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El Kheleifah
El Kheleifah
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During
west (fig. 4). The corner of a nearby garden the 1938 season, Glueck excav
wall
was chosen for the site benchmark, established
northern third of the site, exposing abou
at 3.99 m over the shore of the Gulf of(fig.
Aqaba.1).The
The mound's most impressive
highest point of the tell was southeast was uncovered
of its center in the northwest corner of the
(fig. 4; Square N: 17) at +2.84 m, corresponding to a building complex consisting of
excavated area,
the absolute height above sea level three
of +6.83
roughlym.
square units at the northern end and
The deepest excavated level, reportedly tolarger
three virgin
rectangular rooms extending to the
soil, was in Room 113 (fig. 5; Square 1:6) at south. The latter are 7.40 m in length and of
- 1.53 m, below benchmark level. The difference in varying widths (ca. 2.00-3.00 m). The building
height between the deepest wall foundation of the measures 13.20 m in length (north-south) and is
western casemate perimeter and the top of the 12.30 m wide on the north side and 13.20 m wide
preserved walls was 4.37 m. on the south side. The exterior walls are 1.20 m
Tell el-Kheleifeh is not a conspicuous site today. wide; interior walls vary between 0.95 and 1.05 m.
Its appearance is similar to that of the many The walls were preserved to a height of 2.70 m. The
surrounding hillocks. As studied during a surface building is almost entirely of mudbrick construc-
survey in August 1980, the area of extant architec- tion. Its bricks measure ca. 0.40 x 0.20 x 0.10 m
ture is little more than 12 square meters. A few and were laid in a roughly "header and stretcher
mudbrick walls have been preserved to a height of fashion.
ca 1.5 m. Unfortunately, the fragmentary remains Two horizontal rows of apertures were dis-
could not be located on the plans prepared by covered in both exterior and interior walls of this
Glueck's architect J. Pinkerfeld. It is likely that the building (Glueck 1938a: fig. 2). The lower course
existing walls represent an architectural potpourri was located at an average height of 1.00 m from the
from the various periods of occupation. They bottom of the walls. The upper row was some 0.70
appear to be located south-southeast of the site's m higher. Having abandoned his interpretation
largest structure (fig. 3). The excavator's northern, that these apertures were flues, Glueck later con-
eastern, and western dumps provided the reference sidered them evidence of a construction technique
points for location. There are no visible remains of for strengthening the walls (1965: 73-75). Wooden
the most distinctive architectural elements (the beams, halved in the case of Tell el-Kheleifeh, were
four-room building, the casemate or offsets/insets embedded across the widths of the walls, creating a
walls or the four-chambered gate). Of special stronger bond. The semicircular holes were all that
interest, however, was a wall in the northern remained after the timbers were consumed in a
section of preserved architecture, with two hori- destruction by fire. These features were also dis-
zontal rows of apertures, originally interpreted as covered elsewhere in the site's architecture, notably
flues (Glueck 1938a: 5-6, fig. 2; 1965: 73-75, in Room 49 (fig. 6; Square M:13). Eight installa-
fig. 3). tions, interpreted as hearths or ovens, were found
The mound has been disturbed at several points in this casemate unit.
by modern military installations, most notably an This building, variously interpreted by Glueck as
observation tower toward the southern end of a smelter, a citadel, or a granary, continued
Glueck's excavation area. Its foundations appear
throughout the site's occupational history, maintain-
to have cut undisturbed levels to a depth of
ingca.
its basic plan. Glueck's earliest level (Period
1.5 m. Several trenches have also been cut into the IA), as prepared for publication by Pinkerfeld, was
northern and western sections of the site. These composed of this isolated structure in its initial
phase of construction. Period IB designated a
disturbances produced a wealth of finds, including
a stamped Rhodian jar handle and a bronze second
trefoilphase in which a substantial reinforcing
arrowhead. The material remains gleaned wall
from was added on all four sides of the building
this survey provide a valuable complement (Glueck
to the 1938a: 10-11; 1940a: 3). As Glueck later
1938-40 assemblage. recognized (1977: 714), this building never existed
as an isolated structure but was a component in the
THE 1938-40 EXCAVATIONS site's earliest architectural phase, the casemate
fortress (fig. 5; Period IC).
The Four-Room Building The plan of Glueck's granary is a widely attested
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are urban, village, and fortress settlements (Cohen
ti
1979). In urban contexts, it is an architecturally
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Fig. 6. Pinkerfeld's plan of Period II, the earliest phase of the offsets/
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Fig. 9. View of the western perimeter of the casemate fortress (Glueck's Period IC) from the northeast. Rooms 114 (the
long casemate to the right), 113, 112, 111, 109, 107, and 103 are visible.
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Fig. 11. General view of the four-chambered gate from the south. The blockings of Rooms 1
The blockings of Rooms 100A and 100B have been removed.
the changed
the plan of Tell el-Kheleifeh was radically earlier casemate fortress (figs. 10-11). The
entrance was, therefore, on the port side of the
(fig. 6). The fortress was replaced by a significantly
larger settlement with an offsets/insets settlement.
wall and The
a room complex was built on the
four-chambered gateway (figs. 10-11). A of
interior large
the line of the solid wall. In the
section of the earlier casemate fortress was retained,
earliest phase of construction the gate consist
now creating an inner enclosure or courtyard
of four in the and three sets of piers. Similar gat
rooms
of "four-chambered"
northwest quadrant of the new offsets/insets plan. design, are known from
The northern and western perimeters ofMegiddo (Lamon and Shipton 1939: fig. 86
the earlier
cf. Yadin 1970: 84-89),2 Beersheba (Y. Ahar
casemate wall were now outside the offsets/insets
1972: of
fortification, which also destroyed a portion 119-21;
the 1973: pl. 84), Tell Dan (Biran 19
northern wall of the four-room building.43-50, fig. 16; 1980: 176-79) and Tell Arad
Each side of the new wall was constructed with (Y. Aharoni 1981: 6-7), although the latter has
been largely reconstructed (cf. more recently
three offsets and two insets, the lengths of which
Herzog et al. 1984: figs. 10, 16, and 21).
varied from 9 m to 12 m. The salients were gentle,
protruding little more than 0.37 m. At the point ofThe overall measurements of the Tell el-Kheleifeh
gate, including what appear to be foundational
offset the width of the wall was 2.60 m-3.10 m; the
inset thickness was 2.20 m-2.60 m. The dimensionselements for a stairway on the east (Rooms 84-89),
of this solid wall measured 56 m (north) x 59 m are 16.50 m (north) x 10.50 m (east) x 17.60 m
(east) x 59 m (south) x 63 m (west). A sloping (south) x 10.60 m (west). The dimensions of the
revetment ca. 1.7 m in thickness was discerned in guardrooms vary: Room 100A (4.00 m x 2.30 m x
the southeast corner and reconstructed with sali- 4.75 m x 2.30 m), Room 100B (3.50 m x 2.30 m x
ents and recesses around the perimeter of the
3.60 m x 2.00 m), Room 100C (3.50 m x 2.20 m x
fortification. The total thickness of the wall, on the
3.75 m x 2.50 m) and Room 100D (3.30 m x
basis of reconstruction, varied from 3.90 to 4.80 2.00
m.m x 3.40 m x 2.00 m). The southernmost of
The new fortifications also included a poorly the three sets of piers provided a passageway of
preserved outer wall, which was described by
1.70 m. The gate's middle piers allowed an opening
Pinkerfeld as "a thin low outside wall, whose
of 3.20 m and the innermost set permitted a
purpose was to delay the assailant a little before he passage of 3.30 m.
could reach the main walls." A 47-m length of this Both Glueck and Pinkerfeld maintained that the
outer wall was preserved in the southeast corner of earliest offsets/insets plan was devoid of architec-
the site (fig. 6; Square 0:23). Another section was ture within the two courtyards created by the solid
preserved on the western side of the settlement, and casemate walls. According to Glueck, the later
some 4 m beyond the offsets/insets wall (Squares phases (Periods III-IVB; figs. 7-8) were charac-
F: 11 and G:9, 10). This western segment represented terized by continued building within these enclo-
a reuse of the exterior wall of the earlier casemate sures. Our reappraisal suggests, however, that the
fortification. earliest phase was a fortified settlement with in-
Brick dimensions constituted the criterion of terior architecture. Unfortunately, the extent and
distinction between the two phases. The casemate
plan of building within the walls cannot be
bricks were 0.14 m thick, whereas those of thereconstructed.
outer fortification were only 0.11 m thick. On the Very little can be said of the fragmentary architec-
basis of these two sections, this outer fortificationture of Period V, except to note an alignment
element was reconstructed around the entire com- different from that of the earlier fortified settle-
pound except the area fronting the four-chambered ment. Phoenician and Aramaic ostraca of the 5th
gateway. Its reconstructed dimensions are 69 m and early 4th centuries B.C. (Glueck 1971b: 229-34),
(north) x 72 m (east) x 70.50 m (south) x 76 m together with a handful of 5th century B.C. Greek
(west). The passage between the outer element and body sherds, constitute the most reliable dating
the main wall was ca. 2.50 m-3.00 m. criteria for this level. There are also a number of
The gate complex, constructed in the southern 6th-5th century B.C. bowls, jars, and storage
perimeter of the offsets/insets wall, was aligned on
vessels. The repertoire of forms that document a
a north-south axis with the gateway (Room 42) of post-Iron Age occupation is very limited.
3 4
0 5 10 20
I . I I a I I
cm.
1
2 3
4
56
7 8 9
10 11 12
13 I-r 14 15
0 5 10
IM , 'II cm.
~K...
2 3
0 .5 10 20
I . . . I I _ cm.
'p-
-
4
2
3
I-I In f k~
5 7
6
-,--I
8 9
0 5 10
Iln i-- cm.
Fig. 15. An inverted rim krater and selected "Assyrian" and rel
- 0
1 2 3
<l i_) C 1 -. 5
5
7
2
6
9
10
0 5 10
_I- -71 cm.
_I
i:
(3
Fig. 17. Excavation photographs of the Edomite stamp impressions which were
read by Glueck Iqws nl Cbd hmlk, "belonging to Qaws canal, servant of the king."
tripod base (fig. 13:10) which appears Rahel (Y. Aharoni 1962: pls 11:24; 28:35
to be unique
to Tell el-Kheleifeh. Two other types pls.
of 18:9, 10; 20:10) and En-Gedi (Mazar
special
and
interest are six chalice fragments (fig. Dunayevsky
13:12) and 1966: figs. 8:14, 15; 18
two perforated vessels (fig. 13:11), interpreted as
Other grooved-rim cooking pot types ar
strainers or incense burners. Several of the chalices (cf. fig. 14:3).
are decorated with a denticulated ridge, a common
decoration on wheelmade forms of various pottery
types at Tell el-Kheleifeh and elsewhere (cf. fig. Jars. The most common jar form at
15:9). One "Negevite" chalice without denticula-Kheleifeh is presented in fig. 14:4. The
tion has been published from Tell el-Qudeiratdefined by a deeply grooved rim that r
(Cohen 1981: 101). An unpublished "incense rim profile and stance of the "Edomite
burner" from the same site comes from the latest pots; a thin, horizontal handle that ov
level. grooved rim and is attached to the upper
the shoulder; and a sagging, bag-shaped
It is uncertain whether a figurine (fig. 13:15)
rounded base. Most examples have a Qa
should be classified with the "Negevite" horizon.
stamp
Its fabric is notably different and, although it on either the upper or lower portio
handle.
evidences the characteristic crudity of this pottery,
the piece exhibits an element of decorative refine- With the exception of a single vessel from Umm
ment that seems out of place. el-Biyara (Bennett 1966: fig. 2:11; cf. fig. 4:2-4),
this jar type appears unique to Tell el-Kheleifeh.
However, specific features of this form that are
paralleled elsewhere include the bag-shaped body
(Mazar, Dothan, and Dunayevsky 1966: figs. 9:14;
THE WHEELMADE POTTERY
22:3, 4; Y. Aharoni 1964: fig. 19:5; 1973: pl. 57:5;
Kempinski et al. 1981: pl. 11:16; Biran and
Cohen 1981: pl. 5:1) and the body profile that
recalls the distinctive late Iron Age holemouth jars
Selected Types (figs. 14-16) (Mazar, Dothan, and Dunayevsky 1966: fig. 21:8;
Y. Aharoni 1962: fig. 29:10, 11; 1964: fig. 21:22, 23;
Cooking Pots. There are two predominant
1973: pl. 58:25-28). The above contexts clearly
cooking-pot types at Tell el-Kheleifeh: (1) the
date to the late Iron Age.
"Negevite" straight-walled and holemouth vessels,
generally interpreted as cooking pots (see above),
and (2) the so-called "Edomite" cooking pots (fig.
Inverted-Rim Kraters. Another vessel that fre-
14:1, 2). The latter clearly served inquently
this capacity
has the Qaws'anal stamp is the inverted-
and share the general form and fabric rimcharacteris-
krater (fig. 15:1). The form has either two or
tics of the class. The form is definedfourby a deeply
handles; a sharply inverted rim that is flattened
grooved rim that is basically rectangular in section,
and basically rectangular in section; handle attach-
typical cooking pot handles that overlap
ment at the rim,
the uppermost point of the rim; and occa-
and a rounded sidewall without a neck
sionally(cf. fig.upper-body carination. General
a subtle
14:3). Many of these pots have stamp impressions
parallels come from many sites, including En-Gedi
on the upper or lower portion of the handles.
(Mazar, Dothan,Theand Dunayevsky 1966: fig. 16:4,
most frequent type of stamp (fig. 17),
6),consistently
Beersheba (Y. Aharoni 1973: pis. 60:73-76;
located on the upper portion of the handle, has
64:8; 68:14; an 14), Ramat Rahel (Y. Aharoni
69:13,
inscription like that of fig. 17. It reads,
1964:IqwsCnl
figs. 18:5,Cbd
6; 20:3), Lachish (Y. Aharoni 1975:
hmlk, "belonging to Qawscanal, servant of
pl. 44:13), the (Biran and Cohen 1981: pls. 7:3;
Aro'er
king" (Glueck 1971b: 237-40; cf. 1938b:
8:3; 16:6),11-12,
Heshbon (Lugenbeal and Sauer 1972:
1940a: 15). The script is dateable to the late 7th
pl. 6:333-48, or 355, 358), Umm el-Biyara
350-52,
early 6th century B.C. (Bennett 1966: fig. 3:10) and unpublished examples
A single cooking-pot sherd was found whichand
from Buseirah is Tawilan. Few of these parallels
identical in form and fabric to a typepreserve
well attested
all the typical features of the Tell el-
in late Iron Age contexts, especially at Ramat
Kheleifeh krater. The differences are basically
forIron
Tell el-Kheleifeh continued beyond the this chapter
Age, in the study of Syro-Palestinian
archaeology.
perhaps as late as the 4th century B.C.
The identification of Tell el-Kheleifeh is both an
archaeological and an historical problem. One may
argue the identification from the perspectives of IN MEMORY OF NELSON GLUECK (fig. 18)
possibility or probability but the problem of verifi-
cation precludes examination of the site in the It is appropriate to conclude with a comment on
context of biblical Ezion-geber and/or Elath. The the pioneering figure in whose memory this re-
biblical notices pertaining to these two sites are of appraisal is conducted. Revision is inevitable and
special importance, however, for providing a rough not to be confused with criticism. The refinements
chronological framework relative to Judaean or of excavation methodology and pottery typology
Edomite control or influence over the region. give the attempts of the late 1930s the appearance
The methodological prerequisite for the re- of prehistory. Those who are unwilling to concede
appraisal of Glueck's excavations has been thethat time will do the same to the archaeology of
demand for uncensored archaeological data 1985 delude themselves. Nelson Glueck remains
(Franken 1977: 3-11). Tell el-Kheleifeh mustthe paradigm, the focal point of interaction, for the
archaeology and historical geography of the Negev
be allowed to tell its own story in its own lan-
guage. Allowing Glueck's data to speak apartand Transjordan. He was a true pioneer, one who
from the historical contours of Ezion-geber andhas gone before into the wilderness, preparing the
way for others to follow.
Elath has produced a significantly different version
Fig. 18. Nelson Glueck (right) and Albert Henschel, Aqaba 1940.
NOTES
Shiloh 1980:in
'This project and its personnel were first announced 69-76 and Ussishkin 1980: 1-18.
the ASOR Newsletter (No. 6 [March 1982]: 6-11) and(1979: 17) classifies the central Negev for-
3Meshel
in the Biblical Archaeologist (45 [1982]: 120-21).
tresses,Re-
excluding Tell el-Qudeirat and Horvat 'Uza,
appraisal of Tell el-Kheleifeh's stratigraphy, architecture
according to size and topographical conformity.
4Cohen (1979: 77-78) dates the wheelmade vessels
and pottery will be the work of this writer. Contributors
include Frank Koucky, College of Woosterexclusively
(technicalto the 10th century B.C. and attributes the
presentation of the metals in the context of sites to the time of Solomon, (1979), whereas Meshel
regional
mining activity); Karl Kruschen of Toronto, datesOntario
the pottery to the 11th to 10th century B.C. and
associates
(decipherment of Jacob Pinkerfeld's architectural notes);the fortresses with "one of the kings who
Robert DiVito, a doctoral candidate at Harvard Univer-
defeated the Edomites and Amalekites" (Meshel and
sity and Bruce Zuckermann, University ofCohen 1980: 80), either Saul or David.
Southern
California (presentation of the epigraphic materials);
5The fortresses of the central Negev represent a tradi-
and Pamela Vandiver, Massachusetts Institute tionofofTech-
architecture similar to, although distinguishable
nology (pottery descriptions and analysis). from, the fortified settlements of Tell Arad, Tell el-
Several years of research, including three visits to the
Qudeirat and Horvat 'Uza. The sites that comprise both
site, have generated a lengthy list of acknowledgements,
categories are often interchangeably designated as "forts"
of which only a few will be mentioned here. Special
or "fortresses," although the distinctions are clear. The
gratitude is expressed to Helen Glueck for her support
central Negev fortresses are dated to the Iron I period
and patience with this project and to Eleanor K. Vogel
whereas the fortified settlements are substantially later
in preserva-
for her indefatigable efforts in the ordering and origin. In addition to chronology, the architectural
tion of the records and artifacts; also to Adnan Hadidi,of the fortified settlement tradition consti-
components
Director General of the Department of Antiquities
tute essentialof distinguishing criteria when compared with
Jordan, for his support and facilitation of various
those of the earlier fortresses. The latter may functionally
dimensions of research in Jordan; and to James Sauer, as garrisons or stations. Settlements are
be described
former Director of ACOR, for his interest, support and
often associated with these structures but are consistently
expertise. Dr. Sauer read the pottery fromlocated the 1980outside the perimeters of fortification. The later
survey. phases of Tell el-Qudeirat (middle and latest) and Tell
A number of scholars have generously shared their are settlements proper. The interiors are
Arad X-VIII
time and expertise, including Frank Cross and Michael by extensive architecture, not open court-
characterized
Coogan, my dissertation advisors at Harvard University;
yards as in the fortress tradition. The suggested distinc-
tion Univer-
Ze'ev Meshel, Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv between fortress and fortified settlement is based,
sity; Rudolph Cohen, Department of Antiquities therefore, andon the broader chronological horizons of the
Museums, Jerusalem; Yigal Shiloh, Benjamin Mazar,
latter, their strategic location, the size and quality of
and Trude Dothan, Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew
their construction and, most importantly, the inclu-
University; Avraham Biran and his assistants sion at
of the
public and/or domestic architecture within the
Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology of theof fortification.
perimeters
Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion 6Although in the Tell Arad offsets/insets settlement
Jerusalem; Seymour Gitin, Director of the Albright
continued into Stratum VII with continued similarities
Institute of Archaeological Research, Jerusalem;
to Tell Ze'ev
el-Kheleifeh, the addition of a parallel inner city
Herzog, Miriam Aharoni and the staff of the wall
Institute
createdof
a different fortress plan, combining the solid
Archaeology, Tel Aviv University; Ruth Amiran, Israel methods (Herzog et al. 1984: 22 and
and casemate
Museum, Jerusalem; Edward F. Campbell, McCormick
fig. 23). The full plan of the Stratum VII fortress has not
Theological Seminary in Chicago; and Crystal M. in technical detail. It should be noted, in
been published
Bennett, director of the excavations at Buseirah,
termsTawilan
of the Iron Age stratigraphy, that Stratum VII
and Umm el-Biyara. pottery provides the closest similarities to the Tell el-
2For discussions significant for the dating of the
Kheleifeh repertoire (Herzog et al. 1984: fig. 25: 3, 6 and
Megiddo four-chambered gate, see Yadin 1972: 15). 147-64;
1973: 330; 1980; Aharoni 1971a: 53-57; 1971b: 302-11;
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"I: a '
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