Running head: LITERATURE REVIEW 1

Analyzing the class divide that exists in higher education especially in elite universities

due to language barrier in pre-school.

Muhammad Taha Amin

Lahore University of management science

EDU 313: Education for Social Justice

Dr. Tayyaba Tamim
August 17, 2022
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Analyzing the class divide that exists in higher education especially in elite

universities due to language barrier in pre-school.

Introduction

Pakistan is a land of the multifaceted and has a rich multilingual history

associated with it. Where Urdu remains the national language of Pakistan, there is a

sense of pride attached with English which gives rise to the number of elite or English

medium schools in Pakistan. Pakistan stands at 154th rank out of 189 countries (Human

development report 2020) in the human development index. This pride stems from the

aftermath of colonization. English, in the context of Pakistan is seen as a language that

has been prevalently seen in our educational institutes, because more than a right for

everyone education has become a means of business where it is sold off to who can bid

the highest, “Education, like all other goods, is sold and purchased” (. The term class

divide essentially pertains to the differences between socials groups of different

hierarchy due to varying social values as well as geographical location. This paper aims

to focus on why priority is given to English as a language over other native languages

and how this affects students’ performance in the social as well as academic arena,

moreover this may elevate the already persisting class divide therefore classism,

particularly elitism should be curbed to make the environment more inclusive and put

an end to this loop. For my literary review I will be incorporating interviews of students

from government/public schools to gauge their experience of being familiarized with

the English language, and also interview of university students belonging from the
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working class which will entail their views about being enrolled into an elite university

and how well are they able to adjust with those from a different social class.

Methodology 1

This research has made use of interviews and questionnaires conducted in Baluchistan. It also

comprises of interviews of students from elite universities in Punjab. The emphasis is on gaining

opinion from personal experiences of masses themselves to be able to culminate the impact of

class divide and the language barrier, and how much interconnected both of these are. There has

been an inclusion of participants from those English medium schools which aren’t extremely

expensive but remain the optimal choice for middle and lower middle class to come close to the

experience of an English medium school. In these interviews the admin of such schools is

specifically targeted and their standing on English as the mainstream language of schools is

analyzed. Lastly, the impact primary education has on individuals who are now enrolled in the

higher education is gauged and how their experiences differ from their peers who had an elite

upbringing.

CASE STUDIES.

Interviews were carried out from different elite universities of Pakistan, and one of the

participants acknowledged the fact that this class divide expands into their university life where

those peers who are from a lower socioeconomic class are looked down upon,” England as one

of the most obvious examples of usage of schooling by powerful groups to maintain their

hegemony over subordinate sectors of society” (Green). One other factor deduced from the
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interview was that those students who belong from the working class and attain higher education

solely on the basis of merit are deemed to have a “different level of mentality” than their peers

creating a hurdle in their social discourse and are not able to befriend their class fellows, this

brings in a certain characteristic of otherization or marginalization in academics institutes against

the working class. One of the interviewees even acknowledged this fact and went onto describe

how she belonged from a public school with a low ranking whereas “my class fellows usually

talk about the elite schools such as Beacon house and Frobel’s and their study trips to Europe, the

USA, and Australia” the student went onto mention how this, she feels, inhibits her learning

experience. Clearly this class divide goes onto affect an individual’s self-confidence and may

sow seeds of embarrassment towards one’s own background due to the limited opportunities they

were presented with. Another student, named Salman, admitted to how English was made

compulsory to an extent that they were given punishment as a kid to talk in English, he even

mentioned “I wish there were more punishments [for not speaking in English at school],” ( so he

could have learnt English better”(Tamim). This again is a clear indication of the way these

students from lower middle class and working class are made to feel solely because they could

not afford to study in a privileged elitist environment.

Another study was conducted in schools of Baluchistan where children from from

middle-class school to lower-middle class were interviewed, and it was found that schools in

Pakistan clearly forbid the use of native languages, and there is a heavy emphasis on English.

“They believe that since Pakistan is ethnolinguistically a diverse country, therefore, the

government cannot afford to teach all the languages in schools”. However, it is imperative to

note that not teaching a language is an entire issue, often because these languages do not serve in

the professional life they are not respected either and the schools’ admin adopt a biased attitude
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towards these languages. One of the principals interviewed commented “English was a nuisance”

(Manan) , and . ‘‘I always stop students from speaking in ‘‘dagha dagha,’’(Manan) here she goes

onto make sarcastic remarks about Pashto which remains one of the most heavily spoken

languages of Pakistan. There is an attitude of disdain while referring to these native languages.

Therefore, even though universities proudly claim to offer a home to its students, they still fail to

be spatially inclusive of masses from different backgrounds.

And lastly, a questionnaire was conducted in eleven English medium schools with a

nominal fee structure in Quetta, the study involved 245 students. From the questionnaire it was

deduced that “66.9% (n = 164) of the students, who make up the majority, never use English at

all in the classrooms” (Mannan) while “14.7%” (Mannan) acknowledged that they rarely use

English. And as far as the teachers were concerned, it was reported by 45% of the students that

their teachers don’t often speak English. One of the principals referred to the children as “not

angrez”, clearly contradicting with what they’re selling. This again is a clear indication that Urdu

by default stands as the most used medium for conversing in a social gathering. Lastly, what was

incurred from this study was that these schools are only bannered to be ‘English medium’,

however Urdu yet again remains the language of social interaction. Then the question arises that

why do parents enroll their children into English medium schools? The simplistic answer is that

parents from lower socio-economic hope to educate their children and equip them with a

language that may aid in their career goals and this is seen as an opportunity by the academic

mafia to garb more students rather than work on their language and intellectual proficiency.

This is highly dangerous to those belonging from lower middle class since they are not

fully provided with what they are promised and they also fail to meddle into the upper social

class during higher education. One important factor that holds back these students from
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mastering English as a language is the lack of good quality textbooks, as “textbooks assessment,

development, and evaluation have invariably been the grave matters in Pakistan because clear

criteria and standards have not yet been founded” (Cheema).

DISSCUSION

The literacy rate in Pakistan is quite low and even though the country has

progressed over the years, in terms of inclusivity there are a lot of hurdles terms and a

long road ahead. The first and foremost issue is as a postcolonial nation, the language

eof the colonizer left a deep mark on Pakistan it is viewed as a language of the elite, ”

key means of communication among a national elite”. They also laid down the concept f

private schools for the children of the privileged where English was taught, “British

colonizers initially established the private elite schools with the sole purpose of educating the

ruling class.” Since English is the official language of Pakistan, “English is the official

language which is used in the domains of power such as government, education, law,

corporate sector, research and media”, and inarguable holds a considerable amount of

power and is used by the government officials and the bureaucrats of Pakistan’s.

naturally they enroll their children into schools which are English medium, this is

where the class divide starts initially. These children prefer opting English as a

language over native languages let alone Urdu.

Secondly, despite considering English as an official not much is done to

propagate and teach it to the masses properly. Most of the government schools are still

urdu medium and if they do teach English, the curriculum is not properly designed to
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cater to fresh-learners, and the teachers too are often not well-versed in the language

English and thus fail to communicate it effectively moreover much of the times teachers

are absent government schools where about “More than three-fourth of school-age

children” are enrolled into these schools due to their low-fee structure and affordability.

”The teacher absenteeism, under-qualified teachers, and surplus non-teaching staff are

common in government schools.” This again greatly hampers the growth of the

individuals in the long-term because Pakistani society is heavily centered around the

Language, according to Bourdieu, is both an instrument for authority and a method of

communication. The dialect one speaks is determined by their position in a social or professional

ladder. Various language constructs typically confirm each participant's own points of view.

Linguistic interactions reflect the participants' specific positions in social space and realms of

cognition, and as a result, they typically mirror objective social field patterns. This specifies who

has a "right" to be heard, to disrupt, to criticize, and to preach, and to what degree.

Bourdieu's work was focused on the mechanisms of power in society, notably the varied

and subtle ways in which power is passed and social order is maintained over and between ages.

In stark contrast to the idealist tradition of much Western philosophy, his work typically

emphasized the physical component of social life and the importance of practice and

embodiment in social dynamics.

Pierre Bourdieu produced one of a kind work on language and the relationships between

language, power, and governance, which elucidates the concept of class divide and how language

generates this apparent class divide. Bourdieu aggressively criticizes the traditional theories of
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language produced by Saussure, Chomsky, and Austin, as well as the idea of speech acts created

by others. He believes that language, in addition to being a means of communication, should be

viewed as an instrument of power that allows individuals to pursue their respective goals and

exhibit their core competency.

Bourdieu claims that verbal outputs or expressions may be understood as the outcome of

a "linguistic market" and a "linguistic habitus," building on concepts from his own conceptual

framework. People who use language in various ways make use of their expanding linguistic

competence and discreetly adjust their words to match the demands of the industry or social area

to which they are communicating. As a result, every application communication, no matter how

minor or insignificant, bears the mark of the social structure it both reflects and supports in the

reproduction.

Bourdieu's account sheds new light on how language usage varies based on

characteristics such as gender and socioeconomic status. Furthermore, it provides a new outlook

on how language is used in politics. Politics is the arena in which, among other things, words

become deeds and the symbolic essence of power is threatened.

Language, according to Bourdieu, is both an instrument for authority and a method of

communication. The dialect one speaks is determined by their position in a social or professional

ladder. Various language constructs typically confirm each participant's own points of view.

Linguistic interactions reflect the participants' specific positions in social space and realms of

cognition, and as a result, they typically mirror objective social field patterns. This specifies who

has a "right" to be heard, to disrupt, to criticize, and to preach, and to what degree.

Bourdieu's work was focused on the mechanisms of power in society, notably the varied

and subtle ways in which power is passed and social order is maintained over and between ages.
LITERATURE REVIEW 11

In stark contrast to the idealist tradition of much Western philosophy, his work typically

emphasized the physical component of social life and the importance of practice and

embodiment in social dynamics.

This collection contains a one-of-a-kind compilation of articles by Pierre Bourdieu on

language and the relationships between language, power, and governance. Bourdieu aggressively

criticizes the traditional theories of language produced by Saussure, Chomsky, and Austin, as

well as the idea of speech acts created by others. He believes that language, in addition to being a

means of communication, should be viewed as an instrument of power that allows individuals to

pursue their respective goals and exhibit their core competency.

Bourdieu claims that verbal outputs or expressions may be understood as the outcome of

a "linguistic market" and a "linguistic habitus," building on concepts from his own conceptual

framework. People who use language in various ways make use of their expanding linguistic

competence and discreetly adjust their words to match the demands of the industry or social area

to which they are communicating. As a result, every application communication, no matter how

minor or insignificant, bears the mark of the social structure it both reflects and supports in the

reproduction.

Bourdieu's account sheds new light on how language usage varies based on

characteristics such as gender and socioeconomic status. Furthermore, it provides a new outlook

on how language is used in politics. Politics is the arena in which, among other things, words

become deeds and the symbolic essence of power is threatened.

Bernstein develops a complete description of the structure of pedagogic communication

from the ideas given by his ongoing study over the subsequent decades in his groundbreaking

book.
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The approach seeks to comprehend new forms of curricular organization and the resulting

construction of educational identities. It focuses on how various methods of selecting and

organizing curricular content develop diverse identities and relationships in pedagogical

situations. The concept, which was developed in response to the significant restructuring of

educational institutions that has happened since the 1960s, aims to comprehend developing

forms of curricular organization and the concomitant construction of educational identities.

Bernstein develops a complete model of the structure of pedagogic communication from the

ideas given by his ongoing study over the subsequent decades in his major new book.

Bernstein responds to the critique of in Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, and Identity the

factual foundation of his approach by charting the evolution of a Theory that was developed

during a thirty-year period in a variety of educational settings in the United Kingdom, Chile,

Portugal, Spain, and Australia. Bernstein chronicles the evolution of theory in Pedagogy,

Symbolic Control, and Identity, which spans thirty years of research in the United Kingdom,

Chile, Portugal, Spain, and Australia. He claims that his theory can address class relations in

ways that critical and cultural reproduction theories cannot. In response to criticism that his

approach is functionalist, Bernstein emphasizes that the capacity for change in social class

relations is inherent in human subjects. Bernstein: Systematic diagnosis, tactics, commitments,

and group action result in change.

Five concepts from Bernstein's model are described in the next section. By outlining

research topics made feasible by the notions, I illustrate their relevance to studies of

contemporary changes to equity policies and curricular justice.

1)Classification and Framing

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Bernstein's idea of the categorization and structuring of educational knowledge remains

the core of pedagogic discourse research. Bernstein defines power as the strength of the

insulations or symbolic borders that exist between categories, rather than the substance of the

categories themselves. Power relations establish, legitimize, and reinforce symbolic barriers

between distinct groups of pupils (for example, gender, color, class, disability, learning

challenges, gifted and talented) and different types of education.

2)Instructional and Regulative Discourse

Bernstein defines pedagogic discourse as a principle of recontextualization rather than a

discourse. According to him, scholars frequently distinguish between overt or official curriculum

and concealed or covert education. The shape and substance of curricular knowledge are

governed by one discourse. The rule that leads to the embedding of teaching (content, skills) in

asocial order is pedagogic discourse. The regulative discourse represents the social division of

labor in the production, transmission, and acquisition of knowledge. As a result, the plurative

discourse establishes the boundaries and possibilities for what is thinkable and inconceivable in

education.

3)Recontextualization and the Space for Ideological Change

Bernstein defines pedagogic discourse as a principle of recontextualization rather than a

discourse. According to him, scholars frequently distinguish between overt or official curriculum

and concealed or covert education. The shape and substance of curricular knowledge are

governed by one discourse. The rule that leads to the embedding of teaching (content, skills) in

asocial order is pedagogic discourse. The regulative discourse represents the social division of

labor in the production, transmission, and acquisition of knowledge. As a result, the plurative
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discourse establishes the boundaries and possibilities for what is thinkable and inconceivable in

education.

(4) Micro-politics of curricular justice in specific case study schools

Bernstein contends that democratic and socially equitable pedagogical communication in

schools can only exist if parents and students believe they have a legitimate ownership in the

school and trust that these arrangements will actualize and improve this participation. To meet

these prerequisites, three interconnected rights must be established in education practices:

enhancement, inclusion, and participation. Enhancement happens when social, intellectual, or

personal limits are perceived as stress points that compress the past while opening future

scenarios.

It entails the access to clear comprehension and new possibilities, i.e., exposure to the

finest information that academic institutions can offer. The right to be included, professionally,

academically, artistically, and personally, is the second right. This right also includes the right to

be independent, or to have distinctiveness. The third is the ability to contribute to the

development, management, and modification of educational procedures in terms of pedagogical

interaction (pp.6-7)

GAPS IN RESEARCH

The above research is quite substantial in gauging the flaws that the Pakistani

education system has been met with. It also aims to highlight way this language barrier
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creates nuance for students in their later years and lastly, it aimed to figure out how else

can educational space be made spatially inclusive. There exists firstly a geographical

gap because the interviews of school staff and children have been conducted in KPK

and Baluchistan, this may not give a clear-cut representation of the whole of Pakistan.

Children from other provinces may have had a relatively better experience adjusting. In

all the case studies however a large number of students are interviewed alongside

principals and teachers from different schools to gain a clearer picture. Lastly, there

does exist a social gap between both the social groups that keeps widening, if this gap is

abridged through investment in educational sector overall.

Therefore, in light of the aforementioned statistics it can be established that with

a very disoriented education system of Pakistan, and the elitist mindset there is a higher

probability of social injustice increasing in the education system of Pakistan. To make

educational spaces inclusive, it is important to formulate a concrete curriculum for

children starting from primary school. Moreover, these classist biases impact students

hailing from lower socio-economic circles and hamper their growth in the practical life

since they do succumb to inferiority complex due to not being able to express them

effectively in the English language and are also looked down upon it because of this

reason. This elucidates the significance of fair education system for all social classes.

References

Tamim, Tayyaba. "Language, Class, and Education: Deconstructing the Centre to Rethink Inclusivity

in Education in Pakistan." Cogent Education 8.1 (2021): 1897933.

LITERATURE REVIEW 16

Malik, Akhtar Hassan. A Comparative Study of Elite-English-Medium Schools, Public

Schools, and Islamic Madaris in Contemporary Pakistan: The Use of Pierre Bourdieu's Theory to

Understand" Inequalities in Educational and Occupational Opportunities". University of Toronto

(Canada), 2012.

Manan, Syed Abdul. "Myth of English teaching and learning: A study of practices in the low-

cost schools in Pakistan." Asian Englishes 21.2 (2019): 172-18

Mahboob, Ahmar. "English medium instruction in higher education in Pakistan: Policies,

perceptions, problems, and possibilities." English medium instruction in higher education in Asia-

Pacific (2017): 71-91.

Reay, Diane, Gill Crozier, and John Clayton. "‘Strangers in paradise’? Working-class students

in elite universities." Sociology 43.6 (2009): 1103-1121.

Ghouri, Arsalan Mujahid, Naheed Abrar, and Abdul Baloch. "Attitude of secondary schools’

principles & teachers toward inclusive education: Evidence from Karachi, Pakistan." European

Journal of social sciences 15.4 (2010): 573-582.

Reay, Diane, Gill Crozier, and John Clayton. "‘Strangers in paradise’? Working-class students

in elite universities." Sociology 43.6 (2009): 1103-1121.Mahb

Bourdieu, Pierre. Language and symbolic power. Harvard University Press, 1991.

Bernstein, Basil. Pedagogy, symbolic control, and identity: Theory, research, critique. Vol. 5.

Rowman & Littlefield, 2000.oob, Ahmar. "English medium instruction in higher education in

Pakistan: Policies, perceptions, problems, and possibilities." English medium instruction in higher

education in Asia-Pacific (2017): 71-91.

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