CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

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Volume 03
August Edition
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
FACULTY
THAT YOU CAN TRUST

Kamil Mushtaq Saif Khattak

4th in KPK 4th Position PAS, CSS 2021

2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

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LIFE AT NEARPEER AND HIGHLIGHTS OF NEARPEER

CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

Nearpeer’s Team
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Creative Director Namra Nasir invited to SkillBox
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LIFE AT NEARPEER AND HIGHLIGHTS OF NEARPEER

 CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

CSS Chronicles Volume 2 | Edition 6

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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

CONTENT
Monthly round up 7

National 11
1. Digital Conveyancing in Pakistan 12
2. Criminal Law in Pakistan post 18th Constitutional Amendment 16
3. Perils in the Education System of Pakistan 19
4. SRB Setting Remarkable Trends in Tax Administration 23

International 25
1. Who is Winning the War in Ukraine? 26
2. How Bangladesh has Outpaced India and Pakistan Economically? 29
3. What does Joe Biden’s Visit to KSA Mean for US-KSA Relations? 32
4. The dollar is Flying High in Pakistan: How does it Happen? 36

Monthly Press Review 38

Essay Special 61

Wisdom Archives: Will Durant on War 64

Legal Diaries 70

Screening Test Alert 75

1. General Ability 76
2. Islamic Studies 77
3. English (Prepositions) 78

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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

MONTHLY
ROUND UP:
JUNE AT A GLANCE
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

Dates Events

1 Clearing the air about who gets to rule Punjab, the Supreme Court ordered a run-off
election for the office of the chief minister on July 22, after by-elections on 20 general
seats are held, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) notifies five PTI candidates on
reserved seats and some provincial lawmakers return after performing haj.

2 Russia claimed to have captured the strategic Ukrainian city of Lysychansk and the
entire frontline Lugansk region as a mayor said six people were killed by Russian shelling
to the west.

3 North Korea criticized the United States, South Korea and Japan`s recent agreement on
strengthening military cooperation to be a means to materialize a US plan for a military
alliance like NATO in the region.

4 In a historic move, the Sindh Assembly unanimously passed a law fixing half per cent
quota for transgender persons at public sector institutions in the province.

5 NATO`s 30 allies signed an accession protocol for Finland and Sweden, allowing them to
join the nuclear armed alliance once parliaments ratify the decision, the most significant
expansion of the alliance since the 1990s.

6 The military secured the nod of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security`s for
peace talks with the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) after conceding to the
Pakistan Peoples Party`s demand for the process to be overseen by a parliamentary
committee.

7 Pointing out that women`s participation in the workforce is greatly constrained, a World
Bank study says at 20 per cent, Pakistan`s workforce participation rate for women is one
of the lowest both in South Asia and globally.

8 The World Health Organization released a report on the vaccines currently in develop-
ment to prevent infections caused by antimicrobial-resistant (AMR) bacterial patho-
gens.

9 Pakistan is the second-worst country in terms of gender parity, according to a report

released by the World Economic Forum (WEF).

Women in the healthcare sector face a larger gender pay gap than in other fields,
10 earning 24 per cent less than men, according to a joint report prepared by the Interna-
tional Labour Organisation (ILO) and the World Health Organisation (WHO).

11 Pakistan could face a serious problem as its foreign exchange reserves fast depleting
amid rising external debt servicing.

8
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

Dates Events

12 The country`s superior and lower judiciaries are dealing with a huge backlog of 2.144
million cases as 4.102m cases were decided and 4.06m new cases were filed during
2021, it emerged.

13 From Pakistan`s perspective, talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are com-
plete, and it is just the internal process of the crisis lender, which would come out with a
formal announcement on the successful completion of the seventh and eighth quarterly
reviews of a stalled loan programme.

14 The International Monetary Fund (IMF) announced a staff-level agreement with Pakistan
that will not only help resume the suspended loan programme and pave the way for a
$1.18 billion disbursement but is also expected to alleviate Sri Lanka-like default fears at
least in the short term and unlock funding from other multilateral lenders like the World
Bank and the Asian Development Bank.

15 The federal government decided to tighten the noose around those individuals using
digital platforms for character assassination and harassment and posting `unethical`
content on social media.

16 Nine terrorists were killed and a havildar was martyred during an operation against the
killers of Lt Col Laig Baig Mirza, an army officer who was kidnapped earlier this week while
travelling to Quetta from Ziarat, the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) said in a state-
ment.

17 Russian shelling of a town in eastern Ukraine killed six people, Kyiv said, as EU ministers
meeting in Brussels insisted that the pressure of Western sanctions on Moscow was
working.

18 Moody`s Investors Service termed the staff level agreement (SLA) signed by Pakistan
with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for the revival of its programme as `credit
positive` and hope d it would ease pressure on declining foreign exchange reserves.

19 Pakistan received record remittances of over $31 billion in the financial year 2021-22
(FY22), an increase of 6.1 per cent over FY21, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) reported.

20 Blaming political factors for the latest downturn in currency and share markets, Paki-
stan`s economic managers tried to reassure that macroeconomic fundamentals were
stabilizing and $8.5-10 billion inflows have been lined up from friendly countries against
a financing gap of $4bn estimated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

21 Pakistan and Afghanistan reached an agreement to facilitate bilateral trade, especially

coal for use in power generation to bridge the shortfall in electricity production in the
wake of the high cost of furnace oil in the international market.

9
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

Dates Events

22 Pakistan`s $33.5 billion external financing needs are fully met for 2022-23, the central
bank chief said, adding that `unwarranted` market concerns about its financial position
will dissipate in weeks.
23
North Korea accused the United States of manufacturing biological weapons in Ukraine,
echoing a Russian claim dismissed by the United Nations in March.

24 The import of inexpensive medicines for cancer treatment from Russia, which came to a
halt in February after Russia`s invasion of Ukraine, resumed after more than five months
as the banks have started opening Letters of Credit (LCs) for the trade.

25 Pakistan remains the largest refugee hosting country in Asia and the Pacific as 1.5 million
Afghans still prefer to stay in this country, even though one year has elapsed since the
US forces beat a hasty retreat from Kabul.

26 In a decision that was awaited with bated breath by political observers, the media and
all the parties involved, the Supreme Court declared Chaudhry Parvez Elahi as the duly
elected chief minister of Punjab for securing 186 votes against the 179 of his opponent,
PML-N`s Hamza Shehbaz, in the July 22 runoff poll for the coveted office of the province.

27 The current account deficit (CAD) swelled to $17.4 billion in FY22, which could be the
most painful shock for an economy already in trouble with serious imbalances.

28 Pakistan and China emphasized the need for stability in Afghanistan as Foreign Minister
Bilawal BhuttoZardari met his counterpart in the Taliban administration, Amir Khan
Muttagi, for the first time.

29 The ruling coalition in Punjab comfortably won the contest for the Punjab Assembly
speaker`s office, though the polling process was marred by allegations of violation of the
secret ballot method.

30 Sri Lanka issued an urgent appeal to tackle rapidly spreading malnutrition among
children as its economic crisis leaves nine out of 10 people dependent on state hand-
outs.

31 Rising food and energy prices saw inflation surge by 24.93 per cent the highest jump in
over 14 years in the first month of the new fiscal year.

10
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

NATIONAL
Digital Conveyancing in Pakistan
Criminal Law in Pakistan post 18th Constitutional Amendment
Perils in the Education System of Pakistan
SRB Setting Remarkable Trends in Tax Administration

11
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Digital Conveyancing in
Pakistan
Sania Saleem
The Role of E-Governance in
Promoting Sustainable Devel-
opment
Contemporarily, living in this
digitalized era, information
technology (IT) serves to pro-
mote a knowledge-based soci-
ety. Electronic governance is a
combination of information
and communication technolo-
gy (ICT) in all the operations
analyzing the potential of the
government to satisfy the
requirements of the local
public. E-governance is
well-known for its unique char-
acteristics in minimizing
corruption, enhancing trans-
parency, increasing convenience, and eventually increasing gross
domestic product (GDP) growth. It allows a way for citizens to be
involved directly in state affairs, reducing overall costs and broad-
ening the control of a government. E-government has had a
remarkably positive influence on the success and development of
developing countries.
Conveyancing is a legal process of creating, transferring, and
dealing with an interest in land to use, possess, and dispose of the
property. At Present, the existing system of manual conveyancing
results in anxiety and tension for all the people involved because
of its inbuilt shortcomings. However, it is anticipated that a com-
prehensive electronic conveyancing (e-Conveyancing) system
capable of facilitating
•electronic conveyancing of documents,
•online investigation of the title of the property,
•networked communication between the parties,
•simultaneous registration and completion, etc.
12
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
would address these deficien-
cies resulting in a reduction of
delays, saving time and money,
and bringing more transparen-
cy to the system. Nevertheless,
for many jurisdictions, the laws
relating to the transfer of prop-
erty are extremely complicated
hence making it not as conve-
nient to convert paper-based
systems (built up over several
centuries) to a wholly opposite
electronic process.
The unprecedented revolutions
taking place in information and
communication technology
(ICT) are transforming econo-
mies and societies across the
globe. The spread of ICT is
affecting the methods all
stakeholders in the business
process communicate with
each other and how they pro-
cess and store data. Internet is
now the new commonplace for
business-to-business and cus-
tomer/client-to-business
transactions. As the Law Com-
mission and Land Registry of
England put it in their joint
report: “Dealings with land
cannot remain unaffected by
the general development of
electronic commerce. …. The public rightly seeks a more expedi-
tious and much less stressful system of dealing with land.”
The joint report also vindicated that: “Nevertheless, however inevi-
table it may now seem, there is a legitimate public expectation
that the change to an electronically based system for dealings
with land will produce clear and demonstrable benefits”.
It is expected that a comprehensive electronic conveyancing
(e-Conveyancing) system which is
• paperless,
• without Registration Gap,
• with complete Chain Transparency,
• with the permanent connection between practitioners and the
Land Registry,
• secured and fraud-resistant,
• with facility for Simultaneous Money Transfers
• capable of facilitating electronic conveyancing of documents,
• online investigation of title,
• networked communication between the parties, and
simultaneous completion and registration would address the
weaknesses of the manual conveyancing system.
The suggested system is also expected to provide the property
owners with better services; transaction intermediaries, such as
notaries, conveyancers, estate agents, and surveyors new tools to
improvise the services they offer and to modernize their internal
office procedures; the financial institutions with a more organized
system of payments and improved services; office IT system sup-
pliers with more business in the form of demand for more software
to interact with existing cases and office management systems;
and the government agencies with greater efficiency in service
delivery, payment receipt, and information collection. To conclude,
the introduction of e-Conveyancing can radically reorganize the
13
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
1
process of land conveyancing,
not only in terms of working
better but also in terms of work-
ing in a way that can be han-
dled completely electronically
giving the customers a more
efficient, and eminent service.
Digital-Conveyancing;
Hurdles
Security is one of the key
elements for all modes of con-
veyancing including not only
physical, logical, and procedur-
al security measures but also
the security of e-documents or
data. Data stored by the com-
ponent authorities have to be
protected against any loss,
corruption, and access by
unauthorized personnel. The
e-Conveyancing service
requires gaining the confidence
of users by strictly adhering to
an appropriate threshold of
security. The risks, the data, and
processes of digital-Convey-
ancing would be exposed are
discussed under the following
five categories
Digital Conveyancing can
become reality by bringing in
legislative changes to legalize
the practices of
• Digital Signature,
• electronic documents,
• electronic transfer and
• execution of deeds and
contracts,
• Electronic Fund Transfer etc.
Digital Signature
A Digital Signature is a mode by
which digital information is
authenticated. It is basically
analogous to ordinary physical
signatures on paper, imple-
mented using techniques from
the field known as Public Key
Cryptography. According to
this technique, the Private Key
(secret), is used for signing the
document and the Public Key
(freely distributed), is used for
verifying the signature. This
kind of signature ensures a
high level of assurance of the
electronic identity of consum-
ers and users for having
distinct content integrity with
electronic transactions hence
enhancing privacy and securi-
ty.
In Mrs. Saima etc. Versus the
Bank of Punjab, It was held by
the Honorable Court that, “the
statement of accounts is a
computer-generated docu-
ment and under the provisions
of Electronic Transactions Ordi-
nance, 2002 a computer-gen-
erated document carried the
presumption of truth attached
therewith. According to the
provisions of Section 3 of the
Electronic Transactions Ordi-
nance, 2002, an electronically
generated document would
not require any signature. By
virtue of the Electronic Trans-
action Ordinance, 2002 a legal
cover has been provided to the
electronic forms by categoriz-
ing that their legal recognition
and admissibility, etc. would
not be called in question, if the
same has not been attested by
any witness, in case the same is
in the electronic form. We
observe that rapid changes
have occurred in the recent
years as old and conventional
system of banking has been
done away to a great extent”. In
this regard, reliance was
placed upon Habib Metropoli-
tan Bank Ltd. v. Mian Abdul
Jabbar Gihllin and another.
14
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Benefits of E-Signatures in Pakistan
The introduction of E-Signature in Pakistan has
provided beneficial as to the following aspects;
• Improves affordability and accessibility.
• Customer-friendly and only electronic device
is required for its use.
• More Transparency by using E-Signatures
• Sense of security as payments are involved.
• Protection and privacy via a vis personal infor-
mation.
• It enhances the establishment of confidence of
a consumer to make the online authorization of
documentation and transactions.
• It offers apportionment of liability on electronic
systems.
• E-Signatures also Eradicated Stamp Duties
Benefits of Electronic Conveyancing
The benefits of electronic conveyancing
involve;
• Protection from the risk inherent in delays as
settlements are registered immediately
• Depletion in risk associated with using
cheques in settlement
• Elimination of the time and cost involved in
hiring staff or agents and their attendance at
land registries
• Multiple updates of any activity on the title
post exchange
• Pre-settlement lodgment checks can be
accessed, reducing risks involved in post-set-
tlement requisitions from the Land Titles Office
• Immediate distribution of the proceeds of sale
after the settlement
• Assists in overcoming Inefficiencies of
paper-based conveyancing
• More Cost beneficial vis-à-vis paper-based
conveyancing
• Online transactions are more simplistic with
e-signature authentication.
Land Registry provided the method stating the
working of online conveyancing as follows;
Online mortgage deed templates would be pro-
vided by the Land Registry. Mortgages will be
produced in a format that will ultimately depend
on the lenders planning to use the mortgages,
with an MD reference that is much the same as
traditional paper mortgage deeds. Afterward,
Conveyancers create online mortgages,
accessing the Land Registry and completing
the details of the borrower with a relevant MD
reference. Conveyancers provide borrowers
with the link needed to access the online mort-
gage deed, which is signed digitally. Online
entries are added as soon as the mortgage is
ready for completion.
Way Forward
Although Introducing an e-Conveyancing
system in any country is a highly complex pro-
cess calling for a thorough roadmap that can
ensure successful digitally-driven conveyanc-
ing. A set of general proposals for the produc-
tive implementation of a Digital-Conveyancing
system may be carried through the following
steps,
• Self-Restraint
• Step by Step Approach
• Win-Win Situation
• Human Resource Management
• Empowerment and Accountability
• Business Requirements
• Business Change
• Stakeholder Relationship Management and
Governance
• Legal Issues
• Technical Issues
Conclusion
There is a legitimate public expectation that
e-Conveyancing for dealings with all settle-
ments would prove beneficial for society in a
very clear and demonstrable way. Although all
around the world e-Conveyancing is in its
infancy and the developments are heading
towards one common goal of bringing trans-
parency, accountability, and efficiency in deal-
ings by making use of the emerging technology
to serve people in a more economical and
user-friendly mode.
15
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Criminal Law in Pakistan post 18th
Constitutional Amendment
Malik Huzaifa
Constitutionally, the Govern-
ment of India Act 1935 envis-
aged a federal system of gov-
ernance in Pakistan. The Act
divided the legislative powers
through three legislative lists
between the federation and the
provinces. These three legisla-
tive lists were a federal list, a
provincial list, and a concurrent
list – a list that shared the
ambit of legislation between
provinces and federation. This
historical constitutional legacy
was carried forward by the
Indian Independence Act of
1947 and the Constitution of the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan
1956. Conversely, the constitu-
tion of Pakistan 1962 deviated
from these three legislative lists
mechanism, yet it preserved a
centralised system of gover-
nance, this way three legisla-
tive lists were reduced to a
single legislative list. The ‘three
legislative lists’ paradigm was
revived yet once again by the
Interim Constitution of Pakistan
1972, which distributed the
legislative powers based on
these lists. At the time of writing
the 1973 Constitution, the distri-
bution of legislative powers
was once again debated,
wherein the nature of the gov-
ernment was kept federal and
centralised;  however, the
number of legislative lists was
reduced from three to two – a
federal list and a concurrent
list.
It is significant to chalk out the
constitutional history of Paki-
stan to understand how the
relations between the federa-
tion and provinces, and inter-
provincial relations came into
play in running the government
machinery. It may also be
noted that the distribution of
legislative powers affects the
functioning of the government
because the links of responsi-
bility  and authority are drawn
accordingly. In 2010, the 18th
constitutional amendment was
passed to the constitution of
Pakistan. This amendment
16
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
amended the constitution dras-
tically, the nature of relation-
ships between federation and
provinces was altered drasti-
cally, and provinces were given
more autonomy in matters,
especially about the public
interest. One of the most signifi-
cant changes pertained to the
devolution of powers to the
provinces from the federation.
For instance, subjects, minis-
tries, and matters to legislate
upon were under the federal
government’s mandate prior to
the amendment but were now
brought under the provinces’
control. In this context, the Eigh-
teenth Constitutional Amend-
ment was conspicuous as it
abolished the Concurrent Leg-
islative List, resulting in the
expansion of the provinces’
domains of authority and
responsibility.
Whilst abolishing the Concur-
rent Legislative List, the Eigh-
teenth Amendment also
amended two substantive con-
stitutional provisions, namely
Articles 142 and 143 of the Con-
stitution. This provided for an
interoperable scheme, which
essentially redefined the rela-
tionship between the federation
and the provinces in the areas
of criminal law, criminal proce-
dure, and evidence law.  Few
excerpts from Mr. Kamran Adil’s
work: “Criminal Law after the
18th Constitutional Amendment:
A Critical Review” provides deep
insight on this topic, which is of
great value for the aspirants of
competitive exams.
Impact of the 18th Amendment
on Criminal Law
The Eighteenth Constitutional
Amendment was passed after
thorough scrutiny and debate.  the text of the Eighteenth
In calibrating the public policy
space through legislation, the
abolition of the Concurrent
Legislative List led to increased
‘participatory management’  of
new subjects, that were conse-
quently included in Part II of the
Federal Legislative List.  These
counter-weight steps also
included rewriting Article 142(b)
which stated that the parlia-
ment (Majlis-e-Shoora) and a
provincial assembly may have
the power to make laws relat-
ing to criminal law, criminal
procedure, and evidence law –
leading to the establishment of
a clear relationship between
the federation and the provinc-
es in the aforementioned
domains.
Furthermore, the Eighteenth
Amendment paved way for a
repugnancy test under the
auspices of Article 143 which
stated that any provincial
legislation that would be
enacted in the area of legisla-
tive competence of the federa-
tion would be void and that the
legislation of the federation
shall prevail.  The provincial
legislatures have a growing
propensity to treat the areas of
criminal law as exclusive to
them despite the key role of the
federation in the enforcement
of fundamental rights, the
functioning of the criminal
justice system, the implemen-
tation of the anti-terrorism law,  shows this trend.
dealing with ‘internal distur-
bances’, the implementation of
international treaties and the
constitutional provision of the
federal service structure. This
approach is not supported by
Amendment and is opposed to
the intention of the legislature.
The classical monopoly on
violence by the state is typically
exercised by the federation
through criminal law and its
implementation. To fulfil its
constitutional obligation, the
federation is required to see
that ‘the Government of every
Province is carried on in accor-
dance with the provisions of
the Constitution.  Conversely,
the provinces are under an
obligation to use their execu-
tive authority ‘subject to and
limited by the executive
authority of the federation.
While providing autonomy to
the provinces of having their
own laws, the Eighteenth
Amendment also ensures that
the powers devolved onto the
provinces remain limited and
restricted by the federation.
Most importantly, this is also
clear in the superiority of the
federation as established by
the Eighteenth Amendment,
since any law that stood in
contravention of the federal
legislature may be deemed to
be void, despite being passed
later in time. However, the
perception of the exclusive
domain of the provinces in
criminal matters has perpetu-
ated over the last decade, and
the mapping of legislation in
the following selected areas
17
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Police Legislation after the
18th Amendment
All the provinces, after the Eigh-
teenth Amendment and
notwithstanding Article 143 of
the Constitution, treated the
domain of ‘police’ as exclusive
provincial remit. They enacted
their own police laws, with
Sindh being the first province to
do so. It enacted a police law,  deference to the federation on
which became contentious on
the eve of the transfer of the
Inspector General of Police
(IGP) in 2016.  The difference of
opinion on the appointment of
the IGP was then challenged in
the Sindh High Court and later
in the Supreme Court of Paki-
stan.  The Supreme Court of
Pakistan found ‘police’ to be a
‘concurrent’ subject.  The sub-
sequent rounds of litigation
resulted in the enactment of a
new police law,  which is again
under challenge to the extent
of removal of the IGP and
transfer of officers of the Police
Service of Pakistan (PSP) cadre.
In 2011, Balochistan was the
second province to enact a
new police law.  It revived the
colonial-era Police Act 1861
which was challenged in the
Balochistan High Court and the
IGP was given powers to trans-
fer/post PSP officers till the
finalisation of the rules.  The
next was Punjab, which adopt-
ed the Police Order 2002 and
amended it in 2013  and again
in 2017.  Finally, Khyber Pakh-
tunkhwa (KP) also enacted its
own police law.  areas are concerned is shared
Owing to the significance of the
subject, the Police Reforms
Committee Report 2019 pro-
posed a model police law after
discussing the constitutionality
of police laws in Pakistan.  The
role of the federation became
central in the appointment of
the Inspector General of Police
(IGPs) in different provincial
police departments. The courts
have also generally shown
the touchstone of Articles
142(b), 143, and 240 of the Con-
stitution. However, the court
order cannot substitute the
federation’s will to lead the
provinces and provide a feder-
alist interpretation of the con-
stitutional provisions intro-
duced through the Eighteenth
Amendment.
Conclusion
The Eighteenth Amendment,
while abolishing the Concur-
rent Legislative List, devolved
powers onto the provinces as is
evident through Articles 142 (b)
and 143 of the Constitution. The
role of the federation in the
enforcement of fundamental
rights, in the promulgation of
uniform police law, in manage-
ment of internal disturbances,
and the use of its executive
authority in collaboration with
the provinces has been kept
intact, against the popular
perception that the federation
has no role in the law and order
of the provinces. Nevertheless,
it is worth noticing that the
responsibility of the state inso-
far as the aforementioned
between the federation and
the provinces.
18
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Perils in the Education System of
Pakistan
Rai Ahmad Kamal
“Education is a matter of life
and death for Pakistan. The
world is progressing so rapidly
that without requisite advance-
ments in education not only
shall we lag behind others but
may be wiped altogether”.
(Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali
Jinnah)
This is an undeniable fact that
education determines the fate
of nations. The nations which
make education their
top-notch agenda surpass the
other nations in every field. On
the other hand, the nations
which don’t consider education
as their key priority by allocat-
ing a low budget, and overlook-
ing the other prerequisites of
quality education are left
behind in the comity of nations.
Such nations become handi-
capped in every field as they
rely on other nations for their
needs. Ultimately such coun-
tries become third-world coun-
tries and they suffer in every
field leading from a deteriorat-
ed economy to the crippling
situation of law and order. Their
foreign policy also gets com-
promised and their youth
becomes a liability. In short,
anarchy becomes the fate of
such countries. Unfortunately,
the case of Pakistan is not
much different from the
discussed situation. The Paki-
stani education system is one
of the oldest with an outdated
curriculum from primary to
university level. The world has
shifted to a knowledge-based
economy where innovation,
pieces of training, research,
and development are the
prerequisites to progress. How-
ever, the Pakistani education
system is grappled with a wide
range of complex flaws which
are deep-rooted and demand
out-of-the-box solutions. It’s
the 21st century, yet we haven’t
come out of the colonial mind-
19
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
set where the purpose of edu-
cation was to clinch the posi-
tion of a cleric. In the present
scenario, the students get the
education that they will get a
government job even if they
have to clinch a class IV job.
This mindset perishes the
innate abilities and potential of
many talented students. The
economy of the country suffers
as well because everyone
desires to land into the public
service but the government
due to its financial constraints
cannot entertain every individ-
ual. Besides this, the industrial
sector suffers in a way that it
becomes impossible for indus-
trial sector to recruit the desired
candidates having an innova-
tive mindset and desired skill
set. Ultimately, the industrial
sector doesn’t generate the
targeted revenue due to the
lack of innovation in products
that don’t compete in the inter-
national market. This results in
low exports of the country and
the country is compelled to shift
to imports to meet domestic
demands which result in a wid-
ening of the trade deficit and a
vicious cycle of inflation, and
loans from the international
financial institutions get started
and the country falls into the
debt trap. For the past 40 years,
our public sector education has
been on a downward trajectory
rather than modernizing,
adapting, and improving the
quality of education. It’s been
75 years since we’ve got inde-
pendence but still, our literacy
rate is 62.3%, the lowest in South
Asia. Maldives (99%) and Sri
Lanka (98.1%) have the highest
literacy rate in South Asia. Paki-
stan despite having all the
natural resources still lags in
education. There are several
lacunas in our education
system, so our education
system demands a complete
overhauling of the system to
achieve a significant position in
the comity of the nations.
Article 25(a) of the constitution
obligates the state to provide
free and compulsory to all chil-
dren of the age of sixteen years
without any discrimination.
However, the figures display a
very grim picture of the dismal
state of affairs where 22.8
million children are out of
school wasting their precious
childhood. It is a collective
failure on the part of the state
and society. On the other hand,
quality education should be the
top priority of any state. But, in
Pakistan, we see that education
has never been a priority of the
successive governments keep-
ing aside the factor of quality
education. In the fiscal year
2022-23, the government has
allocated 90.6 billion for edu-
cation which is 1.5% of the GDP
nullifying the fact that the
previous year’s budget was 1.7%
of the GDP i.e., 91.77 billion. This
decline in the budget displays
that the government doesn’t
consider education as its top
priority. The fact is that our poli-
ticians have their vested inter-
ests due to which they keep
overlooking this sector. In India,
Kerala achieved 100% literacy in
2016 through an initiative called
“Athulyam” and became the
first state to do so. It was the will
of the state through which it
achieved this milestone.
Another problem is financial
constraints on the part of
students due to which our liter-
acy rate is low. The financial
affairs compel the students to
20
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
give up their desire to get an
education and employ them-
selves in the workforce to
become the breadwinner for
their families. Several children
are seen working in the hotels
and tea stalls to earn some
money for their families.
Furthermore, the state of higher
education is also very disap-
pointing. In our universities, less
focus is paid to research and
development due to which our
students are unable to com-
pete in the International
market. The laboratories in the
university are not equipped
with the proper materials. The
professors don’t polish their
skills and keep transferring the
outdated knowledge to the
students and when students
enter the international market
or industry, they come to know
that their knowledge is of no
use due to the newest research
and advancement in science
and technology. The higher
education commission also
doesn’t pay attention to the
revision of the curriculum after
every five years. This is the
reason that our universities are
placed in lower rankings in the
world and our students don’t
clinch the top positions in top
multinationals and tech giants.
Besides this, if we compare
India, we come to know that all
the tech giants are headed by
Indians. The example of Sundar
Pichai is obvious. The reason is
that the successive Indian gov-
ernments have invested a lot in
the education sector, especial-
ly in the field of IT. Another
lacuna in our education system
is the lack of collaboration
between academia and indus-
try. Due to the lack of coordina-
tion students suffer a lot. When
they enter the job market they
come to know that they know
nothing about the industry and
that what they have studied is
not required in the industry.
Another factor that is not pres-
ent in our education system is
that we don’t focus on techni-
cal and vocational training.
Every year the universities pro-
duce 2-3 lacs graduates with
zero skill-set due to which
many of them remain unem-
ployed for years because the
public sector can’t entertain
every graduate while the
industry demands experience
and skills. This unemployment
creates a sense of deprivation
in them and they enter into the
hell of crimes. Besides this, they
can easily be trapped by the
Non-State Actors so it’s the
responsibility of the state to
take adequate measures to
empower the youth through
skills of the modern age. The
categorization in the education
system has also deteriorated.
Our education system is divid-
ed into four categories i.e.,
Cambridge School, English
Private Schools, Madrassah
School, and Government
Schools. Cambridge and
English Private Schools are so
expensive that the middle class
can’t afford them. Madrassah
Schools only pay attention to
the teachings of the Quran and
Sunnah. They don’t cater to the
needs of the modern age due
to which many talented
students are unable to show-
case their abilities. In govern-
ment schools, the syllabus is
taught in Urdu, and teachers
are employed on the recom-
mendations of the politicians or
through a non-meritorious
system due to which the
students of the government
schools don’t acquire the nec-
essary skills to compete with
the elite class which results in
the creation of class difference
in the country. Though the
21
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
previous government of PTI
launched an educational
policy and Single National Cur-
riculum was introduced in the
country, it faced many impedi-
ments in its implementation
across the country. It was only
implemented in Punjab and
KPK. So SNC couldn’t achieve
the desired results. After the
18th Amendment, the subject of
education is controlled by
provinces. Sindh, headed by
Pakistan People’s Party, did not
implement it. The other major
lacunas are the existence of
ghost schools, ghost teachers,
a ban on women’s education in
the tribal system across the
country, and a lack of focus on
the training of teachers. In
Sindh, there are 11000 ghost
schools with no students.
Teachers are getting salaries
thus putting a burden on the
economy of the country.
Women are not allowed to get
an education due to stringent
tribal values. Women make up
50% of the population. If we
keep our women away from
work, how can we expect our
country to compete in the
international arena when 50%
of the population is not working
and not contributing to the GDP
of the country? Therefore, the
education system demands a
complete overhauling. We
need to recognize the impor-
tance of literacy. The federal
and provincial governments
should frame better and
uniform policies so that every
child might get access to qual-
ity education without any
discrimination. For this, some
recommendations can help
improve our education system.
Education emergency is the
need of the hour to get 22.8
million children enrolled in the
schools. Special attention must
be paid to women's education
by providing scholarships and
transport facilities to women.
SNC should be implemented
across the country by incorpo-
rating the recommendations of
all provinces. Government
must increase the education
budget every year. All the pro-
vincial governments should
upgrade the primary and sec-
ondary schools. The higher
secondary schools should be
equipped with computer labs.
Career counseling depart-
ments should be built in
colleges so that students may
get the right guidance in
choosing their right careers.
Child labour should be strictly
banned and heavy fines should
be imposed on people employ-
ing children. The government
must engage the NGOs to
remove the financial con-
straints of the students in
remote areas. The universities
should sign maximum MOUs
with the international universi-
ties. Special attention must be
paid to academia-industry
linkages. The curriculum of the
universities must be revised on
the recommendations of the
industries. Teacher training
programs and assessment
criteria should be made com-
pulsory for the promotion.
Following these measures, we
can provide quality education
to our students.
22
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
SRB Setting Remarkable Trends
in Tax Administration
Qaiser Rizwan Abbasi
In what appears to be an
unparalleled achievement,
Sindh Revenue Board (SRB) has
collected Rs 153.542 billion in
the outgoing financial year
2021-22, surpassing the
assigned target of Rs 150 billion
by Rs 3.542 billion, which effec-
tively marked the growth of 20%
over last year’s collection of Rs
128 billion. This outstanding
performance shown is particu-
larly significant as there was no
amnesty scheme unveiled on
the part of SRB in this FY.
SRB—a provincial tax-collecting
organization under the Govern-
ment of Sindh (GoS)—mandat-
ed to levy, administer and
collect sales tax on services in
the wake of the 18th constitu-
tional amendment to the con-
stitution of Pakistan, has shown
exemplary performance since
its inception in 2011. Being the
largest tax-generating entity
for GoS, SRB started its journey
from Rs. 25 billion in FY 2011-12 to
an unprecedented collection of
Rs 153.542 billion in FY 2021-22,
manifesting the growth of 512%
in revenue generation.
It is pertinent to mention that
the collection of Rs 153.542
billion includes: (a) Sindh Sales
Tax Rs 145.367 billion exceeding
the target of Rs 145 billion,
registering a growth of 20%; (b)
Sindh Workers Welfare
Fund/Sindh Workers Profit
Participation Fund Rs 8.247
billion, showing a growth of 19%
over last year’s collection.
Moreover, during the year,
5,285 new registrations were
made.
During the outgoing FY 2021-22,
the top 10 contributors to reve-
nue comprise: (i) Port, Airport &
Terminal Operators; (ii) Fran-
chise; (iii) Insurance; (iv) Con-
struction; (v) Labor and Man-
power; (vi) Telecommunica-
tion; (vii) Bank; (viii) Contract
23
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Execution; (ix) Business Support
Services; and (x) Stockbrokers.
With the service sector mas-
sively contributing to Pakistan’s
economy, it presents serious
challenges for the tax-gover-
nance machinery. Owing to this
reason, SRB has developed IT
tools in the shape of Enterprise
Resource Planning (ERP) and
Business Intelligence (BI)
systems, which not only allow
officials to engage in compre-
hensive predictive analysis and
forecasting of business/taxa-
tion trends but also provide
critical support in effectively
crafting and vigorously execut-
ing policy decisions.
In addition to this, SRB’s initia-
tive of enhancing technological
infrastructure acts as a cata-
lyst for progress in terms of
advancing and modernising
tax administration, such as (a)
implementation of e-taxation;
(b) filing and assessment of tax
returns; (c) enabling electronic
payment of taxes; (d) real-time
invoice verification; (e) sharing
information on tax assessment
between different depart-
ment(s) of the government as
well as facilitating audit and
reconciliations.
Meanwhile, in an attempt to
improve the collection of Sindh
Sales Tax on Services, SRB has
introduced Point-Of-Sale (POS)
integration system, which has
increasingly helped in docu-
menting the economy. The
scope of the POS integration
system is presently confined to
restaurants and online market
platforms that are required to
integrate their POS systems
with SRB for live reporting of
sales invoices. This enables SRB
to monitor the business activity
of POS-linked restaurants as
real-time sales data is con-
veyed to SRB. Through its
taxpayer-friendly campaign,
SRB is seeking to encourage
relevant and potential taxpay-
ers to register with the SRB’s
system and download integra-
tion software to become part of
the system.
Further, in order to facilitate the
general public, SRB has also
launched the SRB Mobile App.
This App aims to provide nec-
essary information to the
public that whether an invoice
given to them by the taxpayer
is genuine or fake. As restau-
rants shall print the prescribed
invoice bearing SRB’s invoice
number and QR code, custom-
ers can verify bill or invoice with
the help of the Mobile SRB App.
The QR code shall be verifiable
from SRB’s mobile App on the
part of the customer ensuring
that due sales tax is paid. In
case, the invoice is not genuine,
App will allow customers to
lodge a complaint against the
business entity. Meanwhile, the
monitoring team shall take
necessary actions as and when
any discrepancy is detected.
While promoting core
values—responsibility, diversity,
teamwork, integrity, client
satisfaction, and above all,
innovation—SRB seeks to pro-
mote a taxpayer-friendly envi-
ronment and holds itself
accountable to all valued
stakeholders i.e. GoS, taxpay-
ers, and society at large. With
utmost dedication, commit-
ment, and a meritorious envi-
ronment, SRB will keep on
setting new revenue records in
times to come.
24
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

INTERNATIONAL
Who is Winning the War in Ukraine?
How Bangladesh has Outpaced India and Pakistan Economically?
What does Joe Biden’s Visit to KSA Mean for US-KSA Relations?
The dollar is Flying High in Pakistan: How does it Happen?

25
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Who is Winning the War in
Ukraine?
Hamza Tanvir
It’s been months since the
Russian army invaded
Ukraine. The Russian inva-
sion of the latter was a result
of a historical conflict
between the West and
Russia. However, the recent
invasion is a result of
Ukraine’s burgeoning ties
with the European Union and
its attempts to join NATO.
Russia has a host of strate-
gic objectives to achieve
from this invasion. On the
other hand, this conflict is
also a test of American
credibility as the whole world
is looking at the USA’s
response to Russian aggres-
sion. Russia Ukraine conflict
has deep-seated impacts
on the US-led world order.
This crisis has many other
far-reaching ramifications
for the world as Ukraine is
one of the biggest exporters
of wheat and fuel in the
world. Although Ukraine is a
small and less powerful
country as compared to
Russia yet it has managed
to defend its land for several
months. Keeping in mind the
power imbalance between
the two sides, the conflict
seems one-sided but this is
not the case. This conflict
does not seem to end soon
and could lead to a
full-scale war in the long run
between the West and
Russia.
Why did Russia Invade
Ukraine?
There lie multiple objectives
behind the Russian invasion
of Ukraine. The main reason
behind this invasion is the
historical rivalry between the
West and Russia. This rivalry
dates back to the French
invasion of Russia under
Napoléon. Since then the
latter has seen the Western
European states as a threat
to its security and integra-
26
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
tion. This threat perception
has coerced the Russian
policymakers to make the
bordering Eastern European
states a buffer zone for
Russia. After the end of the
Cold War, the United States
and Russia made a verbal
agreement. It was a fallacy
of the Russian Ruler Mikhail
Gorbachev to trust the mere
words of President Bush that
NATO would become a more
political organization in the
future and it would not
expand towards the east
even an inch. The former
failed to realize that the
world does not act on the
principles of religious moral-
ity. NATO violated this verbal
agreement in 1999 for the
first time by bringing Poland,
Hungary, and the Czech
Republic into its folds. Since
then the expansion of NATO
to Eastern Europe has
remained a concern for
Russia. President Putin has
warned the West and the
United States several times
against the eastward
expansion of NATO. The
recent invasion of Ukraine by
the Russian army is also a
corollary of the former's
strong will to join NATO. Pres-
ident Putin had demanded
the United States to assure
Georgia and Ukraine will not
be added to NATO along
with some other demands,
but the latter refused to
accept these demands.
Ukrainian President Volody-
myr Zelensky’s strong urge
and efforts to join NATO led
to the Russian invasion of
Ukraine on 24th February
2022.
A famous American
philosopher and political
activist, Noam Chomsky, has
also put the ounce of the
Russian invasion of Ukraine
on NATO and the USA as they
abjured their verbal
agreement with Russia.
Which Side Seems Victori-
ous?
As Henry Barbusse, a French
soldier in World War, aptly
wrote in his novel Le Feu,
“two armies that fight each
other is like one large army
that commits suicide.” Both
sides have claimed scores
of casualties. The Russian
invasion of Ukraine has trig-
gered a humanitarian crisis
not only in Ukraine but also
in many other parts of the
world. The Russia-Ukraine
war has driven millions of
Ukrainian people away from
their homeland. According
to a UN report, almost 5 mil-
lion Ukrainians have
become refugees and
almost 7 million people have
been displaced within their
country. There have been
multiple attacks on the
health facilities in Ukraine. In
May 2022, WHO called into
the probe for more than 200
attacks on the health facili-
ties by the Russian army.
27
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Amnesty International has
also reported attacks on
civilians in Ukraine in reck-
less Russian attacks. As per
Ukraine's Interior Ministry,
more than 1700 attacks were
conducted by the Russian
army on civilians till 16th July
2022. Recently, a prison for
the prisoners of war has
been attacked through
shelling in the eastern sepa-
ratist part of Ukraine. Both
sides are trading blame for
this attack.
The humanitarian conse-
quences of the Rus-
sia-Ukraine conflict are not
confined to Ukraine only. The
humanitarian reverbera-
tions of the Ukraine crisis are
being felt almost throughout
the world. As per the UN
report presented in April
2022, the prices of oil and
wheat have risen more than
300 percent in Somalia
where 0.7 million people had
already been displaced by
drought. The impacts of the
Russia-Ukraine war are so
high that inflation in the US
has risen to a new 40-year
high. The IMF has predicted
that the inflation rate in the
US will rise to 7.7 percent and
5.3 percent in the European
zone by the end of this year.
The end of the Rus-
sian-Ukraine conflict does
not seem possible soon.
Russia provides multiple
reasons for its attack on
Ukraine. However, whatever
the reason may be, war can
never be justified. Although
Russia is a big power as
compared to Ukraine and
the latter is being supported
by the West in terms of
weapons, the war could
continue for many years.
The civilian casualties and
the inflation could rise mani-
fold as the war prolongs. The
United States has imposed
sanctions on Russia but this
would also mushroom infla-
tion across the globe. On the
other hand, the US sanctions
on Russia are too little too
late to coerce the latter to
halt its aggression in
Ukraine. The Russian
aggression on Ukraine can
also set precedent for other
nations of the world. If the US
fails to defend its ally,
Ukraine, in this war, it will
tarnish the credibility of the
US. It would further cement
the notion that to be Ameri-
ca’s enemy can be danger-
ous, but to be its friend is
fatal. If the US fails to defend
its ally, China could also
launch offensive attacks on
Taiwan and other rising
powers could also follow the
suit. European Union is also
looking towards the US and
could make its own army to
defend itself if the latter fails
to satisfy the former. Euro-
pean Union is mulling over
this option since Former US
President Donald Trump
criticized NATO in 2017. All
this would be detrimental to
the US hegemony. The West
must avoid any steps which
could infuriate any other
nation by creating a security
dilemma. The United States,
European Union, and inter-
national organizations need
to adopt a pragmatic
approach to counter Rus-
sian aggression. As far as
the question that who is win-
ning the war in
Ukraine is concerned, it is
clear from the aforemen-
tioned details that whichev-
er side may stand victorious,
humanity will be at loss.
28
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 12
How Bangladesh has Outpaced
India and Pakistan Economically?
Abdul Samad
A country that started with
$8bn GDP and touched the
$324bn figure; which regis-
tered its per capita income
around about $134 during the
time of its inception has
stretched the amount to
nearly $1969, a country which,
though, reached out to the
bailouts of the International
Monetary Fund and other
lenders has managed the
debts rather has transformed
them into benefits; a country
which has registered per se
the second largest exporter of
garment in the world and a
country which seems to be an
epitome of a progressive
economy in south Asia and
41st largest in the world with a
handsome position at the HDI,
GPI, and GGG, is not other
than the erstwhile east wing of
the land of the pure.
Bangladesh has liberated
itself twice. Since its inception,
it has been struggling with
political upheaval like that of
the ongoing one in Pakistan,
but Dhaka has not pulled itself
out of the socioeconomic
trajectory which has ensured
its rapid growth. Bangladesh
by its long-term economic
policies, exports-oriented
manufacturing regime, disci-
plined fiscal policy, and
enhancing social security net
has outpaced not only Paki-
stan but also India to a con-
siderable extent.
A majoritarian view agrees to
macroeconomic stability is a
key to economic growth and
development. Bangladesh
has long maintained its fiscal
policy in a disciplinary way to
a have balanced fiscal
regime if not a surplus one.
Bangladesh has also main-
tained its current account in
balance largely by adopting
an export-oriented growth
policy as seen in the case of
the North East Asian countries
through different land
reforms as lucidly enunciated
by Stud well in his work, How
29
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Asia Works: Success and Fail-
ure in the most Dynamic
Region of the World. Bangla-
desh’s garment and textile
industries have properly
maintained the balance of
payment regime. Though
some recent reports are
revolving around unmasking
Bangladesh’s plea for being
bailed out, the man in the
financial authority of Bangla-
desh has made it clear that
the possible financial support
is intended to be spent on
backing and enhancing the
resistance of the Bangladeshi
economy.
Thus, the possible bailout
should not be mistaken for
supporting the imbalanced
economy. It means that
everything is okay in Bangla-
desh’s economy. Its export
resistance has also been
proved by the rise in Bangla-
desh’s economic growth by
almost 3.3% in 2020, during
the same time when India
recorded a nearly 7%
decrease in its economic
growth. Srilanka defaulted just
because of a widening cur-
rent account deficit and rap-
idly depleting forex immense-
ly triggered by the mounting
trade deficit. Pakistan is facing
the same dilemma even
though India is also struggling
with its trade deficit.
The most important sector in
which Bangladesh has out-
paced both India and Paki-
stan in the social sector. Ban-
gladesh’s performance on all
key social indicators has
remarkably been well. Dhaka
has secured 71st rank in
Global Gender Gap 2022 pre-
pared by WEF based on four
key indicators: Education
attainment, health status,
Political empowerment, and
economic participation. Paki-
stan stood at the second
worst among all at 145 out 146
countries while India fell far
away from Bangladesh
ranked 134th.
Such an exalted position in
Bangladesh has not been
effortless but rather backed
by long-term revolutionary
policies adopted by the gov-
ernment. Bangladesh has
extended education to girls
which has proved to be of
immense importance. Edu-
cating women has brought
down the accelerating popu-
lation growth, early marriag-
es, and infant mortality rate
among others. Women’s
workforce participation in
Bangladesh has left India with
30.4% in 2021 while India saw a
nearly 6% decline from 26% to
20% during the last decade.
The growing women's partici-
pation in the labor market has
largely dragged them to the
garment industry which has
provided two-pronged bene-
fits: improving women’s living
standards and contributing to
the mounting textile and gar-
ment exports thereby bal-
30
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
ancing the current account
regime. Similarly, Bangladesh
has recorded the highest life
expectancy rate of 72 years in
the sub-continent outpacing
India with 68.6 years and
Pakistan with 66.6 years.
The known secret behind
such a remarkable perfor-
mance of Bangladesh is its
revolutionary reforms. Ban-
gladesh has never let its polit-
ical instability mess with its
economic growth. Rather it
made sure to keep itself on
the long trajectory to progress
and prosperity which is why
its economy has increased
nearly 250 folds in its
fifty-year life. Bangladesh has
outnumbered India in per
capita income which has
been recorded at $1969
against India’s $1935 and
Pakistan’s $1538.
Taking the discussion to its
end, it is unequivocally made
clear that the different perfor-
mance measuring indicators
starting from GDP to per
capita income growth to
social performance, Bangla-
desh has sat at the top of
progress pushing India and
Pakistan behind. This is so
because Bangladesh has
adopted a tightrope for fiscal
discipline, preferred
exports-oriented manufac-
turing, enhanced agriculture,
and industrial growth, and
adopted key social reforms
like women's employment.
Put more simply, Bangladesh
has shielded its economy
against macroeconomic
challenges and has ensured
social reforms. All this has
made it able to outpace India
as well as Pakistan and
secure a glorious and pro-
gressed future for itself.
31
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
What does Joe Biden’s Visit to
KSA Mean for US-KSA Relations?
Taimoor Sikander
United States President
Joseph Biden visited the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia as
a United States delegation.
This meeting was not
expected to happen
between the two nations as
the relationship between
Joe Biden and Saudi Crown
Prince Muhammad Bin
Salman is not of great signif-
icance over the past few
years. Various incidents
have resulted in abomina-
tion between two states.
Followed by the murder case
of the Washington Post jour-
nalist Jamal Kashoggi in
2018. US secretive agency
CIA found proof regarding
the involvement of MBS (Mu-
hammad Bin Salman) in this
case. He, on the other hand,
abnegated this blame. Pres-
ident Biden threatened
Saudi Arabia to make them
a “pariah” on a global stage.
This was quite arbitrary on
his side. However, in analyz-
ing the current oil and petro-
leum prices globally, it was
necessary to pay a visit to
the global oil giants Saudi
Arabia. Today in this article,
let us discuss the situation,
incidents, and results that
happened or ought to
happen in the future.
US-Saudi Relations (Brief
Discussion)
The United States and Saudi
Arabia have a submissive
relationship history. To the
front end, this is exactly what
may seem to a common
man. Over time, both parties
sanctioned each other
interests and also accom-
modated as well in the
needy speck of time. This
brief relationship study is by
far needed to understand
what it will mean for US-KSA
relations after the recent
meeting in Jeddah. A few
historical points are as
follows:
32
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
I. 1945 Pact
After World War 2 ended, the
United States took a step
forward to establish indus-
trial relations with the
Saudis. This was a step
taken to reconcile the state
affairs after an enormous
loss of economical reserves.
As the US is considered a
superpower, it decided to
provide general global
security pronounced Saudi
rulers in exchange for their
oil reserves and supplies.
The commodity was bal-
anced by that.
II. 1973, A Minor Relationship
Setback
Soon after the regional
Sub-Continental affairs in
Asia were resolved, the 4th
Arab-Israeli war com-
menced. The United States
stood up as an ally for Israel.
The US-backed up Israel in
this armed conflict resulting
in huge support and it
ended in Israeli victory. But it
resulted in a belligerent call
for the US. Saudi rulers in
Riyadh’s meeting imposed a
complete oil embargo on all
the countries backing Israel
including the US.
III. 1991 Collaboration
It was after the century of
GCC (Gulf Cooperation
Council of 25 countries in the
Middle East). The Gulf war
was initiated by Saddam
Hussain in Iraq and major
countries took a part in the
offense of conflict. Saudi
Arabia was included in the
Arab country’s frontier. It
provided armed bases for
the US military to operate
during the war. This was a
diplomatic stance of pre-
serving the relationship
between the two states.
IV. 9/11, Involvement of KSA
Issue
Many officials in the US had
stated the direct involve-
ment of the Saudi Arabia
government in the Septem-
ber 11, 2001 invasion by
Al-Qaeda (Muslims Mujahi-
din led by Usama bin
Laden). The statement
involved the involvement of
fifteen mujahids who were
Saudi nationals. So, the offi-
cials berated the KSA on a
global image on the base of
some non-evident proofs.
That was a major setback in
relations between the two
states which imparted neg-
ative impacts to last till now.
V. 2018, Jamal Kashoggi
Incident
33
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
In 2018, Jamal Kashoggi, A
US citizen and a Washington
Post journalist was killed at
the Saudi consulate held in
Istanbul. The US officials and
President Joseph Biden
accused the Saudi govern-
ment of this murder by pro-
viding evident proof. The
Saudi Crown Prince MBS was
especially belittled by Biden.
When Biden was campaign-
ing for elections, he clearly
stated the signs of aversion
towards the MBS. This inci-
dent was also pointed out in
the recent meeting. Now
let’s head to the frontier and
back end of the meeting.
Biden and MBS, Meeting
Focal Points
Followed by the past pande-
monium, this meeting was
least expected to happen as
Joe Biden and MBS share a
strict political history
regarding past events. Pres-
ident Joe Biden stated that
he is in need to pay a tour to
the Middle East to balance
Industrial affairs. The US
President didn’t receive any
personal joyful commotion
from the Crown Prince and
the meeting went on casu-
ally. But here’s a twist. The
event commenced followed
by a fist bump between
Biden and MBS. That clearly
showed how much criticism
Biden faced from US nation-
als and also a gesture rep-
resenting a negative air of
geopolitical affairs between
two states.
I.US Objectives in the Meet-
ing
To ameliorate this abated
situation between the US
and GCC countries, Biden
tried to trigger his control
buttons on Saudis. Here is
how the situation went.
A. Objective.1
To cope with the global
market in oil and petroleum,
Biden wanted to keep that
balance and check by
asking Saudis to increase
the supply. So that he can
pull down the oil prices in the
region.
B. Objective.2
The US President also aimed
to sign business contracts of
energy, space, and technol-
ogy with Saudis and to
accelerate their develop-
ment firms.
C. Objective.3
Biden hoped to escalate
relations between the King-
dom of Saudi Arabia and
Israel for the sake of cooper-
ative momentum.
D. Objective.4
In the meeting, Biden also
accused MBS of the execu-
tion of journalist Jamal
Kashoggi in the case of
human rights memoranda.
E. Objective.5
As we know, American occu-
pying ground hold has
reduced over the past years.
They are now out of Afghan-
istan and other Arab coun-
tries. In this time frame, other
superpowers like China and
Russia ought to make their
move. Biden wanted to pre-
vent that at all costs.
Saudi Arabia’s Response to
the Meeting
Crown Prince Muhammad
Bin Salman had a negative
political history with Joseph
Biden. This abhorrent situa-
tion took place when Biden
declared KSA a “pariah” in
his campaign before the
elections. So, MBS was not
much pleased by his visit
and proceeded with the
meeting in a casual manner.
Although, renunciation from
MBS was expected.
A. Reply to O.1
Saudi Arabia on the upper
hand refused to increase
their supply of petroleum
and this decision included
almost all of OPEC (Organi-
zation of Petroleum Export-
ing Countries). In fact, re the
largest oil producer pump-
ing over 12 million barrels a
day. But their refusal is right
to the point because there is
no OPEC benefit to over-
come this US crisis and it
would have cost them much
more.
B. Reply to O.2
As far as business contracts
were concerned, Riyadh and
Washington have signed
agreements on the business
contracts of clean energy,
space, and also 5g technol-
ogies.
C. Reply to O.3
Saudi Arabia or specifically
MBS is not in a hurry to esca-
late relations with Israelis.
Officials reported that Saudi
34
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Arabia is interested in Isra-
el’s defense projects. So, as
long as there is no coopera-
tion on some major level
projects, KSA will not put
itself forward in the relation-
ship.
D. Reply to O.4
When Biden initiated the
discussion on the Jamal
Kashoggi case and accused
MBS of involvement in the
murder, he cleared that he is
sorry for such a mistake and
he was not personally
involved in the case. Just for
Americans not knowing’s,
MBS mentioned the incident
where ABU-GHARIB prison-
ers were tormented and also
the Killing of Palestinian
journalist Abu Akleh by
Israel.
E. Reply to O.5
Saudi Arabia is a king of
diplomacy. They never let
any of their foreign relations
be disturbed. They have a
high trade route for China
and also imports and
exports oil supplies from
Russia as well as two major
global oil producers. So, if
Saudi Arabia tightens its
bond with the East, it would
be a problem for the west.
Americans are trying to
avoid but Saudis seem to be
looking forward to it.
END Result of Relation
In the end, the US gained
nothing much at all from the
meeting. Biden also faced
criticisms from American
nationals and was insulted
by the Saudi government as
well regarding his past
anti-Saudi statements. A
well-deserved result indeed.
Saudi’s foreign minister
Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al
Saud clearly said after the
meeting that “the Saudi
government is not bound by
anyone. They make their
own decisions and cannot
be dictated by anyone. He
ended up saying that we
believe in our traditions and
are proud of our Religion
Islam.”
Future Perspective
To my analysis, the US
ground hold has decreased
in the region. Despite all that,
Muhammad Bin Salman is
not looking to prosper rela-
tions with the US govern-
ment. Unlike some political
rulers that are bound by
American funds, MBS
appeared to be a devoted
Ace of Spades in the region.
He will most likely establish
better trade contracts with
China and Russia as well
leaving the US aside.
35
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
The dollar is Flying High in
Pakistan: How does it Happen?
Taimoor Sikander
Pakistan's economy has
been in shambles for a long
time. The balance payments
crisis has been a persistent
threat to the economy. This
has triggered numerous
problems for the economy.
The Pakistani Rupee has
witnessed an unprecedent-
ed low against the dollar.
PKR has experienced a
depreciation of more than
60 rupees against the dollar
in just four months since the
coalition government came
into power. The currency
crossed Rs.240 mark against
the dollar in the interbank in
July month. According to
Topline Securities, the Paki-
stani Rupee has lost more
than 35% of its value in 2022.
The Pakistani rupee is the
second worst performer in
the region after Sri Lanka.
This depreciation is mainly
because of forex demand
and supply of the dollar
against the rupee in the
financial markets. Foreign
exchange reserves are
dwindling. This phenome-
non is exerting more pres-
sure on the already troubled
greenback currency. As of
15th July, foreign exchange
reserves with the central
bank stood at 9.3 billion dol-
lars only, just enough to pay
for one and half months of
imports. Financial markets
direly need an influx of
foreign exchange reserves
for financial stability.
How does Dollar Appreciate
against PKR?
It is the phenomenon of
demand for and supply of
money that determines the
value of a currency. When
demand for a currency rises,
its value of it goes up and
vice versa. Since the dollar is
the currency widely accept-
ed for payments in interna-
tional trade, it is used as a
36
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

yardstick to measure the

value of a currency. The
same goes for Pakistan; the
value of PKR is assessed in
dollars. Currently, PKR has
crossed the mark of 240
against the dollar in the
interbank. Pakistan is a large
importer of goods and ser-
vices. It pays in dollars
against imports in the inter-
national market. These out-
flows lead to a surge in
demand for dollars in the
economy. As already stated
when the demand for a cur-
rency surges, the value of
the currency goes up. It
gives wings to the dollar.
Similarly, another phenome-
non that leads to the deval-
uation of local currency is
the supply of money in the
economy. When supply
exceeds demand, the value
of a currency goes down. For
example, during the
Covid-19 lockdowns, all the
countries including Pakistan
gave stimulus to their econ-
omies to boost economic
activity. Pakistan had put a
stimulus of 1.2 trillion rupees
in the economy in form of
subsidies, relief to a few sec-
tors, and direct payments to
the people for aid. Further-
more, the State Bank of Paki-
stan reduced its policy rate
from 13% - 7%, and this was
kept intact for several quar-
ters till the resumption of
economic activities. It led to
an increase in the supply of
PKR in the economy and a
subsequent reduction in the
value of the currency. This is
how the value of a currency
is determined.

37
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
How Pakistan can
Strengthen its Currency?
Following are the ways
through which Pakistan can
strengthen its currency:
1. Increasing exports-based
economy
The first and foremost way
forward in this regard is to
increase exports. Pakistan can
overcome the vicious trap of
currency devaluation by boosting
its stagnant exports. Meager
exports are a chronic problem on
the part of Pakistan's economy.
Eight years ago, for example,
exports were recorded at $25
billion. Exports till June 2021
remained stagnant at $25.6
billion. This is so small increase as
compared to imports which
jumped from $41.7 billion to $53.8
billion during the same period.
This stagnation is because the
economy could not be headed
towards modern trends in the
global economy. Pakistan's
exports have been relying on the
same products since the 1980s.
Pakistan could not achieve indus-
trial growth. Agriculture produc-
tivity could not be boosted over
time. Meager exports as com-
pared to imports are a huge
breach of foreign exchange
reserves. This leads to the increase
in demand for the dollar against
the rupee as we pay to the interna-
tional community in dollars. In
brief, increasing exports is the
effective way forward to over-
come many problems of the econ-
omy, including financial stability.
2. Boosting remittances
Similarly, boosting remittances
can help resolve the matter.
Remittances are the inflows that
people of a country, rendering
services abroad, send back to their
home country. This adds to the
foreign exchange reserves of a
country. Pressure on local curren-
cy eases as the country enhances
foreign exchange reserves. One
can assume the importance of
remittances from the fact that
when the PTI government came
into power, it inherited a current
account deficit of $19 billion.
However, in the financial year
2019-20, the current account
deficit fell sharply to just $2.9
billion due to Pakistan's efforts to
contain imports and the influx of
massive remittances. Central
Bank's Roshan Digital Account
initiative for overseas Pakistanis is
worth eulogizing in this regard.
Hence, an increase in remittances
can mitigate the harsh impacts of
trade imbalance.
3. State Bank’s intervention
State Bank of Pakistan has also a
role to ease pressure on the green-
back currency. SBP has two roles;
one let the dollar rise against the
rupee, and second, to meet the
surging demand for the dollar
from its reserves. Both have dire
consequences for the economy. It
is hard to let the dollar in
free-floating conditions. It is also
painful to maintain the exchange
rate from its reserves as Pakistan
has limited reserves to meet
imports for a few months. There-
fore, the central bank has to
choose wisely in this condition to
help strengthen the local curren-
cy.
4. Seeking aid from global
financial institutions and
friendly countries
Temporary help in form of aid
from global financial institutions
or friendly countries can help
overcome the menace of currency
devaluation. International Mone-
tary Fund (IMF) especially extends
loans to countries that are strug-
gling with severe balance of
payments crises. PTI government
had IMF's Extended Fund Facility
(EFF) deal worth $6 billion. Few
tranches of which have already
been provided to Pakistan. The
coalition government is also in
talks with the IMF for the resump-
tion of the program. Furthermore,
Pakistan has also gained support
from friendly countries. China and
Saudi Arabia extended billions of
dollars to be kept as reserves to
boost the confidence of economic
stakeholders. In brief, aid from
financial institutions and friendly
countries is the way forward to
stabilize the currency.
5. Imports on deferred payment
mode
Imports from friendly countries on
a deferred payment basis are
another way forward to ease the
pressure that the local currency
has been facing due to dwindling
foreign exchange reserves.
Pakistan being the active country
in the Muslim bloc can win this
favor easily. Previously, Pakistan
has won this favor from Muslim
countries. In January this year,
Pakistan sought Liquefied Natural
Gas (LNG) from Qatar on a
deferred payment basis. In
November 2021, Pakistan secured
such a deal from International
Islamic Trade Finance Corporation
(ITFC) for the import of petroleum
products worth $761.5 million on
deferred payment. The country, in
this way, doesn't need to pay
immediately. This eases pressure
on foreign exchange reserves and
local currency subsequently.
38
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

MONTHLY
PRESS REVIEW

39
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
How to deal with
despots
Published in The Economist
For about 15 years after the
fall of the Soviet Union in 1991,
Western foreign policy
seemed to rest on sure foun-
dations. Liberal values—de-
mocracy, open markets,
human rights and the rule of
law—had just prevailed over
communism. America, the
first and only global hyper-
power, had the clout to
impose this moral code
against terrorists and
tyrants. And tough love was
justified, because history
had shown that Western
values were the uncontest-
ed formula for peace, pros-
perity and progress.
Another 15 years on, Western
foreign policy is in a mess. To
see why, consider Muham-
mad bin Salman, the crown
prince of Saudi Arabia. Our
summer double issue, fea-
turing profiles and long
reads, leads with a deeply
reported portrait of MBS, as
he is known. It illustrates the
erosion of each of the three
pillars of Western foreign
policy—values, power and
that historic destiny.
The moral calculus turns out
to be fraught. As our profile
concludes, the crown prince
has a tendency to be violent
and erratic and to oppress
his foes. He has been held
responsible for the murder
of a Washington Post col-
umnist. Yet he is also a mod-
erniser who has liberalised
Saudi society, tamed the
kingdom’s clerics and given
women new freedoms. Even
if you doubt MBS’s reforming
zeal, Saudi Arabia produces
oil that could help America
and its allies withstand an
even more dangerous man:
Vladimir Putin. Is the ethical
policy to shun MBS or sup
with him?
MBS also shows that Ameri-
can power is less imposing
than it seemed 15 years ago.
Saudi Arabia has been close
to America since 1945, but
MBS long snubbed Joe Biden
by refusing to take his phone
calls, instead palling up with
an assertive Russia and a
rising China. Saudi Arabia is
key to a region that America
tried to mend by invading
Iraq but, although America
and its allies are still formi-
dable, the fighting has worn
out voters’ willingness to see
their troops act as a global
police force. Their reluctance
is understandable. The
desert wars demonstrated
that you cannot turn people
into liberals by firing guns at
them.
And history has bitten back.
A young man in a hurry, MBS
believes he can achieve
Western levels of prosperity
without the inconvenience of
democracy or human rights.
Justin Bieber and Mon-
ster-Jam motorsports sit
snugly alongside his des-
potic rule.
MBS is not alone. China is
asserting the merits of “peo-
ple-centred” human rights
that put peace and eco-
nomic development above
voting and free speech. Mr
Putin has invaded Ukraine in
what can be thought of as a
war on Enlightenment
values by a regime in thrall
to a Russian brand of fas-
cism. When Western leaders
entreat the global south to
stand up for the internation-
al system by condemning
Mr Putin, many say that they
have lost patience with
preachy, hypocritical West-
erners who readily invade
other countries whenever it
suits them.
The Economist has not lost
its faith in the institutions
that emerged from the
Enlightenment. Liberal
values are universal. Yet the
West’s strategy for promot-
ing its world-view is sputter-
ing and America and its
allies need to be clear-
er-eyed. They must balance
what is desirable with what
is possible. At the same time,
they must cleave to the prin-
ciples that save them from
the cynicism of Mr Putin’s
desolate, truth-free zone.
That sounds like a counsel of
perfection. Can it work?
40
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
The best way for Western
leaders to avoid charges of
hypocrisy is to refrain from
staking out moral positions
they cannot sustain. While
campaigning, Mr Biden
pledged to treat Saudi
Arabia as a “pariah”. But this
month he went to Jeddah
and fist-bumped MBS and
was widely condemned for
hypocrisy and moral cow-
ardice. In fact, his mistake
was a crowd-pleasing
pledge that was always
going to be a millstone in
office.
Western leaders need to be
honest about how much
influence they really have.
The assumption that the rest
need the West more than
the West needs the rest is
less true these days. In 1991
the g7 produced 66% of
global output; today, just
44%. In hindsight it was
hubris to think that dictator-
ships could be cured of their
pathologies by battalions of
human-rights lawyers and
market economists. Leaders
ought to be clear about right
and wrong, but when they
weigh up whether to impose
sanctions on wrongdoers
they should assess the likely
results rather than the
appearances of virtue.
Another principle is that
talking is usually good. Some
say that turning up bestows
legitimacy. In reality, it gen-
erates insights, creates a
chance to exert influence
and helps solve otherwise
insoluble problems—by
means of climate deals, say;
or getting grain out of
Ukraine; or asking
al-Shabab, an affiliate of
al-Qaeda, to help save
Somalia from starvation. Mr
Biden was right to talk to
MBS. Emmanuel Macron,
France’s president, is right to
talk to Mr Putin. Everyone
needs to talk to China’s
president, Xi Jinping.
There are ways to help keep
talks honest. In meetings you
can have your say on
human rights. You can
temper your contact, as Mr
Macron did after Russian
troops committed war
crimes. You can insist on
also speaking to the opposi-
tion and to dissidents. In this
and other things, Western
leaders should co-ordinate
with each other so that they
are less likely to be picked off
by a policy of divide and
rule—by China over its treat-
ment of dissidents abroad,
for example, or the abuse of
the Uyghur people in Xinji-
ang.
A last principle is to
acknowledge that foreign
policy, like all government,
involves trade-offs. For most
countries that is so obvious it
hardly needs saying. But the
West came to think that it
could have it all. Such
trade-offs need not be
grubby. A clearer focus on
outcomes after the Russian
annexation of Crimea in 2014
might have led to more
effective action by NATO
countries than the weak,
conscience-salving sanc-
tions they actually imposed.
Unfortunately, Mr Biden’s
simplistic attempt to divide
the world into democracies
and autocracies makes wise
trade-offs harder.
Ideals and their conse-
quences
The West has discovered
that simply trying to impose
its values on despots like
MBS is ultimately self-de-
feating. Instead, it should
marry pressure with persua-
sion and plain-speaking
with patience. That may not
be as gratifying as outraged
denunciations and calls for
boycotts and symbolic
sanctions. But it is more likely
to do some good.
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41
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Who Should Be
the Next UN High
Commissioner
for Human
Rights?
Published in The Diplomat
Michelle Bachelet brought
disrepute and discredit to
the office of the United
Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights.
While she spoke out on
many vital human rights
concerns around the world –
as is her job – she sold out to
one of the world’s worst
human rights violators, the
Chinese Communist Party
regime. Her visit to China
early this year was
ill-judged, poorly timed,
badly executed, and gave
Beijing a propaganda coup.
Her extraordinary white-
washing of the Chinese
regime’s record – from the
genocide of the Uyghurs to
atrocities in Tibet, from the
dismantling of Hong Kong’s
freedoms and autonomy to
the crackdown on civil soci-
ety and religious freedom in
mainland China – was
shameful. Her continued
failure to publish her office’s
report on Xinjiang
disgraceful.
Her decision not to seek a
second term is welcome,
and her departure on
August 31 will come not a
moment too soon.
The question is, who should
succeed her and what
should be the process for
ensuring that the United
Nations appoints the right
person to this vital role?
Applications closed today,
and with the number of
human rights crises in the
world piling up – from
Ukraine to Myanmar, North
Korea to Nigeria – there is a
need to appoint a new High
Commissioner quickly. But it
is also essential to make the
right appointment.
What is needed is an indi-
vidual who can restore the
credibility of – and trust in –
the role of the U.N. High
Commissioner for Human
Rights. The High Commis-
sioner is supposed to be the
world’s leading human
rights advocate, the moral
conscience of the interna-
tional rules-based order.
They are meant to be an
advocate, not a diplomat or
a politician. Their role is to
shine a light on human
rights violations and make
recommendations – for the
diplomats and politicians to
then negotiate and imple-
ment. Bachelet’s problem
is
was that she confused these
roles and tried to be more of
a diplomat than the watch-
dog she should have been.
To find the right person, we
need a process that is con-
sultative, transparent, and
competitive. As the United
Nations Association in the
U.K. has said, it should be a
“fair, open and inclusive
appointment process.” Civil
society should be engaged
and consulted.
At the end of June, 63
human rights organizations
published an open letter to
the U.N. secretary-general,
calling for the appointment
of someone who is of “high
moral standing and person-
al integrity, and who is inde-
pendent and impartial and
possesses competency and
expertise in the field of
human rights.” It requires,
they said, “a human rights
champion who is coura-
geous and principled” – and
a process that is “open,
transparent and mer-
it-based.” They are right.
There are any number of
strong candidates who
could be suitable. Someone
who has served with distinc-
tion as one of the U.N. Spe-
cial Rapporteurs, for exam-
ple.
South Korean academic
Yanghee Lee, who was spe-
cial rapporteur on human
rights in Myanmar from
2014-2020 and previously
chair of the Committee on
the Rights of the Child and
chair of the Meeting of
42
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Chairpersons of Human
Rights Treaty Bodies, would
be an excellent contender.
Former Indonesian Attor-
ney-General Marzuki Darus-
man, who served as special
rapporteur on human rights
in North Korea, a member of
the Commission of Inquiry
into crimes against humani-
ty in North Korea, and
chaired the Independent
International Fact-finding
Mission on Myanmar, would
be another possibility.
Ahmed Shaheed, former
foreign minister of the Mal-
dives who was a special
rapporteur on human rights
in Iran and then on freedom
of religion or belief, would be
yet another.
Or it could be someone from
outside the U.N. system.
There would be few better
choices than the director of
the International Bar Associ-
ation’s Human Rights Initia-
tive, top British lawyer Bar-
oness Helena Kennedy, QC.
I have no idea whether any
of the four individuals
named above have applied
or would want the job. But
the point is, it should be
someone of their ilk. Some-
one with the clout and credi-
bility that comes from years
of leading frontline human
rights advocacy, and a
proven fearlessness about
speaking the truth. It should
not be another former politi-
cian unless they are one with
US wrong to
an exemplary track record of greenlight
championing human rights.
Israel’s
We have been fortunate unprovoked
until recently with some
excellent High Commission-
attack on Gaza
ers for Human Rights. All of
Published in Arab News
Bachelet’s predecessors
were people who took a
The American greenlighting
courageous stand and led
of Israel’s unprovoked attack
some groundbreaking
on the Gaza Strip is deeply
initiatives. Navi Pillay initiat-
troubling. Washington justi-
ed a U.N. inquiry into crimes
fied a wide-ranging attack
against humanity in North
that killed at least 44 Pales-
Korea. Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein
tinians, among them 15 chil-
called for an International
dren, based on a question-
Criminal Court probe into
able justification.
the atrocity crimes suffered
by Myanmar’s Rohingya.
As the barrage of Israeli fire
Louise Arbour, Sergio Vieira
caused death, destruction
de Mello, and Mary Robinson
and fear to the nearly 2 mil-
were all distinguished
lion Palestinians besieged in
human rights champions.
the tiny enclave, the US State
Department said that “Israel
Let’s have someone of their
has the right to defend
stature and experience,
itself.”
someone with political and
diplomatic nous, legal
But a careful chronological
expertise and human rights
review of what happened
experience who has the
does not provide a single
moral courage to recognize
piece of evidence that Israel
that the role of the High
was attacked or for it to
Commissioner for human
need this seal of approval
rights is to call out human
from the US.
rights violations – and leave
the diplomacy and politics
The latest round of violence
to the diplomats and politi-
began last Tuesday, when
cians. It is vital, for the credi-
Israel infiltrated the Jenin
bility of the U.N. at this time of
refugee camp — a violation
global crisis, that we get this
of the US-sponsored Oslo
one right.
Accords — and arrested
Bassam Al-Saadi. Video
from surveillance cameras
at his house show Israeli
43
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
soldiers brutally beating up
and humiliating Al-Saadi as
they took him away.
Three days later, Tel Aviv
carried out another offen-
sive act, this time the illegal
act of extrajudicial killing.
The assassination of Tayseer
Al-Jabari, again at his home,
also resulted in the deaths of
a number of innocent Pales-
tinians, including a Unfortunately, many in the
five-year-old child.
Israel claims that it carried
out its actions against Pal-
estinians in Gaza as a pre-
ventative strike, aimed at a
leader of Palestinian Islamic
Jihad.
So, from the evidence on the
ground and by Israel’s own
admission, the state of Israel
was not attacked, meaning
the US should not have given
it the go-ahead to kill inno-
cent men, women and chil-
dren under the claim of
self-defense.
The reality, of course, is
much different. Israel’s care-
taker government, headed
by an inexperienced former
talk show host, is due to hold
a general election on Nov. 1.
While Israeli commentators
may argue that the attack
was based on the advice of
the Israeli army and that all
relevant individuals — visited and met with Pales-
including the head of the
opposition, former Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanya-
hu — had signed up to it, that
does not excuse the attack
or the killing of innocent Pal-
estinians.
Despite the unmistakable
evidence of its initiation of
the current round of
violence, Israel also falsely
propagates that it was
reacting to rockets that were
launched at it from Gaza.
Western media fell for this
blatant lie and repeated it
without even attempting to
check whether it was cor-
rect.
The attack falls within the
Israeli strategy of mowing
the grass. Proponents of this
strategy insist that, in the
same way you need to cut
the grass in your garden on
a regular basis, they have to
attack Palestinians on a reg-
ular basis to somehow keep
them weak and unable to
carry out regular attacks.
While these regular violent
attacks against Palestinians
are taking place, the current
Israeli government contin-
ues to adopt a no-peace
talks policy. It is refusing to
discuss with the Palestinians
ways of finding a political
resolution to the conflict.
When US President Joe Biden
tinians in East Jerusalem
and Bethlehem, he promised
American support for the
two-state solution and
prayed for peace, freedom
and dignity.
These calls are falling on
deaf ears now that his own
State Department has
greenlighted a violent attack
on Palestinians without any
effort to begin a peace pro-
cess that could lead to free-
dom — and with no attempt
by Biden to pressure Israel to
honor his own words.
Conflict resolution special-
ists and history tell us that
you cannot end a bloody
conflict only with military
means. Israel may be pow-
erful, due in large part to the
military, financial and politi-
cal support it receives from
the US and other Western
countries, but all the military
power in the world will not
end a conflict that is largely
a political one based simply
on the inalienable human
right of self-determination.
The oft-repeated US words
about a two-state solution
sound empty when any
neutral observer can witness
the one-sided onslaught on
Palestinians without any
deterrence. If the US State
Department honestly
believes in the right of Israe-
lis to defend themselves,
what means does Washing-
ton think the Palestinians
should have in defending
themselves from this brutal
onslaught?
44
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

Ayman may also take a harder line

on sensitive negotiations
al-Zawahiri with Washington on the
assassination: delivery of humanitarian
supplies and the unfreezing
The Taliban’s of Afghan Central Bank
biggest crisis assets.
education and cracking
down on journalists and
activists. The group will need
to appease an angry rank
and file; simply shrugging off
the raid and moving on will
not cut it.

But over the longer term, The Taliban could also face
Published in Al Jazeera
al-Zawahiri’s killing could new threats from Islamic
exacerbate existing fissures State in Khorasan Province,
The drone attack that killed
within the group. Such inter- ISKP (ISIS-K), if they do not
al-Qaeda leader Ayman
nal churn could provide take a hard line towards the
al-Zawahiri has plunged the
openings for the emergence US. ISKP, a Taliban and
Taliban into an internal
of factions espousing more al-Qaeda rival, has already
crisis. The group has been
conciliatory and practical benefitted from the al-Za-
humiliated by a unilateral US
views but it could also lead wahiri killing because one of
military action and its
to dysfunction and danger its most senior nemeses has
relentless claims that it has
that affect governance and been eliminated. But it can
denied space to “terrorists”
raise questions about the also gain propaganda mile-
have been exposed as lies.
viability of the Taliban’s age by accusing the Taliban
future political control. of failing to anticipate the
This imperils two core, and
raid, or even of being com-
contradictory, Taliban goals:
For nearly a year, the Taliban plicit in it. ISKP fighters are
Maintaining the legitimacy
have celebrated their expul- clearly galvanised; this
of the group’s rank and file,
sion of foreign military forces week, they attempted
which includes hardened
and pledged to never let attacks on Shia observing
armed fighters and religious
them return. That is why the the Muharram holiday.
ideologues and securing
drone raid was such an em-
badly needed financial
barrassment for the Taliban The raid on al-Zawahiri also
assistance from an interna-
leadership but also for the risks alienating the Taliban’s
tional community already
battlefield commanders other hardliner allies present
reluctant to fund the Taliban
and fighters that fought US in Afghanistan, from the
because of concerns about
forces for nearly 20 years. Pakistani Taliban to Lash-
its “terrorist” ties.
Since their takeover, the Tali- kar-e-Taiba, all of which are
ban have made clear just aligned with al-Qaeda.
Initially, the Taliban are likely
how much they prioritise These groups are united in
to respond to the raid on
maintaining legitimacy from their hatred of US military
al-Zawahiri with defiance,
those constituencies: They forces, especially when
insisting they were not har-
have hosted ceremonies deployed on the soil of
bouring a terrorist and hard-
honouring the families of Muslim countries. Ironically,
ening their resistance to
suicide bombers, and held new Taliban tensions with
addressing longstanding
military parades that show- fighters could strengthen
international demands, from
case US weaponry, even the group’s narrative that it
letting older girls return to
while alienating common is distancing itself from “ter-
school to forming a more
Afghans by limiting girls’ rorists” – but they also raise
inclusive government. They

45
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
the risk of these groups turn-
ing their guns on the Taliban.
Furthermore, in the immedi-
ate term, Washington will
not be keen to engage with
the Taliban. It is furious that
al-Zawahiri lived in central
Kabul, and believes some
Taliban leaders knew he was
there. With the US taking a
tough line on the Taliban,
and in no mood to discuss
expanding assistance or
unfreezing Afghan bank
funds, the Taliban have little
incentive to contemplate a
more conciliatory position.
US-Taliban relations, awk-
ward and uneasy before the
al-Zawahiri raid, are poised
to become downright toxic.
But relations within the Tali-
ban could become toxic, too.
The group’s internal divi-
sions are well known: There
are differences between the
fighter ranks and the civilian
representatives long based
in the Taliban political office
in Doha; between ideologi-
cally-driven mullahs and
more practically minded
leaders who support more
international engagement;
and between the Haqqani
network faction and Taliban
authorities from Kandahar,
the group’s birthplace.
An individual close to
Sirajuddin Haqqani, the Tali-
ban interior minister, report-
edly owns the home that
sheltered al-Zawahiri. This is
unsurprising, given the
especially deep ties
between the Haqqanis and
al-Qaeda. According to
scholars Don Rassler and
Vahid Brown, the Haqqani
network has functioned
within al-Qaeda “as an
interdependent system.”
Many Taliban leaders likely
are not happy that al-Zawa-
hiri took shelter in Kabul.
Others are likely furious that
his presence has subjected
the group to deep humilia-
tion and a potential internal
legitimacy crisis. And others
likely fear someone within
the group’s ranks shared
al-Zawahiri’s location with
the CIA. Al-Zawahiri himself
once reportedly confided to
al-Qaeda founder Osama
Bin Laden that he did not
trust Taliban leaders and
they did not trust him.
The missile attack humiliat-
ed the Taliban. They also
face the ire of the group’s
rank and file. And they will
now face even more difficul-
ty in securing international
support to address raging
humanitarian and econom-
ic crises driven in great part
by sanctions that prevent
money from flowing into the
country. This state of play
means that those factions
that support more pragmat-
ic and conciliatory positions
may have an opportunity to
make a power play. And yet,
the ideologues and hardlin-
ers will not bend. They hold
some of the leadership’s top
positions, and they embrace
ideologies that reflect the
Taliban’s fundamental iden-
tity.
In the past, the Taliban’s
supreme leadership suc-
cessfully suppressed inter-
nal revolts, often with force.
That may happen this time,
too. But that was easier to do
when the group was an
armed uprising, with much
less stress, without the
heavy responsibilities of
governing and addressing
immense policy challenges,
without a galvanised rival
like ISKP, and without an
external event that could
cause such dramatic inter-
nal shocks. Institutional divi-
sions were previously casual
distractions; today, they
could become corrosive
dangers. If these internal
tensions become all con-
suming, governance and
political control could face
threats and provide open-
ings for new armed opposi-
tion groups. This would
mean the risk of renewed
violence and civil war. In the
most extreme scenario, the
missile that tore through
al-Zawahiri could tear apart
the Taliban.
For now, the Taliban appear
to be buying themselves
time as they consider how to
proceed: They refused to
confirm al-Zawahiri was
46
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
killed and instead promised
an investigation. In the
immediate term, the Taliban
are likely to talk tough, con-
demn the raid, and double
down on the same policies
that have provoked interna-
tional sanctions and pre-
vented the inflow of
much-needed overseas
funding.
But eventually, the Taliban
could face an inflexion point
as they grapple with humili-
ation, a traumatised rank
and file, more international
opprobrium, and intensify-
ing internal divisions – all of
which will further tax their
already-overwhelming gov-
ernance responsibilities.
Over their nearly 30 years of
existence, the Taliban have
never experienced such a
serious crisis.
Jack Watling on
how Ukraine can
avoid a war of
attrition
Published in The Economist
RUSSIA’S INVASION of Ukraine
on February 24th brought
about a desperate scramble
among allies for weapons to
equip the Ukrainian armed
forces. Countries prioritised
sending what was immedi-
ately available, and what the
Ukrainian military could use
with minimal training. But as
the war drags on, a
Ukrainian victory now
requires its friends to be
more methodical in the sup-
port they provide.
The gruelling battle in the
eastern city of Severodo-
netsk illustrates the chal-
lenges faced by Ukrainian
forces as they prepare for
the next round of fighting.
Russia’s success there was
achieved in three stages.
First, Russian armoured
thrusts to the north and
south brought the roads
leading to Severodonetsk
into artillery range, prevent-
ing Ukraine from setting up
its own artillery to defend the
city. Second, Russian infan-
try attacks on the city forced
Ukrainian forces to defend
unsupported positions. Third,
Russian artillery killed and
wounded thousands
Ukrainian soldiers.
of
There is now a lull in the
fighting. Ukraine has with-
drawn to a more defensible
line to the west, while Rus-
sian forces have paused to
bring up freshly mobilised
units and reposition their
guns. As they regroup,
Ukraine and its partners
must answer two questions.
How can they prevent Russia
from repeating what it did in
Severodonetsk? And how
can Ukraine begin to retake
its lost territory?
The first step is to defang
Russia’s military. Poor train-
ing and low morale among
its troops have made the
Russian military dependent
on artillery fire as its fore-
most means of killing the
enemy, or driving them
backwards. At the height of
the fighting for Severodo-
netsk Russian forces were
firing 20,000 rounds a day,
and they are thought to
have sufficient ammunition
reserves to keep this up for
several years.
But this dependence on
artillery is also a major
vulnerability. Because Russia
has limited stocks of preci-
sion weapons, and even
fewer personnel with the
training to operate them, it
relies on the mass applica-
tion of unguided shells.
These must be moved from
large depots and stockpiled
before being shuttled to
Russian batteries by logistics
units. The scale of materiel
involved means that these
stockpiles cannot be readily
concealed, making them a
relatively easy target. As
Ukraine has demonstrated
over the past two weeks,
precision long-range rocket
strikes can effectively starve
Russia’s artillery of ammuni-
tion.
However, that merely sup-
presses Russia’s guns rather
than removing the threat,
since Russia can just move
47
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
more ammunition forward.
How long Ukraine can sus-
tain this suppression
depends on the number of
rockets its partners are able
to provide. The other import-
ant question is what Ukraine
does with the freedom cre-
ated by the lifting of Russian
fire. Without the threat of
constant shelling, it should
be possible for Ukraine to
step up its attacks on Rus-
sia’s guns themselves.
For this, Ukraine will need its
allies to provide a consistent
supply of 155mm artillery
ammunition for its newly
acquired NATO-built howit-
zers. Ukraine is rapidly burn-
ing through its stocks of
Soviet-legacy 152mm am-
munition, and so must tran-
sition to NATO systems if it is
to destroy Russia’s guns.
Ukraine will also need plenty
of unmanned aerial vehicles
to locate targets. Russia is
using electronic warfare to
prevent Ukrainian drones
from collecting accurate
location data. One way to
suppress that interference
would be to provide Ukraine
with anti-radiation loitering
munitions: essentially, muni-
tions that can home in on
the emissions given off by
Russian jammers.
The final means by which
the Russian military can be
defanged is through the
destruction of its com-
mand-and-control infra-
structure. Unlike the destruc-
tion of ammunition, which
only suppresses Russia’s
artillery, the destruction of
headquarters—and there-
fore of trained operators
who are familiar with Rus-
sia’s battlespace manage-
ment systems—will have a
more permanent effect.
These people cannot be
replaced quickly. Their
deaths will slow down the
Russian invasion.
These steps combined may
cripple Russia’s ability to
seize more Ukrainian territo-
ry. But a true Ukrainian victo-
ry will also require liberating
territory that has already
been captured. This will
demand a large-scale
counteroffensive. Here, it is
important to appreciate that
some Ukrainian military
units are more capable than
others. The best, comprising
around five brigades—a
brigade typically comprises
2,000-4,000 troops—are
highly skilled and have a
wealth of military experi-
ence.
These units, however, have
been at the forefront of the
defence throughout the past
five months, have suffered
heavy casualties, and are
exhausted. The bulk of
Ukraine’s military today is
made up of conscripts who
have received just days of
training and have been
learning on the job. While
distributing some personnel
from existing units among
the conscripts has helped to
raise standards, these units
lack experienced com-
manders who can co-ordi-
nate combined-arms
actions. If Ukraine is to con-
duct a major counteroffen-
sive and ultimately drive the
Russian army out, these
individuals must be properly
trained and prepared. Infan-
try usually receive 28 weeks
of training; Ukrainian volun-
teers being trained in Britain
are receiving just three.
Ukraine’s partners could
provide training to both
command staff and new
recruits. But it is also import-
ant to ensure that Ukraine
does not launch a counter-
attack before its forces are
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48
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
fully prepared. Otherwise it
risks incurring heavy casual-
ties. Now that Ukraine’s sur-
vival is assured, its interna-
tional allies must properly
evaluate the scale and
timeframe required to bring
about victory. Ukraine can
win this war, but it needs the
sustained support of its
friends.
Imperialist
Apologia: Salt on
Colonial
Wounds
Published in The Diplomat
The internet certainly has a
bottling effect, often creat-
ing echo chambers occu-
pied by hubris, biases, and
homogeneous views. The
idea that access to the
internet, along with the pro-
liferation of liberal-progres-
sive ideals, has instilled a
true recognition of the trav-
esties associated with colo-
nialism is often, in truth, a
misleading, opaque veil.
Robert Tombs’ recent movie
review on the Indian histori-
cal blockbuster “RRR” in The
Spectator is a stark (but not
a surprising) reminder of
this.
Western apologia of British
colonialism is based on
three fundamental assump-
tions. First, films and other
artworks like “RRR” unneces-
sarily demonize the British as
colonial administrators in
India, painting them as
“1984”-style common histor-
ical enemies. The second
assumption is that such a
narrative paints an egre-
gious and violent picture of
the Crown’s apparently
benevolent imperial rule.
Third and finally, this
anti-colonial narrative is
dismissed as essentially a
propaganda tool of
right-wing nationalists to
further politically radicalize
the population against
minorities. Problematically,
colonial apologists also
operationalize “wha-
taboutism” to talk about
practices related to local
customs (such as sati) while
deflecting the principal sub-
ject matter of these memo-
ries: oppression and
exploitation within the British
civilizing mission in India.
In Tombs’ article, the deflec-
tion is most visible when
discussing Jallianwala Bagh
(the Amritsar Massacre) as
an anomaly in an otherwise
benign colonial administra-
tion. The shallow recollection
of developments after the
massacre, including Chur-
chill’s condemnation in the
British Parliament, substan-
tiate the claim that the hor-
rific incident was “regarded
at the time as a unique and
shocking atrocity.” Yet
viewed in another light, this
same example is one of
ignorance and negligence.
Churchill’s condemnation
was regarding a British act
within a British forum; an
apology to the Indian
masses is still pending.
Furthermore, it is unclear
who is “regarding” the mas-
sacre as a “unique” incident.
The Western apologist that
defends colonialism under
the garb of “rationality” is an
age-old trope that dates
back to the emergence of
colonialism itself. The
common trope associated
with the supposedly rational
commentators presumes
their sole claim to an “objec-
tive” vantage point. Often
the basis for this self-ap-
pointed vantage point is
their direct (albeit usually
minimal) experience or
exposure to an otherwise
alien entity. Based on this,
they claim that their position
is elevated and absolved;
the “I can’t be racist
because I have a black
friend” narrative. Tombs, for
example, states that he has
visited India “half a dozen
times” – a fact that has
apparently allowed him to
capture the entire national
sentiment around British
colonialism and definitively
conclude that there is no
hostility toward the memory
of British colonial rule. After
all, he knows Indians whose
ancestors’ held office under
the British Raj.
49
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
This narrative additionally
implies that most of the
infrequent and erratic cases
of violence that did emerge
were effectively the fault of
Indian administrators, as, by
1920, the British were “dis-
tant” supervisors. This can
be tightly debated. However,
it still does not change the
fact that statist officers and
enforcers made use of the
assent of the (colonial) state
as well as its monopoly over
violence against Indians –
revolutionaries or not.
A simple thought exercise
within this conception of the
British Colonial Rule in India
reveals the relevant nuance.
If, ultimately, these acts of
violence upon Indians were
undertaken by other Indians
within the British administra-
tion, who gave the right, the
legal framework, the tools,
and the socio-politico fram-
ing for this power asymme-
try among the Indian popu-
lation? This is not to cover up
the fact that socioeconomic
divides and violence did
exist in India before the
advent of the East India
Company (EIC); however, it
has to be noted the British
cunningly weaponized these
divides for their benefit
through legal and political
doctrines such as the doc-
trine of lapse or the
divide-and-rule philosophy.
The purpose behind looking
closely at such claims is not
to merely elucidate a certain
parochial understanding of
India, its people, and their
intergenerational memory.
The crux of the argument
here is a larger one. With
Tombs’ views serving as an
anchor point, it is essential to
look at a particular vein of
thought within Western aca-
demia aimed toward the
absolution and obfuscation
of the colonial fact (and with
it, the full import of atrocities
committed during colonial-
ism across the globe).
This self-absolution requires
impressive revisionist gym-
nastics, which firstly claim
that anti-colonial voices are
falsely maligning the Empire
(read: the British). Imperial
sympathizers seem vehe-
mently of the opinion that
claims about atrocities and
human rights violations
committed by the EIC, and
later the British Crown, are
blown out of proportion;
instead, the reports of mass
murder, torture, and admin-
istratively facilitated fam-
ines were unfortunate
events and collateral
damage in their noble and
benevolent efforts at bring-
ing civilization to a barbaric
people.
Second, a portion of Europe-
an academia seems to
believe that similar atrocities
committed by other empires
and occupiers somehow
absolve them of the crimes
they committed. The larger
issue here is an attempt
toward sidelining, under the
guise of objectivity and
rationality, the emerging
voices that resent the
exploitation and oppression
of entire civilizations in the
interest of profit. Resistance
and critique of power funda-
mentally cannot exist within
spaces that are dictated by
those being critiqued. Impe-
rial sympathizers must rec-
ognize that resentment and
anger are (unfortunately, for
them) not a commodity that
the Empire can appropriate,
control, and reap for profit.
The impulse to dissociate
from the barbarities of one’s
past is not an unnatural
reaction in the face of
accountability, but it is one
that must be addressed.
Accountability is the under-
lying motive of movies such
as “RRR,” “Lagaan,” and
“Sardar Udham.”
It would be deviously
pedantic to assume that
these films are meant to be
an accurate account of
events, especially since they
explicitly claim to be a
fictional reimagining of the
period in question. It is
essential to understand here
that literally every piece of
media (that is not a docu-
mentary of some sort)
involved with a historical
period is at least partially
fictional. The story of Sho-
50
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
sanna Dreyfus in “Inglorious
Basterds” is fictional, but
does this take away from the
film’s depiction of the genu-
ine terror and brutality of the
German occupation? Indi-
vidual events portrayed in
works of fiction (of such
nature) serve not as accu-
rate, historical accounts of
actual occurrences but as
an aggregate of the emo-
tions and experiences of the
oppressed. The story of
“Django Unchained” is
fictional, but it would be
jarring to read an apologist
claiming that it is Black pro-
paganda that serves to
demonize slave owners.
Semantics may be endlessly
argued as a means of abso-
lution of guilt. In the interest
of being historically accu-
rate, one may only look at
the timeline of the abolition
of slavery in Britain and the
indentured servitude that
proliferated in Fiji and Mauri-
tius, among other places.
It seems that a refresher on
the modalities of colonialism
is in order to remind Tombs
and others who share his
perspective of the particu-
lars of a postcolonial posi-
tion. It is fundamental to any
constructive communica-
tion, especially one of such
historic valence.
Tombs claims in his review
that the British, by the period
portrayed in the film, were
nothing more than “distant”
supervisors, implying that
British-schooled officials of
Indian descent, or in the
words of Homi Bhabha,
mimic-men, were in charge
of most of the governance.
What is often ignored is that
this is precisely one of the
central themes of such proj-
ects. The operationalization
of the “almost the same, but
not quite/White” officials, as
ideological sentries, almost
like marionettes, which
could oppress their own
people, is indicative of the
true horror of colonialism.
The father in “RRR,” Venkata
Rama Raju, before his disillu-
sionment, exhibits a “partial
presence” of the colonial
within him. He is a tool that
looks like those he is
charged to oppress, or in
Thomas Macaulay’s words,
a “person(s) Indian in blood
and colour, but English in
tastes, in opinions, in morals,
and in intellect.”
Venkata Rama Raju did not
exist, but he is a figure that
embodies a seldom talk-
ed-about psychological
dimension of colonialism.
The British project in India
(and elsewhere) did not
thrive merely by policies
incompatible with the land
they were occupying or
violent suppression of the
indigenous populace. Those
were simply manifestations
of ideological and essential-
ly theoretical constructs that
fueled and justified occupa-
tion. It is, therefore, of para-
mount importance to point
out that the colonization of
India does not merely
denote the physical pres-
ence of the occupying
forces but extends to a psy-
chological intrusion into the
very minds of people, which
was designed to fracture
their sense of identity.
Postcolonial texts, of which
“RRR” is the newest para-
digm, are a means of
reclaiming a subjective
expression by a people
coping with a past riddled
with acute objectification,
dehumanization, and
exploitation. One must not
forget that colonialism was
a project of bringing the light
of civilization to the “not yet
wholly human” (as per Lord
Roseberry). While it would be
relatively straightforward, if
not a bit tedious, to list all the
dehumanizing acts of the
British during their most
noble mission in India, it
would be more profitable to
look at an example of the
ideological justifications
behind such practices.
To circle back to the sup-
posedly “unique and shock-
ing” Jallianwala Bagh Mas-
sacre, a mere five years
before the “anomalous
event” the 1914 British Military
Manual maintained that
“civilized” states were
exempt from the constraints
51
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
of the Laws of War (regard-
ing attacks on civilians,
torture, treatment of prison-
ers, etc.) in their operations
in and against “uncivilized”
states. The point remains
that the Empire’s relation to
the Indian populace, much
like its other colonies, was
not simply that of the self
and other, but of the self and
a supposedly subhuman
other. This dehumanizing
gaze of the British is evoked
in “RRR,” where a bullet is
deemed too expensive to be
wasted on “worthless trib-
als.”
It is not surprising, therefore,
that (as Tombs complains)
the “villains are British,” both
in “RRR” and in Indian history.
To echo Zizek, who draws
from Benjamin, the very act
of revisiting history is an
ideological practice of cre-
ating that which one is
returning to. Apologists of
colonial rule must be made
aware of this as they
attempt to paint a picture of
benevolence and fondly
reminisce of a time when the
sun did not set on the British
Empire.
In his conclusion, Tombs
claims that nowadays,
people will “swallow” any-
thing negative about British
imperialism. Alternatively,
nowadays, everyone ques-
tions the force-fed sug-
ar-coated imperial rhetoric
of the British. He predicts
that British students will con-
sume media such as “RRR”
and will cite and discuss
them as “historical
evidence.” Honestly, if this
leads to British academic
curricula being more forth-
coming about the harrowing
colonial past, this is a devel-
opment most welcome and
necessary. “RRR” joins a long
list of Indian films that have
criticized British rule, fiction-
alized actual experiences,
and independently adopted
postcolonial rhetoric that is
not often digestible to some.
We believe this is because it
is more comforting to revel
in their intended amnesia
than confront their nasty,
egregious, and simply unjust
past.
Gazans will
continue to
suffer even as
rocket fire
paused
Published in Arab News
Hopefully, the latest Israeli
bombing of Gaza has drawn
to a close. However, the
aggression through the
blockade continues and
Israelis will benefit from any
sense of calm.
Many will ponder the precise
reasons why violence flared
up over the weekend, but
underlying it all is one harsh
reality: Pummeling Palestin-
ians wins votes and bears
few political costs. It certain-
ly does so in Israel, and
arguably in other largely
Western countries that suffer
from widespread anti-Arab,
anti-Palestinian racism.
Once again, the 2 mil-
lion-plus Palestinians of
Gaza were the cannon
fodder, hemmed in their 365
sq km cage for 15 years. As
the UN special rapporteur on
the Occupied Territories
tweeted: “Operation Break-
ing Dawn is a flagrant act of
aggression.”
On this occasion, the Israeli
leadership did not even wait
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
for an excuse. In the past,
Palestinian groups started
firing rockets into Israel
either for their own reasons
or after deliberate Israeli
provocations designed to
produce a violent reaction.
This was, according to Israeli
figures, a pre-emptive strike.
But the absence of hard,
independently verifiable
evidence leaves open alter-
native possibilities. The Israel
Defense Forces claimed:
“Due to the imminent threat
of attack against Israeli civil-
ians posed by the Islamic
Jihad terrorist organization
in Gaza, we began Operation
‘Breaking Dawn’ earlier
today.” Israeli leaders were
quick to proclaim the assas-
sination of Palestinian
Islamic Jihad commander
Tayseer Al-Jabari in Gaza as
a huge victory. But strangely,
given his supposed status,
an Israeli army spokesper-
son could not even remem-
ber the man’s name.
The head of the military’s
Operations Directorate
claimed Israel had killed the
entire top brass of the
group’s military wing. A
somewhat grand claim per-
haps, but it certainly includ-
ed southern brigade com-
mander Khaled Mansour, a
hugely influential Palestinian
Islamic Jihad leader. By
Sunday, the head of Shin Bet
was briefing the Security
Cabinet that the operation
had been even more suc- icies to his predecessors,
cessful than anticipated. whether on Gaza, Jerusalem,
Al-Aqsa, settlements or
The reality is that Israel is in ethnic cleansing. He just
election season. Untested tends to package it in sweet
Prime Minister Yair Lapid felt talk and smiles.
it was in his interest to
demonstrate his hard-line But all of this is a mirage.
security credentials as he Constantly bombing and
goes up against the caging Palestinians in Gaza
self-styled “Mr. Security,” does not augment Israeli
Benjamin Netanyahu, who security. This attack on Gaza
leads in the polls. Lapid may have ended, with the
showed that he too can rocket and mortar fire
bomb Gaza without hesita- paused, and this ceasefire
tion. may hold, but at some point
it will all kick off again. In the
As ever, we have been here meantime, Palestinians will
before. Shimon Peres have to bury 44 of their
bombed Lebanon in 1996 as number and dig through the
he tried, unsuccessfully, to rubble of 700 destroyed
ward off an insurgent Net- homes.
anyahu. Ehud Olmert
bombed Gaza at the tail end
of 2008 in Operation Cast
Lead, in advance of the elec-
tions where he too lost to
Netanyahu. Lapid also reck-
lessly permitted further
mass Jewish prayer on the
Al-Aqsa Mosque compound
on Sunday during the reli-
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the right, more hawkish than
the hawks. However hard
Lapid tries, he cannot outdo
Netanyahu. The other lesson
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quarters it seems — is that
Lapid is no peacenik. He is
pursuing near-identical pol- Click Here
53
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Practically nobody in Israeli
politics is honest enough to
admit that the country’s
Gaza policy is a total and
utter failure. It remains a
policy of insecurity. Tel Aviv
prefers to keep Israeli soci-
ety in a semi-permanent
state of fear rather than
develop a viable relationship
with the Gaza Strip and its
residents.
Just as there is no doubt
about the use of military
force on Gaza, even less
discussion takes place
about the Israeli blockade.
Even before the bombing,
Israel totally shut the bor-
ders on Aug. 2. The Gaza
power station had to close
down and much of the Strip
had no electricity, with
power cuts of up to 20 hours
a day.
Yet Palestinian Islamic Jihad
is no innocent party here. Its
actions do not warrant the
war crime that is the collec-
tive punishment of Gaza, but
the Iran-backed group has,
in 2022, carried out attacks
inside Israel and sought to
provoke it as well. How much
of this is an Iranian agenda
is hard to tell.
What was notable was the
inaction of Hamas. Israeli
commanders believe that
one success of the operation
has been to drive a massive
wedge between the two
Gazan groups. Yet they may
come to regret this if Hamas
loses any ability to exercise
any restraint on Palestinian
Islamic Jihad and it
becomes a more fractured,
unpredictable actor. Hamas
and the Israeli leadership
have established a modus
vivendi.
With each round of Israeli
aggression on Gaza, the
international silence grows
louder. The US was just mon-
itoring the situation, while
the EU said it was following
events in Gaza with “great
concern.” Great concern
means it will do nothing. No
European or American lead-
ers will be interrupting their
summer holidays.
The most jaw-droppingly
chilling, even Siberian, state-
ment came from British
foreign secretary and likely
next prime minister Liz Truss.
She produced an extraordi-
nary defense of the indefen-
sible, stating: “The UK stands
by Israel and its right to
defend itself. We condemn
terrorist groups firing at civil-
ians and violence which has
resulted in casualties on
both sides. We call for a swift
end to the violence.”
Anyone would think it was
Gaza that was occupying
Israel, that it was Palestinian
groups that attacked first.
This is victim blaming on an
epic scale. During her entire
period as foreign secretary,
Truss has, to my knowledge,
never once criticized Israel’s
behavior or illegal actions.
But when Russia carries out
similar actions, she calls
them war crimes and backs
sanctions. The Arab world
should be truly worried if
such extremist attitudes,
coated in hypocrisy and
double standards, are
exhibited from Downing
Street.
This is not a two-sided con-
flict between equal parties. It
is not a war. Israel occupies
Gaza. It is a question of sub-
jugation and colonization.
Israel pulverizing Palestin-
ians in Gaza is a regular,
even routine, event. This
should never have become
normalized, but sadly this is
exactly what has happened.
A crisis of trust?
Published in Dawn
THE most damaging fallout
of the constant demonisa-
tion of opponents by politi-
cal leaders is erosion of
public trust in politicians.
The PTI and parties in the
coalition government
accuse each other all the
time of being venal, dishon-
est and corrupt. Their lead-
ers and spokespersons
expend more energy in hurl-
ing such allegations than
explaining their own policies
and how they aim to serve
54
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
the public. The words ‘daku’
and ‘chor’ are now so com-
monly used that they are
firmly embedded in the nar-
ratives of all political parties.
Non-stop smearing of politi-
cal rivals may be the new
normal but it has serious
consequences. The entire
political class is brought into
disrepute by rhetoric, ampli-
fied by the media, associat-
ing it with scandal and
financial malfeasance.
It is claimed that some lead-
ers have a Teflon quality as
nothing negative sticks to
them in the eyes of their
supporters, who are willing
to discard facts even when
confronted with them. That
happens to be true. But it
overlooks the impact on the
general populace and on
those who have no partisan
loyalties.
They account for at least
half the country’s adult pop-
ulation, if turnout in general
elections is any guide.
In the 2018 polls, almost 50
per cent of the electorate
were non-voters. Most can
be assumed to have no party
allegiance. People listening
to allegations that sully the
reputation of political rivals
and accuse them of being
‘traitors’ are left with the
impression that the entire
political elite is self-serving
and short on probity.
Political polarization today
has reached a record level
with the government and
opposition locked in unre-
mitting confrontation. This
affects the public’s view of
leaders, especially when
their focus and priority
should be on pressing eco-
nomic challenges and alle-
viating the hardship people
are going through. This does
more than cause public
disaffection with politicians.
It impacts trust in political
institutions as they are seen
to be little more than vehi-
cles in a power struggle,
disconnected from issues of
public concern. Alienation
from the political system
follows. This is corrosive of
democracy which needs an
engaged and ‘trusting’ citi-
zenry.
When political engagement
is disincentivised by peo-
ple’s perception that politics
is shorn of public purpose,
the democratic system is
undermined. Confidence
erodes in governments if
they are seen to be driven by
narrow political interests
and lack competence.
Trust is a crucial element to
make any system work. Low
public esteem for political
elites and governments can
even create a legitimacy
deficit.
Pakistan is not alone in
experiencing declining
public confidence in the
political system and govern-
ments, irrespective of their
political complexion. This
now appears to be wide-
spread and is reflected in
opinion polls across the
world.
A body of literature has
evolved that examines this
phenomenon, which has
different factors to explain it
in various countries. But it
also has commonalities.
Among the general reasons
identified are rising and
unmet expectations, a
growing gap between politi-
cal elites and the public,
conduct of leaders, govern-
ments’ remoteness from
citizens, economic perfor-
mance being critical in peo-
ple’s evaluation of compe-
tence and the information
revolution that has empow-
ered people in unprece-
dented ways.
A key factor that emerges in
the discussion are the nega-
tive repercussions of political
polarisation in countries, both
in the East and West. This is
widely viewed as a cause of
waning public confidence in
political institutions and those
in charge of them.
Non-stop smearing of politi-
cal rivals may be the new
normal but it has serious
consequences.
55
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Turning to Pakistan, the con-
duct of state institutions also
influences public trust.
Again, perceptions shape
reality.
Institutions like the judiciary
are questioned when they
are perceived to provide
uneven and selected justice.
It is not a cliché that justice
must also be seen to be
done. This is an immutable
principle of any justice
system.
When people perceive
double standards or unfair-
ness in the application of
justice it involves reputa-
tional damage. A history of
controversial judgements,
from the judicial assassina-
tion of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to
repeated legitimisation of
military coups, have bred
public cynicism over time
about the higher judiciary.
Exclusivist interpretations of
who is ‘sadiq’ and who is
‘amin’ has not helped to
dispel scepticism.
Moreover, when institutions
are seen to overstep their
role and intervene in
domains beyond what is
constitutionally permitted it
provokes controversy and
also diminishes public trust.
At times parliaments and
the executive have acted in
ways that exceeded their
constitutionally sanctioned
powers.
But according to legal
experts, so has the higher
judiciary on occasion. The
most recent illustration was
the view of a significant sec-
tion of the legal community
that the Supreme Court’s
interpretation of Article 63-A
of the Constitution was tan-
tamount to “rewriting the
Constitution”.
Opinion polls show public
confidence in the army is
much higher than in other
institutions. Even so, the
history of military coups and
the more recent experience
of what is called ‘hybrid’ rule
— in which the military
involved itself in several
aspects of civilian gover-
nance — have taken a toll on
its public image.
There is more public ques-
tioning now of the military’s
role in politics and engage-
ments in areas beyond its
professional remit — real or
perceived. Concern has long
been voiced about the
implications for democracy
of the power asymmetry
between elected and
unelected institutions. Such
is the burden of history that
even when the establish-
ment insists it is steering
clear of politics and is apolit-
ical, doubts are expressed
about these claims. At times
criticism is clearly politically
motivated coming from
political leaders who want
the establishment to take
their side rather than stay
out of politics.
Does all of this add up to a
crisis of trust in political
leaders and institutions? To
some extent, yes. But it
doesn’t have to be this way.
Trust can be rebuilt if politi-
cal leaders learn to rise
above themselves and give
primacy to public concerns
over partisan interests. If
they also accept that oppo-
nents are not enemies to be
vilified and vanquished but
rivals in political competi-
tion. Confidence in institu-
tions too can be built if con-
stitutional restraints and
rules are observed in deeds,
not just words.
Pakistan’s
Economic Woes
Published in The Nation
Pakistan’s debt has reached
88 percent of GDP, from
March to June 2022, there
was a loss of 500 billion
rupees to the national trea-
sury. The previous govern-
ment endangered the coun-
try’s economy by announc-
ing an amnesty scheme in
reducing prices of petrol,
and energy manufacturing
products and lowering taxes.
Later on, the current govern-
ment increased the prices of
56
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
electricity and petroleum
products at the terms of
International Monetary Fund
(IMF). Besides, the previous
regimes in Pakistan while
neglecting the agriculture
sector, are now importing
agricultural commodities
worth $9 billion which the
country used to export earli-
er.
Amidst the economic crisis,
recent floods in Pakistan,
and particularly in Baluch-
istan, have worsened the
economic scenario further.
In every city and region,
unsophisticated and illegal
constructions on water
pathways are established.
The main question is who will
take care of the waterways
where people have not been
taken care of? According to
the Pakistan Meteorological
Department (PMD), till the
last week of July 2022, there
has been 192 percent more
rain than the average in
Pakistan. The average rain-
fall in Pakistan in July is 51.5
mm, but this year it has been
150 mm. According to PMD in
July 2022, there was 132.4
mm of rainfall in Baluch-
istan’s which is 443 percent
more in comparison to last
decade that was 24 mm
approximately. This enor-
mous rise in precipitation
triggered rain induced
floods in the province, push-
ing people lives and their
mud houses into peril.
Among the detrimental
effects of the floods are the
loss of life, damage to infra-
structure like dams, roads,
bridges, agricultural prod-
ucts, livestock, irrigation sys-
tems, and flood control
structures. Floods will
worsen price hikes and
cause shortage of edible
domestic products in the
affected areas and there are
different restraints in
demand and supply of vari-
ous basic items due to barri-
ers in road pathways. Sig-
nificantly, access to clean
potable water is the main
hurdle in flood hit areas and
unavailability of clean water
has the potential to aggra-
vate further diseases like
diarrhea, vomiting and body
immune system.
The availability of clean
drinking water due to high
demand and low supply will
deteriorate if there are
significant and protracted
floods. Floods have dam-
aged rice weighing approxi-
mately 2.6 million tons, sug-
arcane weighing 7.4 million
tons, cotton weighing 0.8
million tons, and maize
weighing 0.4 million tons
and many more losses have
not yet been reported. Paki-
stan’s imports, trade deficit
and political crisis are caus-
ing a continuous increase in
the value of the dollar and
declining the value of rupee.
As the price of petroleum
increased, so did the price of
fertilizer. Thus, the expendi-
ture required for cultivation
of the rice crop has
increased two to three times.
According to National Disas-
ter Management Authority
(NDMA), 3248 houses have
been completely destroyed
while 5131 have been partial-
ly damaged, 615 km of roads
and 49 small and big bridg-
es across the country have
been mutilated by floods.
The highest number of com-
plete houses were destroyed
in Baluchistan with a total of
2536 while 1417 were partially
damaged.
Pakistan is generating
expensive electricity from
$14 billion worth of furnace
oil, while country`s external
debt has reached $129
billion ignoring cheaper
sources of alternative
energy. In this time, floods
have further worsened the
situation, which have
washed away multiple elec-
tric poles, electric cables,
gas pipelines and other
energy infrastructure, which
ultimately adds burden on
the national economy in the
shape of spending on
restoring the damaged
infrastructure. The foreign
exchange reserves of merely
$8 billion have been left for
only one month of imports
and Pakistan will face further
acute inflation.
57
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
Therefore, federal and pro-
vincial governments need to
assist the flood affected
areas as a top priority to
save the national economy
from declining further. The
concerned authorities have
to clear the rain pathways
and provide alternative road
pathways to ensure access
to basic commodities, food
items and clean water to
avoid any further disruption
in the demand and supply
chain.
Education and
critical thinking
Published in The Express Tribune
Have you ever reflected on
why our educational system
failed to unlock our inherent
cognitive potentials? Why it
is not apt at producing
scientists and scholars par
excellence? Why majority of
our students lag far behind
in innovation, creativity and
scientific discourse? What
prevents democracy to take
roots in the country? Why
populism, demagoguery
and tribalism keep on defin-
ing the country’s political
landscape? What is wedg-
ing national integration?
What has been fueling intol-
erance and extremist ten-
dencies? Why has senti-
mentalism, superstitions
and elite capture been
increasingly encroaching
the very soul of our social
fabric?
Of all overlapping and inter-
related factors, inherent
flaws in the country’s edu-
cation system share the
greatest responsibility of this
national mess. An uncritical
education system built on
colonial remnants and
veneered with religiosity
could not equip the public
with ideas and skills neces-
sary in the modern world.
Since critical thinking and
dissent are hardly encour-
aged in Pakistan’s academic
and public discourse, soci-
ety keeps on wrestling with
socio-economic backward-
ness, intellectual stagnation
and chronic elite capture.
Before analysing the coun-
try’s intellectual dilemma, it
is pertinent to describe criti-
cal thinking in a holistic
manner. Critical thinking is
an active cognitive engage-
ment in contextualising,
analysing, synthesising and
applying information col-
lected through reflection,
observation, communica-
tion and experience. Critical
reasoning enables one to
come up with substantiated,
logical and well-thought out
syntheses. It encourages
research culture, which
helps in generating innova-
tive ideas and creative
dispositions. It also bolsters
cognitive capabilities and
promotes analytical as well
as problem-solving skills.
Critical thinking is the key to
informed decision-making.
Unlike sentimentalism that
encourages blind political
allegiance, critical thinking
demands questioning the
veracity, logic and intent of
narratives and ideas. It is an
effective tool to vet facts
from falsified notions.
Pakistan’s educational
system is plagued with
anomalies. Rote learning
and memorisation, dwin-
dling scope of dissent, par-
roting of facts, distortion and
falsification of historical
events, outdated syllabi,
authoritarian pedagogical
practices, dearth of
state-of-the-art infrastruc-
ture, glamorisation of the
English language at the cost
of content, lack of conceptu-
al frameworks, and lack of
curricular coherence char-
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
acterise the dilapidated
state of our education.
These flaws lead to falsified
narratives aimed at con-
trolling public behaviour of
the masses. Enquiring
beyond the accepted sylla-
bus is taboo. This way, the
country’s educational
system promotes dogma-
tism and biasness towards
elite-centric narratives. The
obsolete academic curricu-
lar construct and pedagogi-
cal practices suffocate rea-
soned and critical discourse.
This is reflected in the almost
non-existent academic
debating culture. Unlike the
advanced educational sys-
tems that encourage inno-
vation, logic, and creative
ideas, our education system
rewards rote learning,
recalling of, and blind sub-
missions. Henceforth, it acts
as a tool to generate pre-
dictable public behaviour.
This has reduced the coun-
try into an exclusive, intoler-
ant and retrogressive soci-
ety.
Expecting such a divisive
educational system to pro-
duce a rational and intellec-
tually productive society is
self-deception. Therefore,
there is a dire need to recon-
struct the country’s educa-
tion system at an elementa-
ry level. Progressive curricu-
lum overhaul, conducive
debating culture, cognitively
stimulating academic envi-
ronment and intensive
research practices would
help serve the purpose.
Apart from that, teaching
subjects that encourage
critical ideas including phi-
losophy, epistemology, psy-
chology, anthropology and
emotional intelligence
would help produce a pro-
ductive and disciplined edu-
cational lot.
Climate
discourse
Published in Dawn
THE continuing political
circus is distracting from the
intense monsoon, the worst
in three decades. Public and
media attention is rightly
focused on the devastation
— 550 dead, infrastructure
washed away, acute food
and water shortages, espe-
cially dire in Baluchistan. But
we are still not doing enough
to connect this devastation
with broader climate
change discourse, using the
grim circumstances to, at
the very least, increase
awareness.
The 2012 National Climate
Change Policy called for
more climate change
awareness, including the
introduction of a climate
curriculum. But we remain
far off from a holistic
approach to widespread
climate literacy.
Initiatives such as WWF’s
Green Schools, WaterAid’s
Clean Green School Pro-
gramme and the Notting-
ham Business School/UN
PRME Champions’ Carbon
Literacy Training represent a
patchy start. Focused on the
formal sector, and typically
English-medium schools,
these initiatives increase
awareness about climate
change, recycling,
planting and water conser-
tree
vation, largely in urban con-
texts. This civic-centric
approach, focused on indi-
vidual behavioural changes
to limit emissions, will be
increasingly relevant in a
rapidly urbanising Pakistan.
But it is not close to enough.
Climate literacy in Pakistan
varies hugely. A 2021 survey
by the Ministry of Climate
Change, Viamo and UNDP
found that 43 per cent of
young people (aged 19-34)
with digital access had a
high degree of understand-
ing of climate change. That
figure dropped to 10pc
among those without
smartphones. But even
those with higher awareness
knew little about the govern-
ment initiatives to tackle
climate change; only 24pc
surveyed knew about the
‘Ten Billion Tree Tsunami’.
Meanwhile, a 2020 study by
Fahad et al on farm house-
holds in four KP districts
found that 73pc were aware
of climate change, and that
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
most were deploying adap-
tation strategies.
Boosting climate literacy
must be an urgent priority.
The UN has long empha-
sised “action for climate
empowerment”, which
encompasses education,
recognising that only
informed people can build
the skills and tactics
required for adaptation and
resilience. The key is not to
conflate carbon literacy with
climate literacy.
Pakistan’s challenge will be
to develop myriad educa-
tion and awareness initia-
tives to target different con-
stituencies based on how
they are likely to be affected.
These initiatives must be
inclusive, region-specific,
and focused on adaptation
and resilience. And they
must build public momen-
tum to make climate
change a top political priori-
ty.
For example, we must
acknowledge that girls and
women — among the most
vulnerable to climate
change — are less likely to
be targeted by climate cur-
ricula in the formal school
system. But they are key to
identifying changes and
stresses in local environ-
ments. They must be
informed in a timely way to
help them change practices
and also empowered to
share learnings from their
experiences. In this context,
climate literacy is probably
best spread through com-
munity workshops rather
than a formal carbon-fo-
cused curriculum.
Where formal curriculums
are imparted, they must be
regionalised. For example,
any climate literacy project
in Gilgit Baltistan must focus
on the importance of tree
cover to limit flood damage
caused by glacial melt, and
denounce the practice of
illegal tree logging.
Key constituencies such as
local government officials
need crash courses to boost
climate literacy. A 2016 study
by Awais Piracha found that
only 6pc of union council
representatives tasked with
planning initiatives in Punjab
had high climate literacy.
They had some awareness
about the consequences of
climate change in the form
of food and water scarcity,
but had no idea what to do
with this scant knowledge.
Any climate literacy initiative
for government officials
must include training and
awareness on international
initiatives as well as technol-
ogies available to map and
manage regional climate
vulnerabilities.
While such targeted inter-
ventions are essential, Paki-
stan ultimately needs a
broad-based plan to ensure
that all citizens understand
the magnitude of the
climate crisis, and how it will
affect them in the years to
come. For this, mosques and
madressahs must be mobil-
ised to pick up the climate
agenda.
There is precedent for this.
The 2015 Islamic Declaration
on Climate Change called
on Muslims to phase out
fossil fuels and take up
renewables by 2050. A Clean
Energy Mosques Campaign
launched in 2016 calls on
mosques to practise energy
conservation and set a good
example. Water-scarce
Jordan is one example of a
Muslim country where
imams refer to Sharia law to
speak against pollution and
mosques largely use renew-
able energy sources. Per-
haps our prayers for the
victims of the recent floods
can also be accompanied
by green fatwas. It will take
all efforts to build climate
literacy and protect Paki-
stanis from inevitable, recur-
ring climate devastation.
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

ESSAY SPECIAL:

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Essay Special:
English Essay is a subject that is considered as a nightmare for every aspirant. This
is so because less than 10% aspirants manage to pass it. There are many reasons
for this high percentage of failures: Poor English Language Skills, Wrong
Interpretation of the Topic, Time Management, Lack of Practice, and so forth. Out
of these issues, Wrong Interpretation of topics is a major reason for failure.
Aspirants fail CSS Essay even after proliferating their English, practicing essay, and
managing time due to wrong interpretation. So, this segment gives aspirants
important areas to cover along with their dimensions so that aspirants make
themselves able to get rid of the issue of wrong interpretation. Following are those
areas:

Education
• Future of Pakistan lies in Education of its Masses
• The Highest Result of Education is Tolerance
• Our Educational System has Failed to Deliver
• Online Education: Prospects and Challenges
• Single National Curriculum: Prospects and Challenges
• Pandemic and Crisis of Education

War and Peace

• Is World Peace Possible?
• Extremism has Become an Existential Threat for Pakistan
• World Peace is an Elusive Dream
• Can we Prevent Third World War?

Democracy
• Democracy has improbable future in Pakistan
• Dissent is the foundation of Democracy
• Pakistan is a Republic with democracy deficit
• Pakistani democracy lacks democratic ethos
• Liberal democracy and its future

Globalisation
• Globalisation has done more harm than giving benefits to mankind
• Globalisation has turned on the West 18. Has the pandemic reversed
globalization?
• Globalisation is a false song

62
66
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Gender
• Women Rights in Islam/Pakistan.
• Empowerment of Women--with reference to Pakistan.
• Emancipation of Women. (Merits and Demerits)
• Status of Women in Islam/Pakistan.
• Equality of Women (Merits and Demerits).
• Education of Women in Pakistan.
• Role of Women in Pakistan.

Social Media
• Social media: Blessing or Curse?
• Social Media has Killed our Freedom
• Man is a Social Animal but Social Media has Made it Anti-Social

Governance
• Pakistan is not a failed state but a state of failed governance
• Can presidential system improve governance in Pakistan??
• Forms of Government let the Fools Contest; Whatever is the Best Administered
is the Best

Climate Change
• There is no planet B so there must not be plan B
• Can we Survive Ecological Collapse?

Islamophobia
• Emergence of islamophobia: Causes and Consequences
• Islamophobia is antagonist to ethos of Globalisation

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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

WISDOM ARCHIVES:
WILL DURANT ON WAR

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In the year 1830, a French
customs official named
Jacques Boucher de
Crèvecœur de Perthes
unearthed in the valley of
the Somme some strange
implements of flint now
interpreted by the learned
as the weapons with which
the men of the Old Stone
Age made war. These stones
are called coups de poing, or
“blows of the fist,” for one
end was rounded for grasp-
ing while the other was
pointed for persuasion. With
these modest tools of death,
it seems, Neanderthal men,
from what is now Germany,
and Cro-Magnon men, from
what is now France, fought
fifty thousand years ago for
the mastery of the continent,
and, after a day of lusty
battle, left perhaps a score
of dead on the field. In the
First and Second World Wars,
modern Germans and
modern Frenchmen fought
again in that same valley, for
that same prize, with mag-
nificent tools of death that
killed ten thousand men in a
day. The art that has made
the most indisputable prog-
ress is the art of war.
For five hundred centuries,
two thousand generations
have struggled for that
terrain in a calendar of wars
whose beginning is as
obscure as its end. Even the
sophisticated mind, made
blasé by habituation to
magnitude and marvels, is
appalled by the panorama
of historic war, from the
occasional brawls and raids
of normally peaceful “sav-
ages,” through the sangui-
nary annals of Egypt, Sumer,
Babylonia, and Assyria, the
untiring fratricide of the
Greek city-states, the con-
quests of Alexander and
Caesar, the triumphs of
Imperial Rome, the wars of
expanding Islam, the
slaughters of Mongol
hordes, Tamerlane’s pyra-
mid of skulls, the Hundred
Years’ War, the Wars of the
Roses, the Thirty Years’ War,
the War of the Spanish Suc-
cession, the Seven Years’
War, the English, American,
French, and Russian Revolu-
tions, the Napoleonic Wars,
the Civil War, the Fran-
co-Prussian War, the Span-
ish-American War, the Rus-
so-Japanese War, the First
World War, the Second
World War . . . This, to our
pessimistic moments,
seems to be the main and
bloody current of history,
beside which all the
achievements of civilization,
all the illumination of litera-
ture and art, all the tender-
ness of women and the
chivalry of men, are but
graceful incidents on the
bank, helpless to change the
course or character of the
stream.
Such a chronicle of conflict
exaggerates, without doubt,
the role of war in the record
of our race. Strife is dramat-
ic, and (to most of our histo-
rians) peaceful generations
appear to have no history.
So our chroniclers leap from
battle to battle, and unwit-
tingly deform the past into a
shambles. In our saner mo-
ments we know that it is not
so; that lucid intervals of
peace far outweigh, in any
nation’s story, the mad
seizures of war; that the
history of civilization—of law
and morals, science and
invention, religion and phi-
losophy, letters and the
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arts—runs like hidden gold in
the river of time.
Nevertheless, war has
always been. Will it always
be? What are its causes in
the nature of men and in the
structure of societies? Can it
be prevented, or diminished
in frequency, or in any mea-
sure controlled?
The causes of war are psy-
chological, biological, eco-
nomic, and political—that is,
they lie in the natural
impulses of men, in the
competitions of groups, in
the material needs of soci-
eties, and in the fluctuations
of national ambition and
power.
The basic causes are in our-
selves, for the state is the soul
of man enlarged under the
microscope of history. The
major instincts of man-
kind—acquisition, mating,
fighting, action, and associa-
tion—are the ultimate sourc-
es of war. For thousands,
perhaps millions, of years
men were uncertain of their
food supply; not knowing yet
the bounty of husbanded
soil, they depended upon the
fortunes of the hunt. Having
captured prey they tore or
cut it to pieces, often on the
spot, and gorged themselves
to their cubic capacity with
the raw flesh and the warm
gore; how could they tell
when they might eat again?
Greed is eating, or hoarding,
for the future; wealth is origi-
nally a hedge against star-
vation; war is at first a raid for
food. Perhaps all vices were
once virtues, indispensable
in the struggle for existence;
they became vices only in
the degree to which social
order and increasing security
rendered them unnecessary
for survival. Once men had to
chase, to kill, to grasp, to
overeat, to hoard; a hundred
millenniums of insecurity
bred into the race those
acquisitive and possessive
impulses which no laws or
morals or ideals, but only
centuries of security, can
mitigate or destroy.
The desire for mates, and
parental and filial love, write
half of the private history of
mankind, but they have not
often been the causes of
war. Probably the “rape of
the Sabine women” was the
amorous result of a conflict
for land and food.
The fighting instinct enters
more obviously into the
analysis. Nature develops it
vigorously as an aid in get-
ting food or mates; it arms
every animal with organs of
offense and defense, and
lends to the physically
weaker species the advan-
tages of cunning and asso-
ciation. Since, by and large,
those groups survived that
excelled in food-getting,
mate-getting, and fighting,
these instincts have been
selected and intensified
through the generations, and
have budded into a hundred
secondary forms of acquisi-
tion, venery, and strife.
As the quest for food has
expanded into the amassing
of great fortunes, so the
fighting instinct has swelled
into the lust for power and
the waging of war. The lust
for power is in most men a
useful stimulus to ambition
and creation, but in excep-
tional men it can become a
dangerous disease, a
cancer of the soul, which
goads them on to fight a
thousand battles, usually by
proxy. Nietzsche, nervous
and sickly, disqualified for
military service, thrilled at
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the sight and sound of cav-
alry galloping along a
Frankfurt street, and at once
composed a paean in honor
of war and the “will to
power.”
The instinct of action enters
into the picture as a love of
adventure, or escape from
relatives or routine. A wider
source is the instinct of
association. Men fear soli-
tude, and naturally seek the
protection of numbers.
Slowly a society develops
within whose guarded fron-
tiers men are free to live
peaceably, to accumulate
knowledge and goods, and
to worship their gods. Since
our self-love overflows, by
an extension of the ego, into
love of our parents and chil-
dren, our homes and pos-
sessions, our habits and
institutions, our wonted
environment and transmit-
ted faith, we form in time an
emotional attachment for
the nation and the civiliza-
tion of which these are con-
stituent parts; and when any
of them is threatened, our
instinct of pugnacity is
aroused to the limit
demanded by the natural
cowardice of mankind. In a
divided and lawless world
such patriotism is reason-
able and necessary, for
without it the group could
not survive, and the individ-
ual could not survive without
the group. Prejudice is fatal
to philosophy, but indis-
pensable to a nation.
Put all these passions
together—gather into one
force the acquisitiveness,
pugnacity, egoism, egotism,
affection, and lust for power
of a hundred million souls,
and you have the psycho-
logical sources of war. Take
them in their mass, and they
become biological sources.
The group, too, as well as the
individual, can be hungry or
angry, ambitious or proud;
the group, too, must struggle
for existence, and be elimi-
nated or survive. The protec-
tive fertility of organisms
soon multiplies mouths
beyond the local food
supply; the hunger of the
parts, as in the body,
becomes the hunger of the
whole, and species war
against species, group
against group, for lands or
waters that may give more
support to abounding life.
Euripides, twenty-three hun-
dred years ago, attributed
the Trojan War to the rapid
multiplication of the Greeks.
Group hunger begets group
pugnacity, and pugnacity
develops in the group, as in
the individual, organs of
protection and attack. In the
group these are called
armament; and when they
are powerful, they may
themselves, like the boy’s
consciousness of his biceps,
become a secondary source
of war. On either scale some
armament is necessary, for
struggle is inevitable, and
competition is the trade of
life.
These psychological and
biological forces are the ulti-
mate origins of human con-
flict. From them flow the
national rivalries that gener-
ate the proximate causes of
war—those economic and
political causes with which
superficial analysis so readi-
ly contents itself.
The basic economic cause
is rivalry for land: land to
receive a designedly
expanding population, land
to provide material resourc-
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es, land to open up new sub-
jects to conscription and
taxation. So the ancient
Greeks spread through the
Aegean, the Black Sea, and
the Mediterranean to Byzan-
tium, Ephesus, Alexandria,
Syracuse, Naples, Marseilles,
and Spain; so the English
spread through the world in
the last two centuries; and
so the Americans are
spreading now.
These standard provoca-
tions to conquest have been
sharpened and magnified
by the Industrial Revolution.
To make war successfully, a
modern nation must be
wealthy; to be wealthy it
must develop industry; to
maintain industry, it must, in
most cases, import food,
fuel, and raw materials; to
pay for these, it must export
manufactured goods; to sell
these, it must find foreign
markets; to win these, it
must undersell its competi-
tors or wage foreign war. As
like as not, it will make war
for any of the goods it con-
siders vital, or for control of
the routes by which they
must come.
Greece fought for control of
the Aegean, the Hellespont,
and the Black Sea, because
it was dependent upon Rus-
sian grain. Rome had to
conquer Egypt because it
needed corn, and Asia Minor
because it needed markets
for its handicrafts and
fortunes for its politicians.
Egyptian wheat, Near East-
ern oil, and Indian cotton
explain many a battle in Brit-
ish history; Spanish silver
explains the wars of Rome
with Carthage; Spanish
copper has something to do
with German aid to Fascist
Spain. Our sinless selves had
a taste for sugar in 1898; and
far back in 1853 we pointed
our gifts and cannon at a
Japanese government and
persuaded Japan to trans-
form itself into an industrial
nation eager for foreign
markets and spoils. These
Japanese chickens came
home to roost at Pearl H
arbor in 1941.
The business cycle adds its
own contribution to the
causes of modern war. Since
men are by nature unequal
it follows that in any society
a majority of abilities will be
possessed by a minority of
men; from which it follows
that sooner or later, in any
society, a majority of goods
will be possessed by a
minority of men. But this
natural concentration of
wealth impedes, by the
repeated reinvestment of
profits in promoting produc-
tion, widespread purchasing
power among the people;
production leaps ahead of
consumption; surpluses rise
and generate either depres-
sion or war. For either pro-
duction must stop to let
consumption catch up, or
foreign markets must be
found to take the surplus
that was unpurchased at
home.
Add a few political causes of
war. The first law of govern-
ments is self-preservation;
their second law is self-ex-
tension; their appetite grows
by what it feeds on, and they
believe that when a state
ceases to expand it begins
to die. Furthermore, the
distribution of power among
nations is always changing
through the discovery or
development of new pro-
cesses or resources, through
the rise or decline of popula-
tion, through the weakening
of religion, morals, and
character, or through some
other material, biological, or
psychological circum-
stance; and the nation that
has become strong soon
asserts itself over the nation
that has become weak.
Hence the difficulty of writ-
ing a peace pact that will
perpetuate a present
arrangement. Wonderful
indeed is the treaty that
does not generate a war.
Peace is war by other
means.
If the foregoing analysis is
substantially correct, we
must not expect too much
from those who seek to end
or mitigate war. William
James, in his kindly way,
hoped that the enrollment of
the nation’s youth, for a year
or two, in a far-flung “War
against Nature” would give
creative expression to the
impulses of action, adven-
ture, and association, and so
provide a “moral equivalent
for war”; America is trying
this in its excellent Peace
Corps; but obviously such
measures do not reach to
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
the major sources of inter-
national strife. The League of
Nations (except under
Briand and Stresemann)
was a conspiracy of the
victors to preserve their
gains; it had to fail as soon
as the fertility and industry of
the defeated had altered
the balance of national
power prescribed by the
Treaty of Versailles. The life
of nations cannot be
straightjacketed into immu-
tability. Pacifism would be a
cure for war if it could sur-
vive the call to arms and
national defense; the same
English youth that had, in the
Oxford Union, vowed never
to take up arms for England,
took them up manfully
against Hitler.
Vague appeals to the con-
science of mankind to put
an end to war have had little
effect throughout history, for
there is no conscience of
mankind. Morality is a habit
of order generated by cen-
turies of compulsion; inter-
national morality awaits
international order; interna-
tional order awaits interna-
tional force; conscience
follows the policeman. A
wise people will love peace
and keep its powder dry.
An effective approach to the
problem of war will proceed,
not by large and generous
emotions, but by the specific
study and patient adjust-
ment of specific causes and
disputes. Peace must be
planned and organized as
realistically as war—with
provision for every factor,
and prevision for every
detail. This cannot be done
in an occasional moment
stolen by statesmen from
internal affairs; it requires
the fulltime attention of
first-rate minds. The incen-
tives to war are so numerous
and powerful that each of
them should be the major
concern of an international
commission specifically
appointed for its consider-
ation and adjustments.
There are so many special-
ists, economists, and diplo-
mats lying around (to use
this verb in a purely physical
sense) that we might well
distribute them into com-
missions severally assigned
to examine the economic
causes of war, to hear the
disputing groups patiently,
to investigate possibilities of
conciliation, to make specif-
ic and practicable recom-
mendations to their govern-
ments, and to do their work
without the explosive excite-
ment of publicity. We must
isolate the germs of war at
their source, and sterilize
them with understanding
and negotiation.
One such commission
would study the problems
generated by reckless
human fertility. It could pro-
mote policies and methods
of family limitation wherever
the birthrate (minus the
death rate) is outrunning the
visible or prospective means
of subsistence; it would pre-
pare international proce-
dures for mitigating local
shortages of food; it would
seek territorial outlets for the
expansion of congested
populations. A permanent
commission might study the
access of industrial nations
to material, fuels, and mar-
kets. It should be a major
function of the Department
of State to wage peace vig-
orously and continuously on
every front.
In the end we must steel
ourselves against utopias
and be content, as Aristotle
recommended, with a
slightly better state. We
must not expect the world to
improve much faster than
ourselves. Perhaps, if we can
broaden our borders with
intelligent study, impartial
histories, modest travel, and
honest thought—if we can
become conscious of the
needs and views and hopes
of other peoples, and sensi-
tive to the diverse values
and beauties of diverse cul-
tures and lands, we shall not
so readily plunge into com-
petitive homicide, but shall
find room in our hearts for a
wider understanding and an
almost universal sympathy.
We shall find in all nations
qualities and accomplish-
ments from which we may
learn and refresh ourselves,
and by which we may enrich
our inheritance and our pos-
terity. Someday, let us hope,
it will be permitted us to love
our country without betray-
ing mankind.
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

LEGAL
DIARIES
3 CONTRIBUTIONS OF
MARBURY V. MADISON T
O PAKISTAN’S
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
Published in Courting the Law

Introduction
Marbury v. Madison is considered a landmark decision of the
Supreme Court of the United States, sometimes referred to as the
most important decision in American constitutional law. The princi-
ples laid down in this case over two centuries ago have significantly
contributed to the development of Pakistan’s constitutional law and
towards the independence of Pakistan’s judiciary, including the
power of judicial review, the doctrine of separation of powers and
the supremacy of the written Constitution.

Facts
The case resulted from a petition to the Supreme Court of the United
States by William Marbury, who had been appointed as Justice of
the Peace for the County of Washington in the District of Columbia
by President John Adams. The seal of the United States was affixed
to Marbury’s commission by the Secretary of State, James Madison,
but the commission was not delivered to him before the expiration
of Adams’ term as President. Marbury petitioned the Supreme Court
to force Madison to deliver the commission to him.

Issues
John Marshall, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, identified three
main issues in the case.

a. The first issue was whether Marbury had a right to the commission
he was demanding.

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LEGAL
DIARIES
b. The second issue was
whether the laws of the
country afforded Marbury a
remedy if he had a right to
the commission and that
right had been violated.
c. The third and most
important issue was wheth-
er it was within the Supreme
Court’s jurisdictional power
to issue a writ of mandamus
as the remedy sought by
Marbury.
Decision
The Supreme Court decided
the first issue by declaring
that since the commission
had been signed by the
President and sealed by the
Secretary of State, Marbury
had been appointed to
office. Further, it was held
that since the law creating
the office gave the officer a
right to hold the office for five
years and that an appoint-
ment was not revocable, the
withholding of the commis-
sion by Madison was an act
not warranted by law but
violative of a vested legal
right belonging to Marbury.
On the second issue, the
Supreme Court held that
since the government of the
United States had been
termed a government of
laws and not of men, the
laws must have furnished a
remedy for the violation of a
vested legal right. The
Supreme Court went on to
conclude that since Marbury
had a legal title to the office,
he had a consequent right
to the commission. Madi-
son’s refusal to deliver the
commission was held to be
a plain violation of Marbury’s
right, for which the laws of
the country afforded him a
remedy.
It was while deciding the
third issue that the Supreme
Court laid the foundation for
the exercise of judicial
review. Article III, Section 2 of
the United States Constitu-
tion provides that the
Supreme Court shall have
original jurisdiction in all
cases affecting ambassa-
dors, other public ministers
and consuls, and those in
which a state shall be party;
in all other cases, the
Supreme Court shall have
appellate jurisdiction. How-
ever, the Judiciary Act of
1789, which established the
judicial courts of the United
States, had given the
Supreme Court the authority
to issue writs of mandamus
to public officers. This had
led to a conflict between a
provision of the Constitution
and an act of the legislature.
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
While attempting to resolve
this conflict, the Supreme
Court established the
supremacy and para-
mountcy of the written Con-
stitution over any other law
ordinarily passed by the leg-
islature and declared any
law repugnant to the Con-
stitution to be void. It was
decided that the provision of
the Judiciary Act which
enabled Marbury to bring his
claim to the Supreme Court
was unconstitutional since it
purported to extend the
Supreme Court’s original
jurisdiction beyond that
which Article III, Section 2 of
the Constitution had envis-
aged.
The Power of Judicial
Review
Marbury’s greatest contri-
bution to the development
of Pakistan’s constitutional
law was the creation of the
power of judicial review.
Under judicial review,
actions undertaken by the
executive and legislative
branches of the government
are subject to review by the
judicial branch. Through the
exercise of this power, a
court may invalidate or
strike down laws that are in
conflict with the terms of a
written Constitution. The
power of judicial review was
laid down in Marbury by
Chief Justice John Marshall
in the following words:
“It is emphatically the prov-
ince and duty of the Judicial
Department to say what the
law is. Those who apply the
rule to particular cases must
of necessity expound and
interpret that rule. If two laws
conflict with each other, the
Courts must decide on the
operation of each.”
In the context of Pakistan,
the power of judicial review
has been conferred upon
the courts through Articles
184 (3) and 199 of the Con-
stitution of Pakistan 1973.
Article 184 (3) gives the
Supreme Court the power to
make an order under its
original jurisdiction regard-
ing questions of public
importance with reference
to the enforcement of any of
the fundamental rights
under the Constitution. Arti-
cle 199 gives the High Courts
the power to make the
following orders under writ
jurisdiction:
a. An order directing a
person performing functions
in connection with the affairs
of the federation, a province,
or a local authority to refrain
from doing anything that he
or she is not permitted to do
by law, or to do anything
that he or she is required to
do by law;
b. An order declaring that
any act done or proceeding
undertaken by any such
person has been done or
undertaken without lawful
authority and is of no legal
effect;
c. An order directing that a
person in custody be
brought before the court so
that the court may satisfy
itself that the person is not
being held in custody with-
out lawful authority or in an
unlawful manner; and
d. An order requiring a
person holding or purporting
to hold a public office to
show under what authority
of law he or she claims to
hold that office.
The power of judicial review
was exercised by the
Supreme Court of Pakistan
for the first time in Federa-
tion of Pakistan v. Moulvi
Tamizuddin Khan. Moulvi
Tamizuddin Khan chal-
lenged the dissolution of the
Constituent Assembly by an
order of the Governor Gen-
eral. The challenge was
initially upheld by the Sindh
Chief Court, but the Federal
Court held that the Act of the
legislature which conferred
the power upon the Sindh
Chief Court to issue the writ
was constitutionally invalid.
There have been instances
of judicial review of discre-
tionary executive powers in
cases involving the dissolu-
tion of Assemblies under the
now defunct Article 58(2)(b)
of the Constitution. In Kha-
waja Muhammad Sharif v.
Federation of Pakistan, the
Lahore High Court declared
the President’s Order
dissolving the National
Assembly to be unconstitu-
tional and void. The decision
was later upheld by the
Supreme Court.
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More recently, in District Bar
Association, Rawalpindi v.
Federation of Pakistan, a
decision that has been criti-
cized for upholding the
establishment of military
courts as constitutionally
valid, the Supreme Court of
Pakistan, while dismissing
the petitions challenging the
Twenty First Amendment to
the Constitution, held in a
majority judgment that any
order passed, decision taken
or sentence awarded by
military courts would be
subject to judicial review by
High Courts and the
Supreme Court on the
grounds of being coram non
judice (without a judge),
being without jurisdiction, or
suffering from mala fide
intent.
Why Judicial Review Is
Important
The power of judicial review
serves as one of the checks
and balances in the separa-
tion of powers and ensures
that the executive and legis-
lature do not exceed their
authority. As per US Chief
Justice, John Marshall, it is
the duty of the courts to
interpret the provisions of a
written Constitution and
uphold it as the paramount
law of the land. In order to
preserve the sanctity of the
written Constitution, judges
in Pakistan have rightfully
resorted to the exercise of
judicial review to invalidate
laws interpreted by them to
be repugnant to the provi-
sions of the written Constitu-
tion.
Critics in Pakistan have
termed this power as “un-
democratic”, arguing that it
vests in an unelected judi-
ciary the power to review
and declare void the actions
of an elected legislature.
However, it may be argued
that this criticism is without
merit since the judiciary has
been tasked with interpret-
ing the law and upholding
the sanctity of the Constitu-
tion. Justice (R) Fazal Karim
writes that the courts in
Pakistan are not concerned
with the goodness or bad-
ness of impugned public
actions, instead, their sole
concern is with the constitu-
tionality and lawfulness of
any public action. The power
of judicial review is given to
the courts in Pakistan by the
Constitution itself, which
reflects the will of the people.
Therefore, this power can be
termed as a democratic
power. Moreover, the legis-
lature cannot be allowed to
arbitrarily amend any provi-
sion of the Constitution as it
deems fit – the courts must
interfere where necessary in
order to uphold the princi-
ples of natural justice, equity
and good conscience.
The Doctrine of Separation
of Powers
The second contribution of
Marbury to the development
of Pakistan’s constitutional
law was to provide a model
for separation of powers by
defining the boundary
between the constitutionally
separate executive and
judicial branches of the
American form of govern-
ment. The need for separa-
tion of powers was first iden-
tified by James Madison,
often referred to as the
father of the United States
Constitution. Madison
sought to strike a balance
between empowering the
government sufficiently for
its tasks while at the same
time limiting it from over-
reaching the individual. In
Federalist No. 51, he noted
that the partition of power
among the several depart-
ments of the government
was necessary as a means
of keeping each other in
their proper place.
Article 175 (3) of the Consti-
tution of Pakistan 1973 envis-
ages the separation of
powers by providing that the
judiciary shall be separated
progressively from the exec-
utive. The separation of
powers was defined in Flying
Cement Company v. Feder-
ation of Pakistan through the
identification of the roles of
each branch of government.
The Lahore High Court held
that the primary function of
the legislative branch was to
legislate the laws, the
primary function of the
executive branch was to
execute the laws and the
primary function of the judi-
cial branch was to judge the
laws. In Asadullah Khan
Tareen v. Government of
Baluchistan Health Depart-
ment, the Baluchistan High
Court held that the Consti-
tution had made it the
exclusive responsibility of
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2
the judiciary to ensure the
sustenance of the system of
separation of powers based
on checks and balances. In
Shaheen Akhtar v. Govern-
ment of Punjab, the Lahore
High Court held that the
power of judicial review was
a great weapon in the hands
of judges, but judges ought
to have observed constitu-
tional limits in the form of
separation of powers set by
Pakistan’s parliamentary
system on the exercise of
such beneficial power.
The Supremacy of the
Written Constitution
The third and final contribu-
tion of Marbury to the devel-
opment of Pakistan’s consti-
tutional law was the estab-
lishment of the supremacy
of the written Constitution
over any other law passed
by the legislature. US Chief
Justice, John Marshall, noted
in his decision that all those
who had framed written
Constitutions contemplated
them as forming the funda-
mental and paramount law
of the nation. Consequently,
the theory of every such
government must have
been towards an Act of the
legislature, repugnant to a
written Constitution, being
void. Therefore, it was held in
Marbury that any act of the
legislature repugnant to the
written Constitution would
not bind the courts and nei-
ther would it oblige them to
give it effect.
The supremacy and para-
mountcy of the written Con-
stitution has also been duly
laid down by the courts in
Pakistan. In Shirin Munir v.
Government of Punjab, the
Supreme Court of Pakistan
held that the written Consti-
tution was the source from
which all governmental
power emanated, and it
defined its scope and ambit
so that each functionary
acted within his or her
respective sphere. In Mu-
hammad Rafique v. Mu-
hammad Ismail[12], the
Sindh High Court held that in
all common law jurisdictions
like Pakistan having a writ-
ten Constitution, it was the
duty of the courts to carry
out and interpret the inten-
tion of the Parliament as
envisaged in a statute or Act
of Parliament, unless the
same had been ultra vires to
the Constitution itself.
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CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

SCREENING
TEST ALERT
General Ability
Islamic Studies
English (Prepositions)

75
CSS Chronicles Volume 3 | Edition 2

General Ability

1. 1, 2, 5, 14, __________? 6. |2|-|-2|-2^2-(-2)^2=?

(A) 38 (A) –8
(B) 39 (B) –6
(C) 40 (C) –4
(D) 41 (D) –2

2. The value of the function f(x)=x^2-6x+7 7. What is the sum of the sequence:
at x=2 is? 2+4+6+ ….. +98+100 = ?
(A) 1 (A) 2450
(B) –1 (B) 2500
(C) 2 (C) 2550
(D) –2 (D) 2600

3. -4^2+(-4)^2=? 8. What is the sum of the numbers: 1, 2, 3,

(A) 0 4, ….. 99, 100 ?
(B) 1 (A) 5000
(C) 32 (B) 5050
(D) –32 (C) 5100
(D) 5150
4. What is the sum of the first 12 numbers
of the series: 2 , 6, 10, 14, …. ? 9. In a class of 60 students the ratio of
(A) 260 boys to girls is 3:2. How many girls are
(B) 268 there in the class?
(C) 280 (A) 21
(D) 288 (B) 22
(C) 23
5. What is the inverse of the function (D) 24
f(x)=2x-3
(A) 3-2x 10. What is the volume of a right-circular
(B) 1-2x cylinder in cm² having radius 2cm and
(C) 2x-1 height 7cm?
(D) \frac{x+3}{2} (A) 86 cm2
(B) 88 cm2
(C) 90 cm2
(D) 92 cm2

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Islamic Studies

1. The word “Ramadan” literally means 6. “Gateway to knowledge” is the title of

(A) holy (A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A)
(B) training (B) Umar Farooq (R.A)
(C) practical guidance (C) Usman ibn Affan (R.A)
(D) scorching heat (D) Ali al Murtaza (R.A)

2. Who added second Azan (or Adhan) for 7. For 18 years, Prophet ________ suf-
Friday prayers? fered from skin disease.
(A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A) (A) Musa (A.S)
(B) Umar Farooq (R.A) (B) Ayub (A.S)
(C) Usman ibn Affan (R.A) (C) Haroon (A.S)
(D) Ali al Murtaza (R.A) (D) Shoaib (A.S)

3. “Atique” is the title of 8. How many sons did Prophet Muham-

(A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A) mad (PBUH) had?
(B) Umar Farooq (R.A) (A) 1
(C) Usman ibn Affan (R.A) (B) 2
(D) Ali al Murtaza (R.A) (C) 3
(D) 4
4. Who established the department of
police for the first time in the history of 9. How many daughters did Prophet Mu-
mankind? hammad (PBUH) had?
(A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A) (A) 1
(B) Umar Farooq (R.A) (B) 2
(C) Usman ibn Affan (R.A) (C) 3
(D) Ali al Murtaza (R.A) (D) 4

5. “Ghani” is the title of 10. Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani is buried in

(A) Abu Bakr Siddique (R.A) (A) Baghdad
(B) Umar Farooq (R.A) (B) Tehran
(C) Usman ibn Affan (R.A) (C) Damascus
(D) Ali al Murtaza (R.A) (D) Jerusalem

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English (Prepositions)

1. Solar energy is _____ expensive to be 6. I am afraid __________ cats.

used widely. (A) to
(A) so (B) from
(B) such (C) of
(C) too (D) with
(D) that
7. We did not have __________ ques-
2. This bank branch is open _____ eight tions for the lecturer.
_____ five. (A) none
(A) by, until (B) any
(B) from, to (C) some
(C) between, or (D) no
(D) during, till
8. Octopuses have not only large brains
3. He came _____ the room and jumped __________ also a well-developed
_____ the swimming pool. nervous system.
(A) out, in (A) but
(B) out, into (B) and
(C) out of, into (C) are
(D) out of, in (D) and have

4. She bought some pictures when she 9. The manager __________ everyone
was _____ holiday _____ December, go home an hour early on Friday after-
and now she is going to hang them noon.
_____ the wall. (A) allowed
(A) in, in, along (B) let
(B) on, for, on (C) permitted
(C) on, in, along (D) got
(D) on, in, on
10. He came in London __________
5. Emily is falling _____ the horse. August 14, 2010.
(A) off (A) in
(B) from (B) on
(C) above (C) for
(D) of

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General Islamic English

MCQ
Ability Studies

1 D D C
2 B C B
3 A A C
4 D B D
5 D C A
6 A D C
7 C B B
8 B C A
9 D D B
10 B A B

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