ten and forty members nan ‘.
ated by the Prefect from a list (of three times '
number of seats to be filled) prepared by the l- - H3
industrial and professional corporations, and - --- »v " ‘
wide powers of control. In Rome a Governor - <
 HETEROGENEOUS
HETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION
LEGISLATION 191
191
the, place
place of of the
the Podestk
Podcsta and and in Naples, for
in Naples, for the present,
the present,
a‘ High
High Commissioner,
Commissioner, both both with
with extended powers.
extended powers.
This
f' m scheme
scheme has has certainly
certainly resulted efficiency
resulted in higher eficiency
and betterbetter co­ordination.
co-ordination. The The Podestas
Podesta‘s areare adminis­
adminis‑
tratively
-" y responsible
responsible to to the Prefect,
Prefect, whose approval
approval isis
required
v -- for all
all local
local bye­laws
bye-laws ;; they are unpaid (save
are unpaid (save
in -very
very specialspecial circumstances)
circumstances) and and they
they must possess
must possess
certain educational qualifications for their
‘ =" educational qualifications for their appointment. appointment.
The PrefectPrefect of the Province,
Province, who is is the supreme
governmental
' -~«uental magistrate
magistrate in locallocal affairs,
affairs, is responsible
responsible
fort h thee maintenance
maintenance of of public
public order and and for co­ordin­
for co-ordin‑
atingt_hthe e administration
administration of of his Province.
Province. He also alsois
is
assisted
‘ . - . by aa small
small council, representative
representative of the Cor­ Cor‑
porations.
» -ons. His His powers are are very wide and and he he is
responsible
, n i b l e directly to the Ministry Ministry of of the Interior,
Interior,
which has instituted a permanent
.. has instituted a permanent service of inspection
inspection
to report on local conditions
On local conditiOns and on and on the efficiency of
the administration
~..inistration with with aa special
special view to the economical
expenditure -'ture of
of local
local public funds.
The v whole administration
administration of the country has has thus
come-to to be organised as
beorganised asaa hierarchy of powers. Public
servants
.‘ ts are divideddivided intointo three classes,
classes, namely,
namely, secre­
secre‑
tarial, accountancy and and what in England
England corresponds
to the second­division
' second-division clerks and
and employees. The
salaries paid are
' ' ‐ paid equalised according
are equalised according to rank throughout
' .. istration, including
theJ_,.administration, including the fighting
fighting forces and and
judiciary,, the highest­paid
highest-paid officials at at the summit of the
192
192 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

hierarchy being
hierarchy being the President High Court of
President of the High
Appeal and
and Field­Marshals.
Field‐Marshals.
Perhaps
Perhaps the most most notable
notable of the new autonomous
State Institutions
Institutions founded by by the Fascist
Fascist Government
The After­
After-Worl- Institution.
is the After­Work
...
Institution. Its
.
Its object is
provide interesting,
Warp ^_ Q to provide
Work interesting, physically healthy,
healthy,
Institution. . .
mentally and
mentally and morally uplifting activities for
morally uplifting
the working
working classes after their hours of labour. It It may
bedescribed
be described as asaa central clearing-house
clearing­house and co­ordinator
co‐ordinator
of institutions
institutions like
like the Y.M.C.A., the Men's and and
Institutes, etc., the Playground
Women's Institutes, Playground Recreation
Recreation
Association, the Carnegie Trust, in England England or America
or,
or, better, all these things and
better, all and similar things rolled rolled
into
into one.
The executive and and central administration are assisted
assisted
by two
t w o permanent Commissions, one known
permanent Commissions, known as as the
“ Liaison
" Liaison " " Commission,
Commission, which keeps itself touch
itself in touch
with the various kinds of workers and and their peculiar
peculiar
needs.
needs. This work of liaison liaison has been
been made all all the
organisation of the Corporation!
more effective since the organisation Corporations
of Labour.
Labour. The second second Commission
Commission is technical and and .
subdivided into aa number of Committees,
is subdivided Committees, each each
dealing with aa particular
dealing as follows :—
activity, as
particular activity, :‑

x. Cinematograph.
1. Cinematograph.
2. Radiotelegraphy.
2. Radiotelegraphy.
3. Music.
3. Music.
4. The Theatre.
 HETEROGENEOUS
HETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION
LEGISLATION 193
193

5. General
General culture.
6. Professional
Professional technical
technical instruction.
instruction.
7. Woman's
Woman’s work at
at home
home (needlework,
(needlework, lace­
lace‑
making,
making, embroidery,
embroidery, etc.).
etc.).
8. Home
Home nursing
nursing and
and medicine.
medicine.
9. Folk­lore.
Folk-lore.
10. Domestic
Domestic economy.
11. After­work
After-work industries,
industries, including home­crofts.
including home-crafts.
12. Hygiene.
Hygiene.
13. Housing.
Housing.
14. Furnishing.
Furnishing.
15. Excursions
Excursions into
into the country, to the mountains,
mountains,
sea­side,
sea-side, etc.
16. Touring.
17. Sport.
Sport.
Each. Province
Province hashas aa similar
similar organisation,
organisation, whichwhich
allows- for decentralisation
decentralisation andand provides for peculiar
peculiar
local needs.
needs. The bulk bulk of the money
money is found
found by the
workers' themselves through the Trade Union Union (Syndi­
(Syndi‑
cate) rates.
rates. Strike
Strike funds no no longer being required,
longer being required,
large , sums are are now
now available for social
social work.
'.The- work already
already accomplished
accomplished by Institution is
by this Institution is
positively
' ly remarkable.
remarkable. Besides
Besides the money money found
found by
thef workers
workers themselves,
themselves, voluntary subscriptions and
voluntary subscriptions and
assistance by private persons and firms
f .. ce by private persons and firms have literally have literally
poured
., in,
in, while the State
State itself
itself contributes to maintain
maintain
the purely administrative
"purely administrative side.
side. It It is
is impossible,
impossible, how‑how­
ever,s150to give
give aa full
full account
account here of the
here of the Institution's
Institution's activ‑
activ­
ities.
A ' Those
Those readers who would
readers who would care to pursue
care to pursue thethe
subject further
further may be be referred
referred toto one
one of
of the
the Institu­
Institu‑
194 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

tion's publications, I Pn'rm' Due Anni di A m b i t ) : dell'

Opera Naziaxale Dopalavoro, 1927, obtainable from
the Institution's headquarters in Rome (Opera N a z i ” ‑
ale Dapolavoro, Via in Latina I7).
I will accordingly confine myself to noting a few
points that have struck mepersonally in the course of a
short tour of inspection undertaken this year in Central
Italy. ‘
I was particularly struck by the fine buildings placed ‘
at the disposal of the Institution in large and small towns
alike, the excellence of some of the lending libraries
and reading rooms (where the principal newspapers
and reviews, besides those published by the Institution
itself, are to be found), and the variety of Opportunities '
for sport which the Institution provides, ranging from
tennis and football to bowls and billiards, from ski-lug
and roller-skating to dancing, athletics and cycling.
Everywhere I found great enthusiasm among the organ‑
isers and the workers. In Florence I noticed there
were eighty railway-men spending several evenings a
week in attending English classes, which include, for
the higher standards, lectures (with slides) in English
on a variety of interesting subjects. At a small town .
near Florence I came in for a theatrical show, most
creditably performed by the operatives of a straw-hit .
factory. Some of the firms in North Italy have built ‑
well-equipped, small theatres for their work-people, and .
 HETEROGENEOUS LEGISLATION 195

l the great actors and actresses, on the invitation of the

| ~-of Aosta, who was first President of the Institu‑
4 have volunteered to give up so many days of the
f in acting gratuitously to the work-people in their
~ halls and in coaching and teaching them for their
- and giving them hints for the production of their
I ran across a couple of professional actors in the
‘ ~of doing this in a small, out-of-the-way town in
Ibria. I found thousands of work‐people, too, taking
»- tage of the facilities granted by the Institution,
V«-the assistance of greatly reduced fares on the State
ys, to make holiday excursions into the country
A the towns and vice‐versa. The special arrange‑
also to promote opportunities for the work-people
~-vel greatly impressed me. To any worker, on
,. - - a policy is issued for a given tour, together with
if, instructions with regard to routes, lodging and
, ' and the sights to be seen. The worker then sub‑
Asl- mweekly by the purchase of special stamps afixed
‘ - policy until the sum required for the chosen tour
_ --. Armed then with his policy, he is free to
,. *»his tour without any further expenses‐and, of
7 the arrangements of the Institution enable this
l n-done at anabsolutely minimum cost. But these are
' which could be multiplied indefinitely. For
" a free insurance policy is issued to each
her to cover all accidents befalling him in the
196 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

course of his recreative activities ; special reductions

are accorded to members, n o t only with regard to
travelling tickets, but also for theatres, cinemas, sporting .
shows, medicines, and in certain general supply stores.
Facilities are accorded to members for obtaining pro‑
tection for original intellectual work (authors’ rights)
and for the poorer members with regard to education.
All members, moreover, have the right of free entry
into the museums and picture galleries belonging to the
State. Suffice it to say, in conclusion, that the Institu-'
tion has covered the whole country with a network of
organisation, which is by no mums a paper organisation,
but one that is fulfilling the hopes of its promoters far
beyond what was originally expected. It is, in fact,
accomplishing a truly marvellous piece of social work,
which will undoubtedly bear, in the course of time,
precious fruits for civilisation in Italy.
 SECTION I I I

LAW ON T H ! A'I'I'RIBUTIONS AND PRIROGATIVBS

OF T H E PRIME MINISTER

not necessary for my purpose to give a translation

Fm law in English. The burden of it can be
ed up very briefly. It certifies the King as head
Executive and the Prime Minister as head of
fGovernment. The Ministers are responsible to
Prime Minister for their particular departments,
' through him to the King. The Prime Minister
' gly ceases to be primnr inter pare: with respect
the other members of the Cabinet, but its
le chief. The King exercises his position
is: ~ ~ of the Government through his responsible
f “w --; and the Prime Minister is responsible
"the King for the proper Government of the
" - - ‘ end n o t to Parliament. The Prime Minister
" Oficio a member of the Regency Council, in
flrevent of a minor ascending the throne ; he takes
'~ - « c c of all save members of the Royal Family;
'. anyone committing an act against the life, the
197
108 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

integrity and liberty of the Prime Minister is liable to

heavy punishment. Lastly, no motion in either house
may be proposed without the consent of the Prime‘
Minister ; and if a bill be rejected by one house, it
may be re-presented after a term of three months to be
voted upon by secret ballot, after any proposed amend‑
ments have been discussed and adopted.
The law thus establishes the independence of the
Executive of the Legislature. The Legislature never‑
theless has ample opportunities of criticising the‑
Administration on the occasions when the departmental
Budgets are submitted ; and these have to besubmitted
each year regularly.
For a Parliament, when Party Government is not in
accordance with constitutional practice (refer Section
VI), there is no earthly reason why the Executive should ‑
n o t thus be independent of the Legislature. It is fi t
the Prime Minister to adapt himself to the general
attitude of the t w o Houses of Parliament or, if he alto
fails to lead them, his Government will have all tha'rf
legislation blocked and their supplies eventually cut off
So the power of the Prime Minister is by no 111
unlimited. So also, if there arose a conflict h e m
the King and Parliament over the Government, '
King, sooner rather than later, would have to give
and charge somebody else with the formation of
Government.
 ON PREROGATIVES OF PRIME MINISTER 199

‘ ' the absence of Party Government, moreover, little

burden of responsibility is placed on the King
4"; there is where the usual form of parliamentary
A. went prevails. The King’s choice cannot fall
h ‐ leader of a minority party, where no organised
e x i s t . H e would call the man who seems t o
f but fitted to form and conduct his Government,
file he does at present within the majority Party
'_ ‐~form of Parliament to which we are accustomed.
, . in the event of the sudden death of M r. Baldwin,
instance, the King would summon one of the
_,’_-= « to form the Government, but it cannot be

d for certain whom he would summon. He

a his own judgment in such cases, as he did
f ‘, be summoned M r. Asquith and not M r. Morley
‘- was equally in the running for the appointment)
death of M r. Campbell Bannerman.
 SECTION IV

T H E LAW D E F l N l N G T H E POWERS OF T H E EXECUTIVI

In the Italian, the law is described as the right of the

Executive to issue rules having the binding force of
Law. .
These rules, which may beeffected by Royal Decree,
after having received Cabinet approval and after con‑
sultation with the Council of State (which corresponds
roughly to His Majesty’s Privy Council, one section of
which is a purely legal body) are such as appertain
to :‐
(a) The execution of the laws of the land‐‐that is, i
laws very frequently require detailed regulations tO‘
enable them to be explained (J. King's Regulation!
" with respect to Military Law).
| (b) The interpretation of laws or of customs having
‘ virtually the force of Law ; e.g., conditions may arise
; when the interpretation of a law becomes necessary Of‘;
l a custom may require definition and so be givell
‘ definitely the force of Law.
(t) The organisation and working of the adminis‑
200
f. w DEFINING p o w s n s or EXECUTIVE aot

V4 machine. In other words, the Executive is

' ‘ responsible for the administration and its organ‑
,- a, and for the Government officials which are, so
i‘speak, the employees of the Government. Thus an
, r; . tion of Ministries, the creation of a new
° , the suppression of a Ministry, the conditions
z'rgaiployment of Government officials, etc., etc., are
jeole concern of the Executive. Parliament accord‑
'_ ceases to have legislative rights in this respect ;
- _h, as we have seen, the presentation of the
departmental Budget affords opportunities for
and control.
3 _ law also defines and limits the power of the
l} t i v e to promulgate Royal Decree Law: by Orders
~ -cil. Such laws are declared to lapse if Parlia‑
fnils to approve of them within t w o years.
‘ the other hand Parliament is bound to be
;' the Opportunity of considering them n o t
f. than the third session from the date of their
ulgation.
ii, ce the powers given by this law to the Executive
7' . - itely limited, so that the independence of the
“ fi v e an in no sense be described asexaggerated.
" a very even balance of powers has now been
in Italy between the King, the Government
, Legislature, comparable to that existing between
‘ Of the President of-the United States and Con‑
202 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

grees. Nor has the written Statute of the Kingdom

of Italy been in any way altered by the changes in
constitutional practice authorised by this law or by
the law descx'ibed in section I I I .
 SECTION V

T H E LAW OF T H E CORPORATIONS

i- Law of tin Corporations, passed on 3rd April,

' 6, together with a number of explanatory regula‑
1‘ having the force of law, which have since been
__-'sed, is alengthy document occupying 36 closely‑
" ,. pages in the edition in my possession.‘ Conse‑
a general description is all that I intend to
here.
i ’ general aim of the law is the organisation of the
ctive forces of the country within the orbit of the
_ sothat private interests may be more easily made
coincide with the interests of the community ; to
i an end to class warfare, to promote co-operation
'» -s. the various factors of production ; to substitute
justice of the State for wasteful strikes and lock-outs
means by which industrial disputes may be settled,
; e productive labour and a sense of responsibility
~ Nation asa whole the basis of citizenship.
3 0 this end only those “ professional associations "
. c. Coaumag'na. Diriuo Corporatioo I t a l i a n (Unione Tipognfieo
~ Tofinese. Tun’n, 1927).
ao3
 204 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

(by which term are included

(by Employers
Unions, Employers
included Trade Unions,
7 , “ p m , Unions, Co‐operatives
The Pro­ Unions, Co­operatives and Guilds, etc.) are
and Guilds,
$227? recognised juridically, which subscribe to
A^socia­ recognised to
"°"s'
“ 0 “ requisites ::
the following requisites
( I ) Each
(1) professional association must represent
Each professional represent
one
one category and and one category only of employers or
(e.g., mixed
workers (e.g., would nnot
mixed unions would be recognised).
o t be recognised).
The idea here
here is that each professional association is aa
each professional
organisation created
class organisation created to protect the interests of
class;; and
that class since, if
and since, if two
t w o or more classes were
represented in aa single association,
represented association, such an
an association
association ‑
might become divided
might interests, the unity of the
divided in its interests,
association might
association might bebe threatened with aa collapse and its
members thereby lose
members collective
lose the advantage of collective
bargaining.
bargaining.
(2) There must
(2) be only one association
m u s t be association of members
members
of aa particular category in any one territorial circum­
circum‑
scription (district).
scription (district). The main reason for this proviso.
main reason proviso
is the same as
is (I). Associations, however,
asfor (1). however, may be be
organised by Commune,
organised Province, by Region
Commune, by Province, Region or‑or
and associations of the same category in.
nationally ; and in
Provinces or Regions
Communes, Provinces
different Communes, grouped
Regions are grouped
form federations of provincial
to form national extent,
provincial or national extents;
according
according to the peculiar circumstances of the par­
pll‘"
ticular trade. Such
Such associations of the same category
eat
‐single and
—single federal‐are classed
and federal—are asassociations
classed as associations of the
first and
first and superior degree.
 THE LAW
LAW OF THE
T H E CORPORATIONS 205

( (3)
3 ) No employers' association
association may bebe juridically
recognised
i n; ised unless the members
members represented
represented employ at
least
f' u one ten th of the number
tenth number of workers engaged
engaged in aa
‘ '
particular of work within its district.
category of
Hfiimilarly
Similarly no
no workers'
workers’ association
association may be recognised
be recognised
unless
, »-the members
members represent at least
least one tenth
tent}: of the
number. a of workers within itsits district engaged
engaged in aa
'cular category of work.
particular
'The object of this proviso is obvious. Organisa­
e object Organisa‑
' ' insignificant
tions insignificant in numbers relation to the whole
numbers in relation
number , of persons engaged
persons engaged in a particular category of
a particular
work , could
could hardly beconsidered
hardly be considered sufficiently representa‑
representa­
tive of that category to deserve recognition,
recognition, if,if, as
as will
be seen
,_’ -,. further on, be the only organisations
on, they are to be
with ‘a legal right
a legal right to represent
represent that category. A figure
A figure
larger than than one­tenth might have been
one-tenth might been chosen
chosen ; but but
i e-are
there are parts
parts of Italy proportion of organ­
Italy where the proportion organ‑
ised workers is small, and
is small, and one of the objects of the Act
is {extend bargaining to all
to extend the benefits of collective bargaining all
'
workers. - It It is
is important
important to bear mind, for
bear this in mind,
anti­Fascists
udsts have have attempted
attempted to make
make outo u t that this
proviso inlplies that the fascist associations represent
- ' implies represent
so few employers or workers that it was necessary to
put, the ,- minimum proportion as
minimum proportion as low asone­tenth
low as one-tenth ; or
else Qweryvery few of the fascist organisations could could be be
, ‐- They even
recognised. even try to make o u t that by this
make out
proviso the mass of employers and and workers are in fact
206
206 THE
THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS
ASPECTS OF
OF FASCISM
FASCISM
controlled
controlled by
by aa fascist
fascist oligarchy
oligarchy representing
representing only
only
one­tenth
one-tenth of the whole!
whole ! The facts are are quite
quite the
reverse.
reverse. The fascist organisations are
are o u t of all
out all ‘
proportion stronger
proportion stronger throughout Italy Italy than any
any of
of the _
other organisations,
organisations, save
save alone with respect
respect to the
metallurgical
metallurgical workers in Turin and and Milan.
Milan. But But even
even
here the fascist organisations contain the majority of
here
organised
organised workers. It It is only where the mass mass of
employers and
and workers in aa particular categorymtegory are
unorganised
unorganised that the number of organised
organised employers
and
and workers corresponds to aa small proportion
proportion of thnthe
whole ; but
but even
even so,
so, of those who are organised the
are organised
majority belong
belong almost invariably to the fascist associa­
associr'
tion. Thus the anti­Fascist
anti-Fascist case
case in so so far as this
as this
proviso is concerned
proviso is concerned has no no practical
practical justification
justification
whatever. ‘v
(4) No association
(4) No association whatever may be be juridically'
juridically
recognised unless,
recognised unless, in accordance with
with their Articleei
Articles of
Association,
Association, they include among
among their objects, not only
not only
the general
general furthering of of the economic and and morll‘
moral
interests
interests of their members,
members, but also the taking of an
active part
part in the technical instruction,
instruction, religious,
religious, mmoral‘
and
and national
national education
education of their members and and the
support of charitable foundations open open to their
members.
members.
No association,
association, moreover,
moreover, may be be juridically recog­
nised
nised unless
unless the directors of the association, together
t
 THE LAW
LAW OF THE CORPORATIONS 207

with- the association's

association’s staff
staff of employees,
employees, can
can provide
guarantees capacity, morality and
- t e e s of capacity, and aa firm national
firm national
faith.
Here,
Here, of course,
course, those anti­Fascists,
anti-Fascists, who reject
reject the
',fascist
-'st doctrine to the effect
effect that only those who havehave aa
_--
national
u'nal consciousness and and aa sense of responsibility to
the community as as aa whole possess aa right right to have aa
'handd in the Government
Government of the community, may be be
allowed
' - “ed to complain. Here Here we we are
are up
up against aa
zit-wtton of principle. It is n o t a question, as
question of principle. It is not a question, as some
would
i d makemake out, securing power indefinitely to the
out, of securing
fascist
--'t Party—it
Party‐it is is aa question
question of of securing
securing power
=V. itely to
indefinitely to those of high character, intelligence
moral character,
high moral
and patriotism.
patriotism. Indeed,
Indeed, through this proviso the
it"wu't
fascist Revolution realises one of its greatest ideas,
Revolution realises ideas,
nely, the reconciliation
namely, reconciliation of Democracy
Democracy in the sense
offmune carriere
carrier: ouverte
a w e r t e aux
aux talents
talent: and
and of Aristocracy in
the exact meaning
_ - exact meaning of the term.
. So
So only those professional
professional associations that subscribe
toI the above
above requisites may bejuridically
be juridically recognised.
recognised.
Other
fan a associations
associations may be freely formed, and
may be and may bebe
' ' ‐- de
recognised defam,
facto, but
but nnot
o t de
d ejjure.
u' t e .
The juridically recognised
recognised associations possess the
representation for the whole class of
legal representation
monopoly of legal
7 layers
employers oror workers of their particular category
eategory
including those employers or
-- their district, including
within
"
Workers: belonging
belonging to the same category, who are not not
208 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

members. The collective labour contracts made under

members. under
their auspices apply equally to members and non­
non‑
members
members of the same category.
right to levy
have aa right
They have levy (a
(a maximum fixed '
maximum rate is fixed
both
both for employers' and workers' contri‑
workers’ associations) contri­
butions
butions not
n o t only from their own
o w n members but from the
whole category of employers or workers whom they
represent.
represent. But non-members equally share in the
But non­members
secured through any action
benefits secured
benefits action of the associa‑
associa­
tion.
Each association
Each bound to set aside aa certain
association is bound certain
percentage of itsits revenue
revenue to form aa guarantee fund fund;;
and
and after providing for the costs of its organisation and
after providing and
for the various forms of welfare work, which it it is bound
bound
to undertake
undertake onon behalf
behalf of its members,
members, it m u s t subscribe
must subscribe
aa definite percentage in support of the National After‑
National After­
Institution, the National
Work Institution, Institution, the
National Balilla Institution, the
National Institution for the Protection
National Institution of and
Protection of Assistance
and Assistancc
of Mothers
Mothers and Children, the "
and Children, “ Patronato Nazionale
Nazionale "A "
(an Institution
(an Institution the object of which is is to provide the" the
legal advice,
worker with legal regard to any
advice, assistance with regard any
claims he he may have respecting insurance,
have respecting assistant!‑
insurance, assistance
regard to emigration
with regard emigration and a host of similar service!»
and a services),
and Corporation of which it forms part.
and the Corporation
Individuals
Individuals who pursue
pursue more than one regular
calling may belong
calling belong to two
t w o or more associations. A
juridically recognised
recognised association
association may have no mem
have no members
 THE LAW OF THE CORPORATIONS so?

" -~ the age of 18 ; but women have the same rights

, r-membership as men.
- Associations arejuridically recognised bythe Minister
Corporations after fulfilling certain formalities.
The associations of employers and the associations
workers engaged in the same industry are grouped
‐ er to form a Corporation. This is a n, c “ ‑
..yu- organ and, beyond the representatives ” w m '
'. .the associations composing it, the State provides for
- cost of its administration by means of the quota
.. ~-- to it from the associations' receipts.
I t : duties include the supervision of its associations
the end that they answer to the requirements of the
and fulfil their duties according to the law and their
, ides of Association ; the establishment of labour
. .. get and the keeping of statistics of the employed
; - unemployed ; the co-ordination, encouragement
i v mbsidising of the welfare work of the associations ;
_~ the conciliation by means of their good ofiices,
a- seized with the task by the parties concerned, of
' labour dispute.
"fl’rofessional associations of the free professions
j, : engineers, artists, independent artisans, etc.)
' h in other respects they resemble the other asso‑
‘ s, form part of the Corporations in so far asthey
be considered an essential part of a given industry.
the other hand, Co-operative Societies (including
2io
210 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

special status. Those exercising aa

Guilds) have their special
Guilds)
liberal profession
liberal profession or an
an art must
m u s t inform communal '
inform their communal
Authorities.
Employers of labour,
Employers labour, whether they belong belong to juri‑
juri­
dically organised otherwise, are bound
organised associations or otherwise, bound
to make aa return
return to the Government department con­ con‑
cerned
cerned of the numbers of their employees or workers.
The Minister
Minister of the Corporations, fulfilling ‘
Corporations, after fulfilling
certain formalities, has,
certain formalities, has, in circumstances of mismanage­
mismanage‑
ment,
ment, fraud
fraud or the violation of the law law and regulations,
and regulations,
the faculty of delegating plenary powers to the Secretary Secretary
of the association, period, to aa Government
association, or, for aa period, Government .
commissioner, or even, according to the gravity of the
even, according
case, of dissolving
dissolving the association.
The associations of Government and local local Govern­
Govern‑
ment
m e n t servants
servants dodo not
n o t come within the scope
sc0pe of the Act,
of theActg.
but
but are
are provided
provided for otherwise.
If the conciliatory machinery provided provided by the
Corporations fails to settle aa labour dispute, the
The
7 , “ question goes for final
question final settlement before 000 one
fig?“
ture 'of™ °f of the sixteen
sixteen ordinary Appeal Courts of the-‑
Labour.
I ‘ M Reaim.
Realm. The judge judge in such
such cases
cases is aided by
aided by“.
two assessors, chosen by the judge,
t w o assessors, judge, from aa list
list of experts
'- '
on the particular
on particular matter under
under dispute. These experts ‑
must,
must, of course, not be in any way parties to or person­
n o t be - »
ally interested
interested in the case. ListsLists of these experts are' -'
compiled by the Courts and
compiled and revised
revised every ttwo ., w
w o years.
They are chosen from among among ordinary citizens and '
and are
 THE LAW
LAW OF THE CORPORATIONS 211
an
divided
, 'ded into
into groups and
and sub­groups
sub‐groups according
according to the
subject
" bject of their expert
expert knowledge.
knowledge.
The Court decides onon the interpretation
interpretation of
of existing
existing
contracts in accordance with the law
“contacts land and
law of the land and the
..regulations
.: ations regarding
regarding the interpretation
interpretation of
of collective
contracts.
.“ . .tracts.
' , The Court
Court also
also decides the conditions of new collect­
collect‑
ive contracts
_' contracts in accordance with with principles of equity
'and with those laid laid down
down in the Labour
Labour Charter (q.v.,
(gum,
Section
-»n'on VI).
_' Strikes and
and lock­outs
lock-outs are severely for­ for‐ strikes
sari/mand.
m
1; -- n and liable to very heavy penalties. m e '‘
bidden and liable to very heavy penalties. Lcck ouis

. Strikes and and lock­outs

lock-outs are classified
classified under three
heads>:: those having
having a political object or
a political or with the
object
‘ e c t of putting
putting pressure on on the State ; those con­con‑
‘cerned
' ed with the working
working of public services (a schedule
‘ ‘ what constitutes aa public service is annexed
of annexed to the
Act)) ; and
and those having
having anan ordinary economic object
concerned
-- -« ed with industries
industries not
not scheduled
scheduled as constituting
asconstituting
a“public
public service.
service.
I The degree of penalties varies in severity with the
nature
- of the strike or lock­out
lock-out asas classified. Each
Each
class
: ~ofof strike
strike and
and lock­out
lock-out is
is defined. I will give here
here
the_ definitions of those that come under under Class III:—
III:‑
I“)
(a) Employers of
Employers of labour, who, without justifiable
labour,
motives
motives and
and with
with the sole object of obtaining
obtaining
from their employees (or workers) aa modifica­
from modifica‑
212 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

tion of the conditions of the actual collective

contracts in force, suspend work in their
factories, businesses or offices.
(b) Employeesor workmen who, numbering three or
more and by previously concerted action,
abandon work or do their work in such a way
as to disturb its continuity or regularity,
with the object of obtaining different con‑
tracts of labour than those actually in force.

Thus the professional associations are the founda‑

tions on which the corporative State is being built.
The Cab Each local professional association is
fixative grouped into a federation of association!
of the same category‐provincial, or
national federations, as we have shown. The whole
are then grouped to form twelve confederations, six
for employers and six for employed, representing,
industry, agriculture, commerce, transport by s e t
and air, land and internal water transport, and?
banking. To these t w o groups of six each is added l
third group of free professions, composed (at present)
of three bodies : Artisans, artists and the professional
fillings. Each of these three groups forms a Unions
to which is added the Union of Co‐operative Sod '
(including Guilds). The whole are co‐ordin
through the organisation of the Corporations, which,
I have stated, are organs of the State, under the sup
direction of the Ministry of Corporations, which
 THE LAW
LAW OF
OF THE CORPORATIONS 213
2x3

.,also- in direct
direct touch with with the individual
individual needs
needs andand aspira‑
aspira­
tions
,-, of
of the
the various
various categories
categories of production by
of production by means
means
of 1a Council
Council of Federations.
Federations.
vlt
It proved
proved aa longlong andand difficult
difficult task to to classify
classify all
all
these
' ~ activities,
activities, to to constitute
constitute the various professional
professional
associations
'ations and and to complete the hierarchical
hierarchical organisa­
organisa‑
tion.. Subject to certain certain modifications
modifications that may yet be be
introduced, the edifice may now be considered
- - need, the edifice may now be considered finished, finished,
or at least
least sufficiently
sufliciently so to enable it
soto it to
to set
set to
to work and and
fallow
to allow the Government to prepare
prepare the scheme
scheme on its
on its
basis
“2, for the new new parliamentary representation,
representation, the
exact formform of which
which it is expected
expected will be be decided upon
decided upon
towards - : the end
end of
of the current
current year (cf. (cf. Section
Section VII).
Things,
' gs, indeed,
indeed, are are now beginning to work fairly
now beginning
smoothly ; and with this I think
' ' . y ; and with this I think there, there isis only
only one more
one more
point in in connection
connection with with this
this vast
vast and revolutionary
and revolutionary
ordering
A ' g of of society that need
need be mentioned here.
bementioned here. The
members
it bers of the professional
professional associations have have no need
no need
to belong
belong to the fascist Party, Party, nornor indeed
indeed to callcall them­
them‑
selves
1; ~ expressly
expressly Fascists.
Fascists. Nobody is pressed to
is pressed to join
the juridieally
juridically recognised
recognised or, if one
or, if one prefers to to call
call them
the”fascist
fascist associations.
associations. At At the same time nobody is
refused
‘ -‘ who applies to join, provided provided he he or she has
nothing1 against
against him morally, and
him morally, and is is not
n o t known
known as as aa
public agitator
agitator in in favour
favour of of class
class warfare
warfare and and other
other
ideologies
_.> fies expressly
expressly condemned
condemned by by law.
law. He He or or she
she
is'not required to sign
' required sign any undertaking.
undertaking. As As aa member
member
214 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
OF FASCISM

he or she may be
he be regarded
regarded as asat acquiescing in the ‘
least acquiescing
at least
scheme, and
scheme, required. The guarantees
and that is all that is required.
required
required with respect
respect to the Secretary of the association,
association,
nature of the organisation itself
and the very nature
etc., and
etc., are ,
itself are
its own
its safeguard against the objects of the scheme being
own safeguard being
defeated. The benefits which the scheme is affording affording
both employers and
both and workers are daily turning doubters
half-hearted into
and the half­hearted
and members and
into enthusiastic members and
Rossoni, one of the principal authors
supporters. As Rossoni,
of the scheme and President of the Union
and President Union of the
Federations, has said
Workers’ Federations,
Workers' said:: " “ We are in nono hurry.
hurry
to get everybody within our ranks.ranks. We have abundant
abundant
numbers to enable the scheme to be
numbers worked without
be worked
introduction of
the introduction of all the country's workers. It It itis
better that these should
better should come in gradually as as they
become convinced of its merits.
become convinced merits. Meantime those who
remain outside are no
remain losers, for they participate
no great losers, participate“
all the essential benefits."
equally in all
 EDMONDO
l i m u ‘ y x h u ROSSONI,
RUSSU.\I,

P'Vs'dt'nf of
President 1] the
{he National
Kalimml Confederation
l'nnjrdz'rulimx of
a] Fascist
I’mu'xl Trade
1 ' c h Unions.
Univ)“.
 SECTION
S E C T I O N VI
VI

THE
T H E LABOUR CHARTER
LABOUR CHARTER

Text

1.
1. The Italian Nation is an
Italian Nation organism having
an organism having ends,a
ends,a
ifife
life and
and means superior in power power and duration to the
and duration
T-iingle individuals or groups of individuals
single individuals individuals that compose
' it.
it. It is is aa moral, political and
moral, political and economic unity,
unity, which
which
.collectively realises itself
collectively realises State.
itself in the fascist State.
a. Work in all
2. all its intellectual,
its forms, whether intellectual,
bchnial
technical or or manual,
manual, isis aa social duty. On
social duty. On this score,
"nd
and only on on this score,
score, isis it protected
protected by the State.
The whole body of of production
production must be considered
be considered
as aa united effort from
united effort national point of vview
from the national i e w;, it
it
'has common object which may
' .. aa common may be
be summarised as
as the
being of the single individuals
well­being individ‑
individuals or groups of individ­
. , ,. composing
uals composing the NationNation andand the development of the
_ -'onal strength.
national
" 3­ Union (Syndical)
3. Trade Union (Syndical) or,or, in other words,
. , ' «-ional organisation
professional organisation is is free. But
But only the Trade
i- nion
Union which isjuridically recognised and placed
is juridically recognised and placed under
control of the State
.the control State has right legally to represent
has the right represent
215
3:5
216 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

the entire mtegory of employers and employees (workers

of all kinds) for which it is constituted ; to protect its
interests vis-Z-vi: the State and other professional
associations ; to stipulate collective contracts of labour
binding on all persons belonging t o ' the category ;
to levy contributions from them and to carry o u t as
delegates on their behalf functions of public interest.
4. In labour contracts the solidarity between the
various factors of production finds its expression
through the conciliation of the opposing interests of
employers and employed and their subordination to the
superior interests of prodUction.
5. The Magistratureof Labour is the organ whereby ,
the State shall intervene to regulate labour controversies,
whether with reference to the observance of pacts or
other existing regulations, or with reference to the
determination of new labour conditions.
6. The professional associations which havejuridiml
recognition shall be the means by which the equality
before the law of employers and employees (workers)
is to be assured, by which discipline in the efi'ort (f
production and labour is to bemaintained, and by which
production and labour may be improved.
The Corporations shall constitute the joint organist‑
tions of the forces of production and represent colled'
ively the interests of production.
in view of this collective representation, the internal
 THE
THE LABOUR
LABOUR CHARTER
CHARTER 217

I of production
production being being national
national interests,
interests, the Corpora­
Corpora‑
tions
tions are juridically recognised as organs of the State
are juridically recognised as organs of the State
(referred
. (referred to sometimes as the
as “ " corporative organs ").
As representatives of the collective interests of
production, the Corporations
production, Corporations may dictate binding binding
regulations with
regulations with regard
regard to conditions of labourlabour andand to
the co­ordination
coordination of production,
production, whenever they receive
the required
required powerspowers fromfrom the rapective
respective associations
composing them.
' composing
7. The corporative State State considers that private private
initiativein
initiative in the field of production
field of production is is the most efficacious
most eflicacious
and most
r-lnd most useful
useful instrument
instrument in the interests of the
Nation.
Nation.
The
The private
private organisation
organisation of production
production being
being aa
function, however,
however, of of national
national interest,
interest, the organiser
of any
ld' any economic undertaking
undertaking shall be responsible to the
shall be
State
State for the direction
direction given production. Collabora­
given to production. Collabora‑
tion between
tion between the factors of of production,
production, moreover,
moreover,
results in aareciprocity
reciprocity of of rights
rights and
and duties. The hired hired
worker, whether intellectual,
Worker, intellectual, technical or or manual,
manual, is an an
intive
active collaborator in any economic undertaking, undertaking, the
management
agement of which, however,however, belongs to the employee
employer
who is
“who is responsible
responsible for its proper working.
its proper
_ 8. The professional
professional associations of employers shall shall
be obliged
be obliged to promote
promote in every way possible an an increase
increase
of, and
and improvement
improvement in, in, the methods of production
production andand
reduction in
ai'l'eduction in costs.
costs. The The duty
duty ofof the representatives
representatives
218 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
OF FASCISM

of those who exercise aa liberal

liberal profession
profession or an
an art
art
and
and of the associations of public servants is to promote
promote
the interests
interests of art,
art, science and
and letters, improve ‑
letters, to improve
productive methods and
productive moral ends of
and to see that the moral
organisation of society are energetically
the corporative organisation energetically
pursued.
pursued.
Intervention by the State in economic production
9. Intervention production
should private initiative is
should take place only when private lacking,
is lacking,
political interests of the
insufl'icient, or when the political
or is insufficient,
State
State are involved.
involved. Such intervention may assume
Such intervention assume
the form supervision, assistance or
form of supervision, or direct manage‑
manage­
ment.
ment.
10.
1 0 . In labour disputes, judicial action
labour disputes, action may nnot be
o t be.
undertaken
undertaken untiluntil the corporative organ failed to
organ has failed
bring about aasettlement by
bring by conciliatory means.
means.
concerning individuals
In controversies concerning respecting
individuals respecting
interpretation or
the interpretation or application of labour contracts, thQ
application of the
professional association
professional association may offer their good offices‑offices
with aa view to settlement by conciliation.
with
Competency in such
Competency such controversies devolves in the Instrlast
resort
resort onon the ordinary Magistrature addition'
Magistrature with the addition
of assessors nominated
nominated by by the interested
interested professional“
professional
(Thus is constituted
associations. (Thus Magistrature of"
constituted the Magistrature of
Labour.)
Labour.)
n. The professional
11. professional associations shall be obligfih
be obliged
regulate, by
to regulate, by means of collective contracts, the con­
labour between
ditions of labour empl
between the categories of employers
 THE LABOUR CHARTER 2:9
and employees (workers) which they respectively
represent.
These collective contracts shall be stipulated between
associations of the first degree (c.g.,the simple members
of a given Corporation), under the control and guidance
d the Corporation. In certain cases, however, in
flccordance with the provisions established by Law and
the approved regulations contained in an association's
Articles, the collective contracts may be stipulated
between associationsof a superior degree (e.g.,the federa‑
‘ffion of associations representing a particular eategory).
Every collective labour contract, under penalty of
unification, m u s t contain precise regulations on
disciplinary matters, on the period of trial (before
employees, that is, any kind of hired worker, are con‑
firmed in their contract), on the amount and conditions
i salaries and on the hours of labour.
‘ n. The activity of the Trade Unions, the work of
conciliation of the Corporations, and the decisions of
file Magistrature of Labour shall guarantee the
approximation of salaries to the normal conditions of
fife, to the possibilities of production and to the earning
power of labour.
The actual determination of salaries shall not,
‘ ever, be controlled by any general rule, but
trusted to agreements between the parties through
' ective contracts.
9
220
220 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

collected by the Departments

13. The statistics collected
13. Departments of
State, by
State, by the Central Statistical Institute and by the
Smtistical Institute
professional associations which arejuridicall'y
professional arejuridically recognised
recognised
respect to the conditions of production
with respect
with and of
production and
labour, the condition
labour, market, the varia­
condition of the money market, varia‑
living of those who hire out
standard of living
tions in the standard
labour, duly co­ordinated
their labour, co‐ordinated and elaborated by the
and elaborated
Corporations, shall
Ministry of Corporations, shall provide aa criterion
criterion for
reconciling the interests
reconciling interests of the various categories and and
classes,
classes, and latter with the superior
and the interests of the latter
production.
interests of production.
14. Salaries should
14. should take the form best suitedsuited to the
requirements
requirements of the employee (worker)
(worker) andand of the
undertaking.
undertaking.
When payment is made
When made by piecework, and the piece‑
piecework, and piece­
work accounts are settled longer than a,
settled over periods longer a
fortnight, adequate accounts must be
fortnight, be made up weekly
or fortnightly.
or
Night-work
Night­work is is not included in
n o t included regular periodical
in the regular periodical
periods labour, and
periods of labour, and must be payable at higher rates
be payable rates
day-work.
than day­work.
than
When labour paid by piecework, payment must be
labour is paid be
determined so
determined sothat the industrious worker with a normal .
a normal
shall be
labour shall
capacity for labour be able to attain earning!
attain small earnings
above his
above his basic pay.
15. Those who hire
15. hire out labour have the right
o u t their labour right
to aa weekly rest
rest on
on Sundays.
 THE LABOUR CHARTER an

Collective contracts shall apply this principle,

taking into account the existing legal regulations and
the technical requirements of an undertaking, and
within these limits shall insure respect for civil and
religious holidays according to local traditions.
Employees (workers) must scrupulously observe work‑
ing hours.
16. After a year of uninterrupted service in an
' undertaking requiring continuous work an employee
(worker) shall have the right to an annual paid holiday.
x7. In undertakings requiring continuous work, an
employee (worker) shall have the right, in the event of
his being discharged through no fault of his own, to an
indemnity proportionate to the number of years of his
A service. Such an indemnity shall likewise be due in
‘ the event of his death.
18. The passing of any undertaking requiring con‑
tinuous work into new hands shall n o t afi'ect the labour
' contract, and the employees (workers) shall preserve all
their rights under the new management. Similarly,
. the illness of an employee (worker) not exceeding a
determined period shall n o t terminate his labour
contract. A call to arms or service in the national
Militia shall n o t be a reason for the discharge of an
employee (worker).
' 19. Infractions of discipline and acts which disturb
the normal working of an undertaking, committed by
222
222 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

employees (workers),
(workers), shall be punished according
be punished according to
their gravity by fine,
fine, suspension of work, or immediate
discharge without indemnity.
indemnity. A description
description of the
cases to which suchsuch penalties are are applicable shall bebe
specified
specified (in
(in the labour
labour contracts).
20.
2 0 . New
New employees (workers
(workers newly taken on) shall shall
be
be subject to a period
a period of trial during
during which the right
right of
terminating
terminating the contract
contract is reciprocal,
reciprocal, with payment
only for the time of actual work.
21.
ax. The obligation
obligation to make
make collective labour
labour con­
con‑
tracts
tracts extends,
extends, together with the benefits suchsuch contracts
contracts
secure and
and the discipline they exact,
exact, to home workers
also.
also. Special regulations
regulations shall in due course be be issued
issued
by the State for policing
policing home‐work
home­work andand securing
securing
hygienic
hygienic conditions in the homes where such
such work is
carried
married on.
22.
2 2 . The State
State shall
shall ascertain
ascertain and
and control the pheno?
pheno­
menon
menon of employment and and unemployment workers, I
unemployment of workem,
the figures
figures for which
which form
form an
an index of the conditions
of production
production and and of
of labour.
labour.
23.
23. The labour
labour exchanges shall accordingly be be under
under
the control
control of the Corporations (which
Corporations (which are are organs of the
State) and so
State) and so based
based on
on the various categories of employ‑
employ­
ment.
ment. Employers
Employers shall be be obliged to engage worker!
workers '
through the medium
medium of these exchanges, with freedom
freedom
of
of choice between
between the whole number
number of inscribed
of names inscribed
on the rolls
rolls except that, other things being eqmli ‑
being equal,
 THE LABOUR
LABOUR CHARTER
CHARTER 223

preference must
preference must be given to members of the fascist
be given
Party or
Party or of
of the juridically recognised
recognised Trade Unions
Unions in
the order
order of seniority of their enrolment.
24. Professional
24. Professional associations of workers must
m u s t carry
out
o u t selective action among
selective action among their members with the
object of bringing about aa continual increase
bringing about increase in their
technical capacity andand moral
moral worth.
25. The Corporations shall
25. of seeing
shall have the duty of seeing
relating to accidents and
laws relating
that the laws and the policing
policing of
labour conditions are observed
labour observed by the individuals who
are composing them (and
members of the associations composing
are members (and
category).
representing their category).
representing
Insurance is an
26. Insurance an excellent example of the spirit
collaboration between
of collaboration Both employer and
between classes. Both and
employee must proportionately contribute to the costs.
must proportionately
It shall
It be the duty of the State through the Corpora­
shall be Corpora‑
and professional
tions and co-ordinate and
professional associations to co­ordinate and
unify,
unify, asas far as
as this may be practicable,
may be practicable, the systems
insurance and
of insurance insurance Institutes.
and the insurance Institutes.
27. The fascist State
27. proposes to bring
State proposes first,
about, first,
bring about,
improvement of insurance
the improvement insurance against accidents ;
secondly, improvement and
Secondly, the improvement extension of maternity
and extension
thirdly, compulsory insurance
insurance ; thirdly,
insurance insurance against
i and tuberculosis, as
Occupational illnesses and
occupational as aa first
first step
insurance against all
towards compulsory insurance all illness ;*;'
fonrthly, the improvement
fourthly, improvement of unemployment
unemployment insurance ;
Insurance against tuberculosis has
*‘ Insurance has since become obligatory (Oct.,
(Oct.
1927).
19:7)‑
224
224 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

and fifthly, the adoption

and fifthly, adoption of aa special marriage
marriage endow­
endow‑
ment
ment insurance
insurance for young workers.
28. ItIt is
is the duty of the workers’
workers' associations to
protect their members administratively and
protect and legally
regarding accidents and
regarding and social insurance.
insurance. Wherever
practicable, the creation
practicable, creation of aa Provident
Provident Fund
Fund for sick
workers, shall
workers, be made
shall be part of the collective labour
made part labour
contracts,
contracts, suchsuch fund to be be fed
fed by contributions fromfrom
both
both the employers and and employees,
employees, and and to be
be adminis­
adminis‑
tered by officers
ofiicers appointed
appointed by both both parties under
under the
control
control ofof the Corporation.
Corporation.
29. Welfare­work
Welfare-work organisations must in all all cases
form
form part
part of the programme of the professional
professional associa­
associa‑
tions, on
tions, behalf of both
on behalf both members
members and and non­members
non-members of
the same category. The professional
professional associations mustmust
carry out
o u t these duties directly through their own own
organs. They m must
u s t not
n o t delegate them to other
organisations or institutes except for general reasons reasons
arising o u t
arising out of the fact that aa particular welfare-work
welfare­work
organisation goes beyond
organisation beyond the particular category of
producers represented.
producers represented. '
30. Education
Education and instruction, especially profa‑
and instruction, profes­
sional
sional instruction,
instruction, shall constitute one one of the principal
principal
professional associations towards bath'
duties of the professional both
members and non­members. They shall support thG
and non-members. the
work of the After-Work
After­Work Institution and
Institution and other nationll
national
educative movements.
movements. '
 THE LABOUR
LABOUR CHARTER
CHARTER 225

The above,
above, I think, read conjunction with the last
read in conjunction last
section, no explanation. I haveadded
section, needs noexplanation. have added in brackets
here and there,
hereand there, some explanations of the use of aa word or
of aa phrase,
phrase, where otherwise aa misunderstanding
misunderstanding
appeared
appeared to be be possible.
possible. In trying to render,
render, too, my
translation into
translation into intelligible
intelligible English,
English, it has been
been necess‑
necess­
ary,
ary, in order
order to make certain of reproducing
make certain reproducing the sense,
sense,
to do some slight
slight violence to the text.
The text which I have have taken asas my model
model is the
official
oficial one reproduced
reproduced in aa small
small volume by His His
Excellency
Excellency Guiseppe
Guiseppe Bottai, Under­Secretary of State
Bottai, Under-Secretary
for the Corporations (La (La Carta
Carin del
d c ] Lavoro, published
Lawn, published
under
under the auspices of the Ministry
Ministry of the Corporations,
Corporations,
1927).
192.7). Those who can can read
read Italian
Italian would do well to
study this little volume,
little volume, which contains aa running com­
running com‑
mentary,
mentary, clause
clause by clause,
clause, of the Charter by one of its its
principal
principal authors
authors ; for Messrs.
Messrs. Rossoni
Rossoni (Head
(Head of of the
Federation
Federation of Workers' Unions), Benni
Workers’ Trade Unions), Benni (Head
(Head
of the Federation
Federation of the Employers' Unions), Bottai
Employers’ Unions), Bottai
and
and Mussolini
Mussolini himself
himself may be regarded as
be regarded asthe principal
principal
authors
authors of this exceedingly important
important document.
Its publication on
Its publication on 21st
2r s t April, 1927,
1927, waswas widely
commented on all
commented on all over over the world as the most remarkable
as most remarkable
' attempt
attempt in social legislation to protect the worker from
social legislation from
. exploitation, the capitalist
capitalist exploitation, capitalist from
from ca­canny
(re-canny and
and
to subordinate both capital and
both capital and labour
labour to the paramount
interests of the Nation.
interests Nation.
226 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

It signifies the codification of the guarantees of the

workers, conferring, as it does, on all workers the
advantage of collective bargaining and providing the
type for the collective contract.
The Labour Charter, however, is not a law. It is a
manifesto prepared and issued by the central fascist
revolutionary organisation (The Fascist Grand
Council). Nevertheless, portions of it have already
been translated into Law, others into regulations
having the force of laws‐and orders have been
issued to the Prefects that its terms must be
respected and form the base of all collective labour
contracts. Similarly the Law Courts are to take it as
the criterion on which to base their decisions with
respect to any disputes with which they may be '
seized.
The sixteen ordinary provincial Courts of Appeal,
which are bound to prove more impartial (given the
high tradition of justice which Italian Courts enjoy)
than specially constituted tribunals, are now working
everywhere as the Magistrature of Labour. Such
Courts are accustomed to assessing damages and
settling cases on pleas of equity, so that, aided by tho
expert assessors provided by the Corporations Act, t h q i
may be regarded aseminently suited to try trade div
putes. In Italy, where there is no caste distinctial,
between the toj' and the bloke, as there is in England.
 ..._I_
_
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7 .4__/5 /_
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 THE LABOUR
LABOUR CHARTER
CHARTER 227
237

there hashas never been any question

never been question of the working
working manman
' notn o t having
having complete confidence in in the impartiality
impartiality of of
' the country's
country’s judges. For For one
one thing, the legal pro­
legal pro‑
fession
fession is is much
much more
more democratically recruited
recruited than in
England,
England, and and the Italian,
Italian, having
having aa good good deal more
deal more
‘ imagination
imagination thanthan the average Englishman,
Englishman, is far more more
capable of seeing another man's
seeing another man’s or another class's point
class’s point
of view than we are.
than we are. These facts, taken
facts, taken together with
with
the more
more elaborate,
elaborate, albeit
albeit more
more fussy, rules of evidence
'. in Italian
Italian Law,
Law, are the chief
chief reasons accouriting for this
reasons accounting
fortunate condition
condition of affairs,
affairs, which no no doubt has
largely contributed
largely contributed to the enthusiastic acceptance of
the whole scheme by the working classes. It It was
among
among the employers rather
rather than among
among the working
working
‘ classes that grave doubts were at first first expressed
expressed andand
' where aa lack
lack of enthusiasm
enthusiasm is still
still evident.
Only one important
important case
ease involving
involving trade disputes
has, up to the time of going
has, Press, been
going to Press, been referred
referred for
legal decision.
5833] decision. In this case case the workers' association
association
won their plea.
Wen plea. The main Corporations
main work of the Corporations
to
to datedate has consisted
consisted in arranging
arranging by agreement
new collective bargains and
inew and revising
revising the old old
mes.
ones. There were more more than 1,000 1 , 0 0 0 such trans­
trans‑
actions 1926, and
'ons in 1926, and in these the working manman has in
Itilelrly
nearly every case bettcred
bettered his position, sometimes to aa
his position,
markedked extent. But
But several indeed, elapse
several years must, indeed,
before wewe can pronounce judgment with any real
can pronounce real
228 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

confidence on the working of the corporative State ;

yet this much we may say : the Labour Charter is one
of those things which cannot easily be gone back upon,
for it represents a genuine social conquest.
 SECTION V I !

T H E NEW I TA L I A N PARLIAMENT

Tris Italian Parliament is composed of two Houses, a

» Senate and a House of Commons (Deputies) having
‘- equal powers. The idea of the fascist Government is
i to transform the latter into a House of Representatives
of the organised productive forces in the country and
to maintain the former, more or less as at present
composed‐that is, of members nominated by the
‘ Crown on the advice of the Prime Minister.
To be exact, the Senate is composed of the Royal
' Princes closely related to the King and an unlimited
number of life members eligible should they fl,
qualify as persons of national eminence in w‑
my one of a series of categories‐such asdistinguished
members of the fighting forces, civil servants, scientists,
professors, lawyers, writers, politicians, etc., and those
who pay a certain minimum sum in direct taxes. All
members except the Royal Princes must have reached
the age of forty and the Senate has the right to reject
nominations effected under any of the categories save
“the last named.
an
230 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

Probably for the present no change will be made in

the composition of the Senate, the fascist idea being
that it already fulfils very adequately the fascist ideal
of what a Senate should be, namely, a House of Faculties
and of the most distinguished men among those who
have conSpicuously served their country.
Nevertheless it is felt that the Senate could be
improved, and the following questions are under
debate :- p
( i ) That the numbers should be limited‐that is,.
each eategory limited‐beyond certain ex-ofia'a mem‑
bers, such as those who have held the appointment of
Chief of the General Staff, Presidentof the High Court
of Appeal, Chief Secretary of the great Departments
of State, besides ex‐Prime Ministers Field-Marshals,
etc., and possibly Presidents of the Royal Aeademy
(which, by the way, is a new body created by the fascist
Government and composed of the more eminent '
writers, artists, scientists, etc., of the land‐rather liko
our own Royal Society, but extended to include men ‘
of letters and artists having special social functions to
perform).
(a) That the last category, at present composed of
rich men, should also belimited and bechanged to out?
of ageneral character with no money qualification ; and
that the Senate should be given the right to reject
nominations, as with other categories.
 THE NEW ITALIAN PARLIAMENT 23x

(3) That the various professional organisations,

such asdoctors and surgeons, engineers and architects,
journalists, university professors, lawyers, etc., should
have direct representation in the Upper House rather
’ than in the Lower House, each representative serving
for a specified number of years, but re‐eligible.
Whether any of these reforms will be passed into
Law is, however, at present doubtful. In any case, the
question is n o t one of urgency and will no doubt be
‘ deferred until a later date.
The reform of the Lower House, on the other hand,
he been definitely decided on, though the pre‑
cise form of election is still under dis- “t
cussion. But in any u s e the represen- 21:3:0:2;‘
latives, as we have said, will be of the
Iorganised productive forces in the country, that is,
of the fascist, or in other words, juridieally
recognised Trade and Industrial Unions, called pro‑
finsional associations, which were summarily described
in Section V‐equal numbers being allotted to capital
and labour, employers and employed.
The representatives will also hail from each Province
1! Region. In other words, each Province or Regionwill
be representedthrough the localorganisationsin order to
lacure members with experience of local conditions.
Each member will likewise be also a representative of a
;Wmanent economic interest‐4hus providing that the
232 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

members shall represent bodies, which, like the State

itself, outlast the lives of the individuals composing
them ; for it may be surely supposed that no body will
beso neglectful of its interests asto send representatives
to Parliament unwilling or inapable of voicing that '
body's permanent interests. Hence quite a difi'erent
type of Member of Parliament should be thrown up,
a type who, while capable of voicing to good purpose
the interests of the body he represents, will n o t need to
be an orator and is n o t likely to be a demagogue.
The level of ability, too, should be greatly enhanced, for
the interest of the body represented will be to send up
its best, most experienced, most expert members ; for
the representative must be a member himself of the
body he represents‐and, practically speaking, the
representative will be personally known to the M
majority of the members of the body he represents.
Thus there will be no organised Parties represented
at all in either House. Members of the Lower House;
will n o t be elected or selected on a political programme;
but according to his ability to represent the various;
bodies' interests. And the Upper House, just asit it,
The being a House of Faculties and of personiff‘
fi c t i t i o - who have risen t o i t o n account o f
om- eminent services they have rendered
' country, will also represent no Party 0
sations. So any legislative measure proposed by
 THE NEW ITALIAN PARLIAKENT 333

Government will be debated on its own merits. Mem‑

bers,as at present in the Senate,mayvote for the Govern‑
ment one day, against it the next. Criticism will beno
less severe and the fate of legislation will be not only
entirely in the hands of the members, but to a con‑
siderably greater degree than under a system of Party
Government, when a Government, having secured a
majority at an election, possesses the practically
unchecked power to pass any measure it pleases into
l a w. The only check in fact under a system of Party
Government, to a Government's omnipotence, is the
fear of unpopularity at the next election, unless, of
course, the tables are reversed with regard to a Party
organisation in the Upper House.’
The system of Party Government, as Mussolini once
humorously remarked, is indeed a game invented by
England, like cricket and football. It is scarcely
- serious ; and this, curiously enough, appears to be its
. sole justification. When neither Party, asin England,
' profoundly minds whether it is in or out, though pre‑
° As ur- edition goes to p m . (November. 19a7). the Fascist Grand
_ Council have posed a number of resolutions laying down the principles
on which the new representation is to be based. These principles are
it perfect agreement w i t h my forecast. except that it is provided that
i t s n e x t legislature (1939‐1934) will mark an intervening stage belore
' the whole reform comes to be completed. The n e x t legislsture will
, Wt the punk-ions] s-ocistions. but t h e representatives will
Iotbelreslyelected. In the lollowingleglnlstnre,ontheotherhsnd
(when. it is hoped, the revolutionary period will hnve subsided and the
“ p u t a t i v e organisation of the State will have shot i t s roots and be
working normally). the representatives will come to be freely elected
by the prolsssional a-ociations.
234
a34 THE UNIVERSAL
THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
OF FASCISM
ferring
ferring to be in,
to be in, little
little harm
harm is is done.
done. UnderUnder 18th­ 18th‑
century conditions,
conditions, whenwhen practically speaking only the the
landed
landed interests
interests were represented,
represented, heated heated as as feeling,
feeling
sometimes ran, ran, the heat heat waswas of the keenness of the. the '
game. Each Each side respected
respected the other other andand gave it a
it a:-_
sporting
sporting chance. Both Both sides obeyed
obeyed the rules. Victory,Victory
came
came to the side which excelled
side which excelled in clever debate, telling
debate, telling
invective,
invective, cunning
cunning tactics (or (or even
even smartness,
smartnees, like like the
the
organising
organising of aa snapsnap division)
division) and,
and, one might
might add, add, the ‑
art
art of gulling,
gulling, ifif nnot bribing, the electorate. Both
o t of bribing, Both
sides knew
knew that, whoever was in power, power, the safety of
property
property andand ofof England
England would nnot o t beimperilled.
be imperilled.
With
With the Victorian
Victorian era aa change came about grad-1 gradu­
ally. But it was aaperiodof
ally. But period of piping
piping peace
peace and
and gro *' ‑
growing
prosperity, which
prosperity, which postponedpostponed the day of reckoning.
recko ' -_:
The gentleman­born still practically
gentleman-born still practically held held the monopoly
m a n ».., I}
of the seats
seats and
and each
each one one knew
knew that, in or out, out, neither
neither
his class nor
his n o r his
his country would be be let down. They They
were
were all public­school men,
all public-school men, generally public-spirited,
public­spirited, _
who knew
knew what aa game was was and
and how
how to play it. Only Only
gradually did did the new new man,man, who had had n not
o t the same
samef’
public­school, play­the­game
public-school, play~the~game traditions, begin to
begin invadG’ invade
the sacred
sacred precincts of Westminster. Representatives
Representative! ;
of theories undermining
underminingto to the traditions of the countryg
country,
some
some of them
them dangerous for its safety, safety, began
began to show Mow-g,
formidable numbers.
numbers. Representatives
Representatives of oppressed opp w- ‑
and
and exploited
exploited classes, crying crying outout bitterly and and pro­ ' “1
f 1.1 m Ixnrurnxa
u‘ fa: 1-1‘ i.’.'(\
 THE NEW m u m p m u u m m 335

r foundly for justice, began to make their voices heard.

[ Simultaneously the growth of business in the conditions
of a modern State became nearly overwhelming. The
“ premier club of the land" ceased to be the busy
‘ "Idez-‘DOIJ for the nimble-minded and intellectual sons
I of the upper classes. It became a house of work.
Politics became a serious matter, and to play them asa
game became, asa matter of fact, an anachronism. Yet
, still we persist in playing it l But the idea of politics
. asa game, such asthe Party system provides, is incom‑
. prehensible to the foreigner and to the working man.
. It matters little to us, it is true, if the foreigner, who
has always taken politics seriously, fails to understand
"it ; but it is fatal to the foreigner, who, in his blindness,
fhas copied our system. For if he cannot play the game
tand adhere to the rules, the game breaks down, as it
i ., - broken down hopelessly in nearly every case on the
”Continent. For one thing, the game is made for two.
it is dangerous to play it with three. It is fatal to play
_ with an indefinite number, and this is how the
A-- 'gner (and the Irishman) plays it, who is so serious
-~- t politics that he will with dificulty compromise
' - his paper programmes, with the result that an
'_definite number of Parties come to be formed, so
'_ none hold amajority and one of the worst forms of
f “ ' « - ent w m p fi o n ‐ l o g - m fl h g w in.
‘ On the other hand, it matters very much to us that
' a
ll

236 THE UNIVERSAL OF FASCISM

UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISK

sporting attitude of the English

this sporting English gentleman towards
politics exasperates the working man,man, who would give
his life improve the conditions of his class. For
life to improve For
him politics is
him politics is the only constitutional hope, and
constitutional hope, and so
so to
him
him a is a deadly serious matter. No wonder, in the
face of the persistence game-spirit, he
persistence of the game­spirit, he nurtures
nurtures
dreams of revolution
revolution !1
Italy on
Italy on fascist principles,
principles, taking also, asshe does,
also, as
politics very seriously,
politics seriously, has swept the game away ; and and
making arrangements to provide a new
she is making kind of
new kind
Parliament, which
Parliament, which will be be equally in touch with all all
parts of the country, equally in touch with all all sections
of the population,
of population, equally capable of of bringing
bringing con‑con­
structive and
and effective criticism
criticism to bear upon upon the
Government, equally master
Government, legisla‑
master of the country's legisla­
tion, equally capable of voicing the nwds
tion, needs and
and grievances
of all
all classes,
classes, but insures, at the same time, that criticism
but insures, criticism
shall
shall be
be constructive (not (not absent on on one side outo u t of '
loyalty or captious
Party loyalty
Party and opportunistic on
captions and on the other
for tactical reasons) ; that Governments should
tactical reasons) should be be
stable and
and not beat
n o t be at the mercy of gusts of unpopularity ; .'
that the Executive
Executive shouldshould be unhampered within
be unhampered
prescribed limits, having
prescribed limits, having regard
regard to the colossal modern
colossal modern
responsibilities shouldered ; that the
with which it is shouldered
responsibilities with
Member of Parliament
Member should be
Parliament should independent, not
be independent, not
fearing for his
fearing his popularity,
popularity, not spell!
not of the type that spells
demagogue,
demagogue, an an able interests he repre‑
able exponent of the interests repre­
 THE NEW ITALIAN PARLIAHENT 237

sents and an expert in his particular department.

Italy, moreover, is setting up a Parliament that will be
an expression of the true idea of national solidarity
instead of the false individualistic conception of the
State which has led to the adoption, all the world over,
of a pernicious individualistically organised electoral
system. It secures representation only to those per‑
sons, corporatively organised, with equal rights for men
and women, who possess national consciousness, a
social sense, a sense of duty to the community, asgua‑
rantwd by the juridically recognised associations that
accept the postulate of class inter-dependence within
the supreme interests of the Nation.
It is a great experiment, if you please (for all such
things take after the nature ofetperiments), but it is
also a great idea founded on a sound theory. It
‘ deserves, indeed, to be watched and studied with the
very greatest sympathy and open-mindedness.
 SECTION V I I I

BPILOGU!

I AM very conscious that what I have written might

have been better written. My work has been done in
my spare moments from other pressing occupations.
If I could give myself the time to rewrite this book, I
am aware that I could greatly improve it. Chapter
No. I I I is too long. There are too many repetitions.
These repetitions are the result of my striking, in the
course of my work, new material, and of new ways of
expressing much the same thing striking meas possibly .‑
illuminating to certain readers. I only trust that this
excuse will prove their justifieation.
In any ease, I believe I have succeeded in giving an
accurate and, on the whole, a clear account of the
doctrines and Welfare/mung of Fascism. Such an
account is urgently required in England and, for all I
know, in America too. Fascism to-day has been woe-‑
fully misrepresented in England, is strangely mis‑
understood. And this, I think, is chiefly due to GA
conspiracy of drcumstazxsi'ces. Conservatives
 EPILOGUE
EPILOGUE a39
239

made
made public
public for the purposes of their own own propaganda
only
only those aspects of Fascism Fascism which result result from
from aa
strong
strong andand efficient
eficient Government.
Government. This is, however,
is, however,
only
only half
halfthe truth,
truth, which reactionaries
reactionaries havehave seized
seized upon
upon
to justify coercion
coercion ;; while Liberals and Socialists,
Liberals and Socialists, who
consider themselves the progressive
progressive Parties and
Parties resent
and resent
the intrusion
intrusion of aa rival rival altogether
altogether opposed
opposed to their
respective ideologies, are
respective ideologies, are concerned
concerned in in allowing
allowing Fascism
Fascism
to pass as reactionary. Hence
pass asreactionary. Hence there has resulted
resulted a a kind
kind
of conspiracy of silence and and of subdued
subdued tonestones on all all
sides. Moreover,
Moreover, the independent
independent commercialised
commercialised
Press have
Press have helped
helped to givegive aa wrong impression
impression of the
facts ;; for very naturally
naturally they find find current news,
current news,
especially ifif it
it is of aa sensational
sensational character, better selling
character, better selling
matter
matter than
than ideas.
ideas. So 50 the British public, who largely
British public, largely
rely
rely on
on these newspapers
newspapers for their instruction,
instruction, have
obtained
obtained their
their notions of Fascism
Fascism fromfrom the accidental
accidental
incidents
incidents ofof the Revolution
Revolution in Italy.*
ltaly.‘
We need not seek for further reasons, although
We need n o t seek for further reasons, although it it is
is
unquestionably
unquestionably t r u etrue that the more unscrupulous
the more unscrupulous
supporters of those against whom
supporters of those against whom Fascism Fascism is
is fighting
fighting
its
its battle, have also
battle, have also indulged
indulged in in aa campaign
campaign ofof violent
calumny.
calumny. It It is
is impossible to attribute all the misrepre‑
inipossible toattributeall misrepre­
sentations have appeared
sentations that have appeared in Liberal and
in the Liberal and Social­
Social‑
Press to ignorance
ist Press
ist ignorance only.
The
The object
object of
of this book, however,
this book, however, is
is to give an
an
*‘ T
The
b eabove
a b owas
n wwritten
u w fi before
t m mIl nreceived
sslvo Mussolini's
d l m o l iPreface.
fl ' l m .
240
240 THE UNIVERSAL
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM
FASCISM

exposition of fascist doctrine, as

accurate exposition as endorsed by
the creators and
and leaders of the movement Italy ; and
movement in Italy and
the doctrine has nothing whatever to do with the
has nothing
question whether or not
question Italians are or are nnot
n o t Italians applying
o t applying
wisely, or
the doctrine wisely, or realising
realising it too precipitously,
precipitously,
that is, at too great aa cost in human
that is, human values. The
doctrine remains
remains the same in either case, and'must
ease, and must bebe
judged on on its merits. Those who come to approve of
its merits.
the doctrine m must
u s t take their own realise it
own steps to realise it in
accordance with
accordance with the conditions of the country of which
members ;; and
they are members and in an old country like
an old like Great
Great
with aa long
Britain, with
Britain, long national
national history and tradition, the
history and
path is undoubtedly the right one for
constitutional path
constitutional
people to take. The coming
these people coming of Fascism
Fascism in
England, we
England, we hope,
hope, needneed notn o t be accompanied, as
be accompanied, as in
Italy, by
Italy, Revolution, so
by violent Revolution, so that English
English men and
men and
women
women mustmust above all all begin learning to dissociate
begin by learning
minds Fascism
in their minds Fascism and and the various violent and and
dictatorial accompaniments that happen
dictatorial happen to be
be associated
associated
in Italy.
with it in
with Italy.
And it
And on aa point closely connected
it is on connected with this that
I would
would like like to conclude. Fascists
Fascists in each country
m u s t make
must make Fascism Fascism their own national movement,
national movement,
adopting symbols and
adopting conform to the
and tactics which conform
traditions, psychology and
traditions, and tastes ofof their own land.
land.
Do nnot on the accidentals of the movement
o t seize on movement or you
you
will be
will missing the essentials. Remember
be in danger of missing Remember
 m m :
EPILOGUE m
241

though truth is
that, though universal, its
is universal, its acceptance needneed never
make
make the world
world the same
same colour,
colour, for in its its application
application
to
to the individual
individual case
case is born variety. It
is born It is
is only
only false­
false‑
hood
hood that isis drab.
drab. The
The infinite
infinite variety of the Universe
variety ofthe Universe
is in reality a perpetual
reality a perpetual testimony to its essential unity,
its essential unity,
aa chorus of harmony
harmony in praise
praise of its Maker, One God
its Maker, God
in three Persons.
Persons.
 INDEX
INDEX AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
PAGES
n o “

D4 Prim:
g a i n “ ,. St. Thomas
AQUINAS
A
De Regimine Principum
M m e - m u ,, Richard
ALDINGTON Richnd.
v.
v. (Author's
(Author‘s Preface),
99,
65. 70
59. 65,
P l a n e t ) . 59,
n o . 133,
99. no,
70
I7:
133. 172
19
79
Voltaire
Vow"
ARISTOTLE 10. 65.
no. 59. 65, 124,
1:4. 131,
131. 132,
133, 133.
133, 138 13.
ASQUITH, Herbert 199
Ava-mu
AUSTIN 101
to:

BALDWIN, Stanley ... tg

37. 199
27,
BALILLA
BENEDICT XV., POPE /
"m4.
104. 105, l
nos. 167
38

BENNI 225
B Gin-Ea
t u - m,, GIUSEPPE
BOTTAI 225
us
u cCarta
La mm - delmLavoro
B h o p a l - 9, . Emilio
BRODRERO 8mm) ...
. . v.
v . (Author's
(Author? mPreface),
u m ) . 35.
25, 91
91
Vittorie Dottrinali del Fascismo
Auspici d'Impero
Bum-Tad?”
BRYCB, James
The Holy Roman Empire
43, l63
48> 163
BURKE 114. rl5
114. as

CALVIN 158
W W
CAMPBELL­BANNERMANW 199
x92
CHESTERTON, G. K. 6
CHRIST " " .II III .7.
171
COBBET
COMTE, AUGUSTE
. m
114
I
CONSTANTINE, EMPEROR 48

C onunnn
CORRADINI 58. 62
57. 58.
57. 61
Discorsi M
D i m Politici (1903-1923)
(1902­1923)
II
I tNazionalismo
c h t ee nla dDemocrazia
o n - m
L'Unitd
y u m ea la P M a. au-
la Potent delta Nation
Nazione ~39
CORRIDONI 39
COSTAMAGNA, C. 203
Diritlo
Divine Corporativo Italiano
Q u a ,. Benedetto
CROCE Benedetto . 93. 95
4. 93.
4.
Materialismo Storico ed Economia Marxista
La Filosofia di Gian Battista Vico
Saggio Sullo Hegel
243
 r

244 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISM

n o n
B u m " 4
Damn-.Whome on
Dunuvzl'imuee "6
Doom. L. to:
Batman: 3.9

Eecxuno m R o m a 37

F l o w m Mom-3mm. Duboo! Uthmo |7x

Flatt: 9:

G u a m , Sir ... 17:

C u m . (Ronni v. (Author's P i c k e t ) . 4. 588;
93. . u o . x z , t 7 , x | . l
Ck C o n t a Fads-o? 9‘ 3 ‘ 1

Klan. _ ' 58 Q . . 92.90. 95. 96

H o n . . ... H 4
Hounuol ... "4

1 m , William us. 116. u!

1mm" v. (Authot'n P u b e s )

K i n - l . J. Maynard z ,u -n1
A Short Vi c - a R a t i o 7 3
The Eda!" -F¢in
Kuum;

La Boa
L. W la Fania:
Lao xm..Pope ... 65. us. I ) ?

Lion. m- Aline ...

(Cf. Hihhett Journal. Jan 1931):
L u a u . St. Ignatiu‑
 INDEX AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX BIBLIOGRAPHY 245
245
PAGES
n a n
” m u m
MACCHIAVELLI a 3.
3 . 9.
9 . 10
t. o
The P
Prince
rim
M u m ,. Ramiro
MAEZTU Ramiro de
do ... ... ... ... 101,
t e l . 102, us. 159,
102. 125, 159. 177
177
Authority, Liberty
Authority. L i b “ ) : and
a l l Function
Fm
HAL-mus
MALTHUS .. ... m
114
MARCET, Mrs .. . “4
N4
manta-n. F.
MARINETTI, F. T‘ r. .. 6:
62
Futurismo e Fascismo
MARITAIN, Jacques ... ... v. (Author's Preface), 2, 9, 59, 137, 138
Une Opinion sur Charles Maurras et le Devoir Politique
Trois Riformateurs: Luther, Descartes, Rousseau
Mumtmw.
MARTINEAU, Miss Ili- in
114
u x ,. Karl
flMARX Km 1:8
39. 128
h u m u s ,. Charles
MAURRAS Charle- 3. 9.
3. 53. 91
9. 58. 9:
Romanlicisme et Revolution
Enquite
E q u a l sur
m tlao Monarchie
Moms“:
L a w - " m
LMralisme a m
et Libertis
m u m ,, Giuseppe
MAZZINI Glue 39
I
1 Doveri do; i Domini
Down' degli Uomini
M o n " ,. John
MORLEY John 1
199
Moon.
MOORE, G. 6. E.
E. n
95. 128
95.
Philosophical
Philosophical Studies
Sadie:
I n fl o w "
MUSSOLINI v. (Author's
v. (Author‘s Preface), 14. 19,
P M ) . 14, 19. 21,
3 1 , 34-32, 85.
24­31. 85.
PM
Discorsi Parlamentari
Diuom' 97,
9 “5-158. 158,
tax. 125­128,
1 , 121, 133. 169, 190.
16g, 190,
/
Discorsi
Discani q“agli Italiani
[blind 225, 333. 239
325. 333, 339
II mio Diario
I t mic D i d o di
d dGuerra
Guru
Disconi. t o n - x 9 ” (4
Discorsi, 1922­1926 (4 vok.)
vols.)
Diuturna
D i m
MWa hudi'SanSe.)Wm( by
Mussolini as revealed
u n d e in
Quaranta di San Severino)
a dhis edibd by
“ : political speeches (edited

N n o u o u I.,
NAPOLEON L. Emperor
Empower as. 28-30, 55
26, 28­30, 33
U L . Emperor
N u o u o n III,,
NAPOLEON Emperor 36
N un-cal
NIETZSCHE 11!
128

Oman., Alfredo
ORIANI 5:
5i
La Lotta
Lotta Politico
PM in Italia
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PALEY 114
Pun-o.
PARETO, Vilfredo
Vilfiedo 3. 44, 10
3. lo
Tratlato
T u m di“ Sociologia
Trasformazione della Democrazia
P M “ .
PARSIFAL . I7:
171
PIERCE, Charles 125
Pius X., Pope 38
POR, Odon 62
Fascism
246 THE UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF FASCISI
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Remus ..
Roam" 214. 135
LaI l a aa- R i m - n o n (Di-06d)
Ron-an: 76-81. “ 4 , n o , 137, 141, 153
L a C o u n t Sedd

S w a n s o n . W. 83
S a m e 9 :

S u m . Adan 4."4
n. Wealth afar-um
15, 39, no
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Illusions m c-
S u n - u ...
”7.132" . . 9 3
Susan. 1.69.10
The h i m o/Soddoo
Soul: x33
Sucmt. C M a p - m 33
L' Europa V i m
L'Ihlia B a b . "

‘ r v u - n . Au m 169
RM M a l i 46 Wk Factu- (Discord)
V u m m u , Albert v. (Author's Preface). 66, 67. 73. 13. 00
Train a Broil NM
V n m u n . Prof. A. v.m'(Authou Picket)
Vlco. G u n B u m ...
V m u . Lni ... 11.
Th A u; of Italy
The Fascist 5 3 m ,
Ve t - r u n 1!

WALL“. Graham ...

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 INDEX AND BIBLIOGRAPHY 347
n o n
W m . B .G . .
Warn-nu). A. N. ... v . (Author’s Puke“. g
Sch-w and the um World
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a r fi c l a w h l c h h n w W i n t h e b fl o w h g w b d i a h . ‑
m a m Fuddc. V i u l h R - Q M F M .
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L. T . 11 Con-inc d ' I l d i c , D o m R a m . 11P M
I l l - l i q ,I l L a o r o , L ' I murmumacmuu
m a n W m . The i u b w g b m . ctr... ate.
[ s h o u l d t h o cite the "Paglia J‘Onfinc" o f “ . NM Fania
P a t y m d t h e C m p M c C o M u o f fl a M n o / “ l fi m
Gut-d Council (1931-1937).